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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/15262-8.txt b/15262-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2f1c5f0 --- /dev/null +++ b/15262-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,7762 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031) +by Charles Reginald Haines + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031) + +Author: Charles Reginald Haines + +Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM *** + + + + +Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and +the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. + + + + + + +CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM +IN SPAIN + +A.D. 756-1031 + +C.R. HAINES, M.A. + +AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE"; "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS"; +"VERSIONS IN VERSE." + +LONDON + +KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE + +1889 + +[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents, +there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of +Chapter VIII.] + +TABLE OF CONTENTS. + + +CHAPTER I. + +Invasion of Spain by the barbarians--Its easy conquest--Quarrels among +the conquerors--Departure of the Vandals--Visigoths gain the +supremacy--Conflict with Eastern Empire--Reduction of the Suevi--All +Spain becomes Gothic--Approach of Saracens--Planting of Christianity in +Spain--St James--Gospel first preached at +Elvira--Irenaeus--Persecutions--Martyrs--Council of Elvira--Council of +Nice--Number of Christians--Paganism +proscribed--Julian--Arianism--Ulphilas--Conversion of +barbarians--Degeneracy of religion--Priscillian--His heresy +condemned--Priscillian burnt--Paganism, in Spain--The Gothic +Government--Church and State--Power of king--Election of +bishops--Arianism of Goths--Ermenegild--Bigotry in +Spain--Jews--Influence of clergy--Of the pope 1-11 + + +CHAPTER II. + +Period of Gothic rule--Degeneracy of Goths--Causes of their +fall--Battle of Guadalete--Resistance of towns--Theodomir--Remnant in +the North--Mohammedanism--Its rise and progress--Reduction of +Africa--Siege of Constantinople--Attacks on Spain--Tarif--Arabs in +Gaul--Anarchy in Spain--Christians in the North--Clemency of the +Arabs--Treaties--Conquest easy--Rhapsodies of +Isidore--Slaves--Jews--Impartiality of Arab governors--Khalifate +established--Feuds of Arabs and Berbers--Revolt of Berbers--Syrian +Arabs--Settlement of Arabs--Effect of Berber wars 11-25 + + +CHAPTER III. + +Landing of Abdurrahman--Khalifate of Cordova--Condition of +Christians--Proselytism--Apostates--Arabs and Spaniards--Evidence of +Christian writers--Condition of the people--Serfs--No revolts--No +solidarity with the Christians in the North--Relations with Arabs at +first friendly--The jehad in Spain--Martyrs in battle--Fabulous +martyr--Anambad, first martyr--Peter of Najuma--No other till 824--John +and Adulphus--Causes of Martyrdoms--Amalgamation of the two +peoples--Intermarriage--Children of mixed parents--Nunilo and +Alodia--Mania for martyrdom--Voluntary martyrdoms--The Spanish +confessors--Threatened deterioration in the Church--Christianity +infected with Moslem customs--Religious fervour in +convents--Fanaticism, of monks--Fresh martyrs--Perfectus, John, +Isaac--Arab inability to understand the motives of these +martyrs--Causes of fanaticism--Sanctus--Peter--Walabonsus, etc 25-40 + + +CHAPTER IV. + +Flora and Maria--Their adventures--Trial--Meet Eulogius in +prison--Their execution--Other martyrs--Hidden Christians--Aurelius, +Sabigotha, etc--Plan for procuring martyrdom--Miracle in +prison--Execution--Other martyrs--Death of Abdurrahman II.--Mohammed +I.--Martyrs--Prodigy upon their execution--Outrage in a +mosque--Punishment of offenders--Apprehension of king--Meditates a +persecution--Even a massacre--Series of martyrdoms--Cloister of Tabanos +suppressed--Columba, Pomposa--Abundius a true martyr--Others +martyred--Censor of Cordova--Persecution and death of +Ruderic--Eulogius--Parentage and antecedents--Opposes amalgamation of +Arabs and Christians--Encourages learning of +Latin--Imprisonment--Elected Bishop of Toledo--Again +imprisoned--Trial--Execution--His relics 40-54 + + +CHAPTER V. + +Doubtful martyrs--No persecution raging--The Muzarabes--Churches in +Cordova--Arab description of a church--Monasteries outside the +city--Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova--No ferment at +Elvira--Enthusiasts not a large body--Their leaders--The moderate +party--Objections against the martyrs--Voluntary martyrdoms forbidden by +the Church--Answer of apologists--Evidence as to persecution--Apologists +inconsistent--Eulogius and Alvar--Reviling of Mohammed--Martyrs worked +no miracles--Defence of apologists illogical--Martyrs put to death not +by idolaters--Death without torture--Their bodies corrupted--Moslem +taunts--Effect of martyrdoms on the Moslems--Prohibition of +relics--Traffic in relics--They work miracles--Relics taken from Spain +to France--Expedition of monks for that purpose--St Vincent's +body--Relics of George, Aurelius, etc., carried off--Return to +France--Measures of the moderate party--Of the +Moslems--Reccafredus--supported by the majority of Christians--Fanatics +coerced--Anathematized--Action of king--Suspects political +movement--Revolt at Toledo--Grand Council--Measures against +zealots--Meditated persecution--The extreme party broken +up--Apostasies--Reason of these--The exceptor Gomez--The decision of the +Council--Cessation of martyrdoms 54-73 + + +CHAPTER VI. + +National party--Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs--Martyrs in +battle--Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.--Pelagius--Argentea--The +monks of Cardena--Eugenia--No real persecution under the Great +Khalif--General view of Christian Church in Spain under Abdurrahman +II.--Civil position of Christians--Councils--Neglect of Latin--Arabic +compulsory--Protests of Alvar, etc.--Latin forgotten--Cultivation of +Moslem learning--Moslem theology--Church abuses--Simony--Breach of +canons--Unworthy priests--Rival pastors--Heresy in the +Church--Depravity of clergy--Their apostasy--Their +deposition--Muzarabes--Free Christians in the North--The Church in the +North--Its dangerous position--Cut short by Almanzor--Clergy oppress +Christians--Count of Cordova--Ill-treats the Christians--Councils--Held +by Elipandus--By Reccafredus--By Hostegesis--Jews and Moslems +summoned--Council held by Basilius 73-86 + + +CHAPTER VII. + +Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.--Commander of the Faithful--His +character--Embassy to the Emperor of the West--Return embassy--John of +Gorz--Detained in Cordova--Messengers from the king--Cause of +detention--John of Gorz and John of Cordova--The king's +threats--Dead-lock--Fresh embassy to Otho--A second embassy from +Otho--First embassy received--Condescension of Sultan--Tolerance of +Moslems--Mohammed's injunctions--Tolerant Mohammedan rulers +elsewhere--Alcuin--Arnold of Citeaux--Bernard, Archbishop of +Toledo--Christians tolerated, even encouraged--"Officer of +protection"--Christian courts--Censors--Sclavonian bodyguard--Arab +pride of race--Partial Amalgamation of races--Alliances between Arabs +and Christians--Intermarriages--Offspring of these--The maiden +tribute--Evidence in its favour--No myth--Conversions--Mohammedan view +of apostasy 86-98 + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +Arab factions--Berbers--Spaniards--Muwallads--Despised by +Arabs--Revolts at Cordova, &c.--Intrigues with the Franks--Letter of +Louis--Revolt of Toledo--Christians and Muwallads make common +cause--Omar--Begins life as a bandit--Captured--Escapes--Heads the +national party--Becomes a Christian--Utterly defeated--Muwallads desert +him--Death of Omar--Stronghold of Bobastro captured--End of +rebellion--Christians under Abdurrahman III.--Almanzor--Anarchy--End of +Khalifate--Knowledge of Christianity and Mohammedanism slight among +those of the opposite creed--Christian writers on +Islam--Eulogius--Mohammed's relation to Christianity--Alvar--Unfair to +Mohammed--His ignorance of the Koran--Prophecy of Daniel.--Moslem +knowledge of Christianity--Mistaken idea of the Trinity--Ibn Hazm--St +James of Compostella 98-114 + + +CHAPTER IX. + +Traces of amalgamation of religions--Instances elsewhere--Essential +differences of Islam and Christianity--Compromise attempted--Influence +of Islam, over Christianity--Innovating spirit in Spain--Heresy in +Septimania--Its possible connection with Mohammedanism--Migetian heresy +as to the Trinity--Its approach to the Mohammedan doctrine--Other +similar heresies--Adoptionism--Our knowledge of it--Whence +derived--Connection with Islam--Its author or authors--Probably +Elipandus--His opponents--His character--Independence--Jealousy of the +Free Church in the North--Nature of Adoptionism--Not a revival of +Nestorianism---Origin of the name--Arose from inadvertence--Felix--His +arguments--Alcuin's answers--Christ, the Son of God by adoption--Unity +of Persons acknowledged--First mention of theory--Adrian---Extension of +heresy--Its opponents--Felix amenable to Church discipline--Elipandus +under Arab rule--Councils--Of Narbonne--Friuli--Ratisbon--Felix abjures +his heresy--Alcuin--Council of Frankfort--Heresy +anathematized--Councils of Rome and Aix--Felix again recants--Alcuin's +book--Elipandus and Felix die in their error--Summary of evidence +connecting adoptionism with Mohammedanism--Heresy of +Claudius---Iconoclasm Libri Carolini--Claudius, bishop of +Turin--Crusade against image-worship--His +opponents--Arguments--Independence--Summoned before a Council--Refuses +to attend--Albigensian heresy 114-136 + + +CHAPTER X. + +Mutual influences of the two creeds--Socially and intellectually--"No +monks in Islam"--Faquirs--The conventual system adopted by the +Arabs--Arab account of a convent--Moslem nuns--Islam +Christianised---Christian spirit in Mohammedanism--Arab +magnanimity--Moslem miracles---like Christian ones--Enlightened +Moslems--Philosophy--Freethinkers--Theologians--Almanzor--Moslem +sceptics--Averroes--The faquis or theologians--Sect of Malik ibn +Ans--Power of theologians---Decay of Moslem customs--Wine drunk--Music +cultivated--Silk worn--Statues set up--Turning towards Mecca--Eating of +sow's flesh--Enfranchisement of Moslem women--Love--Distinguished +women---Women in mosques--At tournaments--Arab love-poem--Treatise on +love 136-149 + + +CHAPTER XI. + +Influence of Mohammedanism--Circumcision of Christians--Even of a +bishop--Customs retained for contrast--Cleanliness rejected as peculiar +to Moslems--Celibacy of clergy--Chivalry--Origin--Derived from +Arabs--Favoured by state of Spain--Spain the cradle of chivalry--Arab +chivalry--Qualifications for a knight--Rules of knighthood--The +Cid--Almanzor--His generosity--Justice--Moslem military orders--Holy +wars--Christianity Mohammedanized--The "Apotheosis of +chivalry"--Chivalry a sort of religion--Social compromise--Culminates +in the Crusades 149-156 + + + + +APPENDICES. + + +APPENDIX A. + +Jews persecuted by Goths--Help the Saracens--Numbers--Jews in +France--Illtreated--Accusations against--Eleazar, an apostate--Incites +the Spanish Moslems against the Christians--Intellectual development of +Jews in Spain--Come to be disliked by Arabs--Jews and the +Messiah--Judaism deteriorated--Contact with Islam--Civil position--Jews +at Toledo--Christian persecution of +Jews--Massacre--Expulsion--Conversion--The "Mala Sangre"--The +Inquisition 156-161 + + +APPENDIX B. + +Spain and the papal power--Early independence--Early importance of +Spanish Church--Arian Spain--Orthodox Spain--Increase of papal +influence--Independent spirit of king and clergy--Quarrel with the +pope--Arab invasion--Papal authority in the North--Crusade +preached--Intervention of the pope--St James' relics--Claudius of +Turin--Rejection of pope's claims--Increase of pope's power in +Spain--Appealed to against Muzarabes--Errors of Migetius--Keeping of +Easter--Eating of pork--Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems--Fasting on +Sundays--Elipandus withstands the papal claims--Upholds intercourse +with Arabs--Rejects papal supremacy--Advance of Christians in the +North--Extension of power of the pope--Gothic liturgy +suspected--Suppressed--Authority of pope over king--Appeals from the +king to the pope--Rupture with the Roman See--Resistance of sovereign +and barons to the pope--Inquisition established--Victims--Moriscoes +persecuted--Reformation stamped out--Subjection of Spanish Church 161-173 + + +LIST OF AUTHORITIES 175-182 + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +THE GOTHS IN SPAIN. + + +Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain, leaving so +many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi, Alani, and Vandals, at +the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman governor of Spain, burst into +that province over the unguarded passes of the Pyrenees.[1] Close on +their steps followed the Visigoths; whose king, taking in marriage +Placidia, the sister of Honorius, was acknowledged by the helpless +emperor independent ruler of such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he +could conquer and keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious +provincials offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No +Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own island; +no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence against the Roman +Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian, asserts that they +preferred the rule of the barbarians. However this may be, the various +tribes that invaded the country found no serious opposition among the +Spaniards: the only fighting was between themselves--for the spoil. Many +years of warfare were necessary to decide this important question of +supremacy. Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the +fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their way +southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the Straits of +Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had utterly overthrown their +rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis, and had left an abiding record +of their brief stay in the name Andalusia. + + [1] "Inter barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam + sollicitudinem sustinere."--Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i. + +For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their late +crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of Spain, but +under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths definitely asserted their +superiority. Under the latter king the Gothic domination in Spain may be +said to have begun about ten years before the fall of the Western +Empire. But the Goths were as yet by no means in possession of the whole +of Spain. A large part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for, +though the Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern +emperor had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces, +which had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these +was some portion of Spain. + +It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a king +came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi and to reduce +the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was not till 622, the +very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a Gothic king, Swintila, +finally drove out all the Emperor's troops, and became king in reality +of all Spain. + +Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first indications +of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours of whose +irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread, which the Arabs +aroused even in distant Spain as early as a century after the birth of +Mohammed, may be appreciated from the despairing lines of Julian,[1] +bishop of Toledo:-- + + "Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos malus implicet error, + Demur et infandis gentibus opprobrio! + Africa plena viris bellacibus arma minatur, + Inque dies victrix gens Agarena furit." + +Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results, it +will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of Christianity +in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous to the advent of the +Moslems. + + [1] Migne's "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814. + +There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early into +Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself, who is said +to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia, Valencia, and +Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds whatever for supposing +that James, the brother of John, ever set foot in Spain. The "invention" +of his remains at Ira Flavia in the 9th century, together with the story +framed to account for their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far +from the scene of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to +need refutation. + +The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed (but, it +seems, against probability) for Illiberis.[1] However that may be, the +early establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenæus, who +appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive doctrine.[2] +The long roll of Spanish martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian +(95 A.D.) with the name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the +succeeding persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but +she suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's reign +that nearly all the inhabitants of Cæsar Augusta were treacherously +slaughtered on the sole ground of their being Christians; thus earning +for their native city from the Christian poet Prudentius,[3] the proud +title of "patria sanctorum martyrum." + + [1] Florez, "España Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff. + + [2] Bk. I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186). + + [3] 348-402 A.D. + +The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the same time +the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman Empire. Diocletian +indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the very name of Christian and +abolished their hateful superstition. This even to the Romans must have +seemed an empty boast, and the result of Diocletian's efforts only +proved the truth of the old maxim--"the blood of martyrs is the seed of +the Church." + +The Spanish Christians about this time[1] held the first ecclesiastical +council whose acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or +Elvira, was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who +passed eighty canons. + + [1] The date is doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209, + places it between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner. + Other dates given are 300 and 305. + +The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325 was held +the first General Council of the Church under the presidency of the +emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed Christian. Within a quarter of a +century of the time when Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated +the Christian name, it has been computed that nearly one half of the +inhabitants of his empire were Christians. + +The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in 341 +put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan sacrifices were +prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a church militant and a +church triumphant! In 388, after a brief eclipse under Julian, +Christianity was formally declared by the Senate to be the established +religion of the Roman Empire. + +But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired by the +church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and court intrigue, +did not tend to the spiritual advancement of Christianity. Almost +coincident with the Edict of Milan was the appearance of Arianism, +which, after dividing the Church against itself for upwards of +half-a-century, and almost succeeding at one time in imposing itself on +the whole Church,[1] finally under the missionary zeal of Ulphilas found +a new life among the barbarian nations that were pressing in upon all +the northern boundaries of the Empire, ready, like eagles, to swoop down +and feast upon her mighty carcase. + + [1] At the Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis," + says Jerome, "et Arianum se esse miratus est." + +Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals, adopted +the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by Ulphilas towards +the close of the fourth century. Consequently the nations that forced +their way into Southern Gaul, and over the Pyrenees into Spain, were, +nominally at least, Christians of the Arian persuasion. The extreme +importance to Spain of the fact of their being Christians at all will be +readily apprehended by contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials +with that which befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands +of our own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later. + +Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed from the +quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had lost much of its +ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and lascivious dances on the stage +began to be tolerated even by Christians, though they were denounced by +the more devout as incompatible with the profession of the Christian +faith. + +Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of Christian +blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of Avila, was led +into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian gnostic. What his error +exactly was is not very clear, but it seems to have comprised some of +the erroneous doctrines attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the +new heresy, with which two other bishops besides Priscillian became +infected, was condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another +held five years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other +persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of Ithacius,[1] +bishop of Sossuba, and Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the +protests of Martin of Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was +not thus stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic +conquest. + +There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic +invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it continued to +be so during the whole period of Gothic domination.[2] Some Pagans +undoubtedly lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,[3] +but that there were any large numbers of them as late as the eighth +century is improbable. + +Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the Gothic +government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever existed in +Europe."[4] This is too sweeping a statement, though it must be allowed +that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic nobles rendered their yoke +peculiarly galling, while the position of their slaves was wretched +beyond all example. However, it is not to their civil administration +that we wish now to draw attention, but rather to the relations of +Church and State under a Gothic administration which was at first Arian +and subsequently orthodox. + + [1] See Milman, "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60. + + [2] Dozy, ii. 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of + the Sixteenth Council of Toledo. + + [3] Mason, a bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a + Pagan as late as this. + + [4] Dunham's "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210. + +The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military +character, gradually tended to become a theocracy--a result due in great +measure to the institution of national councils, which were called by +the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics of the realm. Many +of the nobles and high dignitaries of the State also took part in these +assemblies, though they might not vote on purely ecclesiastical matters. +These councils, of which there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at +Toledo, the Gothic capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the +power of ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his +religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon three) it +was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer the exercise of +any other religion than the Catholic, and to vigorously enforce the law +against all dissentients, especially against that accursed people the +Jews." The fact of the monarchy becoming elective[1] no doubt +contributed a good deal to throwing the power into the hands of the +clergy. + +Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops +subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the other way. +On the whole it was the king that lost power, though no doubt as a +compensation he gained somewhat more authority over Church matters. He +could, for instance, issue temporary regulations with regard to Church +discipline. Witiza, one of the last of the Gothic kings, seems even to +have authorized, or at least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.[2] +The king could preside in cases of appeal in purely ecclesiastical +affairs; and we know that Recared I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621) +did in fact exercise this right. He also gained the power of nominating +and translating bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was +first conceded to the king.[3] The Fourth Council of Toledo (633) +enacted that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his +city, and that his election should be approved by the metropolitan and +synod of his province: while the Twelfth Council, held forty-eight years +later, evidently recognizes the validity of their appointment by royal +warrant alone. Some have referred this innovation back to the despotic +rule of Theodoric the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century; +others to the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism +in Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of +convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts. + + [1] In 531 A.D. + + [2] Monk of Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca; + Robertson, iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27, + that Fruela (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these + accounts of Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion. + + [3] Robertson, "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183. + +The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and nobles is +a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that invaded Spain at +the beginning of the fifth century were inoculated with the Arian +heresy. Of these the Vandals carried their Arianism, which proved to be +of a very persecuting type, into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation +the Alani, under the pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed, +gave up their Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths, +however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period--until 589 +namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national council +and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his example being +followed by many of his nobles and bishops. + +The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole remarkably +tolerant[1] towards both Jews and Catholics, though we have instances +to the contrary in the cases of Euric and Leovigild, who are said to +have persecuted the orthodox party. The latter king, indeed, who was +naturally of a mild and forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures +by the unfilial and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the +latter had been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without +entering into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and +Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every reason to +think that Leovigild would have taken no measures against him. Even +after a second rebellion the king offered to spare his son's life--which +was forfeit to the State--on condition that he renounced his +newly-adopted creed, and returned to the Arian fold. His reason--a very +intelligible one--no doubt was that he might put an end to the risk of a +third rebellion by separating his son effectually from the intriguing +party of Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to +death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words. + + [1] Lecky, "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says + that the Arian Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be + insufficient grounds for the assertion. + +With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to the +Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above quoted from +the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was even passed forbidding +anyone under pain of confiscation of his property and perpetual +imprisonment, to call in question the Holy Catholic and Apostolic +Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the definitions of the Fathers; +the decrees of the Church; and the Sacraments. In the spirit of these +enactments, severe measures were taken against the Jews, of whom there +were great numbers in Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the +first systematic persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was +"not according to knowledge."[1] A cruel choice was given the Jews +between baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the +other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were enforced +against them. Those who under the pressure of persecution consented to +be baptised, were forced to swear by the most solemn of oaths that they +had in very truth renounced their Jewish faith and abhorred its rites. +Those who still refused to conform were subjected to every indignity and +outrage. They were obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe +Sunday and Easter. They were denied the _s connubii_ and the _ius +honorum_. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a Christian +vouched for their character. Some who still held out were even driven +into exile. But this punishment could not have been systematically +carried out, for the Saracen invasion found great numbers of Jews still +in Spain. As Dozy[2] well says of the persecutors--"On le voulut bien, +mais on ne le pouvait pas." + + [1] Apud Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by + Southey, Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni + Judaeos ad fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem + habuit, sed non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit, + quos provocare fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum, + sive per occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in + hoc gaudeo et gaudebo." + + [2] "History of Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26. + +Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain turned +their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the secret +negotiations between them being discovered, the persecution blazed out +afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of Toledo[1] decreed that relapsed +Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be forcibly +taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to marry among +themselves.[2] + + [1] Canon 8, de damnatione Judaeorum. + + [2] For the further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix + A. + +These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the dominant +influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus received from +the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema and excommunication +against the political enemies of the king.[1] Moreover the cordial +relations which subsisted between the Church and the State, animated as +they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled the Spanish kings +to resist the dangerous encroachments of the Papal power, a subject +which has been more fully treated in an Appendix.[2] + + [1] The councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels + against the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the + deposed Swintila was excommunicated. + + [2] Appendix B. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +THE SARACENS IN SPAIN. + + +The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively short +period we are asked by some writers to believe that the invaders quite +lost their national characteristics, and became, like the Spaniards, +luxurious and effeminate.[1] Their haughty exclusiveness, and the fact +of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them for a time +separate from, and superior to, the subject population, whom they +despised as slaves, and hated as heretics. But when the religious +barrier was removed, the social one soon followed, and so completely did +the conquerors lose their ascendency, that they even surrendered their +own Teutonic tongue for the corrupt Latin of their subjects. + + [1] Cardonne's "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien + différens des leurs ancêtres étoient alors énervés par les + plaisirs, la douceur du climat; le luxe et les richesses + avoient amolli leur courage et corrompu les moeurs." Cp. + Dunham, vol. i. 157. + +But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is generally +supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue them. Musa ibn +Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into Spain, and the first +governor of that country under Arab rule, when asked by the Khalif +Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths, answered that "they were lords +living in luxury and abundance, but champions who did not turn their +backs to the enemy."[1] There can be no doubt that this praise was well +deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the country was +overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be attributed to +wholesale treachery from one end of the country to the other. But for +this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to blame. Their treatment of +the Jews and of their slaves made the defection of these two classes of +their subjects inevitable. + +The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic kingdom as +the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of successive kings;[2] but +on the heads of the clergy, even more than of the king, rests the guilt +of their iniquitous and suicidal policy towards the Arians[3] and the +Jews. The treachery of Julian,[4] whatever its cause, opened a way for +the Arabs into the country by betraying into their hands Ceuta, the key +of the Straits. Success in their first serious battle was secured to +them by the opportune desertion from the enemy's ranks of the +disaffected political party under the sons of the late king Witiza,[5] +and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards apostatized; while the rapid +subjugation of the whole country was aided and assured by the hosts of +ill-used slaves who flocked to the Saracen standards, and by the Jews[6] +who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and deliverers from the hated +yoke of the uncircumcised Goths. + + [1] Al Makkari, vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation). + + [2] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus + Domini ob inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2. + + [3] Arianism lingered on till the middle of the eighth century + at least, since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of + Alfonso I., that he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam." + + [4] For Julian, or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De + Gayangos' note to Al Makkari, i. p. 537, etc. + + [5] Called Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see + "Sebast. Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter + of Witiza married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King, + under the name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of + the eighth century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius + to Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen + _Witizani_, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14. + + [6] The Jews garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp. + 280, 282, and De Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852 + we find the Jews betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew + nearly all the Christians. + +Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave stand--as +brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the Normans. The first +decisive battle in the South[1] lasted, as some writers have declared, +six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of being +driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address to his +soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of Africa, whither +would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe in front. There is no +help for you save in your own right hands[2] and the favour of God." Nor +must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either side, +amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of Roderic's army was +disaffected. It is probable that only the Goths made a determined stand; +and even after such a crushing defeat as they received at Guadalete, and +after the loss of their king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn +resistance in Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.[3] One of them, +Theodomir, after defending himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at +last by his valour and address contrived to secure for himself, and even +to hand down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over +that part of Spain. + + [1] Generally called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De + Gayangos on Al Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres + or Medina Sidonia. + + [2] "Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i. + p. 271; Conde i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation). + + [3] We must not forget also that the mild and politic conduct + of the Saracens towards the towns that surrendered, even after + resistance, marvellously facilitated their conquest. + +But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient +hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they had +been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they seem to have +begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against the invaders. The +thirty[1] wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it unnecessary to +pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed that they had power to +sting; and the handful of patriots, who in the cave of Covadonga +gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old Gothic line, soon swelled into +an army, and the army into a nation. Within six years of the death of +Roderic had begun that onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which, +with the exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the +tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to halt, +until it had regained every foot of ground that had once belonged to the +Gothic kings. + +Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders. +History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or political point +of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and the wonderful conquests +which it made. "The electric spark[2] had indeed fallen on what seemed +black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved explosive powder and +blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!" Mohammed began his preaching +in 609, and confined himself to persuasion till 622, the year of the +Flight from Mecca. After this a change seems to have come over his +conduct, if not over his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the +peaceful and more glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed +to the human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success, +however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the defeat +of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being mostly pacified, +the first expedition beyond its boundaries was undertaken under +Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive attempt gave no indications +of the astonishing successes to be achieved in the near future. Mohammed +himself died in the following year, yet, in spite of this and the +consequent revolt of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was +overrun and Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on +equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In 637 +Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under the yoke +of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the rich valley of +the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The conquest of Egypt only +formed the stepping-stone to the reduction of Africa, and the victorious +Moslems did not pause in their career until they reached the Atlantic +Ocean, and Akbah,[3] riding his horse into the sea, sighed for more +worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for thinking that it had +been well for the inhabitants of the New World, if Fortune had delivered +them into the hands of the generous Arabs rather than to the cruel +soldiery of Cortes and Pizarro. + + [1] Al Makk., ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon + a rock? They must inevitably die." + + [2] Carlyle's "Hero Worship" ad finem. + + [3] Cardonne, i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note. + +In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the death of +Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of Constantinople. Fortunately +for the cause of civilisation and of Christendom, this long siege of +several years proved unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717. +But by the latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the +Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition into +Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the crossing of +the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the East the passage of +the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam. + +There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had +attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or only +one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said to have +been made into that country under Abdullah ibn Sa'd,[1] which resulted +in the temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad +is mentioned by Abulfeda[2] as having taken place in Othman's reign +(644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680) we +have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja and +Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that the +Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded Wamba on +the throne--a story which seems likely enough when read in the light of +the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier attacks, however, seem +to have been mere raids, undertaken without an immediate view to +permanent conquest. + +By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths sent +help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and, while Julian +their general still remained true to his allegiance, they beat off the +Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of that fortress the Arabs +were enabled to send across the Straits a small reconnoitring detachment +of five hundred men under Tarif abu Zarah,[3] a Berber. This took place +in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till April 30, +711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad. There seems to have +been a preliminary engagement before the decisive one of Gaudalete (July +19th-26th)--the Gothic general in the former being stated variously to +have been Theodomir,[4] Sancho,[5] or Edeco.[6] + + [1] See De Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382. + + [2] "Annales Moslemici," i. p. 262. + + [3] The names of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad + have been confused by all the careless writers on Spanish + history--_e.g._ Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but Gibbon, + Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error. For + Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519; and + for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation, note + 10. + + [4] Al Makk., i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55. + + [5] Cardonne, i. 75. + + [6] Dr Dunham. + +It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in +detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain and +part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But the Arabs +made the fatal mistake[1] of leaving a remnant of their enemies +unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave of +conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but surely to +recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of Arab extension in +the West, and Christian Gaul was never afterwards seriously threatened +with the calamity of a Mohammedan domination. + +The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest and +the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of disorder, +almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This state of things was +one eminently favourable to the growth and consolidation of the infant +state which was arising among the mountains of the Northwest. In that +corner of the land, which alone[2] was not polluted by the presence of +Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits who could not +brook subjection and valued freedom above all earthly possessions.[3] +Here all the various nationalities that had from time to time borne +rule in Spain, + + "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," [4] + +all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were gradually +welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into one compact and +homogeneous whole.[5] Meanwhile what was the condition of those +Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under the +Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared much worse; +and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no doubt contributed +largely to the facility of the conquest. The first conqueror, Tarik ibn +Zeyad, was a man of remarkable generosity and clemency, and his conduct +fully justified the proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false +charges before the Sultan Suleiman.[6] "Ask the true believers," he +said, "ask also the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in +Africa and in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly, +covetous, or cruel." + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. 34. + + [2] According to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never + been admitted into any town of Biscay before 870. + + [3] Prescott, "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that + only the lower orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note + he mentions a remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3). + + [4] Southey, "Roderick," Canto IV. + + [5] Thierry, "Dix Ans d'Études Historiques," p. 346. "Reserrés + dans ce coin de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths + et Romains, vainqueurs et vaincus, étrangers et indigènes, + maîtres et esclaves, tous unis dans le même malheur ... furent + égaux dans cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign. + Fruela I. (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio + (768-774), revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.," + vi. sec. 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem + redacti sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in + reigns of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and + Isab.," p. 4. + + [6] Or his predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined. + +The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally contained the +following provisions: that the citizens should give up all their horses +and arms; that they might, if they chose, depart, leaving their +property; that those who remained should, on payment of a small tribute, +be permitted to follow their own religion, for which purposes certain +churches were to be left standing; that they should have their own +judges, and enjoy (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the +riches of the churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,[1] and +hostages given. But conditions even better than these were obtained from +Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by Theodomir in Murcia. The original document +has been preserved by the Arab historians, and is well worthy of +transcription: + +"In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and Tadmir make +this treaty of peace--may God confirm and protect it! Tadmir shall +retain the command over his own people, but over no other people among +those of his faith. There shall be no wars between his subjects and +those of the Arabs, nor shall the children or women of his people be led +captive. They shall not be disturbed in the exercise of their religion: +their churches shall not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded +from them, or obligations be laid upon them--those expressed in this +treaty alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail +in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile purposes he +may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself shall pay a tribute +of a dinar[2] each year, with four measures of wheat and four of barley; +of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four measures. All the vassals of +Tadmir, and every man subject to tax, shall pay the half of these +imposts."[3] + +These favourable terms were due in part to the address of Theodomir,[4] +and partly perhaps to Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians, +which was also manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of +King Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This predilection +for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill favour with the +Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.[5] + + [1] Conde i. p. 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious + avarice. + + [2] Somewhat less than ten shillings. + + [3] Al Makkari, i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76. + + [4] Isidore, sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator, + eloquentia mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir + Almumenin prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est + honoratus." + + [5] Al Makkari, ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into + treasonable correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of + forming a project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself + a Christian, etc. + +On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was accomplished +with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or none of those +atrocities which generally characterize the subjugation of a whole +people by men of an alien race and an alien creed. It cannot, however, +be denied that the only contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance +on this point with all the Arab accounts. + +"Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every limb +in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature fail in +depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless and +immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the whole story +of sorrow--not to speak of all the disastrous ills which in innumerable +ages past from Adam even till now in various states and regions of the +earth a cruel and foul foe has caused to a fair world--whatever Troy in +Homer's tale endured, whatever Jerusalem suffered that the prophets' +words might come to pass, whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture +might be fulfilled--all this, and more, has Spain experienced--Spain +once full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory, but +now brought low in shame and dishonour."[1] + + [1] Cp. also Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note, + curiously remarks: "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate, + but the exaggeration proves the fact." + +This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the ravings +of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as it seems by the +actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following Isidore after an interval of +500 years, improves upon him by entering into details, which being in +many particulars demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked +upon with suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words +are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their +fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women reserved +for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or destroyed, the national +substance plundered, oaths and treaties uniformly broken.[1] + +To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need only +compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England by the +Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The comparison +will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not impossible that, if the +invaders had been Franks instead of Moors, the country would have +suffered even more, as we can see from the actual results effected by +the invasion of Charles the Great in 777. Placed as they were between +the devil and the deep sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred +(had the choice been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than +to the Franks.[2] + + [1] Dunham, ii. p. 121, note. + + [2] Dozy, ii. p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona: + + "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis, + Maurorum votis adsociata magis." + +To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through Spain, +the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave had only to +pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but God, and Mohammed is +his Prophet": and he was immediately free. To the Jews the Moslems +brought toleration, nay, even influence and power. In fact, since the +fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the Jews had never enjoyed such +independence and influence as in Spain during the domination of the +Arabs. Their genius being thus allowed free scope, they disputed the +supremacy in literature and the arts with the Arabs themselves. + +Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel in +their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians alike.[1] +Some indeed increased the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must +be remembered that this tribute[2] was in the first instance very light, +and therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression. +Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause of the +Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was Abdurrahman al +Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an Arab writer says:[3] "He +did equal justice to Moslem and Christian ... he restored to the +Christians such churches as had been taken from them in contravention of +the stipulated treaties; but on the other hand he caused all those to be +demolished, which had been erected by the connivance of interested +governors." Similarly of his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi +(721-726), we find it recorded[4] that "he rendered equal justice to +every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and Christian, or +between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by Yahya ibn Salmah +(March-Sept. 726), who is described as injudiciously severe, and dreaded +for his extreme rigour by Moslems as well as Christians.[5] Isidore says +that he made the Arabs give back to the Christians the property +unlawfully taken from them.[6] Similar praise is awarded to Okbah ibn +ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).[7] Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain +were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried out with +regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians, while the Ameers +were so constantly changing, being sometimes elected by the army, but +oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by his lieutenant, the governor of +Africa for the time being. This perpetual shifting of rulers would in +itself have been fatal to the settlement of the country, had it not been +brought to an end by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the +Khalif of Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in +May 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes which +threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in Spain. Chief +among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and the jealousy between +Berbers and Arabs. + + [1] _E.g._, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore, sec. + 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the Christians, + those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest of the + Moslemah families." + + [2] Merely a small poll-tax (jizyah) at first. + + [3] Conde, i. 105. + + [4] Conde, i. p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says: + "Vectigalia Christianis duplicata exagitat." + + [5] Conde, i. 102. + + [6] Isidore, sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio + crudelis exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et + Mauros pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque + Christianis plura restaurat. + + [7] Conde, i. 114, 115. + +Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while such +Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or Beladi +faction.[1] The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as new converts, +were also regarded as Nonconformists[2] by the pure Arabs, and +consequently a quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two +parties. + +As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against the +Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the following +year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who had conquered the +country alone had claims to the spoil.[3] This formidable rising was +only put down by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the +continual disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in +Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in Africa +was a signal for a similar determined attempt in Spain.[4] The +reinforcements which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa +under Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief named +Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta. + + [1] The two chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of + Modhar, son of Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan + belonged the Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family. + They were also called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2) + Descendants of Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the + Kelbites and the Yemenites. These were most numerous in + Andalus; see Al Makkari, ii. 24. + + [2] Dozy, iii. 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note. + Though nominally Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan + rites. + + [3] See De Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's + "Karta," xiv. _sq._ Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p. + 55, says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a + leader of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was + the leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in + 728. + + [4] Al Makkari, ii. 40. + +Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan[1] Alfehri taking up the cause +of the Berbers, procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own +favour, but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled +to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta, though +previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties that they might +cross over into Spain. + +The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn Besher, +nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising at the same +time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers were overcome. This +desirable end accomplished, however, they refused to keep to their +agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found himself driven to seek anew the +alliance of the Berbers and also of the Andalusian Arabs against his +late allies.[2] But the latter proved too strong for the Ameer, who was +defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of Balj. + + [1] Cardonne, i. p. 135. + + [2] The Syrian Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away + from home. The Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered + for the worse when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens." + +These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the +accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued +without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova, Abdurrahman ibn +Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain. + +The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to break up +the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those of Damascus in +Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen; of Alurdan[1] in +Malaga and Regio; of Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia; +of Wasit in Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of +Andalusian Arabs. + +These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of Spain; +for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and Western +marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many of the +survivors compelled to return to Africa,[2] owing to the famine which +afflicted the country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab +dominion were left practically denuded of defenders,[3] and the +Christians at once advanced their boundaries to the Douro, leaving +however a strip of desert land as a barrier between them and the +Moslems. This debateable land they did not occupy till fifty years +later.[4] + + [1] _I.e._, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note. + + [2] Dozy, iii. 24. + + [3] Al Makkari, ii. 69. + + [4] When they built a series of fortresses as Zarnora, + Simancas, San Estevan. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA. + + +Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen in May +756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with this date, +though it was many years before the new sultan had settled his power on +a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by the whole of Moslem Spain. + +During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened between +the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we have very +little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The Arab historians +are too busy recounting the feuds of their own tribes to pay any +particular attention to the subject Christians. But we may gather that +the latter were, on the whole, fairly content with their new +servitude.[1] The Moslems were not very anxious to proselytize, as the +conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious diminution of the +tribute.[2] Those Christians who did apostatize--and we may believe that +they were chiefly slaves--at once took up a position of legal, though +not social, equality with the other Moslems. It is no wonder that the +slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from their hatred for their +masters, and the obvious temporal advantage of embracing Islam, the +majority of them knew nothing at all about Christianity.[3] The ranks of +the converts were recruited from time to time by those who went over to +Islam to avoid paying the poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of +some penalty inflicted by the Christian courts.[4] One thing is +noticeable. In the early years of the conquest there was none of that +bitterness displayed between the adherents of the rival creeds, to which +we are so accustomed in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only +contemporary Christian authority, though he rhapsodizes about the +devastations committed by the conquerors, and complains of enormous +tributes exacted, yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems[5] than any +other Spanish writer before the fourteenth century. "If he hates the +conquerors," says Dozy,[6] "he hates them rather as men of another race +than of another creed;" and the marriage of Abdulaziz and Egilona +awakens in his mind no sentiment of horror. + + [1] This was not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer + Almohades overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. + See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168. + + [2] As happened in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168, + and Gibbon, vi. p. 370. + + [3] Dozy, ii. 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor. + Eccles. of Granada" (1638), in which the author points out that + even in his day the "old Christians" of Central Spain were so + wholly ignorant of all Christian doctrines that they might be + expected to renounce Christianity with the utmost ease if again + subjected to the Moors. + + [4] Samson, "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5. + + [5] Speaking of Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore, + sec. 46, says, "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli + unquam ex Arabum gente." + + [6] Dozy, ii. p. 42. + +On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian or +renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the +conquest.[1] Those serfs who remained Christian, if they worked on State +lands, payed one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands, +four-fifths to their Arab owners.[2] The free Christians retained their +goods, and could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax +varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.[3] In all probability the +Christians under Moslem rule were not worse off than their +coreligionists in Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded +by the fact that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which +would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no attempts +at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the eighth century, +except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have been led away by the +ambition of an Arab chief.[4] They were even somewhat indifferent to the +cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts which +Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in concert with +their brethren met with but scant success.[5] + + [1] See especially Conde, Pref. p. vi. + + [2] Dozy, ii. 39. + + [3] Dozy, ii. 40. + + [4] Dozy, ii. 42. + + [5] Cardonne, i. 106. + +There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding, which at +first existed between the Moslems and their Christian subjects, +gradually gave place to a very different state of things, owing in no +small degree to the free Christians in the North, whose presence on +their borders was a continual menace to the Moslem dominion, and a +perpetual incentive to the subject Christians to rise and assert their +freedom. + +Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications +scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations that +existed between the two religions during the 275 years of the Khalifate, +and the influence which these relations had upon the development of the +one and the other. It will be agreeable to the natural arrangement to +take the former question first. + +With a view to the better understanding of the position of Christianity +and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our inquiry, we have thought +it advisable to point out in a preliminary sketch the development of +Christianity in Spain previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh +from their native deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one +hand and the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the +fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done, we can +at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of Christianity and +Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of the Khalifate of Cordova. + +It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in +obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs, having +overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain, and the war +from the very first took the character of a jehad, or religious war--a +character which it retained with the ever-increasing fanaticism of the +combatants until every Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed, +or been driven out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself +was singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of +course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their lives +in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in defence of their +wives and their children, their homes and their country, their religion +and their honour. One such instance at least has been recorded by the +Arab historians,[1] when the Governor, and 400 of the garrison, of +Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of St George, chose +rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender upon condition either of +embracing Islam, or paying tribute. + +Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a tissue of +errors and absurdities,[2] the first martyr properly so called was a +certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn abi +Nesah (727-728)--a governor guilty of shedding much Christian blood, if +Isidore is to be believed.[3] + + [1] Al Makkari, i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot + being called ever since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of + the burnt), as likewise of the great veneration in which it has + always been held by the Christians, on account of the courage + and endurance displayed in the cause of their religion by those + who died in it." + + [2] Florez, "España Sagr," xiv. 392. + + [3] Isidore, sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum, + quen ibidem innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et + Anabadi, illustris episcopi,... quem ipse cremaverat, valde + exhaustus," etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but + probably Othman ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain. + +Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much the same +tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century, brought about his +own condemnation and death. He held a responsible post under Government, +that of receiver of public imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of +friendship with many of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax +in his religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from +motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his life +was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and thanking +them for showing their concern for him by coming, he proceeded, "But I +desire you to be witnesses of this my last will. Whosoever believeth not +on the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity, +is blind in heart, and deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth +Mohammed, your false prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce, +therefore, these fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and +earth witness between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the +hearers resolved to take no notice of these and other like words, +charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter, having +unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation of Mohammed, +cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon he was executed, and +we cannot be altogether surprised at it.[1] + +Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any more +recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug. 852). In the +second year of this king's reign, two Christians, John and Adulphus, +making public profession of their faith, and denouncing Mohammed, were +put to death on Sept 17, 824.[2] + + [1] We give the account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it, + but with great doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer + that we have seen mentioning it. + + [2] Florez, x. 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St + Cyprian's Church, Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum + Georgii etc.," sec. 7. + +This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration shown +by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their Christian subjects; +and there can be no reasonable doubt that this ill-advised conduct on +the part of the latter was the main cause of the so-called persecution +which followed. But besides this fanaticism on the part of a small +section of the subject Christians, there were other causes at work +calculated to produce friction between the two peoples. During the +century which had elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and +Mohammedans, living side by side under the same government, and one +which, considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less +for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and +magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together. Intermarriages +had become frequent among them;[1] and these proved the fruitful cause +of religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious +troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed I. +(852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed parents. +Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father and a Christian +mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and, apparently, while he +lived, permitted his children to profess the faith of their mother. On +his death, the mother married again, and the new husband, being a +bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as we may suppose, by the _odio +vitrici_, immediately set about reclaiming his step-children to the true +faith of Islam, his efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat, +even to torture,[2] the young confessors. His utmost endeavour to effect +their conversion failing, he delivered them over to the judge on the +charge of apostasy, and the judge to the executioner, by whom they were +beheaded on Oct. 21, 840.[3] + + [1] Due in part no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also + below for "the maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97. + + [2] So Miss Yonge. + + [3] This date is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p. + 886, and by Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," + ii. c. 10, of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The + Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an + eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon, + etc." + +Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character, where the +sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,--and we may believe that +all such cases have not been recorded--yet the vast majority of those +which followed in the years 851-860 were of a different type. They were +due to an outbreak of fanatical zeal on the part of a certain section of +the Christians such as to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the +Moslem authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian +subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the less +enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the Mohammedans. +The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested itself at this time is +certainly the most remarkable phenomenon of the kind that has been +recorded in the annals of the Christian Church. There had been +occasional instances before of Christians voluntarily offering +themselves to undergo the penalty of the laws for the crime of being +Christians. One such instance in the case of a Phrygian, named Quintus, +had caused grave scandal to the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone +before the proconsul and professed himself ready to die for the faith, +when the reality of the death, which he courted, had been brought home +to him by the sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of +the Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods. Africa +also had had her self-accused martyrs. + +But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these, both +by reason of their number and the constancy which they displayed in +their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is recorded, though there +may have been some such, where the would-be martyr from fear or any +other cause forwent his crown. Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing +the Church on the question of their merit, whether, that is, the +victims were to be ranked as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a +written controversy on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if +rather one-sided, materials for estimating the provocation given, and +received, on either side. + +As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more closely +together in political and social life, the Church no doubt suffered some +deterioration. Every interested motive was enlisted in favour of +dropping as far as possible out of sight[1] those distinctive features +of Christianity which might be calculated to give offence to the +Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan customs, which are not in +the Bible expressly forbidden to a Christian;[2] and, generally, of +emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with Mohammedanism, +and ignoring those (far more important ones) in which they differ. The +Moslems had no such reason for dissembling their convictions, or +modifying their tenets. Consequently a spiritual paralysis was creeping +upon the Church, which threatened in the course of time, if not checked, +to destroy the very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The +case of Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed +that this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over +Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never passed +under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in danger of +being swept away by the devouring flames of Mohammedanism, might be +nursed and cherished, till it could again blaze forth with its former +brilliancy. + + [1] See below, p. 72, note 5. + + [2] _E.g.,_ circumcision. + +Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly vanished: it +was still to be found among the clergy, and specially among the dwellers +in convents. Monks and nuns, severed from all worldly influences, in the +silence of their cloisters, would read the lives of the Saints[1] of +old, and meditate upon their glorious deeds, and the miracles which +their faith had wrought. They would brood over such texts as, "Ye shall +be brought before rulers and kings for My sake;"[2] and, "Every one who +shall confess Me before men, him will I also confess before My Father, +which is in Heaven;"[3] till they brought themselves to believe that it +was their imperative duty to bring themselves before rulers and kings, +and not only to confess Christ, but to revile Mohammed. + + [1] See Dozy, ii. 112. + + [2] St Mark xiii. 9. + + [3] St Matt. x. 32. + +However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not apply, as +the apologists of their doings have not failed to point out, to the +first two victims that suffered in this persecution. + +Perfectus,[1] a priest of Cordova, who had been brought up in the school +attached to the church of St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase +some necessaries for domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in +the street, and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led +them to make this strange request, we are not told,[2] but stated thus +barely it certainly gives us the impression that it was intended to +bring the priest into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem +countries that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be scourged,[3] +if he struck him, killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who +spoke evil of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he +heard the blasphemy without taking notice of it.[4] Perfectus, +therefore, being aware of this law, gave a cautious[5] answer, declining +to comply with their request until they swore that he should receive no +hurt in consequence of what he might say. On their giving the required +stipulation, he quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs +and false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch +that if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"[6] and +proceeded to speak of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor +and a dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he, the +encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own filthy lusts, +delivered you all over to the indulgence of an everlasting sensuality." +This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the Moslems revere as we revere +Christ, and the ungenerous advantage taken of the oath, which they had +made, naturally incensed his hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree. +They respected their promise, however, and refrained from laying hands +on him at that time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging +themselves on a future occasion.[7] + + [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar, + "Indic. Lum.," sec. 3. + + [2] See, however, Appendix A, p. 158. + + [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet, + et legalis iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui + blasphematur, flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur." + Neander V., p. 464, note, points out that "blasphemaverit" + refers to cursing Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," + Pref., sec. 5, "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti + debere in eos qui talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On + hearing of Isaac's death the king published a reminder on this + law. + + [4] See p. 91. + + [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer. + + [6] Matt. xxiv. 24. + + [7] "Accensum ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius + reponunt." Eulogius, 1.1. + +If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and Perfectus, +being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one, was met[1] by his +former interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing +despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being +questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his words. +He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the end of the +month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast month. In prison the +priest repented his weakness, and when brought again before the judge on +the Mohammedan Easter, he recanted his recantation, adding, "I have +cursed and do curse your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan, +a dealer in witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately +led off for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the +King's minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on +April 18, 850.[2] The apologists, on insufficient evidence, describe the +death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day in the river, as a +manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of Perfectus.[3] + + [1] "Dolo circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4. + + [2] Johannes Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest + error) in 950, under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time + that some writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him, + wrongly: "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam + persecutionem in Christianos." + + [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5. + +The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no doubt +the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative painlessness, +with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was not lost upon the +brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary retreats and trying by a +life of religious devotion to cut themselves off from the seductive +pleasures of an active life. + +The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty tradesman, +named John,[1] who does not seem to have courted his own fate. He had +aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a habit which he had +contracted of pronouncing the name of the Prophet in his market +transactions, taking his name, as they thought, in vain, and with a view +to attracting buyers.[2] John, being taxed with this, with ill-timed +pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who wishes to name your Prophet." He +was haled before the Kadi, and, after receiving 400 stripes,[3] was +thrown into prison. Subsequently he was taken thence and driven through +the city riding backwards on an ass, while a crier was sent before him +through the Christian quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the +punishment of those, that speak evil of the Prophet of God." + + [1] Eugolius, "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum. + sec. 5. + + [2] So Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1. + 1.) is not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam, + semper eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum + per iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa + auribus te ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas." + + [3] Or, according to Eulogius, 500. + +So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution, brought by +the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can be more or less +sustained, but the next instance is of a different character. Isaac,[1] +a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble and wealthy ancestors, was +born in 824, and by his knowledge of Arabic, attained in early life to +the position of an exceptor, or scribe,[2] but gave up his appointment +at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery of Tabanos, which +his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had founded near Cordova. + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref., + secs. 2 ff. After his death Isaac was credited with having + performed miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have + spoken three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable + about Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child, + to have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven. + + [2] Not, as Florez, a tax-gatherer. + +Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he +voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an "enquirer," +begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam. The Kadi, +congratulating himself on the prospect of such a promising convert, +gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in fluent Arabic, said: "He +has lied unto you--may the curse of Heaven consume him!--who full of all +wickedness has led astray so many men, and doomed them with himself to +the lowest deep of hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts, +he hath given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without +doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing these, and +other like _chaste_[1] utterances, the judge listened in a sort of +stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent in +tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck the monk in +the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which is made in the +image of God?"[2] The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him for +striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy of death +should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having now recovered his +self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac, whether drunk or mad, had +committed a crime which, by an express law of Mohammed's, merited +condign punishment. He was accordingly beheaded, and, his body being +burnt, his ashes were cast into the river (June 3, 851). This was done +to prevent the Christians from carrying off his body, and preserving it +for the purpose of working miracles.[3] + +Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the people, who +were amazed at the _newness_ of the thing.[4] It was at this point that +Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these fanatical doings +by encouraging and helping others to follow Isaac's example. + + [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "_Ore pudico_ + summisque reverentiae ausibus viribusque." + + [2] Cp. Acts xxiii. 3. + + [3] Eulog., "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict + of the authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer + penalties. + + [4] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290. + +The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and threw +their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have struck the +Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs themselves were as brave +men as the world has ever seen, and, by the very ordinances of their +faith, were bound to adventure their lives for their religion in actual +human conflict with infidel foes, yet they were unable to conceive how +any man in his senses could willingly deprive himself of life in such a +way as could do no service to the cause, religious or other, which he +had at heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense +antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which +Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the vanities, nay, +even of the duties of life, which prompted men and women to immure +themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from all spheres of human +usefulness. Life under these circumstances had naturally little to make +it worth the living, and became all the more easy to relinquish, when +death, in itself a thing to be desired, was further invested with the +glories of martyrdom. + +The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a monk +named Sanctius[1] or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three days +later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a deacon of +Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus; Habentius, a +monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while Jeremiah,[2] uncle of +Isaac, was scourged to death. Their bodies were burned, and the ashes +cast into the river. + +Sisenandus of Badajos[3] found a similar fate on July 16th: four days +subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and the same +number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all of whom were +beheaded. + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3. + + [2] _Ibid._, c. iv. + + [3] After his martyrdom he procured the release from prison of + Tiberias, priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS. + + +The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful girls, +whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who seems to have +regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a Platonic love mingled with +a sort of religious devotion. + +Flora,[1] the daughter of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, was +born at Cordova. She is said to have practised abstinence even in her +cradle. At first she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity +with that faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight +years before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and +her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her brother, in +his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted many Christian +families, whom he suspected of conniving at her escape, she voluntarily +surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here am I whom you seek, and for +whose sake you persecute the people of God. I am a Christian. Do your +best to annul that confession: none of your torments will be able to +overcome my faith." Her brother, after trying in vain, by alternate +threats and blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally +dragged her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation, +and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and then +given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however, to recover, +and escaped under angelic guidance.[2] Shortly afterwards, while praying +in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of Walabonsus +above-mentioned,[3] who had been martyred a few months previously. +Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife. They +came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter was educated +at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under the care of the +abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's martyrdom, and perhaps, as +was so often the case, seeing his glorified spirit in a vision, she left +the cloister, determining to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on +her way to give herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and +found Flora there. + + [1] "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu." + + [3] "Life of Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in + Spain," says, "Sister of Isaac." + +Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth[1] to curse Mohammed, +of whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own lives. +The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely imprisoned +them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought to Flora's +brother, he induced the judge to make a further examination of her, and +she was brought out of prison before the Kadi, who, pointing to her +brother, asked her if she knew him. Flora answered that she did--as her +brother according to the flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge, +"that he remains a good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She +answered that God had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready +to repeat her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again +remanded to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown +upon the streets as prostitutes[2]--a punishment far worse than the +easy death they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they +find an unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned +for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It is +strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the prison +itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The support of +Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm through another +examination, and the judge, proving too merciful, or too good a Moslem, +to carry out the above-mentioned threat, they were led forth to die +(November 24, 851). Before their death they had promised Eulogius to +intercede before the throne of God for his release, which accordingly is +brought to pass six days after their own execution.[3] + +An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before +Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near Cordova, and +Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way (January 13, 852).[4] + + [1] Eulog. to Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by + Eulog., sec. 12. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4. + Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing + out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat + propria delectatis,"--a poor consolation, but the only one! He + does not seem to have known--or surely he would have quoted + it--the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse + 35):--"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves, + if they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall + compel them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful + unto such women after their compulsion." + + [3] Eulog., letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100. + + [4] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix. + +There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom, and it +seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon this subject. +This, however, was far from being the case. Hitherto the victims had +been almost without exception priests, monks, and nuns; but the next +martyrs afford us instances of married couples claiming a share in this +doubtful honour. These were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a +Christian mother, and his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of +Moslem parents, whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and +was converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.[1] It would seem that +with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism, some +good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded adherents of +Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which they were sinking; for +these new martyrs were of the class of hidden[2] Christians, who were +now shamed into avowing their real creed.[3] Yet surely it had been far +better if they had been content to live like Christians instead of dying +like suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible +impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured conviction +that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties, to give themselves +up to death. In this resolution they were fortified by the advice and +encouragement of Eulogius and Alvar,[4] the latter of whom prudently +warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is sufficient to stand the +trial.[5] Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her husband in his +self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave her children being +overcome by Eulogius,[6] who recommends that they should be given over +to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora and +Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose. + + [1] _Ibid._, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2. + + [2] See below, p. 72. + + [3] Aurelius was roused from his religious dissimulation by + seeing the sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. + c. x. sec. 5. + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 18. + + [5] This would lead us to suppose that the courage of some + _had_ failed. + + [6] Eulogius comments:--"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo + filiorum affectus respuitur!" The parents not only desert their + children, but give away most of their goods to the poor, + thereby making their own children of the number. + +Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on business +connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over in Spain, +impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing, determined to offer +himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the four persons above +mentioned. + +They then take counsel together how they may best effect their purpose, +there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring martyrdom for +themselves to shew the statements of the apologists, that there was a +fierce persecution raging, to be at least much exaggerated, if not +entirely without foundation. The plan decided upon, which the devisers +audaciously attributed to the suggestion of God,[1] was that the women +should go forth unveiled and with hurried steps to the church, in the +hope that such an unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and +occasion the arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and +they were all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual +result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them with +scornful anger.[2] But George, disappointed at his untoward clemency, as +they were being led away broke out with,[3] "Can you not go down to hell +without seeking to drag us also thither as your companions?" + +This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was no +doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were dragged +again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of remonstrance, +why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,[4] and refused to live, +promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would become +Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two days, which +seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die. They pass the time +with singing hymns, and are blessed with visits of angels and miraculous +signs. Their chains drop off, and the gaolers dare not again bind those +whom Christ Himself had loosed.[5] The authorities, now as ever, anxious +if possible to avoid extreme penalties, determine to release George, +because they had not themselves[6] heard his blasphemy. He baulks their +merciful intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is +accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27, 852). + +Within a month Christopher,[7] a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage, +and Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are +executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead bodies +being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his palace,[8] the king +saw these bodies, and ordered them to be burnt, and the ashes scattered +in the river. The same night Abdurrahman II. was struck down with +apoplexy, and the martyrs' friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from +Heaven. + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni + coepimus _cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus + coronam:_ et ita _Domino disfiensante_ visum est nobis ut + fugerent sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si + forte nos alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est." + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est, + et mors pro gloria computatur." + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia claustra + adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis aeterna + vos cruciamina non adurent?" + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 31. + + [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32. + + [6] _Ibid._, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii." + George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy + like the others. + + [7] _Ibid._, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12. + + [8] On a "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec. + 2. See Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442, + note.) "En lo mas cruel de los tormentos subió Abderramen un + dia á las azutens ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde + alli los cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y + atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos paraque no + quedase reliquia cumplióse luego la órdsa; pero aquel impio + probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volviá + por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le + pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerróssle la boca, y no + pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle, + sus criados á la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de + apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró + la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del + infierno." + +He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and more +bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the throne than +Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St Cyprian's church, near +Cordova, following in the footsteps of so many predecessors, came +before the Kadi, and reviled Mohammed,--the former being enabled to do +this with the more point and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree +master of the Arabic language.[1] Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they +coveted, and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary +prodigy occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious +Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios elementa +fatentur." + +On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted +partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two eunuchs, +Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo, a eunuch of +foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque, and by way of +preaching--as they said--to the assembled worshippers, they reviled +their Prophet and their religion. [2] Being set upon and nearly torn in +pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were rescued by the Kadi, +who imprisoned them till such time as their sentence should be declared. +They were condemned to have their hands and feet cut off, and be +beheaded; which sentence was carried into effect.[3] + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger + vocabulary of abuse than most languages: see the account of + Prof. Palmer's death in his Life by Besant. + + [2] _Ibid._, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2. + + [3] Eul. (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo + stupefacta nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius + sentiebat." + +Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king knew +no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this defiance of +the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a widespread +disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule. In fact, as we +shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the banner of revolt in +favour of their Cordovan brethren at this very time. Mohammed therefore +seems to have meditated a real persecution, such as should extirpate +Christianity in his dominions.[1] He is said even to have given orders +for a general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the +slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not apostatize.[2] But the +dispassionate advice of his councillors saved the king from this crime. +They pointed out that no men of any intelligence, education, or rank +among the Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and +that the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their +actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other advisers seem +to have diverted the king from his project of a wholesale massacre by +encouraging him to proceed legally against the Christians with the +utmost rigour, and by this means to cow them into submission.[3] + +These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no other +executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when Fandila, a +priest of Tabanos,[4] and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's monastery +to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward and reviled the +Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and subsequently beheaded (June 13, +853). His fate awakened the dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,[5] a +priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a Gaetulian monk of Alcala de +Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos +(the latter being strengthened in her resolve by a celestial vision), +who, pursuing the usual plan, are beheaded the following day; their +example being followed by Benildis, a matron (June 15).[6] + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de + mortibus resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam + totam extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot + hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui + arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos + virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed + (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman. + + [2] _Ibid._, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes + Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico + distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12. + "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia + Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat." + + [3] _Ibid._ "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem + voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus + gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt." + + [4] _Ibid._ iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he + was a monk of Guadix. + + [5] _Ibid._, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2. + + [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix. + +The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the +Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and shutting them +up to prevent others giving themselves up.[1] One of these however, +Columba,[2] sister of Elizabeth and of the abbot Martin, contrived to +escape. This Columba had persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of +her mother's efforts to make her marry, which only ceased when the +mother died. She now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17). + +Just one month later Pomposa,[3] from the monastery of St Salvator, +Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in these +executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the following year, +when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems to have really deserved +the name of martyr, for he was given up to the authorities by the +treachery of others,[4] and did not seek martyrdom. + +Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci +(Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of Paul, the +deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same fate (April 30, +855).[5] + +After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an old +priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave themselves +up to execution[6] (April 17, 856.) In June of that year a more +venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his destruction. This +was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of Cordova (June 28).[7] Exactly +one month later Aurea, a virgin and sister of the brothers John and +Adulphus, whose martyrdom has been already mentioned, was brought before +the magistrate. Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,[8] she +had long been left unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was +well known. She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon +repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a Christian, she +gained a martyr's crown (July 29). + + [1] So Miss Yonge. + + [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2. + + [3] _Ibid._, c. xi. + + [4] _Ibid._, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium + ad martyrium furore pertractum." + + [5] _Ibid._, ch. xiii. + + [6] _Ibid._, cc. xiv. xv. + + [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum + dolo vel odio circumventus." + + [8] _Ibid._, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis + exornabatur." + +The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution. +Ruderic,[1] a priest, whose brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened +as a peacemaker, in a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With +the usual fate of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and +nearly killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and +had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his brother had +become a Mussulman before his death.[2] However, Ruderic recovered, and +made his escape, but being obliged to return to Cordova, met his +brother, who immediately brought him before the Kadi on a charge of +apostasy. His life and liberty were promised to him if he would only +acknowledge that Christ was merely man, and that Mohammed was the +messenger of God. On refusing, he is imprisoned, and finds in prison a +certain Salomon, also charged with apostasy from Islam. The two +fellow-prisoners contract a great friendship and are consequently +separated. After a third exhortation, they are condemned to death, but +not before the judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their +purpose by offers of honour and rewards.[3] They were executed March 13, +857, and their bodies thrown into the river--even the stones sprinkled +with their blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the +Christians should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on +shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally fortunate, +informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his body lay in a +tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum. + +Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself contrived +to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to brave. Whether this +was due to any unworthy fear of death on his part is not clear, but it +may have been owing to the respect in which he was held by the Moslem +authorities. To these he was well known as a man of irreproachable +character and unaffected piety, and several Arabs of high rank, who were +his personal friends, shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the +effects of his folly. Eulogius[4] was descended from a Senatorial family +of Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he +devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his +contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the feet of +Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica. Besides a +sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in trade, and another +brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in government employ.[5] + + [1] Eulog., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff. + + [2] So the Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their + victims had abjured their errors before being burnt. + + [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27. + + [4] Life by Alvar, c. i. sec. 2. + + [5] Eul. ad Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni + indignatio eo tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a + metaphorical allusion to Joseph in Egypt. + +Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and his +desire for the life of a monk,[1] and for the glory of martyrdom. When +strong measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with +Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for martyrdom by +threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were frightened into +submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,[2] remained firm, in spite of his +being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a certain Gomez, who was +a temporising Christian in the king's service.[3] + + [1] Life by Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus + enervaretur, quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea + sarcina gravabatur." + + [2] "Hic inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est + visus susurro."--Life by Alvar, sec. 5. + + [3] This man, says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost + his hold on the Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to + attack. See below, p. 72. + +There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere with and +check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs which he saw going +on round him. Believing that such close relations between the peoples +tended to the spiritual degradation of Christianity, he set himself +deliberately to embitter those relations, and, as far as he could, to +make a good understanding impossible. To discourage the learning of +Arabic by the Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to +Pampluna the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal, +and Augustine's "De Civitate Dei." + +At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a priest, but +for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating at the mass on the +ground that he was himself a great sinner.[1] However, his +ecclesiastical superior[2] (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him +take a different view of the question by threatening him with anathema +if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a prominent +champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was imprisoned in 851, +where he wrote treatises in favour of the martyrs, and was released, as +we have seen, by the intercession of Flora and Maria on November 29th of +that year. + + [1] He pleads his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he + was infected with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous + century, which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop + of Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez, + xi. 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who + held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum + sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine + and Isidore against the error. + + [2] Pontifex proprius. + +In 858,[1] on the death of Wistremirus, he was chosen by +the votes of the people[2] to succeed him as Bishop of Toledo; +but from some cause, perhaps by the intervention of the +Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his see. The +people then determined to have no bishop, if they might +not have him.[3] Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his +bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though +not all bishops holy men." + + [1] "Life of Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10. + + [2] "Communis electio." + + [3] Fleury, v. 547, says another bishop was elected in + Eulogius' lifetime; but Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo + vivente interdixerunt eligere." + +In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a disturber of +the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had been allowed to +support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was he permitted to finish +in prison a book in defence of the martyrs,[1] which had the direct +tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion of +Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:--Leocritia, a maiden of +Arab extraction and of noble birth,[2] had been secretly baptised by +Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her apostasy, cruelly +ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to make her renounce Christ. +She naturally turned to Eulogius and his sister Anulo for advice in her +afflictions, expressing a wish to escape to a part of Spain where the +Christian worship was free. As a first step to this, she leaves her +parents under pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with +Eulogius. Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people +imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last betrayed and +surprised at the house of her protector. They are both dragged before +the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he persists in defying the laws +in this way.[3] The bishop defends himself by pleading that Christian +clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their religion, if asked, as +he had been by Leocritia.[4] The judge then threatens to have him +scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to so painful and degrading a +punishment, repeats the lesson which he had taught to so many others, +and reviles Mohammed. Even so the judge shows a disposition to treat him +with leniency, and he is remanded to prison with Leocritia. + +When brought up again before the royal Council,[5] an influential friend +makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush on their +own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved wisdom and +blameless character, in defiance of all natural instincts, to throw away +your life in this manner?" He urges Eulogius to say but one word of +concession in the hour of peril, promising that he should afterwards be +free to exercise his religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance. +But the bishop could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such +offers with the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us +on high!" + + [1] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. + + [2] Alvar, Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13. + + [3] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15. + + [4] This kind of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime + by the Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171. + + [5] Alvar, "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548. + +On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on one +cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was beheaded on +March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later. Miraculous appearances +honoured the body of the martyred bishop, which was buried in the Church +of St Genesius, whence it was translated in the next year to his own +church of St Zoilus, and in 883 was given up, together with that of +Leocritia, to Alphonso III. (866-910) by express stipulation. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS. + + +With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms comes to +an end, and it will be convenient at this point to consider the whole +question of the relation of the Church to the civil power, and how far +those "confessors," who were put to death under the circumstances +already related, were entitled to the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the +evidence we have on the subject is drawn almost entirely from the +apologists of their doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of +some bias. Yet even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no +real persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as to +justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots. + +If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and Alodia, +the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single recorded instance +of a Christian being put to death for his religion by the Arabs in +Spain before the middle of the ninth century. The Muzarabes,[1] as the +Christians living under the Arabs were called, enjoyed a remarkable +degree of freedom in the exercise of their religion--the services and +rites of the Church being conducted as heretofore.[2] In Cordova alone +we find mention of the following churches:[3] the Church of St Acislus, +a former martyr of Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three +Martyrs--Faustus, Januarius, Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius +and Eulalia; and of the Virgin Mary. + + [1] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means + "those who try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language." + + [2] Eulog. Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he + spent the ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis, + vespertinum, matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad + honorem (Dei) et gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus." + + [3] Florez, x. 245. + +Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab writer, +who died in 1034.[1] "I once entered at night," he says, "into the +principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green branches +of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of the thundering +bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the innumerable lamps dazzled +my eyes; the priests, decked in rich silken robes of gay and fanciful +colours, and girt with girdle cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone +of those present had banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled +from his mind all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps +towards the marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the +hollow of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and +taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he applied +to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky lips of a +beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents captivated his senses, but +when he had tasted the delicious liquor, the sweetness and flavour +seemed to overpower him." On leaving the church, the Arab, with true +Arabian facility, extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By +the Lord of mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of +unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a girl that +their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they put on their gay +tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before the Almighty." Ahmed +also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay long among them, began to +sing round us with their books in their hands; every wretch presented us +the palm of his withered hand (with the holy water), but they were even +like the bat, whose safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us +every attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of +swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects very +characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the incongruity of +an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the lips of a maid," or the +irrelevancy of a reference to swine's flesh. But the account merits +attention on other grounds, for it shews how little even the more +intelligent Moslems understood the ceremonies of the religion which they +had conquered, though they might be pardoned for thinking that the +Christians worshipped the Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself +fell into the same error, and because probably the Roman Church and its +adherents had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship. + +The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been the +church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,[2] the Christians had +to give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one +enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were induced, +or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and it was pulled +down to make room for the Great Mosque.[3] In 894 we find that the +Cordovans were allowed to build a new church. + + [1] Ahmed ibn Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote + De Gayangos' translation. + + [2] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at + first guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750 + they had to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to + sell the other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the + destroyed churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p. + 29, note 1. + + [3] This was not finished till 793. The original structure cost + 80,000 dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II. + (961-976) alone spent on it 160,000 dinars. + +Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve monasteries and +churches in the immediate neighbourhood of Cordova: among them the +monastery of St Christopher, the famous one of Tabanos, suppressed as +above mentioned, in 854;[1] those of St Felix at Froniano, of St Martin +at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at Cuteclara, of St Salvator at +Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS. Justus and Pastor, and of St +Sebastian. + +We have given the names of these churches and monasteries[2] at or near +Cordova, both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one +or other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom we +are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that +above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new +churches,[3] but considering the diminution in the numbers of the +Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a great many, this +could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover the Christian churches, +it was ordained, should be open to Moslems as well as Christians, though +during the performance of mass it seems that they had to be kept closed. +The Mosques were never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.[4] + + [1] Dozy, ii. 162. + + [2] Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the + Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the + Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see + Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra + received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but + Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter). + + [3] Cp. the stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem. + + [4] See Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89. + +The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at Cordova, +did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at Elvira, the +cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after the Cordovan +martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the year of the +conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally finished. What we +hear about the Christians at Elvira at this time is not to their credit, +their bishop, Samuel, being notorious as an evil liver.[1] It is in +Cordova that the main interest at this period centres; and to Cordova we +will for the present confine our attention. + +There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts, both +those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who aided and +abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a comparatively small body +in the Church of Spain; and that their proceedings awakened little short +of dismay in the minds of the more sensible portion of the Christian +community, both in the Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree +in the free North.[2] The chief leaders of the party of zealots--as far +as we find mention of them--were Saul, bishop of Cordova (850-861), +Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the monastery of Pegnamellar; while +Reccafredus, bishop of Seville, and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the +prominent ecclesiastics on the other side. + + [1] Ibn Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210. + + [2] Yonge, p. 63. + +Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with the +Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of fanaticism, it +will be interesting to note what was the attitude of the different +sections of the Church towards the misguided men who gave themselves up +to death, and their claims to the crown of martyrdom. Those who denied +the validity of these claims, rested their contention on the grounds, +that the so-called martyrs had compassed their own destruction, there +being no persecution at the time; that they had worked no miracles in +proof of their high claims; that they had been slain by men who believed +in the true God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and +that their bodies had corrupted like those of other men. + +It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call these +suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in high places +had forced them to deny their faith,[1] or interfered with their due +observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of ostentatious +pride--and pride was the root of all evil--to court danger. Such conduct +had never been enjoined by Christ, and was quite alien from the meekness +and humility of His character.[2] + +They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been expressly +condemned, + +(_a._) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the other +churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms: "We commend not +those who offer themselves of their own accord, for that is not what the +gospel teacheth us:"[3] + +(_b._) By St Cyprian,[4] who, when brought before the consul and +questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer +themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says: "Let +none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if he speak +when apprehended:" + +(_c._) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who rush to death, +for there are some, not of us, but only bearing the same name, who give +themselves up:"[5] + +(_d._) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis (_circa_ 305), +one of the canons of which forbade him to be ranked as a martyr, who +was killed on the spot for breaking idols: + +(_e._) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted on the +question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged martyrs, gave it +as his opinion that those should be first excluded who had courted +martyrdom.[6] One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict XIV. of +Rome,[7] has ventured to approve what the Church has condemned. Nor is +this the only instance in which the Roman Church has set aside the +decisions of an earlier Christendom. + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis + violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae + piaeque religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis + suum incolere iusserat Christianismum." + + [2] Quoting such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse + you, and pray for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23, + "Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's + sake." + + [3] Eusebius iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.) + + [4] Martyred 258. + + [5] See Long's "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21. + + [6] Burton's "History of the Christian Church," p. 336. + + [7] 1740-1748: in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et + beatorum canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541. + +The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been no +persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their doings, and +that those doings themselves were contrary to the teaching and spirit of +Christianity. The latter part of the charge has already been dealt with, +and may be considered sustained. As to the other part, the apologists, +it must be confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes, +indeed, they deny it point-blank:[1] "as if," says Eulogius, "the +destruction of our churches,[2] the insults heaped upon our clergy, the +monthly tax[3] which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived on +sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are continually +referred to. "No one," says the same author,[4] "can go out or come in +amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the street +without being treated with contumely. They mock at the marks[5] of our +order. They hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children +jeer at us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The +sound of the church-going bell[6] never fails to evoke from Moslem +hearers the foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a +pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the Moslems +would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;[7] and when they +witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud, "Shew +them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's people, and +defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.[8] "Yet," he indignantly +exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is it, I +answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a deadly time[9] ... +are we not bowed beneath the yoke of slavery, burdened with intolerable +taxes, spoiled of our goods, lashed with the scourges of their abuse, +made a byword and a proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"[10] + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. + 3. + + [2] _Ibid._; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7. + + [3] Leovigild, "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565. + + [4] Eul., l.l. + + [5] Stigmata. + + [6] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui + inhiantes capita moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He + adds: "Daily and nightly from their minarets they revile the + Lord by their invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib. + Ap.," sec. 19, confesses that hearing their call to prayer + always moved him to quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all + they that worship carved images"--a very irrelevant + malediction, as applied to the Moslems. + + [7] Alvar, l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant." + + [8] "Spurcitiarum fimo."--_Ibid._ + + [9] "Mortiferum."--"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + + [10] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage + picture of the Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in + tumore cordis elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi, + in comestione superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine + iustitia invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis + nescientes affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes, + castitatem velut spurcitiam respuentes." + +That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that the +lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal their dislike +and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as were at variance with +their own creed, and moreover regarded priests and monks with especial +aversion, there can be no doubt. But, on the other hand, there is no +want of evidence to show that the condition of the Christians was by no +means so bad as the apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances +could not fail to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were +actually to be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the +Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that +humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances. +Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can itself +be called such, there was none, till it was called into being by the +action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from all the other facts +which point to this conclusion, we can call the apologists themselves in +evidence that there was no real persecution going on at the time of the +first martyrdoms. + +Eulogius[1] admits that the Christians were not let or hindered in the +free exercise of their religion by saying that this state of things[2] +was not due to the forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the +Divine mercy. Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the +whole position which he is trying to defend, says[3]:--"Though many were +the victims of persecution, very many others--and you cannot deny +it--offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it not +clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we who began +preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will see that they +rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the bidding of +persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye, and--what is made so +strong a charge against them--that they tired out the forbearance of +their rulers and princes by insult upon insult."[4] + + [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 29. + + [2] Viz., "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus." + + [3] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + + [4] "Fatigasse praesides et principes multis + contumeliis."--_Ibid._ + +As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs were no +martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the Scriptures quoted by +his opponents,[1] and refer to the morally blind, who make evil their +good, and take darkness to be their light;[2] while he brought forward a +saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will hold the first rank +in the heavenly companies who have gone to their death unsummoned."[3] + +He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the plea +that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is sufficiently +ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly assures us that these +insults and revilings of the prophet were merely a form of preaching[4] +to the poor benighted Moslems, naïvely remarking that the Scriptures +affirm that the Gospel of Christ must be preached to all nations. +Whereas, then, the Moslems had not been preached to, these martyred +saints had taken upon themselves the sacred duty of rendering them +"debtors to the faith." + +The second count[5] against the martyrs was that they had worked no +miracles--a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were almost the +test of sanctity. Eulogius[6] could only meet the charge by admitting +the fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages, in +order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the constancy +of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true, but not to the +point). Had he been content with this, he had done wisely; but he goes +on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth, as even the unbelievers +can work them."[7] Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did not +perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were deficient +in this particular;[8] and yet in other parts of his work he mentions +miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by Isaac, +and by Flora, and Maria.[9] So that the worthy priest is placed in this +dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute them to +the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were unable to work +them? if, on the other hand, they did perform these miracles, why not +adduce them in evidence against the detractors? + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19. + + [2] Isaiah v. 20. + + [3] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of + the Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius--a + book obviously of no authority. + + [4] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus + hactenus exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei + tenerentur. Isti enim (_i.e._, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem + in eosdem et evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque + fidei debitores reddiderunt." + + [5] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13. + + [6] "Lib. Apol.," sec 7. + + [7] "Lib. Apol.," sec. 10. + + [8] Cp. "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 13. + + [9] "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4. + +The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not put to +death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and acknowledging a +divine law,[1] and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius misses the +true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully exclaims:--"As if +they could be said to believe in God, who persecute His Church, and deem +it hateful to believe in a Christ who was very God and very man."[2] + +Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as Eulogius +points out,[3] pain and torture give no additional claim to the martyr's +crown. + +Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as indeed was +to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some cases, devoured by +dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,[4] "since their souls are borne away +to celestial mansions." + + [1] Eul. "Lib. Apol.," sec. 3. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 12. + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 5. + + [4] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 17. + +But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that +Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and scoffs of +the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true God, does He not +strike terror into the executioners of his saints by some great +prodigy? and why do not the martyrs themselves flash forth into miracles +while the crowd is round them? You rush upon your own destruction, and +yet you work no wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of +your creed, thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."[1] + +Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than they +cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled at the +Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians, from fear of +death, even apostatized. "Whither," they triumphantly asked,[2] "has +that bravery of your martyrs vanished? What has become of the rash +frenzy with which they courted death?" Yet though they affected to +consider the martyrs as fools or madmen, they could not be blind to the +effect that their constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld +their death, and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded +by the Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of +martyrs to be preserved[3] and worshipped, and did their best to make +this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and scattering +the ashes on the river, though sometimes they contented themselves with +throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the stream. + + [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 12. + + [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6. + + [3] See "De Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc., + sec. 11. "Non enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni + permittunt." See above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs + were more freely given up at the request of the Christians. See + "Chron. Silen.," secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender + of the body of Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9, + where Eulogius mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints + Zoilus and Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave + up the body of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request. + Mariana, viii. 5. + +However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly +carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon as +the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the admission of +their admirers themselves, had never worked any miracles when living, +were enabled, when dead, to perform a series of extraordinary ones, +which did not finally cease till modern enlightenment had dissipated the +darkness of the Middle Ages. + +We happen to possess a very interesting account of the circumstances +under which the relics of three of these Cordovan martyrs were +transferred from the troubled scene of their passion to the more +peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of France.[1] + +It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St Vincent and +the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of their patron +saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks, Usuard and Odilard, +with the king's[2] permission, to procure the precious relics for their +own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the monks learnt +that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had been, in fact, +carried[3] by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior, the bishop of +that city, had seized it, and it was still held in veneration there, but +under the name of St Marinus, whose body the monk had stoutly asserted +it to be. Senior apparently doubted the statement, and tortured Andaldus +to get the truth out of him, but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St +Vincent had been deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never +surrender the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard +knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated. + + [1] De Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae + ex urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.--"Migne," vol. 115, + pp. 939 ff. + + [2] Charles the Bald. + + [3] "Under a divine impulse," as usual. + +Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at +Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend, holding +a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name, mentioned the +persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem to have travelled +beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to Cordova, relying on a +friend there, named Leovigild, to help them to obtain what they wished. +Travelling in Spain, however, seems to have been by no means safe[1] at +this period, and their bold resolution is regarded with fear and +admiration by their friends. The lord of the Gothic marches, Hunifrid, +being on friendly terms with the Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on +their behalf, and he entrusts them to the care of a caravan which +chanced to be just starting for Cordova. + + [1] See sec. 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of + the road to Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as + "perturbata funeroso Wilihelmi incursu." + +On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's Church, +where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of their arrival +brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves a very useful friend, +and Samson, who just at this juncture is made abbot of the monastery at +Pegnamellar, where the bodies of George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were +buried--the very relics which they had decided to try and obtain. + +The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such +precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's +permission to give up the bodies. + +This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them of +returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which Mohammed I. was +on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had been given that all +the inhabitants, strangers as well as citizens, except the city guard, +should go out with the King. However, the Frankish monks were met by an +unexpected difficulty. In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks +of Pegnamellar refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much +difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former +permission to remove them. + +The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems, and +sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose. George's body +was found whole, but of the other two, only the head of Nathalia, and +the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter are united to form one +corpse, as it is written, "they two shall be one flesh." After a stay in +Cordova of eight weeks, they set out under the protection of some +Christians serving in the army. Leovigild, who had been away on the +King's business, now returns, and escorts them to Toledo. The approach +of the army having cleared away the brigands who infested those parts, +the monks with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and +returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked numbers of +astonishing miracles. + +Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the moderate +party among the Christians, and by the Moslem authorities, to put an end +to what seemed so dangerous an agitation. That Reccafredus was not the +only ecclesiastic of high position who took exception to the new +movement we learn clearly enough from Alvar,[1] who tells us that +"bishops, priests, deacons, and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in +inveighing against the new martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear +wellnigh denying the faith of Christ, if not in words, yet by their +acts." We may, therefore, conclude that the greater part of the +ecclesiastical authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of +Seville, while the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively +small one. However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did +not hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.[2] Eulogius +complains that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the +customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove her web +in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful silence." In this +passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his imagination, yet there +must have been a certain amount of truth in the main assertion, for he +repeats it again and again.[3] + +The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who seemed +to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is founded, who +were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say, in the presence of +these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans, under no compulsion, but of +their own free will, spoken evil of the martyrs of God? Have not the +shepherds of Christ, the teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots, +priests, the chiefs of our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly +denounced the martyrs of our Church as heretics?"[4] + + [1] "Life of Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4. + + [2] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4--"Omnes sacerdotes quos + potuit carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. + 11--"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis, + viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ... + privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind. + Lum.," secs. 14, 18--"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et + loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata." + + [3] Eul., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16--"Eremitatem ecclesiarum, + compeditionem sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc + tempore sacrificium nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad + Wilies, sec. 10. + + [4] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14. + +Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order forced +them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's palm by +speaking evil of the Prophet.[1] Those who disobeyed were threatened +with unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless +scourgings.[2] This last statement must be taken with reservation, at +least if put into the mouth of the Christian party under Reccafredus. +It is extremely unlikely that Christian bishops and priests should have +had recourse to such treatment of their coreligionists: yet they had a +spiritual weapon ready to their hands, and they were not slow to use it. +They anathematised[3] those who aided and abetted the zealots; and +Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of +excommunication.[4] + + [1] _Ibid._, sec. 15--"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam, + iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus + impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter + fecimus." + + [2] _Ibid._, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12--"Duris + tormentis agitati, commoti sunt." + + [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28--"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi + palaestram discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia + damnari iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31--"Plerosque + patres anathematizantes talia patientes." + + [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + +This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if not at +the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close concert with +them. Eulogius[1] attributes all the evils which had befallen the +Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots, and +deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly states that the +King was urged, even bribed, to take measures against the Christians.[2] +It is not likely that the King required much persuading. Mohammed at +least seems to have been thoroughly frightened by the continued +agitation against Mohammedanism. He naturally suspected some political +plot at the bottom of it; a supposition which receives some countenance +from the various references in Eulogius[3] to the martyrs as "Soldiers +of God" bound to war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted +fact that the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their +coreligionists at Cordova.[4] However that may be, the King in 852 +certainly took counsel[5] with his ministers, how the agitation should +be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand council[6] of +the Church, when the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were +in consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to. But +Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts all +Christians, who held offices in the palace,[7] or in connection with the +Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"[8] the royal +bounty usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all +churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to those +previously existing. He made a severe enactment against those who +reviled Mohammed.[9] He even had in mind to banish all Christians from +his dominions.[10] This intention, together with the order respecting +the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to the opportune +revolt at Toledo.[11] + + [1] Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + + [3] See Dozy, ii. 136. + + [4] Conde, i. 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority, + that he incited them to revolt under Sindila. + + [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv. + + [6] Robertson calls it a Conciliabulum. + + [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. § 2. + + [8] "Militares pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i. + + [9] Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv--"Tunc iam procul dubio + enecandi nos difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui + temerarius exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean + that Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice + any who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot. + + [10] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"Moslemi ... omne regni + sui, sicuti cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur + Christicolarum." + + [11] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. + +In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear lest the +intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the Church in +Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did much at first to +aggravate the hardships of the Israelites.[1] He ought not, therefore, +to have been surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor +ought he to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians +observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate; and that +the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and exactions.[2] + +These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the Bishop +of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party were broken +up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding, and only venturing +abroad in disguise and at night--not, as Eulogius is careful to add, +from fear of death, but because the high prize of martyrdom is not +reserved for the unworthy many, but for the worthy few.[3] + + [1] _Ibid._, ii. c. xvi. + + [2] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"_Nunc_ pro suo libito + tantummodo exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... _nunc_ + publicum imponentes censum, _nunc_ rebus nos abdicantes + detrimentis atterunt rerum." + + [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14--"Quia indigni sumus + martyrio, quod quibusdam et non omnibus datum est." + +Some even apostatized,[1] while many of those who had applauded the +proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and blamed them +for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the suffering Church for an +early mansion in the skies.[2] Others, in order to retain posts under +Government, or to court favour with the King, dissembled their religion, +taking care not to pray, or make the sign of the cross in public.[3] +Eulogius himself was singled out at the meeting of the King's Council by +one of the royal secretaries, Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,[4] +as the ringleader of the new seditious movement. This man was a very +worldly-minded Christian,[5] and was, no doubt, at this time, in fear of +losing his lucrative office at Court, which he had obtained by his +remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in fact, lose his post with all +the other Christian officers of the Court, but regained it by becoming a +Moslem;[6] and such was the ardour of the new proselyte that he was +called "the dove of the mosque."[7] + +The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the party of +which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former writer, +mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends that it was +merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken figuratively; and he +acknowledges that such hypocrisy was unworthy of the prelates and +officers assembled.[8] Is it not more reasonable to suppose that +Eulogius and his supporters voted for it--as they seem to have +done--with a mental reservation, while their opponents honestly +considered such a step necessary? + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1--"Fidem praevaricantur, + abdicant religionem, Crucifixum detestantur." + + [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his + letter to Alvar sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few + remained firm to their principles. + + [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9--"Cum palam coram ethnicis + orationem non faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non + muniunt ... Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis + gratia, pro vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia + praeliantes." Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta + iussum Domini tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae, + caligosasque turres crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium + Deo offerens vespertinum." + + [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 18. See above, p. 51. + + [5] Ibn al Kuttiya--apud Dozy, ii. 137. + + [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii. + + [7] Dozy, ii. 137. + + [8] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3--"Aliquid + commentaremur, quod ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet + aures." The "praemissum pontificate decretum" he calls + "allegorice editum." + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +THE MUZARABES. + + +The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the dubious +martyrdoms which had for some years become so common, though the spirit, +which prompted the self-deluded victims, was by no means stifled either +in Spain or the adjoining countries.[1] Yet the measures taken to put +down the mania for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for +some time. + +Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians, +determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the hands of +the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related hereafter, in +several parts of Spain. After the battle of Aguilar, or Polei, in 891, +between the Arab and Spanish factions, 1000 of the defeated Christians +were given the choice of Islam or death, and all, save one, chose the +latter alternative.[2] + +During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a few +isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned now. After +the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,[3] where Abdurrahman defeated +the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting bishops, who were +taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a hostage for his own +release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius. The king, it is said, +smitten with his beauty, wished to work his abominable will upon the +boy, but his advances being rejected with disdain, the unhappy youth was +put to death with great barbarity, refusing to save his life by +apostasy.[4] A different version of the story is given by a Saxon nun of +Gaudersheim, named Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty +years later. She tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who +thereupon struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by +decapitation (June 26, 925).[5] + + [1] See "Life of Argentea," secs. 3, 5. + + [2] Dozy, ii. 287. + + [3] Val du Junqueras, 920 A.D. + + [4] Johannes Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257, + disbelieves this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii. + 154, is referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the + king's liking for a handsome Christian page. + + [5] Sampiro, secs. 26-28. + +In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance in +Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter of the +great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,[1] and his wife Columba, and was born at +that chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar +wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar had +become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking only for a +quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for martyrdom; and she +wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes inclined him in the same +direction, suggesting that they should seek the crown of martyrdom +together.[2] On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman in 928, she +went to Cordova.[3] She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who had +been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a virgin, with +whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object becoming known, +Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of the city. Argentea goes +to visit him there, and is stopped by the guards, who, finding she is a +Christian, take her before the judge as a renegade, and she is +imprisoned with Vulfura. The alternative of Islam instead of death being +refused, they are both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens +rebellis," is first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out. +Her body was buried at the church of the three saints. + +In the year 934[4] we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being +massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense they +can be regarded as martyrs to their faith. + + [1] Who on becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel. + Florez, x. p. 564, ff. + + [2] See "Life of Argentea," by an anonymous author. + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 4. + + [4] Dozy, iii. 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may + have occurred in 893. + +In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;[1] and thirty +years later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab +rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken +prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and a-half +in prison.[2] They were then brought out and put to death, just when +Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom them.[3] + +There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a persecution of +the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and the statements of those +writers who intimate the contrary may be set aside as unsupported by +evidence.[4] + +We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian Church +and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially--for our +information is greatest as to those periods--under the two kings +Abdurrahman II. and III. + +Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the Christians, +until the persecution, which they themselves provoked, began, was very +tolerable, and the majority of the Christians were quite content with +their lot. They served in the army, both free men and slaves; they held +lucrative posts at Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as +government officials. But though the lay community was well off, the +clergy and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the +Church[5] could not be said to be free, though the worship was, since +the power of summoning councils had now passed to the Arab executive, +who, as we have seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils. +Sees were also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not +unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing the +emoluments, of bishops.[6] + + [1] Schott., iv. 246. + + [2] Rohrbacher, xii. 192. + + [3] Charter, apud Florez, xiv. 397. + + [4] See above, p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of + John Servus Dei, Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard + to the late martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been + written in 937. + + [5] Dozy, ii. 47. + + [6] Alvar, "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv. + +As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin throughout +the country, and even before the ninth century the Scriptures were +translated into the tongue of the conquerors [1] by Odoarius, Bishop of +Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use of any +language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to use Arabic +Gospels;[2] and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted to write in +Latin.[3] Even if this statement be doubtful, we know that Latin came +gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar utters an eloquent +protest against this: "Alas, the Christians are ignorant of their own +tongue, and Latins neglect their language, so that in all the College of +Christ[4] there is scarcely to be found one who can write an address of +welcome to his brother intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found +competent to mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."[5] In the +department of poetry--the peculiar boast of the Arabs--the Christians +seem even to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two +nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance of +native ballads of which Spain can boast. + +We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of Latin, +by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that language; but +it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result. We can see from the +remains of the Spanish writers which we possess that the structure of +that language had considerably degenerated in Spain.[6] + + [1] Murphy, "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309. + + [2] Yonge, p. 60. + + [3] Conde, i. 239. + + [4] "Omni Christi collegio." + + [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + + [6] See Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand, + writes wonderfully good Latin. + +Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely intelligible. +Moreover, we find Samson[1] directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of +Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of Orleans +(839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself a Spaniard, of +the same defect. + +The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing indifference to +the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated Christians being led to +devote their time, which might have been more profitably spent on their +own Scriptures, to becoming acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and +even to unravelling the intricacies of the controversial theology which +had grown up round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the +Koran.[2] The great Fathers of the Church were laid aside unread, and +even the Prophets and Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to +study them. While the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the +lower were sunk in poverty[3] and ignorance.[4] The inevitable result of +this indifference, ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration +in the character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too +many proofs. + + [1] Samson, "Apol.," c. vii. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35--"Ac dum illorum sacramenta + inquirimus, et philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum + convincendis erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione + luculenter diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus + laicis invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina + quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis + Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur + amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae + diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione + praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum + avidissime tractunt?" + + [3] Florez, xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31; + and for the condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle, + "Hist. of Civiliz.," i. 443. + + [4] Dozy (l.l.). + +We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of +Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to low and +unworthy people;[1] while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova, with +obtaining his bishopric by bribery.[2] Other irregularities imputed to +Hostegesis were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary +to the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to +extort money from them, till they died under his hands. + +Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of unworthy +men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had to endure in +silence,[3] many were informally ordained without vouchers for character +being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy and flocks being +obtained.[4] Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle of two rival +pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from the Fathers.[5] + +Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no authority +could be alleged, in contravention of established custom and the +teaching of the Church. So far was this carried that Samson was accused +by his opponents of being a heretic and an idolator because he permitted +the marriage of cousins; dissented from the view that God was ever +enclosed in the chambers of the Virgin's heart;[6] asserted the +omnipresence of God, even in idols and the Devil, and this in an actual, +not a metaphysical, sense;[7] and denied that God sat upon an exalted +throne above his creatures. From this it is clear that Hostegesis and +those who thought with him[8] were infected with the anthropomorphite +heresy. + + [1] Samson, "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2. + + [2] See "Letter to Saul," sec. 3--"Poterant enim quovis + asserente canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari, + si quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis + exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on + the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture. + + [3] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268. + + [4] Alvar ad Saulum, sec. 3--"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia + clericorum." + + [5] _Ibid._ + + [6] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.--"Cubiculum + cordis Virginei." This appears to be a quotation from the + Gothic liturgy. + + [7] "Per substantiam, non per subtilitatem."--_Ibid._ + + [8] Romanus and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6. + +Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their +depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the produce +of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with difficulty +extorted from his flock,[1] in bribing the court officials and the +king's sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was +indulged in.[2] The clergy were not above pretending illness in order to +avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem rulers.[3] Some, even in +the highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and +apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel, Bishop +of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a pervert's zeal, +persecuted the Church he had deserted, imprisoning the clergy, taxing +his former flock, and even forcing some to embrace Islam.[4] + +It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were sometimes +deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the hands of a +hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his pretended heresy; +and, similarly, Valentius,[5] Bishop of Cordova, was deprived of his see +because he was a supporter of Samson. But these instances reflect more +discredit on the deposers than on their victims. Instances of deposition +are not wanting, in the free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh +Bishop of Compostella (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute +living, and malversation of Church moneys.[6] On the king's death he +recovered his see, driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of +Compostella, suffered the same punishment.[7] + + [1] The offering of one-third for the Church was refused to + Hostegesis as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it, + "suis codicibus institutis."--Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2. + + [2] _Ibid._ The state of the Church in the North was not much + better. See Yonge, p. 86. + + [3] Leovigild de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110. + + [4] Samson, Pref. ii. 4. + + [5] Succeeded Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864. + + [6] Mariana, viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey, + "Chronicle of the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86. + + [7] Mariana (1.1.). + +When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and when +Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of Burgundy, and her +spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were horrified at the laxity in +morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic Christians. Their addiction to +poetry and natural science was regarded with suspicious aversion, and +the pork-eating, circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,[1] +contracted from an intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many +marks of the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars +in Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor +Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet we are +told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring churches in the +territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up again the ordinances of +the Goths, as formerly observed at Toledo.[2] + +The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of +extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002) swept +yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating tempest.[3] +Fifty-two victorious campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead +against the infidels.[4] Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his +arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a time left +desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried off to Cordova to +serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not, therefore, surprised to +find that there were many bishops in the North who had lost their sees; +and this was the case even before the tenth century, for a bishop named +Sabaricus, being driven from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of +Mindumetum by Alfonso III. in 867,[5] and twenty years later a bishop +named Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.[6] + +It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the Christian +Church should be hostile to one another, but it is surprising to +find--as we do find in some cases--the latter making common cause with +the Arabs in ill-treating their fellow-countrymen and coreligionists. +Thus, as we have seen, Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular +arm,[7] beat and imprisoned the clergy for withholding from him the +Church tithes, dragging them through the city naked, with a crier crying +before them:--"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their +tithes to their bishop."[8] Bishops were even found to make episcopal +visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the +intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in their +names to the civil power for the purpose of taxation.[9] Others obtained +from the Arabs the privilege of farming the revenues derived from +Christian taxation, and cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.[10] + + [1] The Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the + Arabs not to wash. See Conde, i. 203--"It is related of these + people of Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild + beasts, and never wash either their persons or their garments." + + [2] "Chron. Albeld.," sec. 58--"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto + fuerat statuit." + + [3] "Chron. Silense," sec. 72--"Eadem tempestate in Hispania + omnis divinus cultus periit." + + [4] He was not defeated in his last battle, as is generally + stated in histories.--See Al Makkari, ii. 197. + + [5] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312. + + [6] _Ibid._, xvii. 244. + + [7] "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2. + + [8] _Ibid._ + + [9] _Ibid._, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + + [10] Eul., 1.1. + +These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not +instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was the son +of a serf of the Church,[1] and married a cousin of Hostegesis.[2] +Instead of championing the cause of the Christians, as his position +should have impelled him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction +as to call them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to +Christianity--a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those who +held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied blackmail on +the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the bodies of martyrs +from under the altars of churches, and, showing them to the king, to +remind him that it had been forbidden to Christians to bury their +martyrs.[3] + +Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis against +Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of inciting the +fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should be tested with this +dilemma. They should be asked whether what the revilers said were true +or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let them be punished as well as the +reviler; if 'false,' bid them slay the man themselves; refusing which, +you will know that they have aided and abetted him to abuse your +Prophet. In that case, give me permission, and I will slay the three +myself."[4] + + [1] Dozy, ii. 268. + + [2] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5. + + [3] Samson, 1.1. + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of + timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing, + deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was + killed at Polei(?)--Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab + name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the + Arabs.--See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2. + +We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and +national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be worth +while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded, that we may +contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was one of the most +characteristic features of the Old Church in Spain that it was united +so closely with the civil power as almost to render the Government of +Spain a theocracy. This intimate connection of Church and State was +naturally overthrown by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing +how useful such institutions as general councils were likely to be in +adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both allowed +purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their jurisdiction, +and also summoned others in which they took part themselves, together +with Jews, to the great scandal of the stricter Christians.[1] + +To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at Seville by +Elipandus[2] to condemn the errors of Migetius; and another, held by +Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of Egila, bishop of +Elvira.[3] Whether Egila abjured his error is not known, but it is +certain that he remained bishop. + +Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have held a +council, whereat he renounced his own error of Adoptionism.[4] + + [1] We even find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova + had Moslem names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii. + 162), and Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99. + + [2] The exact date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235. + + [3] "Pseudo Luitprand," sec. 236, says--"Ad concilium ex + omnibus Hispaniae partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian + I.'s Letter to the bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is + known of this Egila, nor is it certain of what see he was the + bishop. + + [4] See below, p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff. + +But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly +political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen how +Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the Moslem +authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the fanatical party +among the Christians; and we have a more particular account of another, +which was held by Hostegesis, Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of +Cordova.[1] This council seems to have had some connection with the +preceding one under Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and +unscrupulous opponent of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was +their devoted supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as +to suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of +heresy[2] and sacrilege, as has been already mentioned. Hostegesis +forced his views on the assembled bishops by the help of the secular +arm, and a sentence of anathema and deposition was accordingly +pronounced against the unfortunate Abbot.[3] One of the apparently +consenting bishops was Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement +had evidently been coerced, for after the close of the council he +sounded the other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as +to their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm +Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect This +action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of deposition, and +he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,[4]--the election of the latter +being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted thereat,[5] and +neither the clergy nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his +favour. + + [1] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. + + [2] On the ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio + quam similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed + creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely + qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii. + + [3] "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae + fascibus sedentium."--_Ibid_. Samson was rendered incapable of + holding office, or even of belonging to the Church.--_Ibid_. + + [4] In 864. + + [5] See above, p. 8. + +This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council, held at +the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who had sided with +Valentius, but were now terrified into submission, being in attendance; +while the places of those who refused to come were taken by Jews and +Moslems.[1] These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an open rupture +in the Church.[2] + +In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful authority) +by Orontius of Toledo,[3] and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova. +These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade Khalifs +of Spain.[4] + + [1] Sayones (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 10. + + [3] "Pseudo Luit," sec. 328. + + [4] _Ibid._ sec. 341. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + +SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III. + + +Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked upon as +the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the throne when quite +a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the sons of the late Sultan, he +found the country torn by innumerable factions, and the king's power +openly defied by rebels, Arab, Berber, and Christian. In person, and +through his generals, he put down all these rebels, and though not +uniformly successful against the Christians in the North, yet he +defeated them in a series of great engagements.[1] He welded all the +discordant elements under his rule into one great whole,[2] thereby +giving the Arab domination in Spain another lease of life. In 929 he +took the title of Amir al Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His +alliance was sought by the Emperor of the East,[3] and he treated on +equal terms with the Emperor of Germany and the King of France. To this +great king, with more truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be +applied the words of Miss Yonge:--[4] + +"He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on the +character of Solomon--large-hearted, wise, magnificent, tolerant, and +peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern, ascetic, +narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were the exquisite +horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices, inlaid jewellery of +marble pavements, and slender minarets, to their dark vault-like, +low-browed churches, and solid castles built out of hard unmanageable +granite." + + [1] Mutonia (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921). + + [2] Dozy, ii. 351, from an Arab writer. + + [3] A very interesting account of this embassy from Constantine + VII. (947) is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn + Khaldun.---See Conde, i. 442. + + [4] P. 57. + +We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we saw in +Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian renegade, +still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the throne; and his +treatment of Christians was, throughout his reign, tolerant and politic. + +But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very interesting +fragment that has come down to our own times, describing the embassy of +a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an abbey near Metz, who carried +letters from Otho, emperor of Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.[1] + +In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop who had +been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to have caused a +delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter contained blasphemies +against Christ, it was determined to write a reply in the king's name, +such as might perhaps convince Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A +certain bishop, Adalbero, was appointed to be at the head of the return +embassy,[2] and he asks the abbot of the monastery of Gorz to give him +two assistants. Two are chosen, but one of these quarrels with his +superior, and is expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself +as a substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with +great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent longing to +be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity. + + [1] See "Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot + of Arnulph. "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310. + + [2] In 953. + +Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors reached +the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova, where they were +assigned a house two miles from the palace, and, though well +entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as the Moorish +ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an answer, Otho's +messengers would have to wait nine years. Moreover, they now discovered +that the king had been already apprised of the contents of the letter, +which Otho had sent, by a comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom +John and his companions had taken with them to Barcelona. + +The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them not to +divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them liable to +punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would consider +blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John, the Bishop of +Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they should carry their gifts +to the king, and say nothing of the letter. But John of Gorz stoutly +refused to do this, saying that the delivery of the letter was his chief +duty, and that as Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not +be surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John of +Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the Christians stood, +viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he said, "by the apostle to +resist the powers that be. In our calamity, we have this one +consolation, we are allowed to observe our own laws and rites, and our +rulers, if they see us diligent in our religion, honour us, cherish us, +and delight in our society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion, +then, suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other +things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter should be +suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian community, and no +good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf ears. The monk of Gorz +was resolved on doing what he deemed his plain duty; nor was he content +to forego his chance of martyrdom, though his action might entail +disastrous consequences on the Christians subject to the Moors. He +taunted the bishop with giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better +die of hunger than eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at +the fact that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from +certain meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the +bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the Saracens. + +John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter +forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience, leaving them +to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955, however, the king +sent to them, and asked if they held firm to their previous resolve, and +on receiving an answer in the affirmative, he threatened all the +Christians in his dominions with loss of privileges and even death. John +of Gorz merely answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but +the latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who remind +him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would interfere in favour +of his ambassadors. + +John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that Abdurrahman +should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for instructions for his +ambassadors under the circumstances. Recemundus,[1] a Christian, offers +to go as ambassador, if a vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He +sets out and reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh +letter, with instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an +alliance with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting +down the brigands who infested the marches. + + [1] De Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with + Rabi, a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III. + in Al Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the + bishop who died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De + Gayangos (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace. + +Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he reached +Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive the second +comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So, after three years +semi-captivity, John is released, and told to prepare himself for the +king's presence by shaving, washing, and putting on new apparel. He +declines to go in any otherwise than he is; and even when the king, +thinking his refusal due to poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk +accepts the gift and distributes it to the poor, but says he will only +see the king as a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come +as he likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the +king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps of the +palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour lined both +sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king, as a great mark of +distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss, and beckoned him to a seat +near his own couch. After a silence Abdurrahman apologised to the monk +for the long delay which he had been obliged to impose on the embassy, +and which was in no sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose +virtue and wisdom he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was +no mere empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him +whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words, and +they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to depart +Abdurrahman says:--"After waiting so long to see one another, shall we +part so soon?" He suggests that they should have at least three +interviews. At their next meeting they discourse on the respective power +of the empires of Otho and the Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by +the experience of Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal +subjects to become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them. + +So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so pleasant a +light on the character and the Court of the greatest of Spanish Sultans, +and proves that the Christians at that time enjoyed considerable +freedom, and even honour, at the hands of the Moslem Government. + +The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter +brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read words +against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render himself liable +to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law to any Moslem--king +or slave--who listened to abuse of the Prophet without exacting summary +vengeance from the blasphemer. But--and here was the king's dilemma--he +could not punish the ambassadors without incurring the enmity of Otho. +The only possible alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho +should be asked to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan +having officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation +of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the threat +against the Christians as merely a threat, never really intended to be +put into execution. + +In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the Spanish +khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions of Islam; but, +as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been very inconsistent in +his views with regard to Christians and Jews at different times of his +career, and while he enjoined the necessity of Holy Wars,[1] he +permitted the people of the book to be admitted to tribute.[2] In one +passage he even seems to allow the possibility of salvation to Jews, +Christians, and Sabians: "Verily they who believe, and those who +Judaize, and the Sabians, and the Christians--whoever of these believeth +in God and the last day, and doeth that which is right--there shall come +no fear on them, neither shall they be grieved."[3] And there is one +remarkable text to find in the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no +violence in religion." [4] + +Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived upheld +the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the Persian Sufis, +is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for me, to judge of men's +consciences, and I will never interfere with what belongs to the +tribunal of the great Creator and Lord of the Universe."[5] Again, +Akbar, one of the greatest kings that ever lived, followed in practice +the principle thus expressed by his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution +after all defeats its own ends; it obliges men to conceal their +opinions, but produces no change in them."[6] Noble sentiments surely, +and such as we should expect from followers of Christ rather than of +Mohammed! + + [1] Tradition attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to + Mohammed than can be found in the Koran,--_e.g._, "The sword is + the key of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause + of God, a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two + months of fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against + the infidel, his sins are forgiven him." + + [2] Koran, xlvii., ad init. + + [3] Koran, v., v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of + Acts x. 35. + + [4] Koran, ii., v. 258. + + [5] See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia," + i. p 583. + + [6] _Ibid._, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11. + +Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been conspicuous +for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin, indeed, does say in his +letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester, that he does not approve of +punishing heresy with death, because God, by the mouth of His prophet, +had said: "I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that the +wicked turn from his way and live;"[1] but Alcuin was a man of unusual +mildness and sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus +testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in the +Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in connection with +the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to be forgotten--"Slay all; +God will know His own." + +In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the +Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a principal +argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of Valencia in his memorial +to Philip III. at the end of the sixteenth century.[2] + +A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded by +Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by Alfonso, on +the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of capitulation certain +mosques had been expressly reserved to the Moslems, just in the same way +as certain churches had been reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712. +But Bernard, by way of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance +of the king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque. +Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's +proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing that +the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct, came forward +of their own accord and begged him to pardon the act, and even +voluntarily surrendered their mosque.[3] + +Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion, but +even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.[4] Almanzor, the champion +of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays. Christians +in every reign held high posts at court[5] and throughout the land, and +not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and Leovigild, who +were known to sympathise with the party of zealots, were employed by the +king to write letters to, and negotiate with, the neighbouring kings. +This was no doubt due to their general trustworthiness, their quickness, +and their knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin. + + [1] Ezekiel xxxiii. 11. + + [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n. + + [3] Mariana, ix. 10. + + [4] See p. 57. Recent history affords a similar instance from + the Christian side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54--"I + have made them make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." _Ibid._, + p. 249, "I had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship, + and endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at + the opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha + who took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the + Mussulman worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable, + if sincere, as any Christian." + + [5] Such as secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister. + +Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the office +of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the office of +protection." The Christians and Jews were under his general +jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the protection."[1] But +besides this Arab "Secretary of State for the Christians," the latter +had their own counts--a relic of the Gothic system--who, however, did +not always stand up for their interests.[2] There were also Christian +censors,[3] but it is not known what position they held in the State. + +The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at Court, and +numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's bodyguard, of whom +under Hakem I. (796-822) there were 2000.[4] + + [1] Al Makk., i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398. + + [2] _E.g._. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus. + + [3] See above, p. 49. + + [4] Conde, i. p. 260. + +All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two +peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion, lived so +comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a perpetual state of +warfare between the Arabs and the Christians in the North, which tended +to keep alive the animosities of the two races in that part of Spain +which was under Mohammedan rule.[1] Moreover, the pride of race was very +strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet Said ibn Djoud, in a +poem called the "battle of the town" (Polei), boasts that the conquerors +are of the pure race of Adnan and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture; +while he calls the defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false +faith,[2] sons of the pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too +prone to look upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as +mere canaille.[3] + +But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated; and +Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of fanaticism in +the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation would have had +serious results for Christianity in Spain.[4] + +The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free Christian +States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same, when political +occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of the frontier cities +sought to make themselves independent by what the Arab writer describes +as "vile policy and unworthy acts," _i.e._, by seeking the friendship of +the Christian kings;[5] and there are many instances of these kings +asking aid, even servilely, from Arab princes.[6] + + [1] Dozy, ii. 108, puts the distinction between the races very + forcibly:--"Ce peuple qui joignait à une gaité franche et vive + une sensualité raffinée devait inspirer aux prêtres, qui + aimaient les retraites éternelles et profondes, les grands + renoncéments et les terribles expiations, une répugnance + extrême et invincible." + + [2] Dozy, ii. 223. + + [3] "C'était leur terme consacrée." Dozy, ii. 211. + + [4] "Heu pro dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus, + iugumque cum infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex + cotidiano usu illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis + ipsorum contubernia affectamus."--Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18. + + [5] Conde, i. 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.," + sec. 30. + + [6] Al Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II. + +Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case, intermarriages +were common between the two races. The example was early set by the +widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying Abdulaziz, son of Musa. +The sons of Witiza also married Arab women, and Sarah, the daughter of +one of these princes, was the progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs, +one of her descendants being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means +son of the Gothic princess.[1] Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all +the Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named Maria,[2] +and the mighty Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade +Christian.[3] These are some instances, but it is not necessary to dwell +on what was so common an occurrence as intermarriage between the +peoples, and is forbidden neither by the Koran,[4] nor by the Bible. + +However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a more +particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been supposed to +have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute of 100 maidens paid +by the northern kings to the earlier Arab Sultans. Modern historians +mostly throw doubt upon the story, saying that of the early historians +none mention it, and that the Arabs do not even allude to it.[5] But if +Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer does speak of it, as of a thing +well known. In a letter of Omar[6] ibn Alaftas Almudafar, King of +Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:--"Do thou remember +the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy mind those treaties +wherein thy forefathers offered him the homage even of their own +daughters, and sent him those damsels in tribute even to the land of our +rule." + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454. + + [2] Conde, i. 364. + + [3] Dozy, iii. 124. + + [4] Koran, v. 5:--"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those + that have received the Scriptures before you." + + [5] Dunham, ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276. + + [6] Conde, ii. 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn + Mohammed etc ibn Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos. + +The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient +ballads by the Christian Spaniards. The following are +two verses from one of these:-- + + "For he who gives the Moorish king a hundred maids of Spain + Each year when in the season the day comes round again; + If he be not a heathen he swells the heathen's train-- + 'Twere better burn a kingdom than suffer such disdain! + + "If the Moslems must have tribute, make men your tribute-money, + Send idle drones to tease them within their hives of honey; + For, when 'tis paid with maidens, from every maid there spring + Some five or six strong soldiers to serve the Moorish king."[1] + +Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to him was +on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is strong for a fact +of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much against the writers of +the ballads.[2] + +As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no +mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca and the +Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to it in a +document included in the collection of Florez.[3] "Our ancestors," says +Ramiro, "the kings of the land--we blush to record it--to free +themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them yearly +a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for their beauty, +fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people." It was to put an end +to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now ordered a levy _en masse_. +This, if the document is genuine (and Florez gives no hint to the +contrary), is good evidence for the fact. Many succeeding writers +mention it. Lucas of Tuy[4] says that Ramiro was asked for the tribute +in 842. Johannes Vasaeus[5] speaks of it, as also Alfonso, Bishop of +Burgos;[6] and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo[7] says that Mauregatus +(783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help, agreed to +send this tribute yearly. + +On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden tribute +being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for more than fifty +years. Most of these Christian maidens probably embraced the religion of +their husbands, but in some cases they no doubt converted them to their +own faith. + +From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere, +conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives of +worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall very much +against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power declined the +opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy was, and is, +unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances for those who +apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his followers, Ammar ibn +Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish, renounced his belief in God and in +Mohammed's mission, but afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed +received him kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of +thine, if they forced thee?"[8] + + [1] Lockhart. + + [2] Unless the ballads were written later than 1250--_i.e._, + after Rodrigo of Toledo had made the story known by his + history. + + [3] "Espana Sagrada," xix. 329--"Privilegiam quod dicitur + votoram, anno 844 a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi + concessae." + + [4] Lucas Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv. + + [5] "Hispaniae Chronicon," 783 A.D. + + [6] "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51. + + [7] III. c. 7. + + [8] Koran, xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +THE MUWALLADS. + + +That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very numerous at +first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that the new converts +formed a large and important party in the State, and almost succeeded in +wresting the government of Spain from the Arabs. The disorder and civil +war which may almost be said to have been chronic in Spain during the +Arab dominion were due to the fact that three distinct races settled in +that country were striving for the mastery, each of these races being +itself divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split +up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the descendants of +Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and Medina, who claimed +descent from Adnan.[1] To the latter section belonged the reigning +family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as the real +conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently reinforced by +fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile tribes of Botar and +Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards, part Christian, part +Mohammedan; the latter being either renegades themselves or the +descendants of renegades. These apostates were called by the Arabs +Mosalimah, or New Moslems,[2] and their descendants Muwallads,[3] or +those not of Arabic origin. The Christians were either tribute-paying +Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or free Christians, under Moslem +supremacy, called Ajemi;[4] or apostates from Islam,[5] called +Muraddin. The Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the +equality and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the +utmost contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.[6] Their condition was even +worse than that of the Christians, for they were, generally speaking, +excluded from lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs--a +dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the +population.[7] Stronger and more humane than the Berbers, they were +friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they were even +superior to the conquering Arabs.[8] + +The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by +religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with another, +and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were the mainstay of +the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After breaking with the +Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining possession of the whole kingdom, +and carried fire and desolation to the very gates of Cordova.[9] + + [1] See above, p. 23, note 3. + + [2] Cp. "New Christians." + + [3] Pronounced Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted." + + [4] Al Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note. + + [5] Al Makkari, ii. 458. + + [6] Cp. "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only + regret is that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to + despise me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet + calls them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258. + + [7] So Dozy, ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab + population." + + [8] Dozy, ii. 261. + + [9] Al Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note. + +As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain +theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was suppressed. In +814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion being put down with +great severity by the help of the Berbers, the Cordovan Muwallads were +exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and 8000 to Fez.[1] But though +exterminated in Cordova, the renegades still mustered strong in Spain. +At Elvira they rose in Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and +threw off the Arab yoke;[2] and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn +Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos and +Merida.[3] At Seville the Muwallad element was specially strong, as we +see from the many family names, such as Beni Angelino, Beni Sabarico, +which betray a Spanish origin. The majority of the inhabitants embraced +Islam early, and had their mosque by the middle of the ninth century, +but they retained many Spanish customs and characteristics. When the +Arabs of Seville revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined +the latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic +family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently with all +their neighbours. + + [1] Dozy, App. B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he + of the suburb) from this. + + [2] Ihn Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff. + + [3] In 875. "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184. + +It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out the +history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers against the +Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of the Muwallads and +Christians are a necessary part of our subject. The latter, though well +treated on the whole, naturally looked back with regret to the days of +their own supremacy, and were ready to intrigue with anyone able to +assist them against their Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them +communicating with the kings of France; and there is still extant a +letter from Louis the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in +826, which is as follows:--"We have heard of your tribulation, which you +suffer from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take +away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz did. +He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to pay, turned +you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to disobedient +vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But you, like brave +men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we write now to condole with +you, and to exhort you to continue your resistance, and since your king +is our enemy as well as yours, let us join in opposing him. + +"We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait there +till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if you will +desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be secured to you, +and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes, and shall live under +your own laws."[1] + +The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to have +effected nothing. + +During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the +voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of +Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we may +suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted in favour +of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that Mohammed +imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was but the signal +for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As we have already seen, +the king set out with an army against the Toledans, who appealed to +Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough to get such an opportunity for +weakening the Arab government, Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but +the Toledans and Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the +Sultan's troops.[2] Within twenty years, however, Toledo became +practically independent, except for the payment of tribute.[3] + + [1] Apud Florez, "Españo Sagrada." + + [2] Dozy, ii. 162. + + [3] _Ibid_, p. 182. + +From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the population, +whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the exclusiveness of the old +Arabs, and ready to make common cause against them. The unity of race +prevailed over the difference of creed, as it did in the case of the +English Roman Catholics in the war with Spain, and as it usually will +under such circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to +find an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn +Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from the +hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count Alfonso,[1] and +his family had been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather +Djaffar. Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative +and honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at Bobastro +or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and Ronda, in the +sierra stretching from Granada to Gibraltar.[2] After a brief sojourn in +Africa, where his ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great +future, he returned to Spain, and at once began business again as +brigand at Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.[3] Being captured, he was +brought to Cordova, but spared on condition of enlisting in the king's +forces. But he soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the +Spaniards in the South, Moslem and Christian,[4] whose ardour he aroused +by such words as these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan, +who spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will you +let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you as their +slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but a desire to +avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he made alliances at +different times with the Muwallads in Elvira, Seville, and Saragoza, +and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan, in Badajos. + + [1] Dozy, ii. 190. + + [2] Al Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note. + + [3] In 880 or 881. + + [4] See a description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole + ("Moors in Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee, + Cordova! when the captain with the great nose and ugly face--he + who is guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters--when + Ibn Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate + be accomplished." + +Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by +Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar was +further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil, the Count +of Cordova.[1] The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from Omar's path +his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak reign, the rebel leader +was virtual king of the south and east of Spain. The district of +Regio[2] was made over to him by the king, and Omar's lieutenant, Ibn +Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo. + +This protracted war, which was really one for national independence, was +carried on year after year with varying success. At one time Omar +conceived the intention of proclaiming the Abasside Khalifs,[3] at +another he grasped at the royal power himself; and Abdallah's empire was +only saved by a seasonable victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).[4] +The battle was fought on the eve of the Passover, and the Moslems +taunted their enemies with having such a joyful feast, and so many +victims to commemorate it with. This shows that a large, perhaps the +largest, part of Omar's army was Christian. Another indication of this +is found in a poem of Tarikh ibn Habib,[5] where, speaking of the coming +destruction of Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill +of Abu Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian +soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it is +certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before this +battle,[6] as his father had done before him. He took the name of +Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen, suffered martyrdom. +This change of creed on Omar's part changed the character of the war, +and gave it more of a religious,[7] and perhaps less of a national, +character, for the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became +Christian and built churches. + + [1] Servandus. Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note. + + [2] Where Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335. + + [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note. + + [4] Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the + same victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or + Aguilar. + + [5] See Dozy, ii. p. 275. + + [6] Ibn Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326. + + [7] In 896, on the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn + as Khalia, all the Christians were massacred.--Dozy, ii. p. + 327. + +Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his +supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar himself +did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death. The king's +successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of man from Abdallah, +and the reduction of Omar became only a question of time, though, in +fact, the apostasy of Omar from Islam had made the ultimate success of +the national party very doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death, +his son, Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems +by embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the +Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs +surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great rebellion was +finally extinguished. + +So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under +the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to shake off +the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the tenth century the +strong administration of Abdurrahman III., Hakem II., and the great +Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance of raising the cry of "Spain for +the Spanish." The danger of a renewal of the rebellion once removed, the +position of the Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in +consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself the +son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt with great +leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the more devout Moslems. +Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and even liked, by his Christian +subjects, and there is no doubt that his victories over the Christian +States in the North[1] were won very largely with the aid of Christian +soldiers. His death was the signal for the disruption of the Spanish +Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when the khalifate was finally +extinguished, complete anarchy prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers +made a determined effort to regain their ascendency, and their forces, +seconded by the Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne +in 1013. A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different +factions--Arab, Berber, and Slave--followed, until Hischem III. was +forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an end, +after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the North had +gathered themselves together for a combined advance against the Saracen +provinces, never again to retrograde, scarcely even to be checked, till +in 1492 fell Granada, the last stronghold of the Moors in Spain.[2] + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. p. 214. + + [2] In 1630 there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.--Al + Makk., i. p. 74. + + + + +CHAPTER IX. + +CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE +ANOTHER'S CREED. + + +In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and Mohammedans +were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions and frequent +intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough knowledge seems to +have existed, on either side, of the creed of the other party. Such, at +least, is the conclusion to which we are driven, on reading the only +direct records which remain on the subject among Arab and Christian +writers. These on the Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from +a book on Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his +disciple, Eulogius;[1] and some rather incoherent denunciations of +Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,[2] another pupil of the abbot's. In +these, as might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of +Mohammed's paradise,[3] and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to +the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest on good +authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But among other +blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is one of which we find +no mention in the Koran--the assertion, namely, that he would in the +next world be wedded to the Virgin Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is +equally incorrect when, in a letter to Alvar,[4] he alleges a promise on +the part of Mohammed that he would, like Christ, rise again from the +dead; whereas his body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured +by dogs. The Christian bishop does not hesitate to add--sepultus est in +infernum--he was buried in hell.[5] + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35. + + [3] _Ibid._, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means + wholly sensual.--Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78. + + [4] Sec 9. + + [5] This shows the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom, + says Eulogius ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every + Christian's duty to kill, were he alive on earth. + +It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor write, and +this appears to have been the opinion of Alvar;[1] but the same witness +acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and beautiful +language that even Christians could not help reading and admiring it.[2] + +On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to +Christianity, Eulogius[3] at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed, +he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of God,[4] +and His Spirit;[5] a great prophet,[6] endowed with much power from +God;[7] like Adam in His creation,[8] but not equal to God (the +Creator);[9] and that by reason of His blameless[10] life, being filled +with the Holy Spirit,[11] He showed marvellous signs and wonders through +the power of God,[12] not working by His own Godhead, but as a righteous +Man, and an obedient servant,[13] obtaining much power and might from +the Almighty God through prayer." + + [1] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the + present day. + + [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19. + + [4] Koran, ch. iii. 40. + + [5] Koran, ch. ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit." + + [6] Kor., c. iii. 59. + + [7] Kor., c. iii. 45. + + [8] Kor., c. iii. 50. + + [9] Kor., c. ix. 33. + + [10] Kor., c. iii. + + [11] This is a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran, + ch. ii. 81, note. + + [12] Kor., ch. v. 110 ff. + + [13] Koran, cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59. + +Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius, and he +even seems to have had a prejudiced idea[1] that the Prophet set himself +deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those taught by Christ. +It would be nearer to the truth to say that the divergence between the +two codes of morals was due to the natural ignorance of an illiterate +Arabian, brought into contact only with an heretical form of +Christianity, the real doctrines of which he was therefore not likely to +know. + +According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the +Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We shall +realise the absurdity of this when we consider the reverence in which +Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going so far even as to deny that +Christ Himself was crucified at all.[2] The true reason for selecting +Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because the work of +creation ended on that day.[3] + +Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ preached +chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have preached +sensuality, though his private life in this respect was by no means +pure. + +Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge was +never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity enjoins +fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of such texts as +Matthew ix. 14,[4] and Isaiah lviii. 6--"Is not this the fast that I +have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy +burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one hand; and on the +other the express injunction of the Koran[5]:--"O true believers, a fast +is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ... if ye fast, +it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month of Ramadan shall ye +fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more astonishing statement +still:--"Christ ordained that men should abstain from their wives during +a fast, while Mohammed consecrated those days to carnal pleasure." +Christ surely gives us no such injunction, though St Paul does say +something of the kind. The Koran[6] explicitly says--"It is lawful for +you on the night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a +garment unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an +incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya, the +famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on Abdurrahman +II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance, that wives should +be abstained from during the fasting month.[7] Alvar, being a layman, +may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism critically, +and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is perhaps the best +explanation of the matter. In one place[8] he informs us of his +intention of writing a book on the Cobar,[9] but the work, if ever +written, has not survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may +judge by the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere[10] on this theme. In +that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of Daniel[11] to +Mohammed, forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not +the desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of Mohammed. +He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our revised version +(v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with the Mohammedan +Cobar;[12] and the strange god, whom he shall acknowledge, Alvar +identifies with the devil which inspired the Prophet in the guise of the +angel Gabriel. All this, as the writer himself allows, is very +enigmatical. + + [1] See Dozy, ii. 107. + + [2] See Koran, cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes. + + [3] See Sale's note on Koran, c. lxii. 9. + + [4] Cf. also Matt. xi. 19--"The Son of Man came eating and + drinking, and they say, Behold a gluttonous man and a + wine-bibber." + + [5] Chapter ii. 180. + + [6] Chapter ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day + time. + + [7] From Ibn Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108. + + [8] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25. + + [9] _I.e._, the Caaba apparently. + + [10] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25, ff. + + [11] C. xi. vv. 21, ff. + + [12] ? Caaba. + +Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry, asserting +that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba black stone[1]) as +they used to do of yore, and that they set apart a holy month, Al Mozem, +in honour of this idol.[2] + +Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of +Antichrist,[3] or as Antichrist himself.[4] + +Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated Moslems +with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find these to be no +less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of Christians as to +Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse the Moslems, for the +Koran itself, the very foundation and guide of all their religious +dogmas, is full of incorrect and inconsistent notions on the subject. + +The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians worshipped +a Trinity of Deities--God, Christ, Mary.[5] The inclusion of the Virgin +Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that worship was paid +to her even at that early date, as it certainly is among the Roman +Catholics at this day. As will have been seen from a passage quoted +above,[6] something very like adoration was already paid to the Virgin +in the churches of Spain. + + [1] Sale, Introduction to Koran, p. 91. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25. + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 21. + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 53. + + [5] See Koran, v. ad fin.:--"And when God shall say unto Jesus + at the last day: O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men, + Take me and my mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall + answer, Praise be unto thee! it is not for me to say that which + I ought not." + + [6] P. 56. + +But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali ibn +Hazm,[1] the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-March 1024), +will show that some educated Moslems knew enough of the Christian creed +to appreciate its difficulties:--"We need not be astonished," says Ibn +Hazm, "at the superstition of men. Look at the Christians! They are so +numerous that God only knows their numbers. They have among them men of +great intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they +believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the three is +the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that the Father is, and +is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not, God; that the Messiah is God +in every respect, and yet not the same as God; that He who has existed +from all eternity has been created. + +"One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites, and which +number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the Creator Himself was +scourged, crucified, and put to death; so that the Universe for three +days was deprived of its Governor." + +Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the Moslems +thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of Spain, round +whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the north of the +Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,[2] who, in his account of Almanzor's +fiftieth expedition against the Christians, says:--"Shant Yakoh +(Santiago)[3] is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not only by the +Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring continent, who look upon +its church with a veneration such as Moslems entertain for the Caaba of +Mecca; for their Caaba is a colossal idol (statue) which stands in the +middle of the church. They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage +from the most distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries +beyond Rome, pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that +of Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved by +Isa (Jesus).--May the blessing of God be on him, and on our +Prophet!--The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus, because, +while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he was Bishop of +Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth preaching the religion +[of Christ], and calling upon the inhabitants to embrace it, till he +came to that remote corner of Andalus; that he then returned to Syria, +where he died at the age of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that, +after the death of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it +in that church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of +his preaching]." + + [1] II. 227, apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a + strict Moslem, _averse to judging divine questions by human + reasoning_." + + [2] Al Makkari, ii. 293. + + [3] Miss Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub, + but what authority has this statement? + +In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly cultivated, as +they were in Spain during the time of Arab domination, and where the +rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem produced a sustained period of +intellectual activity such as the world has rarely seen, controversial +theology could not fail to have been largely developed. But the books, +if any were written, from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all +perished, and we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left +to us as those already quoted. + +In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of Spain +had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences as we can +from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of the period; from +our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain, and Mohammedanism in +Africa, before they were brought into contact in Andalusia, compared +with what they became after that contact had made itself felt; and from +the observed effects of such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful +consideration of these scattered hints we shall see that certain +effects were visible, which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples +been allowed to continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had +there been no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa, +would in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or +both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation. + + + + +CHAPTER IX. + +HERESIES IN SPAIN. + + +Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in history. +The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a religion, which may +have been a cross between Judaism, Christianity, and Magianism.[1] But +Mohammedanism itself has furnished the most marked instances of such +amalgamation. In Persia Islam combined with the creed of Zoroaster to +produce Babyism; while in India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused +together by the genius of Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism. + +It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with +Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity with +itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to combine with +it in such a way as to produce a religion like both, and yet different +from either.[2] Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two cardinal +doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if they are to remain +distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity of God, they agree. In +the other they do, and always must, differ. The divinity of Christ on +the one side, and the divine mission of Mohammed on the other, are +totally incompatible doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be +so. Surrender both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem +possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a statement +attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,[3] in recounting the history of the +successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn Yunas, who during the last +quarter of the ninth century, while all Moslem Spain was a prey to the +wildest anarchy, became a leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in +Merida and the neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and +Christians in one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion, +which held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all +we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most important +consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence enough that the +attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt, if it can be called so, +to combine Islam and Christianity has resulted in that curious compound +called the religion of the Druses. + + [1] For an attempted compromise between Christianity and + Brahmanism, see the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic + priest, "Education and Missions," p. 14. + + [2] Cp., however, the Druse religion. + + [3] Dozy, ii. 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the + Galician (el Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but + there is some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii. + 439, and De Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki, + _i.e._, of the stock of the Galicians. + +But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam and +Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could hardly fail to +undergo considerable modifications in themselves by reason of their +close contact for several centuries. + +In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if any) +of such modification in the so-called heresies which may have arisen in +Spain during this period. These will require a somewhat strict +examination to be made to yield up their secret. + +The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for introducing +innovations[1] into the doctrines and practices of the true faith, and +even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way. The very first +Council whose acts have come down to us, held at Elvira in Spain, early +in the fourth century, contains a canon censuring the use of pictures. +The very first heretics, who were punished for their error with death by +the hands of their fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the +Spanish Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the +Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as +well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish Council at +the end of the sixth century, but not universally received in the West +until 600 years later.[2] And as we have seen, the use of pictures was +denounced long before the times of the Iconoclasts. + +We will now take in order the several heresies that made themselves +noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab supremacy, and see +if we can trace any relation between them and the Moslem faith. + +To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having arisen +in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth century.[3] It +was more practical than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the +need of confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men +ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a wholly +laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the worthy abbé who +records it: cette doctrine, _si favorable à libertinage_, trouva un +grand nombre de partisans, et excite encore le zèle d'Alcuin.[4] + + [1] Alcuin ad Elipandum, iv. 13---"Audi me, obsecro, patienter, + scholastica Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi + semper aliquid audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta + ecclesiae universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te + invenies, unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo." + + [2] Lateran Council, 1215. + + [3] See, however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the + province, Ep., 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594. + + [4] Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. dé l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309. + +That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the Arabs in +the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course impossible to +affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in the spirit of the +verses of the Koran: "O ye who have received[1] the Scripture come to a +just determination between us and you, that we worship not any except +God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one of us take not +the other for lords, beside God." And "They take their priests and monks +for their lords besides God."[2] + + [1] Chap. iii. p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such + terms of agreement as are indisputably consonant to the + doctrine of all the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore + cannot reasonably be rejected." + + [2] Chap. ix. Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with + idolatry both on other grounds and because "they paid too + implicit an obedience to their priests and monks, who took upon + them to pronounce what things were lawful and what unlawful, + and to dispense with the laws of God." See Sale, _Ibid._ + _Cp._-- + + Haughty of heart and brow the warrior came, + In look and language proud as proud might be, + Vaunting his lordship, lineage, fights, and fame, + Yet was that barefoot monk more proud than he. + And as the ivy climbs the tallest tree, + So round the loftiest soul his toils he wound; + And with his spells subdued the fierce and free. + Till ermined age and youth in arms renowned + Honouring his scourge and hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground. + + And thus it chanced that valour, peerless knight, + Who ne'er to king or kaiser veiled his crest, + Victorious still in bull-feast or in fight, + Since first with mail his limbs he did invest, + Stooped ever to that anchoret's behest; + Nor reasoned of the right, nor of the wrong, + But at his bidding laid the lance in rest, + And wrought fell deeds the troubled world along, + For he was fierce as brave, and pitiless as strong. + --SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix. xxx. + +Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed to +Migetius (_circa_ 750). According to the rather obscure account, which +has come down to us,[1] he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of +the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as corporeal, +the Father being personified in David, the Son in Jesus, and the Holy +Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe that the doctrine, thus +crudely stated by Elipandus, was really held by anyone. We may perhaps +infer[2] that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian (itself a form +of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons of the Trinity to one, +acknowledged certain [Greek: energeiai], or powers, emanating from Him, +which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul respectively. As the first +and last of these three recipients of the Divine powers were confessedly +men, it follows that Migetius was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity, +which is the cardinal doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any +other doctrine distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly +he appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,[3] and in +this he made an approach to Mohammedanism.[4] + + [1] Elipandus to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859. + + [2] With Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec. + 29. + + [3] Enhueber, sec. 32. + + [4] Neander, v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the [Greek: + Logos] became personal with the assumption of Christ's + humanity; that the [Greek: Logos] was the power constituting + the personality of Christ. Hence, says Neander, he was accused + of asserting that Christ, the son of David according to the + flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God, was the Second Person of + the Trinity. + +A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by those +who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did not believe +the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the utterances of the +prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned men, and, while they claimed +to take their stand upon the Gospel, pointing to texts like John xx. 17, +'I ascend unto my Father, and your Father, unto my God and your God,' to +prove that Christ was merely man."[1] In his answer to Alvar's letter, +Speraindeo says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;" +he might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according to +the abbot, spoke of three powers (_virtutes_) forming one Person, not, +as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one God.[2] Here we see a +close resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph; but +the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer approach to the +teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John xx. 17 given above, as +will be seen, if we compare with that text the following passages of the +Koran, put into the mouth of Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your +Lord; therefore serve him:"[3] "They are surely infidels who say, +verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since Christ said, O children of +Israel, serve God, my Lord and your Lord:"[4] and, "I have not spoken +unto them any other than what thou didst command me--namely, worship +God, my Lord and your Lord."[5] + + [1] Alvar's letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in + defence of this doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of + that day and that hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of + heaven, but my Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo + refers to Gen. iii. 9, where God the Father seems not to know + where Adam is. + + [2] Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a + happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made + up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple. + + [3] Koran, c. iii. v. 46. + + [4] Kor., c. v. 77. + + [5] Kor., c. v. 118. + +We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most remarkable and +original of those innovations to which Alcuin taunts the Spanish Church +with being addicted. Unfortunately we derive little of our knowledge of +the new doctrine from the originators and supporters of it--our +information on the subject coming chiefly from passages quoted by their +opponents (notably our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the +heresy had an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been +the opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the +Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman Church, +held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by lowering the +character of Christ, to pave the way for a union between Christians and +Mohammedans."[1] Enhueber,[2] also, in his treatise on this subject, +quotes a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the +heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a contact +with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with them.[3] + +Neander[4] thinks that there are some grounds for supposing that Felix, +one of the authors of the heresy, had been employed in defending +Christianity against objections brought against it from the Moslem +standpoint,[5] and in proving the divinity of Christ, so that they might +be induced to accept it. Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace +this particular doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the +Christian view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion. + +There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new theory, the +evidence being of a conflicting character, and pointing now to +Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all Spain, now to Felix, +bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.[6] + + [1] Mariana, vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See + Blunt, "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism; + and Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847--"deceptus uterque contagione + forsan insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium + Mohametanorum commercio." + + [2] Enhueber, sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4. + + [3] "Usus enim frequenti Maurorum commercio."--_Ibid_. + + [4] V. 219. + + [5] This perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which + the Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix. + Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to + Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni + peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem." + + [6] The prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine + arose out of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius. + +The claims of Felix[1] are supported by Eginhard,[2] Saxo, and Jonas of +Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled +"Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the baneful +heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,[3] says that he is +convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also was the +chief offender. + +The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow _à priori_ +considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the author. According to +Neander,[4] he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and he certainly +uses some very strong language in his writings against his opponents, +and stands a good deal on his dignity as head of the Spanish Church. For +instance, speaking of his accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and +Beatus,[5] a priest of Libana, he says of the former that he wallows in +the mire of all lasciviousness;[6] that he is totally unfit to officiate +at God's altar;[7] that he is a false prophet[8] and a heretic; and, +forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in +another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of gross +sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of Astorga,[9] +accusing him of heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which +means that instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the +very opposite.[10] + + [1] See "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305. + + [2] "Annals," 792. + + [3] Alcuin, "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose + in Cordova, and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after + the latter's recantation. + + [4] Neander (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his + writings. An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata + Eccl. Tolet), describes him as "parum accurate in sacris + litteris versatus." + + [5] Died in 798. Fleury v., p. 236. + + [6] Elipand. Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus." + + [7] "Ab altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this + to mean that he was deposed. + + [8] He gave the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and + prophesied the end of the world in the near future. See letter + of Beatus, book i., sec. 23--"Novissima hora est ... nunc + Antichristi multi facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum + est illius Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in + mundo est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops. + + [9] "Elipandus and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1. + + [10] This practice of punning on names is very common in these + writers. "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly + occurs. So Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called + "hostis Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the + bodies of Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very + "Leo vigilans." + +But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging the +venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter to the +bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity," speaks of him as +most blameless,[1] and confesses that he has heard much of his piety and +devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard to Felix, in a +letter to him.[2] Yet in his book against Elipandus, he exclaims, not +without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of wool on your +shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing which you minister to +the people, for all the daily shaving of your beard[3] ... if you +renounce not these doctrines, you will be numbered with the goats!" +Another testimony (of doubtful value, however) in Elipandus' favour is +to be found in the anonymous life of Beatus,[4] where Elipandus is said +to have succeeded Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his +reputation for learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain. + + [1] "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam + bonam religiosae vitae de vobis." + + [2] "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo + Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei + Catholicae fervens." + + [3] Beards were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii., + and probably the distinction was much insisted on because of + the Moslem custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive + dress of the clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern + staminia et lana oviuin religiosum adprobat." + + [4] See Migne, xcvi., 890 ff. + +Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the Migetian +errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude with regard to +the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being dictated to in the +matter of what was, or what was not, sound doctrine, and, in the letter +quoted above, he scornfully remarks that he had never heard that it was +the province of the people of Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in +the defiant attitude taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a +jealousy, felt by the old independent Church of Spain under its own +primate, towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of +the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be +Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but the +bishop of Rome. + +It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by Elipandus +and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that Adoptionism was merely a +revival of the Bonosian errors, which had long taken root in Spain;[1] +others, that it was a revival of the Nestorian[2] heresy, a new phase of +the controversy between the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;[3] or +that it was an attempt to reform Christianity, purging it from later +additions.[4] Alcuin, however, speaks of its followers as a new sect, +unknown to former times.[5] Stated briefly, the new doctrine was that +Jesus, in so far as His manhood was concerned, was son of God by +adoption. This error had been foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril +of Alexandria (348-386):[6] by Hilary of Arles (429-449).[7] The +Eleventh Council of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a +hundred years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God +was His Son by nature, not by adoption. + + [1] Enhueber, Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were + condemned at Capua in 389. For their development in Spain, see + "Isidore of Seville." + + [2] Condemned at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism + with this, see letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?). + + [3] Neander, v., p. 216. + + [4] _Ibid._, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo. + + [5] Alcuin contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it + had anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero + anathematizamus Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum, + adoptivum fuisse adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse + Patrem, quem Filium, quem et Spiritus sanctus (_sic_) et non + ipsud, delirat. Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum + Sanctum creaturas esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum + qui Christum solum Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat. + Anathematizamus Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum, + et onagrum Etherium, doctorem bestialem ...," etc. + + [6] "Lectures on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God + by nature, begotten of the Father, not by adoption." + + [7] De Trinit, v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God--a + God by adoption, or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec + connuncupatus)." + +It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation of +Nestorianism.[1] It agreed with the latter in repudiating the term +"Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,[2] but it differed from +it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in +Christ. What Felix--and on him devolved the chief onus of defence in the +controversy--wished to make clear, was that the predicates of Christ's +two natures could not logically be interchanged.[3] He therefore +reasoned thus: Christ in respect to His Deity is God, and Son of God; +with respect to His Manhood He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in +essence, but by being taken into union with Him, who _is_ in essence +God, and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity +from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that humanity, +be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This relation of Jesus the +Man to God he preferred to describe by the term Adoption--a word not +found in Scripture in this connection, "but," says Felix, "implied +therein,[4] for what is adoption in a son, if it be not election, +assumption _(susceptio)_." The term itself was no doubt found by Elipandus +_in_ the Gothic Liturgy;[5] and he most likely used it at first with no +thought of raising a metaphysical discussion on so knotty a point. Being +brought to task, however, for using the word by those whom he deemed his +ecclesiastical inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike +to acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says +Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief author of +the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from ignorance and +inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a heretic, till, admonished +of his error, he arrogantly and obstinately defended a position which he +had only taken up through ignorance."[6] + +Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix[7] for his opinion on +Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great penetration and +acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine, stating in his answer that +Christ must be considered with regard to His Divinity as truly God and +Son of God, but with regard to His Manhood, as Son of God in name only, +and by adoption. + + [1] See Blunt, "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism. + + [2] Neander, v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary. + + [3] Neander, v. 220. + + [4] Alcuin contra Felicem, iii. c. 8. + + [5] "Elipand. ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio ([Greek: + analêpsis]) occurs _(a)_ in the Missa de coena Domini: + _adoptivi hominis passio;_ _(b)_ in the prayer de tertia feria + Pascha: _adoptionis gratia;_ _(c)_ in that de Ascensione: + _adoptionem carnis._ The Council of Frankfurt (794) branded the + authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did Alcuin) and as + the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See Fleury, v. 243. + + [6] Enhueber, "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the + same remark in other words. + + [7] See Blunt, Art. on Adoptionism. + +To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried on, it +will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix, and in +certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:-- + +_(a.)_ "If Christ, as man, is not the _adopted_ Son of God, then must +His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and consequently must be +something different from the manhood of men."[1] To this Alcuin can only +oppose another dilemma, which, however, is more of the nature of a +quibble. "If," he says, "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is +also God, then is God the adopted Son of God?"[2] Here Alcuin confounds +the predicates of Christ's two natures--the very thing Felix protested +against--and uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of +Felix, which was based on this very denial of any interchange of +predicates. + +_(b.)_ Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David, sometimes as Son +of God. One person can only have two fathers, if one of these be an +adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin answers: "As a man (body +and soul) is called the son of his father, so Christ (God and man) is +called Son of God."[3] But to those who deny that a man's soul is +derived from his father, this argument would carry no weight. + +_(c.)_ Christ stood in a position of natural dependence towards God over +and above the voluntary submission which He owed to His Father as +God.[4] This dependence Felix expresses by the term _servus +conditionalis_, applied to Jesus.[5] He may have been thinking of Matt. +xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to +Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him the form of a servant, and was made +in the likeness of men."[6] Or perhaps he had in his mind, if the theory +of the influence of Mohammedanism is true, those passages of the Koran +which speak of Christ as a servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain +to be a servant unto God,"[7] and, "Jesus is no other than a +servant."[8] + +(_d._) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction between Christ +the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke xviii. 19, "Why +callest thou Me good? There is none good, save one, even God;" Mark +xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour, knoweth no one, not even the +angels in heaven, neither the Son, but the Father." Texts such as these +can only be met by a reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16, +where God is said to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death +upon the Cross. + + [1] Alcuin contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12. + + [2] Alcuin (_ibid.,_ i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be + the adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of + God's substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in + respect to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of + God." But this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also + Contra Felic., vii. sec. 2. + + [3] Contra Felic, iii. sec. 2. + + [4] Cp. 1 Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This + position of dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem + beatae Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur." + + [5] Cp. Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei + simul et hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam + adoptivum Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35) + ... quia, si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei + secundum gratiam, profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et + cum advocato advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et _cum servo + servi_." + + [6] Cf. Acts iii. 13. + + [7] Koran, iv. v. 170. + + [8] Koran, xliii. v. 59. + +Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of Christ the +Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that this adoption, +though the same in kind[1] as that which enables _us_ to cry Abba, +Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps specifically +higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not being entered into +at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only the point at which His +adoption was outwardly made manifest by signs of miraculous power, which +continued till the resurrection. Christ's adoption--according to Felix, +was assumed at His conception, "His humanity developing in accordance +with its own laws, but in union with the Logos."[2] It will be seen +that though Felix wished to keep clear the distinction between Christ as +God, and as Man, yet he did not carry this separation so far as to +acknowledge two persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the +unity of Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct +personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be recognised +as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close a manner as to +amount to an absorption of the human personality into the Divine +Person."[3] The two natures of Christ had been asserted by the Church +against the Monophysites, and the two wills against the Monothelites, +but the Church never went on to admit the two Persons.[4] With regard to +the contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion +that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere abstraction, +a metaphysical link joining two essentially incompatible natures,"[5] or +that the dispute was only about names, and that by adopted son Felix and +the others meant nothing really different from the orthodox doctrine.[6] + + [1] See John x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222. + + [2] Neander (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this + differently: "There were (according to Felix) two births in our + Lord's life--(a) the assumption of man at the conception; (_b_) + the adoption of that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii. + 16: "Qui est Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes; + primam quae secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae + per adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem + complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam + suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in + lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo." + + [3] Blunt, article on Adopt. + + [4] Cp. Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina + persona est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia + vero substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est, + substantia res naturae." + + [5] Blunt, _ibid._ Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where + he says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual + personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved + it. + + [6] So Walchius. + +The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of Elipandus to +the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,[1] but it did not attract notice +till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the orthodox +bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of the heresy +having reached him--a heresy, he remarks, never before propounded, +unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he mentions Ascarius,[2] +Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over to his views. The new +doctrine seems to have made its way quickly over a great part of +Spain,[3] while Felix propagated it with considerable success in +Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in Spain were Beatus and +Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and Theudula, Bishop of Seville; +while beyond its borders Alcuin, Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of +Lyons, under the direction of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended +the orthodox position. + + [1] See Migne, 96 p. 848. + + [2] Fleury, v. 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus, + asking the latter's opinion on some doubtful points in the new + doctrine. + + [3] Jonas of Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac + virulenta doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit." + +Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the +overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and suffered +for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living under a +Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters or messages. He +seems even to have received something more than a mere negative support +from the Arabs, if we are right in so interpreting a passage in the +letter of Beatus and Etherius.[1] But it is hard to believe that +Elipandus was on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed, +from passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was +rather the case.[2] Neander suggests that it may have been a Gothic +king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems even more +unlikely than the other supposition. + +The first council called to consider this question was held by the +suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788, when the +heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of Gaul.[3] + +A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in 791, with +the same results.[4] But in the following year the heresy was formally +condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the presidency of +the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was sent to Rome to be +further condemned by the Pope, that the whole Western Church might take +action in the matter. Felix was there induced to write a book condemning +his own errors, but in spite of this he was not restored to his see.[5] +On his return, however, to Spain, Felix relapsed into his old heresy, +which he had never really abjured.[6] + + [1] I. sec. 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae + pari certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter + virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus + auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec. + 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum + potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit." + + [2] Elip. ad. Albinum, sec. 7--"Oppressione gentis afflicti non + possumus tibi rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana + dispendia quibus duramus potius quam vivimus." + + [3] There are some doubts about this council. + + [4] Fleury, v. 236. Hefele dates it 796. + + [5] See letter of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for + Felix's restoration (794). + + [6] Leo III. said of him, at a council held in Rome (799): + "_Fugiens ad paganos consentaneos_ perjuratus effectus est." + See Froben, "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336. + +In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the orthodox +position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter, admonishing him of +his errors, and acknowledging that all his previous utterances on +theology had been sound and true. Felix answered this letter, but his +reply is not preserved. To the same, or following, year belongs the +letter of Elipandus and the bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops +of Gaul, defending their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of +Felix. + +In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and other +English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend, and heard his +heresy again condemned and anathematised, the decree to this effect +being sent to Elipandus.[1] Alcuin's book was read by Charles, and sent +into Septimania by the hands of the abbot Benedict. + +The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at +Frankfurt.[2] In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent by him +first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan clergy, sent +on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with Paulinus and the +Pope as his coadjutors. + +In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin argued +for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for Felix again +recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith discarding the word +adoption, but still preserving the distinction of predicates belonging +to the two natures.[3] Alcuin's book, after being revised by Charles, +was published 800 A.D. Previously to this he had written to Elipandus, +who answered in no measured terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things, +of enormous wealth. This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer, +Alcuin wrote the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which +was the means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic Gaul.[4] +But in spite of Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the +anathemas of the councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up +his new doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts. +Elipandus, though very old[5] at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years +longer, and Felix survived him eight years;[6] and they both died +persisting in their error.[7] + + [1] Fleury, v. 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne, + xcvi. 858, gives us the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac + nefanda haeresis Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix + (_sic_) Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium." + + [2] Neander, v. 228. + + [3] _Ibid._, p. 232. + + [4] Froben, sec, 82. Neander says 10,000. + + [5] Alcuin adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius + tantummodo laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte + praereptum esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem." + + [6] Or perhaps six. + + [7] No reliance can be placed in the statement of the + Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of + Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione + Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium + (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato + publice errore _fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae_ confessus + est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec. + 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of + Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his + error. + +We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy, both from +its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned above, there are +some reasons for thinking that it was the outcome of a wish to +conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as well to recapitulate such +evidence as we have obtained on this point. But we must not expect to +find the traces of Mohammedan influence in the development, so much as +in the origination, of the theory. What we do find is slight enough, +amounting to no more than this:-- + +(_a._) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan from genuine +Christianity--setting aside for a moment the transcendental mystery of +the Trinity--was the Divinity of Christ. Anything, therefore, that +tended to emphasise the humanity of Jesus, or to obscure the great fact +of Christ the Man, being Son of God, which sounded so offensive to +Mohammedan ears, would so far bring the Christian creed nearer to the +Mohammedan's acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of +Christ, to that which appears so often in the Koran.[1] There can be no +doubt that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical +conclusion, did contribute to this result: + +(_b._) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of the secular +arm in disseminating his heretical opinions: + +(_c._) That the application of the term _Servant_ to Christ, besides +being authorised by texts from Scripture, is countenanced in two +passages from the Koran: + +(_d._) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain, and his +relapse into error, implies that it was due to his renewed contact with +infidels who held similar views: + +(_e._) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is said to have +lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his close intercourse with +the Arabs: + +(_f._) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false prophet, that +is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a Mohammedan interpretation to +the Beast in the Revelation of St John. + +Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it did +not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was originated by +a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,[2]--Claudius, Bishop of Turin. Some +have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of Iconoclasm, traces +of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in itself.[3] + +Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct +statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised him, +and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he on his side +highly commended them _and the Saracens_.[4] Yet his tendency seems to +have been against the Judaizing of the Church.[5] + + [1] Fifty years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses + certain Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of + persecution:--"Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (_i.e._ + Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et + Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones + corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes." + + [2] Jonas of Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and + says elsewhere, "Felix resuscitur in Claudio." + + [3] Neander, vi. 119. + + [4] Fleury, v. 398. + + [5] Neander, vi. 125. + +The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East, undoubtedly +received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In 719 the Khalif +destroyed all images in Syria. His example was followed in 730 by the +Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is said to have been persuaded to +this measure by a man named Bezer, who had been some years in captivity +among the Saracens.[1] In 754 the great council of Constantinople +condemned images. Unfortunately neither the great patriarchates nor the +Pope were represented, and so this council never obtained-the sanction +of all Christendom; and its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council +of Nicæa. In 790 appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to +find our English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and +reasonable protest against the worship of images.[2] In 794 this protest +was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and his +militia,[3] the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any reform in this +quarter, and the recognition of images became part and parcel of Roman +Catholic Christianity. + +Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.[4] Though placed over an +Italian diocese, he soon shewed the independence, which he had imbibed +in the free air of Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least +the advantage of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding +that the people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius +set to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in his +bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than other +Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist training.[5] + +These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with the +Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot of Nîmes, a +friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal, an Irish priest. +But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was more than a match for +his opponents in argument.[6] + + [1] Fleury, xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham, + Seventh General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv. + + [2] "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut + segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius + infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."--III. c. 24. + + "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in + basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei + Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad + peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium + habere noscantur."--III. c. 21. + + [3] Prescott. + + [4] Neander says 814, Herzog 820. + + [5] Neander, v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from + the charge of adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer + of the Khalif Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his + brother's body at Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my + brother's body to the mercy of those who ring bells and adore + the cross. Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. 446. + + [6] Fleury, v. 398, confesses that the case of the + image-worshippers rests mainly on tradition and the usage of + the Church--meaning that they can draw no support from the + Bible. He might have remembered Matt. xv. 7--"Ye make void the + Word of God because of your tradition." + +Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from his +opponents' quotation of them. + +Briefly expressed, they are as follows:-- + +_(a.)_ Image-worship is really idol-worship: + +_(b.)_ If images are to be adored, much more should those living beings +be adored, whom the images represent. But we are not permitted to adore +God's works, much less may we worship the work of men:[1] + +_(c.)_ The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus was fastened +to it: else must we adore other things with which Jesus was similarly +connected; virgins, for example, for Christ was nine months in a +virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships, thorns, for with all these Jesus +was connected. To adore the cross we have never been told, but to bear +it,[2] that is to deny ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to +adore it, who are least ready to bear it either spiritually or +physically.[3] + +Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal +supremacy.[4] Being summoned before a council, with more wisdom than +Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his cause would be +prejudged, and contented himself with calling the proposed assembly a +congregation of asses. He died in 839 in secure possession of his see, +and with his Iconoclastic belief unshaken. + +Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during the +first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem to have +been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One more there was, +the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one hundred and fifty years +later, and was perhaps the outcome of intercourse with the Mohammedanism +of Spain.[5] + + [1] Jonas of Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326. + + [2] Luke xiv. 27. + + [3] Jonas, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351. + + [4] See Appendix B, pp. 161-173. + + [5] So Blunt. It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2, + from Lucas of Tuy. + + + + +CHAPTER X. + +SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. + + +Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal Christianity +(there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal Mohammedanism), it +will fall within the scope of our inquiry to estimate the extent to +which those influences were reciprocally felt by the two religions in +their social and intellectual aspects; and how far the character of a +Christian or a Mohammedan was altered by contact with a people +professing a creed so like, and yet so unlike.[1] This influence we +shall find more strongly manifested in the action of Christianity on +Islam, than the reverse. + +It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks seems to +have varied[2] from time to time, is reported to have expressly declared +that he would have no monks in his religion.[3] Abubeker, his +successor,--if Gibbon's translation may be trusted,--in his marching +orders to the army, told them to let monks and their monasteries +alone.[4] It was not long, however, before an order of itinerant +monks--the faquirs--arose among the Moslems. In other parts of their +dominions these became a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class; +but in Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,[5] though they +were very numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian +historian,[6] were nothing more than beggars, able but unwilling to +work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be applied to all, +"for there were among them men who, moved by sentiments of piety and +devotion, left the world and its vanities, and either retired to +convents to pass the remainder of their days among brethren of the same +community, or putting on the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff, +went through the country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the +faithful to compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That +Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we can +gather from the above passage and from another place,[7] where a convent +called Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On +that passage De Gayangos[8] has an interesting note, in which he quotes +from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment near +Malaga.[9] The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close to this city, a +convent, which was the residence of several religious men living in +community, and conversant with the principles of Sufism: they have a +superior to preside over them, and one or more servants to attend to +their wants. Their internal regulations are really admirable; each +faquir lives separately in a cell of his own, and meets his comrades +only at meals or prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the +community go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he +wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with two +meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock, two being +allowed yearly for each man--one for winter, another for summer. Each +faquir is furnished likewise with a regular allowance of sugar, soap to +wash his clothes, oil for his lamp, and a small sum of money to attend +the bath, all these articles being distributed to them every Friday.... +Most of the faquirs are bachelors, a few only being married. These live +with their wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to +the same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers, +sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted +chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning each +faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then that of +the king;[10] and when the reading is over, a Koran, previously divided +into sections, is brought in for each man to read in turn, until the +whole is completed. On Fridays and other-festivals these faquirs are +obliged to go to the mosque in a body, preceded by their superior.... +They are often visited by guests, whom they entertain for a long time, +supplying them with food and other necessaries. The formalities observed +with them are as follows:--If a stranger present himself at the door of +the convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his +waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his staff in +his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the porter of the +convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what country he comes +from, what convent he has resided in, or entered on the road, who was +the superior of it, and other particulars, to ascertain that the visitor +is not an impostor.... This convent was plentifully endowed with rents +for the support of its inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in +lands which was provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga, +who had been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are +continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by +donations in money." + +The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is +sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though this +particular convent was established at a later time, we cannot doubt that +the influence, which produced such a modification of the very spirit of +Islam, must have made itself felt much earlier. This is apparent in the +analogous case of Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to +shew,[11] where it is said that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar +(1030-1043), was followed to the grave even by the damsels who had +retired into solitude. + + [1] Mohammedanism is even called a _heresy_ by a writer quoted + by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244. + + [2] Kor. v. 85--"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to + entertain friendship for the true believers who say, We are + Christians. This comes to pass, because there are priests and + monks among them." Kor. lvii. 27--"As to the monastic state + (Deus loquitur), the Christians instituted the same (we did not + prescribe it for them) only out of desire to please God, yet + they observed not the same as it ought truly to be observed." + See also Kor. ix. 34--"Verily many of the priests and monks + devour the substance of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of + God;" and Kor. xxiii. 55. + + [3] Kor. v. 89. Sale's note. + + [4] So Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii. + 209. + + [5] See the interesting account, _ibid._, i. 114. + + [6] Al Makkari. + + [7] Al Makkari, i. 115. + + [8] _Ibid._, i. p. 406, note. + + [9] In the fourteenth century. + + [10] ? Chapter 67. + + [11] Conde, ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to + Christian nuns. + +But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity, Islam +shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded with a +Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such things, but the +following anecdotes are more in keeping with the Bible than the Koran. +Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to his son, Hakem I., said: +"Consider well that all empire is in the hand of God, who bestoweth it +on whom He will, and from whom He will He taketh it away.[1] But since +God hath given to us the royal authority and power, which is in our +hands by His goodness only, let us obey His holy will, which is no other +than that we do good to all men,[2] and in especial to those placed +under our protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute +equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or oppression +be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the road to perdition. +Be clement, and do right to all who depend upon thee, for all are the +creatures of God."[3] + +The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the following +story shews, of the most Christian generosity.[4] One of the faquirs who +had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the presence +of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from telling the +Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem answered: "He who +bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me pardon thee. Go, and live in +God's protection."[5] + + [1] Daniel, iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249--"God giveth His + kingdom unto whom He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24. + + [2] Galatians vi. 20--"Let us do good unto all men, especially + unto them that are of the household of faith." + + [3] Conde, i. 240. + + [4] It is fair to state that Hakem I. was not always so + generous. + + [5] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77. + +Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are the +miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories, it must be +acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and believing in +miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in the Middle Ages.[1] + +We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the invader +of Spain;[2] of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the prayer of Akbar +ibn Nafir;[3] of the marvellous cap of Omar;[4] of the wonders that +distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision shewing +the tomb of Abu Ayub;[5] but nothing that will bear a comparison with +the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the clumsy +and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of the +Armada.[6] Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid, from Al +Kusheyri,[7] reminds us forcibly of similar monkish extravagancies. A +woman came to Baki, and said that, her son being a prisoner in the hands +of the Franks, she intended to sell her house and go in search of him; +but before doing so she asked his advice. Leaving her for a moment he +requested her to wait for his answer. He then went out and prayed +fervently for her son's release, and telling the mother what he had +done, dismissed her. Some time after the mother came back with her son +to thank Baki for his pious interference, which had procured her son's +release. The son then told his story:--"I was the king's slave, and used +to go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we were +employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden as if my +fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my feet, when lo! I +saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each side." The inspector +naturally charged him with trying to escape, but he denied on oath, +saying that his fetters had fallen off without his knowing how. They +were then riveted on again with additional nails, but again fell off. +The youth goes on:--"The Christians then consulted their priests on the +miraculous occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I +had a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the +priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her prayers. +Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a set-off to this +there is a remarkable instance of freedom from superstition recorded of +King Almundhir(881-2).[8] On the occasion of an earthquake, the people +being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it as a direct interposition of +God, this enlightened prince did his best to convince them that such +things were natural phenomena, and had no relation to the good or evil +that men did,[9] shewing that the earth trembled for Christian and +Moslem alike, for the most innocent as well as the most injurious of +creatures without distinction. They, however, refused to be convinced. + + [1] See the story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the + bull--Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the + earth--Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and + restored--_Ibid._, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off by + the devil in sight of a large congregation--Isidore of Beja, + sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)--Mar. ix. 3. + + [2] Cardonne, i. p. 72. + + [3] _Ibid_, p. 38. + + [4] See Ockley. + + [5] Gibbon, "for such are the manufacture of every religion," + p. 115. + + [6] See Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics + found at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous + phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of + Christianity. + + [7] Al Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355. + + [8] Conde, i. 317. + + [9] Cp. Matt. v. 45: Luke xiii. 4. + +This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome of that +philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in the reign of +this Sultan's predecessor.[1] The philosophizers were looked upon with +horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at times +they were ready to stone and burn the free-thinkers.[2] The works of +Ibnu Massara, a prominent member of this school, were burnt publicly at +Cordova;[3] and the great Almanzor, though himself, like the great +Caesar, indifferent to such questions,[4] by way of gaining the support +of the masses, was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of +these philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the +man's life at the request of a learned faqui.[5] + +Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"--if the term be allowable--there were +Sceptics and Deists,[6] and others who followed the wild speculations of +Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name was +Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198), who +besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that would almost +constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was not a branch of +knowledge that could be systematised, but an inward personal power:[7] +that science and religion could not be fused together. Owing to his +freedom of thought he was banished to a place near Cordova by Yusuf abu +Yakub in 1196. He was also persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen, +son of Almansur,[8] for studying natural philosophy. Another votary of +the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death by the same +king. + + [1] Dozy, iii. 18. + + [2] Al Makk., i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics + by the pious Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii. + 109. + + [3] Al Makk., ii. 121. + + [4] He was supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden + study of Natural Science and Astrology.--Al Makk., i. 141. Yet + he let the faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be + burnt.--Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur + (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be + burnt. + + [5] Dozy, iii. 261. + + [6] Dozy, iii. 262, 263. + + [7] See article in the "Encyclop. Britann." + + [8] Al Makk., i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that + this was a mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub + Almansur, and could not be the king meant here. He therefore + reads, "Yakub, one of the Beni Abdulmumen." + +Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier freethinkers +lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians originally belonged to +the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai[1] (711-774), whose doctrines were +brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of Damascus. But Hischem I., on +coming to the throne, shewed his preference for the doctrines of Malik +ibn Aus,[2] and contrived that they should supplant the dogmas of Al +Auzai. It may be that Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's +creed, without persuading others to conform to his views, but at all +events the change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor, +Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi, Abu +Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,[3] and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman +Allakhmi, three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a +pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in the +opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a lax +Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the faquis enough +power in the State.[4] + +In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful enough +to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman, Abu +Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise discretion, as +commendable as it was rare, declared that the distinctions of the Ulema +were cavils, and that the expositions of the new traditionist "conveyed +much useful instruction, and inculcated very laudable practices."[5] + +Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly +ascendency, as notably by Ghàzali, the "Vivificator," as he was called, +"of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the rebel against +authority was excommunicated.[6] Yet the strictly oxthodox party did not +succeed in arresting--to any appreciable extent--the progress of the +decay which was threatening to attack even the distinctive features of +the Mohammedan religion.[7] It is a slight indication of this, that the +peculiar Moslem dress gradually began to be given up, and the turban was +only worn by faquis,[8] and even they could not induce the people to +return to a habit once thought of great importance.[9] + + [1] Al Makk., i. 403. De Gayangos' note. + + [2] Died 780. Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to + Hakem I.; and an author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to + Abdurrahman I. + + [3] Al Makk., ii. 123. + + [4] Al Makk., i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p. + 59. + + [5] Conde, i. 294. + + [6] Dozy, iv. 255. + + [7] In spite of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says + that all innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by + the people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such, + he would have been torn to pieces. + + [8] Dozy, iii. 271. + + [9] Al Makkari, ii. 109. + +But in other and more important respects we can see the disintegrating +effect which intercourse with Christians had upon the social +institutions of the Koran.[1] + +_(a.)_ Wine, which is expressly forbidden by Mohammed,[2] was much drunk +throughout the country,[3] the example being often set by the king +himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the first of these to drink the +forbidden juice.[4] His namesake, Hakem II. (961-976), however, set his +face against the practice of drinking wine, and even gave orders for all +the vines in his kingdom to be rooted up--an edict which he recalled at +the instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin many +poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be smuggled in +or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem consequently contented +himself with forbidding anew the use of spirituous liquors in the most +stringent terms.[5] Even the faquis had taken to drinking wine, and they +defended the practice by saying that the prohibition might be +disregarded by Moslems, who were engaged in a perpetual war with +infidels. + +_(b.)_ Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying of Mohammed +runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law; to perform music is +to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to be guilty of +infidelity."[6] Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very fond of +music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi a home at his +Court, when the latter was driven from the East by professional +jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested against these violations +of their law. The important sect of Hanbalites in particular, like our +own Puritans, made a crusade against these abuses. They "caused a great +commotion in the tenth century in Baghdad by entering people's houses +and spilling their wine, if they found any, and beating the +singing-girls they met with and breaking their instruments."[7] + +_(c.)_ The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by Mohammed, +became quite common among the richer classes, though the majority do not +seem to have indulged themselves in this way.[8] + +_(d.)_ The prohibition of sculptures, representing living creatures, was +disregarded. We find a statue, raised to Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in +the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built by Abdurrahman III. in honour of +his beloved mistress. Images of animals are mentioned on the +fountains,[9] and a lion on the aqueduct.[10] We also hear of a statue +at the gate of Cordova.[11] + +_(e.)_ The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning towards +Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned by an Arab +historian,[12] that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah as a +distinctive nickname, because he did so turn? + +_(f.)_ A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to persuade his +coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not of pigs or +boars.[13] + + [1] Al Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The + Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit + all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of + nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves, + listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and + mirth." + + [2] Kor. v. 93--"Surely wine, lots, and images are an + abomination of the work of Satan ... avoid them." + + [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 171. + + [4] Cardonne, i. p. 252. + + [5] Al Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171. + + [6] Yonge, "Moors in Spain," p. 71. + + [7] Sale, Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.) + + [8] Al Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was + objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of + silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.) + + [9] Al Makkari, i. p. 236. + + [10] _Ibid._, p. 241. + + [11] Akbar Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272. + + [12] Al Malckari, 1. 149. + + [13] Hamim, a Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis. + Conde, i. 420. + +There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the more +unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact with a +civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to the Arabs, and +partly growing up independently side by side with them. But in nothing +was this shewn more clearly than in the social enfranchisement of the +Moslem women, whom it is the very essence of Mohammed's teaching to +regard rather as the goods and chattels than as the equals of man; and +also in the introduction among the Moslems of a more Christian +conception of the sacred word--Love. + +Consequently we become accustomed to the strange spectacle--strange +among a Mohammedan people--of women making a mark in the society of men, +and being regarded as intellectually and socially their equals. Thus we +hear of an Arabian Sappho, Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of +Almustakfi Billah;[1] of Aysha, daughter of Ahmad of Cordova--"the +purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden of her day;"[2] of Mozna, the +slave and private secretary of Abdurrahman III.[3] + +Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were +admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by Mohammedan +law,[4] the women being obliged to perform their devotions at home; +"if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it must be when the men are +not there; for the Moslems are of opinion that their presence inspires a +different kind of devotion from that which is requisite in a place +dedicated to the service of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a +Moor, censuring the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for +the reason, among others, that women were there. If the evidence of +ballads be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at +festivities and dances.[5] At tournaments they looked on, their bright +smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their fair hands +giving the successful champion the meed of victorious valour.[6] Their +position, in fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of +Christian ladies. + + [1] Murphy, "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232. + + [2] Conde, i. p. 457. + + [3] For others see Conde, i. 483, 484. + + [4] Sale, Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.) + + [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158. + + [6] See a picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish + Antiquities of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad + called "The Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109. + +The effect of this improvement in the social position of women could not +fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among the Spanish +Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross sensuality undergoing a +process of refinement, as the following extract from Said ibn Djoudi,[1] +who wrote at the close of the ninth century, will shew. Addressing his +ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:-- + + "O thou, to whom my prayers are given, + Compassionate and gentle be + To my poor soul, so roughly driven, + To fly from me to thee. + + "I call thy name, my vows outpouring, + I see thine eyes with tear-drops shine: + No monk, his imaged saint adoring, + Knows rapture like to mine!" + +Of these words Dozy[2] says:--"They might be those of a Provençal +troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry." + +This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly seen in +a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who was prime +minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He calls Love[3] a +mixture of moral affection, delicate gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm +modest beauty, full of sweet dignity. Being the great grandson of +Christian parents, perhaps some of their inherited characteristics +reappeared in him:--"Something pure, something delicate, something +spiritual which was not Arab."[4] + + [1] Killed, 897. + + [2] II. 229. + + [3] Quoted by Dozy, iii. 350. + + [4] Dozy, 1.1. + + + + +CHAPTER XI. + +INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY. + + +We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the social +and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now turn to the +analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity under the same +aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no means so marked as in the +reverse case. One striking instance, however, there is, in which such an +influence was shewn, and where we should least have thought to find it. +We have indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be +circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves off on +occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we cannot be certain: +but the fact remains.[1] "Have we not," says Alvar,[2] "the mark of the +beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we follow the +pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the circumcision of the +heart,[3] which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to the corporeal +rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy, and which can only be +complied with at the cost of no small pain to ourselves." + +Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic rite,[4] +whether voluntarily, or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know +that the Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the +intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be circumcised.[5] + +Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the outward +observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought it necessary to +abstain from certain meats,[6] those, namely, forbidden by the +Mohammedan law. + +A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his excuse +that otherwise the Christians could not live with the Saracens.[7] This +was, naturally, not considered a good reason by the stricter or more +bigoted party, who regarded with alarm and suspicion any tendency +towards amalgamation with Mohammedans. If we can credit certain +chroniclers, a council was even held some years before this time by +Basilius, Bishop of Cordova, for considering the best method of +preventing the contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its +contact with Mohammedanism.[8] + + [1] See John of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above, + p. 89. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35. + + [3] Romans ii. 29; Galatians v. 2. + + [4] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123. + + [5] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.," + ii. c. 4. Cp. "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king, + Halihatan (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par + lequel il estait mandé a tous Chrestiens habitans és terres et + villes a luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se + faisans circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie." + + [6] See Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. _ad init._--" You are + forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and + swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled." + + [7] "John of Gorz," 1.1. + + [8] "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501. + "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne + Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti, + illorum caeremoniis communicarent." + +Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of contraries, +and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were, would cling to some +habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit of opposition to a reverse +custom among Moslems. Thus we know that the monks in the East became the +more passionately devoted to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm +savoured so much of Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more +objectionable results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the +people with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from +being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths were +the direct invention of the devil.[1] Later on we know that Philip II., +the husband of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish +dominions destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of +infidelity.[2] + +Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a contrast to +the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is mentioned with +horror as having a wife and children, one of whom afterwards succeeded +him, and also married.[3] + +One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the marriage +of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by Fruela I. (757-768) +in the North, yet concubinage became very common among the clergy;[4] +and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state of things that Witiza +wished to compel the clergy to have lawful wives. + + [1] Miss Yonge, p. 67. + + [2] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136. + + [3] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326--"Conventus Episcoporum + pro restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae + ac vepres, nec nominandi proles." + + [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.," + ii. cc. 2, 6, we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the + Moslems in having harems. + +We have left to the last the great and interesting question of the +origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines of +Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not with +justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the present. The +institution known by that name arose in the age of Charles the Great +(768-814),[1] and was therefore nearly synchronous with the invasion of +Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed, referred to the +military service of fiefs, but all its characteristics, which were +personal and individual, such as loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point +to a racial rather than a political source, and these characteristics +are found in an eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and +independent spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,[2] "dwelling as it were +upon a rock, and disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness +of internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is not +unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American Indians." + +Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can be no +doubt that its development was largely influenced by the relative +positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the perpetual war which +went on between them in that country. + +Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps among +our Saxon forefathers,[3] chivalry soon became religious in character, +and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against the +Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be called the +cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even in the first flush +of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be truly chivalrous enemies, +and clearly had nothing to learn from Christians in that respect. The +very earliest days of Moslem triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit +displayed at the capture of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy +contrast to the scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders +under the heroic Godfrey de Bouillon. + + [1] Hallam, "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392. + + [2] _Ibid._ Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of chivalry + have so much resemblance to those which Eastern writers of the + same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect Europe for + having derived some improvement from imitation of Asia." + + [3] Hallam, "Mid. Ages" (1.1.). + +Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of the +tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely paralleled. +The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great victory of Alarcos +(1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners. It cannot, however, be +denied that the action displeased many of the king's followers, who +complained of it "as one of the extravagancies proper to monarchs,"[1] +and Yakub himself repented of it on his deathbed. + +In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities +enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight--such as piety, +courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art of poetry, +skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance, and bow.[2] +Chivalry soon became a recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf +ben Harun, or Abu Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II. +(961-976) on its duties and obligations;[3] nor was it long before the +Moorish kings learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the +Christian fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood +conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.[4] + + [1] Conde, iii. 53. + + [2] Al Makk., ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. + and Isab.," p. 159. + + [3] Conde, i. 477. + + [4] Conde, ii. 173. + +As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or the +Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the Moorish +knight _sans peur et sans reproche;_ and though, if judged by our +standards, he was by no means _sans reproche_, yet many are the stories +told of his magnanimity and justice. On one occasion after a battle +against the Christians, the Count of Garcia being mortally wounded, his +faithful Castilians refused to leave him, and were hemmed in by +Almanzor's men. When the latter was urged to give the word, and have the +knot of Christians put to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He +who slayeth one man, not having met with violence, will be punished like +the murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man, +shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'[1] Make room, sons of +Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of the +clement and merciful God." [2] + +On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for wedding +gifts for an enemy[3] of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he +magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father of the +Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his seven sons.[4] + +It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the romantic +ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather round any but +persons who are noted for that virtue, and though the instances should +be false in letter, yet in spirit they may be eminently true. However +this may be as respects Almanzor's generosity, of his justice we have +unimpeachable evidence. The monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says +that the success of his raids on the Christian territories was due to +the large pay he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice, +"which virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's +lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any Christian."[5] + + [1] Koran, v. 35. + + [2] Yonge, p. 110. + + [3] _Ibid._, p. 80. + + [4] Johannes Vasaeus, 969. + + [5] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 70. + +In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the Christian +Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors--those military orders, +namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The Rabitos, or Moslemah +knights," says Conde,[1] "in charge of the frontier, professed +extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted themselves voluntarily to +the continual exercise of arms. They were all men of high distinction; +and bound themselves by a vow to defend the frontier. They were +forbidden by their rules to fly from the enemy, it being their duty to +fight and die on the spot they held." + +In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived from the +Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it was the Moors who +inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy Wars, as an essential +part of their religion.[2] In this respect Christianity became +Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry became identified with war +against the infidel, and found its apotheosis[3] in St. James of +Compostella, who--a poor fisherman of Galilee--was supposed to have +fought in person against the Moors at Clavijo.[4] In the ballad we hear +of Christian knights coming to engage in fight from exactly that same +belief in the efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated +the Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms and +fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those of Leon +and Astorga,[5] were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de Junqueras +(921).[6] Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle against the +Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes repeated mention of +a right valiant prelate named Hieronymus.[7] + + [1] Conde, ii. p. 119, note--"It seems highly probable that + from these arose the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp. + Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of + Spain were mostly instituted by papal bulls in the last half of + the 12th century. + + [2] Islam made Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii. + pp. 220-2. Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff. + + [3] Presc., "Ferd.," p. 15. + + [4] Mohammed also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor. + iii., ad init. + + [5] "Rodrigo of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they + were the bishops of Tuy and Salamanca. + + [6] Mariana, viii. 5. See also _Ibid._, c. 6. + + [7] "Chronicle of Cid" (Southey), p. 371. + +Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which engendered +and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only common ground on +which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European, could meet. It was in +fact a sort of compromise between two incompatible religions mutually +accepted by two different races. Though perhaps not a spiritual +religion, it was a social one, and served in some measure to mitigate +the horrors of a war of races and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the +Crusades, and Richard I. of England and Saladin were the Achilles and +the Hector of a new Iliad. + +With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as a +compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now conclude. +In discussing the relations between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we +have been naturally led to compare not only the religions but their +adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish between those who profess +a creed, and the creed which they profess; but at least we may have thus +been enabled to avoid missing any point essential to the proper +elucidation of the mutual relations which existed between the two +greatest religions of the world, and the influence they had upon each +other. + + + + +APPENDIX. + +A. + +THE JEWS IN SPAIN. + + +The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally made them +the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very numerous colony +in Spain--for Hadrian had transported thither many thousand +families--the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in conquering the +country, both by betraying places to them, and garrisoning captured +towns while the Arabs went on to fresh conquests. Consequently the +relations between the Jews and Moslems were for a long time very +cordial, though this cordiality wore off in the course of time. Their +numbers seem to have been considerable under the Moslem occupation, and +whole towns were set apart as Jewries.[1] + +In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very strongly +among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith favoured them. +They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves were induced by the +clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became free, as Jews were not +allowed to have Christian slaves.[2] But it must be admitted that the +Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it was well known that they +sold Christian children as slaves to the Moslems of Spain.[3] + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. 452. + + [2] Fleury, v. 408. + + [3] _Ibid._ + +They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from among the +Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind, named Eleazar, to +whom Alvar addressed several letters under the title of "the +transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon. A Christian of German +extraction,[1] he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders. In 838, +while on his way to Rome,[2] he apostatised to Judaism,[3] and opened a +negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as slaves, +stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year he let his hair +and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he married a Jewess, compelling +his grandson at the same time to apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude +became so hostile to the Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to +Charles, praying him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however +does not seem to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that +Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the deaths of +Prefectus and John may have been due to him.[4] After this we hear no +more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the Arabs +seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged character. +Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity to develop their +natural gifts as they have never had since the capture of Jerusalem by +Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if +indeed they did not outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of +learning in the dark ages.[5] In science generally, and especially in +the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in learning and +civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far ahead of the +Christians.[6] + + [1] "Ann. Bertin.," 839. + + [2] Orationis gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1. + + [3] Florez, xi. p. 20 ff. + + [4] The "Ann. Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to + give his Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism, + or death. See Rohrbacher, xii. 4. + + [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153. + + [6] _Ibid._, p. 134. + +The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the gradual +process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility, and at the +beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to have been a project +formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems on the ground of a promise +made by their forefathers to Mohammed that, if in five centuries their +Messiah had not appeared, they would be converted to Mohammedanism.[1] +Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of the Moslems for extorting +money; at all events the Jews only succeeded in evading the alternative +by paying a large sum of money. Even in the early years of the conquest +they were subject to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the +rumour of the Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish +Jews, leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem governor, +Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to restore it on the +return of the disappointed emigrants. + +From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to have lost +many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth century +Maimonides,[2] the greatest name among the Spanish Jews, wrote against +their errors. One of these seems to have been that the books of Moses +were written before the Creation;[3] another, that there was a series of +hells in the next world.[4] + +Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we hear +of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs to +Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and the king's +confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a few years later. He +was also distinguished as a physician.[5] + + [1] Conde, ii. 326. + + [2] Fleury, v. 409. + + [3] Cp. the Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p. + 50. (Chandos Classics.) + + [4] _Ibid._, p. 72. + + [5] Al Makk., i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos. + +While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest provinces of +Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian territories, was by no +means unendurable. They were sometimes advanced to important and +confidential posts, and it was the murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish +ambassador by the King of Seville which brought about the introduction +of the Almoravides into Spain. + +There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo by the +Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him that they +were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar transported into Spain, +and not the descendants of those Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ. +Their ancestors, they said, were quite free from the guilt of this act, +for when Caiaphas had written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice +respecting the person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews +returned for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be +fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be put to +death. This reply they produced in the original Hebrew.[1] It is +needless to say that the whole thing was a fabrication. + +Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain, the +tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the Jews. They were +accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship, desecration of its +symbols, sacrifice of Christian infants,"[2] and other enormities. +Severe laws were passed against them, as in the old Gothic times, and +their freedom was grievously curtailed in the matters of dress, +residence, and profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear +yellow caps.[3] + + [1] Southey, "Roder.," i. p. 235, note. + + [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135. + + [3] Al Makk., i. 116. + +At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against them, and +15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain. Many were +nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to the credit of a +single saint. These new Christians sometimes attained high +ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the noble families--the +taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards to be regarded with the +greatest horror and aversion. + +It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first +established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In 1492, on +the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a very large number +of Jews were expelled from Castile,[1] the evil example being afterwards +followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the treatment of Jews by +Christians is indeed one of the darkest in the history of Christianity. + + [1] Variously estimated at 160,000 or 800,000. + + + + +B. + +SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER. + + +Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a study +as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from being one of +the most independent of Churches, she has become the most subservient, +and therefore the most degraded, of all. The question of how this was +brought about, apart from its intrinsic interest as illustrating the +development of a great nation, is well worth investigating, from the +momentous influence which it has had upon the religious history of the +world at large. For it is not too much to say that Rome could never have +made good its ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large +a part of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion +of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and unscrupulous +ability of the Italian pontiffs. + +In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a nation, +has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their +entirety--doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from the +first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception of Spain) +the West of Europe--the birthplace and cradle of the mighty Teutonic +races--have agreed with equal disdain to reject and trample under their +feet. + +This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in early +times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its greatness, and +its prosperity, held a position of complete equality with the Roman and +other principal churches. The See of Cordova held so high a rank in the +fourth century that Hosius, its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside +at the important councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347). + +The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made Spain +still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for the Goths, +besides being far more independent in character than the Romanized +Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in consequence, from all +communion with Rome. The orthodox party, however, gradually gained +strength, and in 560 the remnants of the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the +Gothic king's son Ermenegild, with their help, revolted against his +father. He was finally put to death for his treason, but his brother, +Recared, on ascending the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the +orthodox creed, his example being followed by most of his nobles and +prelates. + +The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was the +signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which was the +more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great increase of power +since Spain was cut off from orthodox Christendom by the invasion of the +Arian Goths. + +One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and, saluting him, +ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The papal authority thus +acknowledged was soon exercised in-- + +_(a.)_ Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the laws of the +land; + +_(b.)_ Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such cases; + +_(c.)_ Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the Church; + +_(d.)_ Sending the pall to metropolitans. + +These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the Spanish +Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the papal practice of +sending letters to the chief bishops of the country. They became +invested in consequence with certain important powers, such as those of +convoking provincial councils; of consecrating suffragans; of holding +ecclesiastical courts, and watching over the conduct of bishops.[1] + +But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church _was_ thus +conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of the Spanish +kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very sparing use of his +power. In two points, in especial, the claims of the pope were +strenuously resisted. + +_(a.)_ The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly forbidden. + +_(b.)_ Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted. Thus the +prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth councils of Toledo, +defended the orthodoxy of their fellow-bishop, Julian, against the +strictures of the then pope, Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John +V., confessed that they had been in the right.[2] + +This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find +manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some reason +for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion the king, +Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade appeals to Rome.[3] +One author even goes so far as to say that the Gothic king and his +clergy being at variance with the pope, the latter encouraged and +favoured the Saracen invasion.[4] + + [1] Masdeu, xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham. + + [2] Dunham, i. p. 197. + + [3] See Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He + quotes Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132. + + [4] J.S. Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note. + +However that may have been, and it certainly looks very improbable, the +invasion did not help the pope much directly, though indirectly, and as +events turned out, the Arab domination was undoubtedly the main cause of +the ultimate subjection of Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in +this way:--The Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in +a position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have sought +help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks. But the +selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred extending +their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of Christianity in +defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish Christians to look to +the only Christian ruler who could afford them even moral assistance; +and the popes were not slow to avail themselves of the opportunity thus +offered for establishing their authority in a new province. It was by +the intervention of the popes that the war against the Arabs partook of +the nature of a crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the +advantage of filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of +indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a head, +the pope collected in four years the sum of four million maravedis.[1] + +The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being asked and +obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being miraculously +discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave to move the see of +Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St lago,[2] built on the spot +where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church dates +from this event, which was of ominous import for the future independence +of the Church in that country. What the claims of Rome had come to be +within a quarter of a century of this epoch, we may see from the +controversy which arose between Claudius, Bishop of Turin, and the papal +party. Claudius was himself a Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated +Felix, Bishop of Urgel, one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy. +Among other doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party, +Claudius stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom, +resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains to us +of his writings,[3] on the grounds, first, that Christ did _not_ say to +Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be loosed upon earth;" +meaning by this that the authority vested in Peter was only to be +exercised during his life; secondly, in answer to the supposed efficacy +of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius retorts on his accuser, Theodomir, +abbot of a monastery near Nîmes:--"If a doing of penance to be effectual +involves a journey to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your +monastery and prevent them from going--as you say is necessary--to Rome +itself?" As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither +approved nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to +all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal life +could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as to the pope +being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters called him, +apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not belong to one "who +fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils the duties thereof." + + [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n. + + [2] Romey, "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420. + + [3] Jonas of Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff. + Fleury, v. 398. + +Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved +contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage a +congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit Claudius +remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839. + +The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere of his +interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king unable even to +call a council of bishops without a papal bull. This became the +established practice.[1] In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in +confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make the +canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular cases.[2] + +Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had established +their independence, the weakness of the Christian Church under Arab +domination seemed to afford a good opportunity for obtaining from them a +recognition of the authority of the pope. We accordingly find that an +appeal was made to the pope towards the close of the eighth century to +give an authoritative decision with regard to what the appellants deemed +to be certain irregularities which had found their way into the practice +of those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian +readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in accordance +with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the Bishops of Spain he +inveighs against the following errors, countenanced by a certain +Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of Elvira, and sometimes called in +consequence the Migetian errors:-- + +_(a.)_ The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already been noticed +and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a letter to the people of +Seville (750).[3] The error was not the same as that of the +Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to the +twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the following +day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had been held by the +Latin Church itself till the sixth century.[4] The fulminations of the +Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was sufficiently +general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle which took place at +the Easter of that year to be placed in the year of the Hegira 278, +which only began on April 15th, whereas had Easter been observed +according to the usage of the Latin Church, the Paschal feast would have +been already past.[5] + +_(b.)_ The eating of pork and things strangled.[6] With respect to these +innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten anathema +against those who will not abstain from them. It is curious to find the +Christian Church upholding the eating of pork, when brought into contact +with the Moslems, and forbidding it elsewhere. + +_(c.)_ Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become very +common, is denounced and forbidden.[7] + +_(d.)_ The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against consecrating priests +without due preparation, and speaks as if there were many false priests, +wolves in sheep's clothing, dealing havoc in the flock. + +_(e.)_ One doubtful authority,[8] who tells us that Adrian ordered +Cixila, Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not +fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes. + + [1] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was + in Spain holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez, + xiv.), sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV. + sent Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII. + to hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8. + + [2] Mariana, viii. 6. + + [3] Isid. Pac, sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376, + 451. + + [4] See Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali + Latinorum Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne. + + [5] Dozy, ii. p. 355, note. + + [6] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235. + + [7] Adrian's Letter to the Spanish Bishops. + + [8] The Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236--"Ex mandatis litterisque + Adriani papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a + carnibus abstinere" (776 A.D.). + +But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the pretensions +of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed by the venerable +Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly resisted the encroachments +of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote +to Migetius condemning him for certain heresies, and boasts of having +completely refuted and silenced him;[1] but at the same time Elipandus +shewed his independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who +abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant men; +though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with the pope,[2] +and could justify his views by a reference to the decision of the Church +of Jerusalem in the earliest days of Christianity.[3] + +Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one, that it +was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take food touched by +them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as: "Not that which +entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but that which proceedeth out +of the mouth, this defileth the man;" [4] or "to the pure all things are +pure;"[5] and to point out that Christ ate with publicans and sinners. + +But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen, Claudius +of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which regarded the Roman +See as alone constituting the Catholic Church and the power of God.[6] +This he very properly calls a heresy; and indignantly denies that +Christ's words, "Thou art Peter," &c., apply to the Church of Rome +alone, affirming that they were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he +adds, "can the Roman Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God +without spot or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome +(Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of +Christendom." + + [1] Epilandus, Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See + Neander, v. 216 ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud + Migne, vol. ci. + + [2] See Adrian's Letter to Egila. + + [3] Acts xv. 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3. + + [4] St Matt. xv. 11. + + [5] Titus i. 15. + + [6] See also letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's + first book, where he gives us his idea of a _Catholic_ church + founded on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which + Catholic church may even consist of few members. Neander, v. + 230. + +Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and continued to be +established over it, Spain could never have become the priest-ridden +country which it now is; but the gradual advance of the Christian arms +in the North brought in its train a more and more complete subserviency +to the pope. + +As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and provinces +from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist between the +religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of those who had set +them free. This was specially apparent in the old Gothic liturgy, which +the Muzarabic Christians had used all along, and were still using, +whereas the Christians of Leon and the Asturias had imported a newer +recension from Rome. + +Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome, and +accordingly a legate,[1] named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from +John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly into the +ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at Rome that the mass +was incorrectly performed according to the Gothic liturgy, and that +false doctrines were taught. However, Zanclus found that the divergence +was not sufficiently wide to warrant the suppression of the ancient +ritual. It may be that the power of the Roman Church was not established +so securely as to admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient +church. She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness +to the primitive usage[2] of the Church against the innovations of the +Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we find +that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the question of the old +Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again. The Gothic and the Roman +books were subjected, after the absurd fashion of the times, to two +ordeals--by water and by fire; but in spite of the fact that the Gothic +liturgy, thanks to its greater solidity and stronger binding, resisted +both those elements incomparably better than its younger rival, and so, +if the ordeal went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the +old native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the pope, +and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of Leon,[3] and +Sancho IV. of Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up +their customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of +Toledo till late in the fifteenth century. + + [1] Mariana, vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of + Marinus, and says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of + Toledo. + + [2] Cp. the monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman + Catholics, under Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred + books and memorials of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar + coast in India. + + [3] And I. of Castile. + +But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters relating to +the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon the king himself, +and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso IX. and all his kingdom +were laid under an interdict by Celestine III. because he had married +within forbidden limits, and refused to divorce his wife at the bidding +of the pope. He did in the end divorce her, but only to repeat the same +offence with a second wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at +the hands of Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on +apace, and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's +courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices and +bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X. +(1252-1284).[1] But this result was not attained without remonstrances +from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and Isabella, the question +came to an open rupture between the Spanish Court and the reigning pope, +Sixtus IV. Isabella, though so ready to submit herself in matters of +personal religion to the pope and his legates, refused, like her later +namesake of England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and +the pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of +appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if the +sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the barons of +theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry IV. (1454-1474), +the papal legate threw his influence on to the king's side, and +excommunicated the rebellious barons, they firmly answered that "those +who had advised the pope that he had a right to interfere in the +temporal concerns of Castile had deceived him; and that they, the barons +of the kingdom, had a perfect right to depose their sovereign on +sufficient grounds, and meant to exercise it."[2] + +A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213 Pedro +II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the Albigensians, and +down to the time of Charles V., the princes of Aragon were at open +enmity with the Roman See,[3] and the Aragonese strenuously resisted the +establishment of the Inquisition.[4] + + [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15. + + [2] Prescott, p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the + king, if he violated the charter of the realm, might be + deposed, and any other _Pagan_ or Christian substituted. + _Ibid_, p. 23. + + [3] Lockhart, Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos + Classics.) + + [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n. + +That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more unmerited +suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised by man, whereby +more innocent people passed through the fire than were perhaps ever +sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first put into action in +September 1480, during the reign of the pious and noble-minded +Isabella.[1] The festival of Epiphany in the following year was selected +as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the first auto da fé, +when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was against that unfortunate +people that this inhuman persecution was devised, or at least first +used. That one year witnessed the martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the +infliction on 17,000 others of punishments only less than death itself. +During the administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen +years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly 100,000 +were, as the phrase went, reconciled.[2] The confiscation of property +which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning brought in enormous +sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors. + +The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the +Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors under +Christian government were called, who were oppressed and persecuted in +the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from Spain. + +But a more important conquest than these--more important, that is, to +the supremacy of the Roman See--was the undoubted conquest achieved by +the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in the sixteenth +century began to find their way into Spain from Germany and England. +Finding a congenial soil, the reformation began to spread in Spain with +wonderful rapidity. The divines sent by Charles V. into England were +themselves converted, and returned full of zeal for the Protestant +faith--"Their success," says Geddes,[3] "was such that had not a speedy +and full stop been put to their pious labours by the merciless +Inquisition, the whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been +converted to the Protestant religion, in less time than any other +country had ever been before."[4] So untrue is it to say that +persecution always fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the +fetters, which the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of +Leon and Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of +Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent people. +Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility, social, religious, +and political, Spain affords a melancholy but instructive spectacle to +the nations. + + [1] The inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced + into Spain, 1242. Prescott. + + [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146. + + [3] Miscell. Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff. + + [4] Geddes, Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a + Romanist author, who says: "the number of converts was so great + that had the stop which was put to that evil been delayed but + two or three months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had + been put into a flame by them." + + + + +LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED. + + +I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:-- + +A. Arab (in translations): + +(1.) _Ibn abd el Hakem._ "History of the Conquest of Spain." with notes +by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down to 743. + +(2.) _J.A. Conde._ "History of the Domination of the Arabs in Spain," +translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols. Bohn, 1854. The +author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled his work from Arabian +memorials and writings in such sort that those documents may be read as +they were written;" (p. 18), "The student of history may read this book +as written by an Arabic author." + +Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their modern +successors cannot find a good word for it.[1] De Gayangos, the learned +translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though not blind to the +"unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the absence of notes and +citations of authorities, and the numerous errors and +contradictions,"[2] yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the +foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan Spain. It +certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points out[3] the errors of his +predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself, not +only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things faithful to +his authorities, he is found, where those authorities can be identified, +not to be faithful. + + [1] Stanley Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887). + Dozy, Preface to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui + manquait absolumment de sens historique." + + [2] As to these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in + transcribing or extracting the accounts of different historians + some facts are sure to be repeated, and others entirely + contradicted. See Al Makk., i. p. 29. + + [3] Pref., p. 13 ff. + +(3.) _J.C. Murphy._ "History of the Mahometan Empire in Spain," with +additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work is based on +Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly to be found in Al +Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters on the influence, +scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs in Europe, are +exhaustive and interesting. + +(4.) _Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari_. "History of the Mohammedan +Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger work by that author, +translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols. London, 1840. This work, +which Dozy finds fault with for certain inaccuracies, is on the whole +very trustworthy, and its notes form a perfect mine of information for +the student wandering helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al +Makkari, a native of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the +seventeenth century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose +evidence is most valuable. Among these are-- + +[Greek: a.] _Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah_, descended +from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877. + +[Greek: b.] _Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi_, flourished in the +reign of Abdurrahman III. + +[Greek: g.] _Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib_, of Cordova; died, 1044. + +[Greek: d.] _Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm_, born at +Cordova, 994; died, 1064. + +[Greek: e.] _Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,_ born at +Cordova, 1006. + +[Greek: z.] _Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al +Anssari_, Cordova, 1101-1183. + +[Greek: ê.] _Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn +Said_ of Granada, 1214-1286. + +[Greek: th.] _Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,_ +born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406. + +B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in-- + +(1.) _Schott's_ "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort, 1603. + +(2.) _Florez,_ "España Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most useful +collection of Spanish writers, together with much information about +them, written in Spanish. + +(3.) _Migne's_ "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most invaluable +collection in several score volumes. The following is a list of those +consulted:-- + +([Greek: a].) _Isidore of Beja_, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum +Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation of the +Chronicle of Isidore of Seville. + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280. + +([Greek: b].) Chronicon _Sebastiani_, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866. +(Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.) + Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124. + +([Greek: g].) Chronicon _Albeldense_, 866-976. (Conde, _ibid._, says to +973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was perhaps begun by +Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on by the monk Vigila. + Sidenote: _Ibid._ 1146. + +([Greek: d].) Chronicon _Sampiri_ "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written about +1000), 869-982. + Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457. + +([Greek: e].) _Chronicon regum Legionensium_, 982-1109, by Pelagius, +Bishop of Oviedo--a very doubtful authority, and branded with the +epithet "fabulosus." + Sidenote: _Ibid._, pp. 466-475. + +([Greek: z].) Chronicon _Silensis_ Monachi, written _circa_ 1100. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 270-330. + +([Greek: ê].) _Lucas of Tuy_, "Chronicon Mundi," written _circa_ 1236. + Sidenote: Schott, iv. 1-116. + +([Greek: th].) _Alfonso_, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum +Hispanarum," etc. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, i. 246-291. + +([Greek: i].) _Luitprand_, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria +attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years +606-960. The author of these is generally called the Pseudo-Luitprand, +and very little credit can be placed in his statements. + Sidenote: Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179. + +([Greek: k].) _Rodrigo_, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs +from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died in +1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture and to +profane history. He does not even mention the Christian martyrdoms in +the ninth century. + Sidenote: Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246 + +([Greek: l].) _Annales Bertiniani_, from the French point of view. + Sidenote: Florez, x. 570-579. + +([Greek: m].) _Johannes Vasaeus_, "Hispaniae Chronicon." + Sidenote: Schott, i. 700 ff. + +The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some are +valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are nearly +worthless. + +Other authorities there are of a different kind--not historians, but +writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light on the +history of the time. Among these are-- + +(_a._) _Elipandus_, Bishop of Toledo; died 810. Letters-- + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. + + to Migetius. + Sidenote: pp. 859-867. + + to Charles the Great. + Sidenote: pp. 867-869. + + to Albinus (Alcuin). + Sidenote: pp. 870-882. + + to Fidelis, an abbot (783). + Sidenote: pp. 918,919. + +(_b_.) _Felix_, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio fidei (799). + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888. + +(_c_.) _Beatus_, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter to Elipandus. + Sidenote: " 894-1030. + +(_d_.) _Letters of Spanish Bishops_ to Bishops of Gaul. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, ci. 1321-1331. + +(_e_.) _Alcuin_. Letters-- + Sidenote: _Ibid._, c. and ci. + + Ad Felicem haereticum (793). + + Ad Elipandum. + + Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix. + + Epistle XC. (800), + + Epistle CXIII. (800). + + Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800). + +Books-- + + Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos. + + Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books. + + Adversus Elipandum, iv. books. + + Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum. + + Altera ad eosdem. + +(_f._) _Adrian_, Pope. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xcviii. p. 373. + + Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus + directa, maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785). + + Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum + (782). + Sidenote: _Ibid._, p. 336. + + Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv. + +(_g_.) Letter from _Louis the Débonnaire_ to the Christians of Merida +(826). + Sidenote: Florez, xiii. 416. + +(_h_.) _Etdogius_, priest of Cordova, and bishop-designate of Toledo. +Died 859. + Sidenote: Migne, cxv. 703-966. + + Letter to Alvar, sending his book. + + "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins + and Martyrs, Oct. 851. + + Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis + Sanctorum Liber," 3 books. + + "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857). + + "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae." + +(_i_.) _Alvar_, Paulus,[1] of Cordova, and, according to his letters, +both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to the +Pseudo-Luitprand. + Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi. + + [1] Robertson says Peter. + + Confessio. + Sidenote: pp. 62-81. + + Letter to John of Seville, + Sidenote: " 81-88. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 88-91. + + To John of Seville. + Sidenote: " 101-129. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 129-141. + + To Speraindeo. + Sidenote: "Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148. + + To Romanus, a doctor (860). + Sidenote: " 151-156. + + To Saul of Cordova. + Sidenote: " 164-165. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 167-171. + + To Eleazar, a transgressor. + Sidenote: " 171-177. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 178-189. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 189-217. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 218-219. + + To Eulogius. + Sidenote: " 291-292. + + To Eulogius. + Sidenote: " 296-299. + + Life of Eulogius. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, x. 593 ff. + + Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda + sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem + omnis vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit." + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. 219-275.[1] + + [1] Ascribed by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of + Toledo. Morales doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no + mention of Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where _praesul_ is spoken + of. + +(_k_.) _John of Seville_. + + Letter to Alvar. + Sidenote: Florez, xi. pp. 91-101. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, 142-147. + +(_l_.) _Speraindeo_, Abbot, flourished 820. + + Letter to Alvar (853). + Sidenote: _Ibid._, 148-151. + +(_m_.) _Saul_ of Cordova. + + Letter to other Bishops. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. pp. 156-164. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 165-167. + +(_n_.) _Eleazar_, an apostate to Judaism. + + Letter to Alvar. + Sidenote: " 177-178. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 189, 190. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 217, 218. + +(_o_.) _Leovigildus_, priest of Cordova, flourished 860. "De habitu +Clericorum." + Sidenote: Migne, cxxi. p. 565. + +(_p_.) _Cyprianus_, arch-priest of Cordova. "Epigrammata." Sidenote: +_Ibid._, p. 567. + +(_q_.) _Samson_, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot of the Monastery +of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or Epitaph of Cyprianus.) +"Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan. 1, 863). + +(_r_.) _Jonas Aurelianensis_. "De cultu imaginum." An Answer to +Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842). + Sidenote: Florez, xi. 300-516. + +(_s_.) _De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii_ Monachi, Aurelii et +Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore _Aimoino_ monacho: from +Usuard and Odilard, monks. + Sidenote: Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff. + +(_t_.) _Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis_ (died 973), by John, Abbot of +St Arnulph. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310. + +(_u_.) _John of Cirita_, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671. + +(_v_.) _Life of St Rudesindus._ + Sidenote: Florez, xviii. 379 ff. + +(_w._) _Passio St Nicholai Alsamae_ regis filii et sociorum martyrum qui +passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous account. + Sidenote: Florez, xiv., 392. + +(_x._) _Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae_ et comitum eius qui passi +sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii. + Sidenote: Florez. + +(_y._) _Life of Beatus_, by an anonymous author. Not very +trustworthy,--_e.g._, death of Elipandus placed in 798 (sec. 8): +mythical council mentioned (sec. 7). + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. 890-894 + +And the following _Charters_, etc.:-- + + Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826. + Sidenote: Florez, xvii. 244. + + Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xviii. 312. + + Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 397. + +Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de Logio a +parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 326 + + +II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:-- + +(1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par _Loys de Mayerne Turguet_. Book +xvi. (1608.) + Sidenote: Schott. + +(2.) _John de Mariana_.[1] "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated +from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.) + + [1] Dr Dunham says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in + oblivion. No one reads it in Spain." + +(3.) _Fleury_, "History of the Church," translated from the French. +(1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff. + +(4.) _Morales_. "Remarks on the State of the Christian Religion under +the Arabs at Cordova." + Sidenote: Migne, cxv. p. 917. + +(5.) _Froben_. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et Felicis." + Sidenote: _Ibid._, 305-336. + +(6.) _Enhueber's_ "Dissertation against Walchius' view of Adoptionism." +Sidenote: _Ibid._, 338-438. + +(7.) _Dunham_. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner), 1832. Buckle, +"Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this history, very +extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history in the English +language of a foreign modern country." It certainly has the merit--no +small one in so confused a period--of being clear and succinct; but he +has a bias against the Moors. + +(8.) _W.H. Prescott_. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent work. The +parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the Introduction and +chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is the want of direct +citations of authorities used. + +(9.) _Hardwicke's_ "History of the Christian Church in the Middle Ages," +1853. + +(10.) The Abbé _Rohrbacher_. "Histoire Universelle de l'Eglise +Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii. + +(11.) _Neander_. "General History of the Christian Religion and Church" +(Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475; vol. vi. 119-132. + +(12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des +Arabes," par _M. Cardonne_. 3 vols., 1765. A history based chiefly on +Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde (Pref., p. 14) and +Murphy (notes, passim) have shown. + +(13.) _Dozy_. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' à la conquête de +l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols., Leyden, 1861. An +invaluable history of the time, being both lucid and thorough. + +(14.) _E.A. Freeman_. "History and Conquests of the Saracens." Six +lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated rather as a [Greek: +parergon] in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate writer, with a +strong bias, however, against chivalry (see Lecture v., p. 182). + +(15.) _Ockley_. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in +the Chandos Classics). + +(16.) _Gibbon_. The parts relating to the Saracens are conveniently +reprinted in the "Chandos Classics." + +(17.) _Robertson's_ "History of the Christian Church." Vol. iii. + +(18.) _Milman's_ "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix. + +(19.) _Stanley_. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect. +viii. + +(20.) _Hallam's_ "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry). + +(21.) _Geddes_. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his Miscellaneous Tracts. +1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found at Granada in 1588; and View +of Court of Inquisition in Portugal. + +(22.) _Lecky's_ "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in Europe." +2 vols. + +(23.) _Buckle_. "History of Civilisation in England," chap. viii. +"Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries." Vol. ii. pp. +425-597. + +(24.) _Carlyle_. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet." + +(25.) _C.M. Yonge_. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden Treasury" +Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate in facts. To give +one instance only out of many--The authoress says (p. 29), that Ali, the +son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled and died in battle. It is well known +(Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that he did neither. + +(26.) _R. Bosworth Smith._ "Mohammed and Mohammedanism." 1874. A +brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity being extolled in +theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too forcibly reminded of +"Brutus is an honourable man." His own accusation of others falls upon +himself. P. 61, he says--"Most other writers have approached the subject +only to prove a thesis. Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor: +they have held a brief for the prosecution or the defence." + +(27.) _S. Lane-Poole._ "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the Nations" +Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De Gayangos' +translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle of the Cid," and +Washington Irving's "Granada." + +(28.) _Blunt._ "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools of Thought." +1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the Adoptionists, and others I have +found very useful. There is, however, nothing said of the +Priscillianists (of Spain), or the Druses. + +(29.) _Hughes._ "Dictionary of Islam." + +(30.) _The Koran._ Sale's edition. + +(31.) _Encyclopaedia Metropolitana._ Vol. xi. + +(32.) _Encyclopaedia Britannica._ Article on Averroes. + + +III. POETRY:-- + +(_a._) _Lockhart's_ "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint, with Introduction, +in the "Chandos Classics." + +(_b._) _Southey's_ "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted, with Introduction, +in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable +translation. + +(_c._) _Southey's_ "Roderic," with many interesting notes. + +(_d._) _Scott's_ "Don Roderic." + + +IV. REFERRED TO:-- + +(_a._) _Romey._ "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols. + +(_b._) _Reinaud._ "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836. + +(_c._) _Moshieim._ "Institutes of Ecclesiastical History." 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031) + +Author: Charles Reginald Haines + +Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM *** + + + + +Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and +the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. + + + + + + +</pre> + + <h1> + <br /> + </h1> + <h1 style="font-weight: normal;"> + CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM + </h1> + <h1 style="font-weight: normal;"> + IN SPAIN + </h1> + <br /> + <br /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + A.D. 756-1031 + </h2> + <br /> + <br /> + <br /> + <br /> + <div style="text-align: center;"> + BY + <br /> + </div> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + C.R. HAINES, M.A. + </h2> + <p style="text-align: center;"> + <font size="-1">AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE"; + "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS";</font> + </p> + <div style="text-align: center;"></div> + <p style="text-align: center;"> + <font size="-1"> "VERSIONS IN VERSE."</font> + </p> + <p style="text-align: center;"> + <font size="-1"><br /> + <br /></font> + </p> + <hr style="height: 2px; width: 50%;" /> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + LONDON + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + 1889 + </h3> + <p>[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents, + there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of + Chapter VIII.]</p> + + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Invasion of Spain by the barbarians—Its easy conquest—Quarrels + among the conquerors—Departure of the Vandals—Visigoths gain the + supremacy—Conflict with Eastern Empire—Reduction of the Suevi—All + Spain becomes Gothic—Approach of Saracens—Planting of + Christianity in Spain—St James—Gospel first preached at + Elvira—Irenaeus—Persecutions—Martyrs —Council of Elvira—Council + of Nice—Number of Christians—Paganism + proscribed—Julian—Arianism—Ulphilas—Conversion of + barbarians—Degeneracy of religion—Priscillian—His heresy + condemned—Priscillian burnt—Paganism, in Spain—The Gothic + Government—Church and State —Power of king—Election of + bishops—Arianism of Goths—Ermenegild—Bigotry in + Spain—Jews—Influence of clergy—Of the pope ......1-11 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Period of Gothic rule—Degeneracy of Goths—Causes of their + fall—Battle of Guadalete—Resistance of towns—Theodomir—Remnant in + the North—Mohammedanism—Its rise and progress—Reduction of + Africa—Siege of Constantinople—Attacks on Spain—Tarif—Arabs in + Gaul—Anarchy in Spain—Christians in the North—Clemency of the + Arabs—Treaties—Conquest easy—Rhapsodies of + Isidore—Slaves—Jews—Impartiality of Arab governors—Khalifate + established—Feuds of Arabs and Berbers—Revolt of Berbers—Syrian + Arabs—Settlement of Arabs—Effect of Berber wars ......11-25 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Landing of Abdurrahman—Khalifate of Cordova—Condition of + Christians —Proselytism—Apostates—Arabs and Spaniards—Evidence of + Christian writers—Condition of the people—Serfs—No revolts—No + solidarity with the Christians in the North—Relations wkh Arabs + at first friendly—The jehad in Spain—Martyrs in battle—Fabulous + martyr—Anambad, first martyr—Peter of Najuma—No other till + 824—John and Adulphus —Causes of Martyrdoms—Amalgamation of the + two peoples—Intermarriage —Children of mixed parents—Nunilo and + Alodia—Mania for martyrdom—Voluntary martyrdoms—The Spanish + confessors—Threatened deterioration in the Church—Christianity + infected with Moslem customs —Religious fervour in + convents—Fanaticism, of monks—Fresh martyrs —Perfectus, John, + Isaac—Arab inability to understand the motives of these + martyrs—Causes of fanaticism—Sanctus—Peter—Walabonsus, etc + ......25-40 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Flora and Maria—Their adventures—Trial—Meet Eulogius in + prison—Their execution—Other martyrs—Hidden Christians—Aurelius, + Sabigotha, etc —Plan for procuring martyrdom—Miracle in + prison—Execution—Other martyrs—Death of Abdurrahman II.—Mohammed + I.—Martyrs—Prodigy upon their execution—Outrage in a + mosque—Punishment of offenders—Apprehension of king—Meditates a + persecution—Even a massacre—Series of martyrdoms—Cloister of + Tabanos suppressed—Columba, Pomposa—Abundius a true martyr—Others + martyred—Censor of Cordova—Persecution and death of + Ruderic—Eulogius—Parentage and antecedents—Opposes amalgamation + of Arabs and Christians—Encourages learning of + Latin—Imprisonment—Elected Bishop of Toledo—Again + imprisoned—Trial—Execution—His relics ......40-54 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Doubtful martyrs—No persecution raging—The Muzarabes—Churches in + Cordova—Arab description of a church—Monasteries outside the + city—Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova—No ferment at + Elvira—Enthusiasts not a large body—Their leaders—The moderate + party—Objections against the martyrs—Voluntary martyrdoms + forbidden by the Church—Answer of apologists—Evidence as to + persecution—Apologists inconsistent—Eulogius and Alvar—Reviling + of Mohammed—Martyrs worked no miracles—Defence of apologists + illogical—Martyrs put to death not by idolaters—Death without + torture—Their bodies corrupted—Moslem taunts—Effect of martyrdoms + on the Moslems—Prohibition of relics—Traffic in relics—They work + miracles—Relics taken from Spain to France —Expedition of monks + for that purpose—St Vincent's body—Relics of George, Aurelius, + etc., carried off—Return to France—Measures of the moderate + party—Of the Moslems—Reccafredus—supported by the majority of + Christians—Fanatics coerced—Anathematized—Action of king—Suspects + political movement—Revolt at Toledo—Grand Council—Measures + against zealots—Meditated persecution—The extreme party broken + up—Apostasies—Reason of these—The exceptor Gomez—The decision of + the Council—Cessation of martyrdoms ......54-73 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a> + </h3> + <p> + National party—Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs—Martyrs in + battle— Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.—Pelagius—Argentea—The + monks of Cardena—Eugenia—No real persecution under the Great + Khalif— General view of Christian Church in Spain under + Abdurrahman II.— Civil position of Christians—Councils—Neglect of + Latin—Arabic compulsory —Protests of Alvar, etc.—Latin + forgotten—Cultivation of Moslem learning—Moslem theology—Church + abuses—Simony—Breach of canons —Unworthy priests—Rival + pastors—Heresy in the Church—Depravity of clergy—Their + apostasy—Their deposition—Muzarabes—Free Christians in the + North—The Church in the North—Its dangerous position—Cut short by + Almanzor—Clergy oppress Christians—Count of Cordova—Ill-treats + the Christians—Councils—Held by Elipandus—By Reccafredus—By + Hostegesis—Jews and Moslems summoned—Council held by Basilius + ...... 73-86 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.—Commander of the Faithful—His + character—Embassy to the Emperor of the West—Return embassy—John + of Gorz—Detained in Cordova—Messengers from the king—Cause of + detention—John of Gorz and John of Cordova—The king's + threats—Dead-lock —Fresh embassy to Otho—A second embassy from + Otho—First embassy received—Condescension of Sultan—Tolerance of + Moslems— Mohammed's injunctions—Tolerant Mohammedan rulers + elsewhere— Alcuin—Arnold of Citeaux—Bernard, Archbishop of + Toledo—Christians tolerated, even encouraged—"Officer of + protection"—Christian courts— Censors—Sclavonian bodyguard—Arab + pride of race—Partial Amalgamation of races—Alliances between + Arabs and Christians—Intermarriages— Offspring of these—The + maiden tribute—Evidence in its favour—No + myth—Conversions—Mohammedan view of apostasy ...... 86-98 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Arab factions—Berbers—Spaniards—Muwallads—Despised by + Arabs—Revolts at Cordova, &c.—Intrigues with the + Franks—Letter of Louis—Revolt of Toledo—Christians and Muwallads + make common cause—Omar —Begins life as a + bandit—Captured—Escapes—Heads the national party— Becomes a + Christian—Utterly defeated—Muwallads desert him—Death of + Omar—Stronghold of Bobastro captured—End of rebellion—Christians + under Abdurrahman III.—Almanzor—Anarchy—End of + Khalifate—<a href="#CHAPTER_VIIIa">Knowledge of Christianity</a> and Mohammedanism slight + among those of the opposite creed—Christian writers on + Islam—Eulogius—Mohammed's relation to Christianity—Alvar—Unfair + to Mohammed—His ignorance of the Koran —Prophecy of + Daniel.—Moslem knowledge of Christianity—Mistaken idea of the + Trinity—Ibn Hazm—St James of Compostella ...... 98-114 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Traces of amalgamation of religions—Instances elsewhere—Essential + differences of Islam and Christianity—Compromise + attempted—Influence of Islam, over Christianity—Innovating spirit + in Spain—Heresy in Septimania—Its possible connection with + Mohammedanism—Migetian heresy as to the Trinity—Its approach to + the Mohammedan doctrine—Other similar heresies—Adoptionism—Our + knowledge of it—Whence derived—Connection with Islam—Its author + or authors—Probably Elipandus—His opponents—His + character—Independence—Jealousy of the Free Church in the + North—Nature of Adoptionism—Not a revival of Nestorianism—Origin + of the name—Arose from inadvertence—Felix—His arguments—Alcuin's + answers—Christ, the Son of God by adoption—Unity of Persons + acknowledged—First mention of theory—Adrian—-Extension of + heresy—Its opponents—Felix amenable to Church + discipline—Elipandus under Arab rule—Councils—Of + Narbonne—Friuli—Ratisbon—Felix abjures his heresy—Alcuin—Council + of Frankfort—Heresy anathematized —Councils of Rome and Aix—Felix + again recants—Alcuin's book—Elipandus and Felix die in their + error—Summary of evidence connecting adoptionism with + Mohammedanism—Heresy of Claudius—-Iconoclasm Libri + Carolini—Claudius, bishop of Turin—Crusade against + image-worship—His opponents—Arguments—Independence—Summoned + before a Council—Refuses to attend—Albigensian heresy ...... + 114-136 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Mutual influences of the two creeds—Socially and + intellectually—"No monks in Islam"—Faquirs—The conventual system + adopted by the Arabs—Arab account of a convent—Moslem nuns—Islam + Christianised—-Christian spirit in Mohammedanism—Arab + magnanimity—Moslem miracles—-like Christian ones—Enlightened + Moslems—Philosophy—Freethinkers—Theologians—Almanzor—Moslem + sceptics—Averroes—The faquis or theologians—Sect of Malik ibn + Ans—Power of theologians—-Decay of Moslem customs—Wine + drunk—Music cultivated—Silk worn—Statues set up—Turning towards + Mecca—Eating of sow's flesh—Enfranchisement of Moslem + women—Love—Distinguished women—-Women in mosques—At + tournaments—Arab love-poem—Treatise on love ...... 136-148 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Influence of Mohammedanism—Circumcision of Christians—-Even of a + bishop —Customs retained for contrast—Cleanliness rejected as + peculiar to Moslems— Celibacy of clergy—Chivalry—Origin—Derived + from Arabs— Favoured by state of Spain—Spain the cradle of + chivalry—Arab chivalry —Qualifications for a knight—Rules of + knighthood—The Cid—Almanzor—His generosity—Justice—Moslem + military orders—Holy wars—Christianity Mohammedanized—The + "Apotheosis of chivalry"—Chivalry a sort of religion—Social + compromise—Culminates in the Crusades ..... 149-156 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + APPENDICES. + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX A.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Jews persecuted by Goths—Help the Saracens—Numbers—Jews in + France—Illtreated—Accusations against—Eleazar, an + apostate—Incites the Spanish Moslems against the + Christians—Intellectual development of Jews in Spain—Come to be + disliked by Arabs—Jews and the Messiah—Judaism + deteriorated—Contact with Islam—Civil position—Jews at + Toledo—Christian persecution of + Jews—Massacre—Expulsion—Conversion—The "Mala Sangre"—The + Inquisition ...... 156-161 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#APPENDIX_B">APPENDIX B.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Spain and the papal power—Early independence—Early importance of + Spanish Church—Arian Spain—Orthodox Spain—Increase of papal + influence—Independent spirit of king and clergy—Quarrel with the + pope—Arab invasion—Papal authority in the North—Crusade + preached—Intervention of the pope—St James' relics—Claudius of + Turin—Rejection of pope's claims—Increase of pope's power in + Spain—Appealed to against Muzarabes—Errors of Migetius—Keeping of + Easter—Eating of pork—Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems—Fasting + on Sundays—Elipandus withstands the papal claims—Upholds + intercourse with Arabs—Rejects papal supremacy—Advance of + Christians in the North—Extension of power of the pope—Gothic + liturgy suspected—Suppressed—Authority of pope over king—Appeals + from the king to the pope—Rupture with the Roman See—Resistance + of sovereign and barons to the pope—Inquisition + established—Victims—Moriscoes persecuted—Reformation stamped + out—Subjection of Spanish Church ...... 161-173 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + LIST OF AUTHORITIES + </h3> + <p style="margin-right: 40px;"> + ...... 175-182 + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE GOTHS IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain, + leaving so many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi, + Alani, and Vandals, at the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman + governor of Spain, burst into that province over the unguarded + passes of the Pyrenees.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id= + "FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Close on their steps followed the Visigoths; + whose king, taking in marriage Placidia, the sister of Honorius, + was acknowledged by the helpless emperor independent ruler of + such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he could conquer and + keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious provincials + offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No + Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own + island; no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence + against the Roman Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian, + asserts that they preferred the rule of the barbarians. However + this may be, the various tribes that invaded the country found no + serious opposition among the Spaniards: the only fighting was + between themselves—for the spoil. Many years of warfare were + necessary to decide this important question of supremacy. + Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the + fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their + way southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the + Straits of Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had + utterly overthrown their rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis, + and had left an abiding record of their brief stay in the name + Andalusia. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Inter + barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam + sollicitudinem sustinere."—Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i. + </p> + </div> + <p> + For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their + late crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of + Spain, but under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths + definitely asserted their superiority. Under the latter king the + Gothic domination in Spain may be said to have begun about ten + years before the fall of the Western Empire. But the Goths were + as yet by no means in possession of the whole of Spain. A large + part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for, though the + Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern emperor + had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces, which + had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these + was some portion of Spain. + </p> + <p> + It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a + king came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi + and to reduce the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was + not till 622, the very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a + Gothic king, Swintila, finally drove out all the Emperor's + troops, and became king in reality of all Spain. + </p> + <p> + Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first + indications of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours + of whose irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread, + which the Arabs aroused even in distant Spain as early as a + century after the birth of Mohammed, may be appreciated from the + despairing lines of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id= + "FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Toledo:— + </p> + <p> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos + malus implicet error,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Demur et infandis gentibus + opprobrio!</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Africa plena viris bellacibus + arma minatur,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Inque dies victrix gens Agarena + furit."</span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results, + it will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of + Christianity in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous + to the advent of the Moslems. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Migne's + "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early + into Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself, + who is said to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia, + Valencia, and Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds + whatever for supposing that James, the brother of John, ever set + foot in Spain. The "invention" of his remains at Ira Flavia in + the 9th century, together with the story framed to account for + their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far from the scene + of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to need + refutation. + </p> + <p> + The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed + (but, it seems, against probability) for Illiberis.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However that may be, the early + establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenæus, + who appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive + doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The long roll of Spanish + martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian (95 A.D.) with the + name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the succeeding + persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but she + suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's + reign that nearly all the inhabitants of Cæsar Augusta were + treacherously slaughtered on the sole ground of their being + Christians; thus earning for their native city from the Christian + poet Prudentius,<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id= + "FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> the proud title of "patria sanctorum + martyrum." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Florez, + "España Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Irenæus, Bk. + I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> 348-402 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the + same time the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman + Empire. Diocletian indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the + very name of Christian and abolished their hateful superstition. + This even to the Romans must have seemed an empty boast, and the + result of Diocletian's efforts only proved the truth of the old + maxim—"the blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church." + </p> + <p> + The Spanish Christians about this time<a name="FNanchor_1_6" id= + "FNanchor_1_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_6" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> held the first ecclesiastical council whose + acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or Elvira, + was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who + passed eighty canons. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_6" id="Footnote_1_6"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_6"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The date is + doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209, places it + between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner. Other dates + given are 300 and 305. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325 + was held the first General Council of the Church under the + presidency of the emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed + Christian. Within a quarter of a century of the time when + Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated the Christian name, + it has been computed that nearly one half of the inhabitants of + his empire were Christians. + </p> + <p> + The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in + 341 put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan + sacrifices were prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a + church militant and a church triumphant! In 388, after a brief + eclipse under Julian, Christianity was formally declared by the + Senate to be the established religion of the Roman Empire. + </p> + <p> + But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired + by the church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and + court intrigue, did not tend to the spiritual advancement of + Christianity. Almost coincident with the Edict of Milan was the + appearance of Arianism, which, after dividing the Church against + itself for upwards of half-a-century, and almost succeeding at + one time in imposing itself on the whole Church,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_7" id="FNanchor_1_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_7" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> finally under the missionary zeal of + Ulphilas found a new life among the barbarian nations that were + pressing in upon all the northern boundaries of the Empire, + ready, like eagles, to swoop down and feast upon her mighty + carcase. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_7" id="Footnote_1_7"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_7"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> At the + Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis," says Jerome, + "et Arianum se esse miratus est." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals, + adopted the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by + Ulphilas towards the close of the fourth century. Consequently + the nations that forced their way into Southern Gaul, and over + the Pyrenees into Spain, were, nominally at least, Christians of + the Arian persuasion. The extreme importance to Spain of the fact + of their being Christians at all will be readily apprehended by + contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials with that which + befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands of our + own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later. + </p> + <p> + Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed + from the quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had + lost much of its ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and + lascivious dances on the stage began to be tolerated even by + Christians, though they were denounced by the more devout as + incompatible with the profession of the Christian faith. + </p> + <p> + Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of + Christian blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of + Avila, was led into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian + gnostic. What his error exactly was is not very clear, but it + seems to have comprised some of the erroneous doctrines + attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the new heresy, with + which two other bishops besides Priscillian became infected, was + condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another held five + years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other + persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of + Ithacius,<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Sossuba, and + Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the protests of Martin of + Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was not thus + stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic + conquest. + </p> + <p> + There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic + invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it + continued to be so during the whole period of Gothic + domination.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Some Pagans undoubtedly + lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_10" id="FNanchor_3_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_10" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but that there were any large numbers of + them as late as the eighth century is improbable. + </p> + <p> + Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the + Gothic government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever + existed in Europe."<a name="FNanchor_4_11" id= + "FNanchor_4_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_11" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> This is too sweeping a statement, though it + must be allowed that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic + nobles rendered their yoke peculiarly galling, while the position + of their slaves was wretched beyond all example. However, it is + not to their civil administration that we wish now to draw + attention, but rather to the relations of Church and State under + a Gothic administration which was at first Arian and subsequently + orthodox. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Milman, + "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of the Sixteenth + Council of Toledo. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_10" id="Footnote_3_10"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_10"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mason, a + bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a Pagan as late as + this. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_11" id="Footnote_4_11"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_11"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dunham's + "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military + character, gradually tended to become a theocracy—a result due in + great measure to the institution of national councils, which were + called by the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics + of the realm. Many of the nobles and high dignitaries of the + State also took part in these assemblies, though they might not + vote on purely ecclesiastical matters. These councils, of which + there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at Toledo, the Gothic + capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the power of + ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his + religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon + three) it was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer + the exercise of any other religion than the Catholic, and to + vigorously enforce the law against all dissentients, especially + against that accursed people the Jews." The fact of the monarchy + becoming elective<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id= + "FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> no doubt contributed a good deal to throwing + the power into the hands of the clergy. + </p> + <p> + Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops + subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the + other way. On the whole it was the king that lost power, though + no doubt as a compensation he gained somewhat more authority over + Church matters. He could, for instance, issue temporary + regulations with regard to Church discipline. Witiza, one of the + last of the Gothic kings, seems even to have authorized, or at + least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The king could preside in cases of + appeal in purely ecclesiastical affairs; and we know that Recared + I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621) did in fact exercise this + right. He also gained the power of nominating and translating + bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was first + conceded to the king.<a name="FNanchor_3_14" id= + "FNanchor_3_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_14" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The Fourth Council of Toledo (633) enacted + that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his + city, and that his election should be approved by the + metropolitan and synod of his province: while the Twelfth + Council, held forty-eight years later, evidently recognizes the + validity of their appointment by royal warrant alone. Some have + referred this innovation back to the despotic rule of Theodoric + the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century; others to + the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism in + Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of + convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> In 531 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Monk of + Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca; Robertson, + iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27, that Fruela + (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these accounts of + Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_14" id="Footnote_3_14"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_14"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Robertson, + "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and + nobles is a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that + invaded Spain at the beginning of the fifth century were + inoculated with the Arian heresy. Of these the Vandals carried + their Arianism, which proved to be of a very persecuting type, + into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation the Alani, under the + pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed, gave up their + Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths, + however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period—until 589 + namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national + council and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his + example being followed by many of his nobles and bishops. + </p> + <p> + The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole + remarkably tolerant<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id= + "FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> towards both Jews and Catholics, though we + have instances to the contrary in the cases of Euric and + Leovigild, who are said to have persecuted the orthodox party. + The latter king, indeed, who was naturally of a mild and + forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures by the unfilial + and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the latter had + been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without entering + into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and + Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every + reason to think that Leovigild would have taken no measures + against him. Even after a second rebellion the king offered to + spare his son's life—which was forfeit to the State—on condition + that he renounced his newly-adopted creed, and returned to the + Arian fold. His reason—a very intelligible one—no doubt was that + he might put an end to the risk of a third rebellion by + separating his son effectually from the intriguing party of + Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to + death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lecky, + "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says that the Arian + Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be insufficient + grounds for the assertion. + </p> + </div> + <p> + With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to + the Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above + quoted from the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was + even passed forbidding anyone under pain of confiscation of his + property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in question the Holy + Catholic and Apostolic Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the + definitions of the Fathers; the decrees of the Church; and the + Sacraments. In the spirit of these enactments, severe measures + were taken against the Jews, of whom there were great numbers in + Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the first systematic + persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was "not + according to knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_1_16" id= + "FNanchor_1_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_16" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> A cruel choice was given the Jews between + baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the + other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were + enforced against them. Those who under the pressure of + persecution consented to be baptised, were forced to swear by the + most solemn of oaths that they had in very truth renounced their + Jewish faith and abhorred its rites. Those who still refused to + conform were subjected to every indignity and outrage. They were + obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe Sunday and + Easter. They were denied the <i>ius connubii</i> and the <i>ius + honorum</i>. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a + Christian vouched for their character. Some who still held out + were even driven into exile. But this punishment could not have + been systematically carried out, for the Saracen invasion found + great numbers of Jews still in Spain. As Dozy<a name= + "FNanchor_2_17" id="FNanchor_2_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_17" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> well says of the persecutors—"On le + voulut bien, mais on ne le pouvait pas." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_16" id="Footnote_1_16"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_16"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud + Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by Southey, + Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni Judaeos ad + fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem habuit, sed + non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit, quos provocare + fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum, sive per + occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in hoc + gaudeo et gaudebo." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_17" id="Footnote_2_17"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_17"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "History of + Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain + turned their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the + secret negotiations between them being discovered, the + persecution blazed out afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of + Toledo<a name="FNanchor_1_18" id="FNanchor_1_18"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_18" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> decreed that relapsed + Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be + forcibly taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to + marry among themselves.<a name="FNanchor_2_19" id= + "FNanchor_2_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_19" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_18" id="Footnote_1_18"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_18"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Canon 8, de + damnatione Judaeorum. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_19" id="Footnote_2_19"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_19"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> For the + further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix A. + </p> + </div> + <p> + These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the + dominant influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus + received from the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema + and excommunication against the political enemies of the + king.<a name="FNanchor_1_20" id="FNanchor_1_20"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_20" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover the cordial + relations which subsisted between the Church and the State, + animated as they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled + the Spanish kings to resist the dangerous encroachments of the + Papal power, a subject which has been more fully treated in an + Appendix.<a name="FNanchor_2_21" id="FNanchor_2_21"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_21" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_20" id="Footnote_1_20"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_20"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels against + the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the deposed + Swintila was excommunicated. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_21" id="Footnote_2_21"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_21"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Appendix B. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE SARACENS IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively + short period we are asked by some writers to believe that the + invaders quite lost their national characteristics, and became, + like the Spaniards, luxurious and effeminate.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Their haughty exclusiveness, and the + fact of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them + for a time separate from, and superior to, the subject + population, whom they despised as slaves, and hated as heretics. + But when the religious barrier was removed, the social one soon + followed, and so completely did the conquerors lose their + ascendency, that they even surrendered their own Teutonic tongue + for the corrupt Latin of their subjects. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne's + "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien différens des leurs + ancêtres étoient alors énervés par les plaisirs, la douceur du + climat; le luxe et les richesses avoient amolli leur courage et + corrompu les moeurs." Cp. Dunham, vol. i. 157. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is + generally supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue + them. Musa ibn Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into + Spain, and the first governor of that country under Arab rule, + when asked by the Khalif Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths, + answered that "they were lords living in luxury and abundance, + but champions who did not turn their backs to the enemy."<a name= + "FNanchor_1_23" id="FNanchor_1_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_23" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt that this praise + was well deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the + country was overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be + attributed to wholesale treachery from one end of the country to + the other. But for this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to + blame. Their treatment of the Jews and of their slaves made the + defection of these two classes of their subjects inevitable. + </p> + <p> + The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic + kingdom as the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of + successive kings;<a name="FNanchor_2_24" id= + "FNanchor_2_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_24" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> but on the heads of the clergy, even more than + of the king, rests the guilt of their iniquitous and suicidal + policy towards the Arians<a name="FNanchor_3_25" id= + "FNanchor_3_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_25" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Jews. The treachery of Julian,<a + name="FNanchor_4_26" id= "FNanchor_4_26"></a><a + href="#Footnote_4_26" class= "fnanchor">[4]</a> whatever its + cause, opened a way for the Arabs into the country by betraying + into their hands Ceuta, the key of the Straits. Success in their + first serious battle was secured to them by the opportune + desertion from the enemy's ranks of the disaffected political + party under the sons of the late king Witiza,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_27" id="FNanchor_5_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_27" + class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards + apostatized; while the rapid subjugation of the whole country was + aided and assured by the hosts of ill-used slaves who flocked to + the Saracen standards, and by the Jews<a name="FNanchor_6_28" id= + "FNanchor_6_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_28" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and + deliverers from the hated yoke of the uncircumcised Goths. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_23" id="Footnote_1_23"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_23"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari, + vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_24" id="Footnote_2_24"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_24"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron. + Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus Domini ob + inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_25" id="Footnote_3_25"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_25"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Arianism + lingered on till the middle of the eighth century at least, + since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of Alfonso I., that + he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_26" id="Footnote_4_26"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_26"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> For Julian, + or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De Gayangos' note to Al Makkari, + i. p. 537, etc. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_27" id="Footnote_5_27"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_27"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Called + Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see "Sebast. + Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter of Witiza + married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King, under the + name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of the eighth + century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius to + Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen + <i>Witizani</i>, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_28" id="Footnote_6_28"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_28"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The Jews + garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp. 280, 282, and De + Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852 we find the Jews + betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew nearly all the + Christians. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave + stand—as brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the + Normans. The first decisive battle in the South<a name= + "FNanchor_1_29" id="FNanchor_1_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_29" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> lasted, as some writers have declared, + six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of + being driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address + to his soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of + Africa, whither would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe + in front. There is no help for you save in your own right + hands<a name="FNanchor_2_30" id="FNanchor_2_30"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_30" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the favour of God." + Nor must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either + side, amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of + Roderic's army was disaffected. It is probable that only the + Goths made a determined stand; and even after such a crushing + defeat as they received at Guadalete, and after the loss of their + king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn resistance in + Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_3_31" id= + "FNanchor_3_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_31" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of them, Theodomir, after defending + himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at last by his valour + and address contrived to secure for himself, and even to hand + down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over + that part of Spain. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_29" id="Footnote_1_29"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_29"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Generally + called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De Gayangos on Al + Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres or Medina + Sidonia. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_30" id="Footnote_2_30"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_30"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Una salus + victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i. p. 271; Conde + i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_31" id="Footnote_3_31"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_31"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> We must not + forget also that the mild and politic conduct of the Saracens + towards the towns that surrendered, even after resistance, + marvellously facilitated their conquest. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient + hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they + had been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they + seem to have begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against + the invaders. The thirty<a name="FNanchor_1_32" id= + "FNanchor_1_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_32" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it + unnecessary to pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed + that they had power to sting; and the handful of patriots, who in + the cave of Covadonga gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old + Gothic line, soon swelled into an army, and the army into a + nation. Within six years of the death of Roderic had begun that + onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which, with the + exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the + tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to + halt, until it had regained every foot of ground that had once + belonged to the Gothic kings. + </p> + <p> + Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders. + History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or + political point of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and + the wonderful conquests which it made. "The electric + spark<a name="FNanchor_2_33" id="FNanchor_2_33"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_33" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had indeed fallen on + what seemed black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved + explosive powder and blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!" + Mohammed began his preaching in 609, and confined himself to + persuasion till 622, the year of the Flight from Mecca. After + this a change seems to have come over his conduct, if not over + his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the peaceful and more + glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed to the + human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success, + however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the + defeat of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being + mostly pacified, the first expedition beyond its boundaries was + undertaken under Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive + attempt gave no indications of the astonishing successes to be + achieved in the near future. Mohammed himself died in the + following year, yet, in spite of this and the consequent revolt + of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was overrun and + Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on + equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In + 637 Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under + the yoke of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the + rich valley of the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The + conquest of Egypt only formed the stepping-stone to the reduction + of Africa, and the victorious Moslems did not pause in their + career until they reached the Atlantic Ocean, and Akbah,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_34" id="FNanchor_3_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_34" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> riding his horse into the sea, sighed + for more worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for + thinking that it had been well for the inhabitants of the New + World, if Fortune had delivered them into the hands of the + generous Arabs rather than to the cruel soldiery of Cortes and + Pizarro. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_32" id="Footnote_1_32"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_32"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon a rock? They + must inevitably die." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_33" id="Footnote_2_33"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_33"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Carlyle's + "Hero Worship" ad finem. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_34" id="Footnote_3_34"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_34"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the + death of Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of + Constantinople. Fortunately for the cause of civilisation and of + Christendom, this long siege of several years proved + unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717. But by the + latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the + Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition + into Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the + crossing of the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the + East the passage of the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam. + </p> + <p> + There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had + attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or + only one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said + to have been made into that country under Abdullah ibn + Sa'd,<a name="FNanchor_1_35" id="FNanchor_1_35"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_35" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which resulted in the + temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad + is mentioned by Abulfeda<a name="FNanchor_2_36" id= + "FNanchor_2_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_36" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> as having taken place in Othman's reign + (644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680) + we have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja + and Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that + the Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded + Wamba on the throne—a story which seems likely enough when read + in the light of the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier + attacks, however, seem to have been mere raids, undertaken + without an immediate view to permanent conquest. + </p> + <p> + By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths + sent help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and, + while Julian their general still remained true to his allegiance, + they beat off the Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of + that fortress the Arabs were enabled to send across the Straits a + small reconnoitring detachment of five hundred men under Tarif + abu Zarah,<a name="FNanchor_3_37" id="FNanchor_3_37"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_37" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> a Berber. This took + place in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till + April 30, 711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad. + There seems to have been a preliminary engagement before the + decisive one of Gaudalete (July 19th-26th)—the Gothic general in + the former being stated variously to have been Theodomir,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_38" id="FNanchor_4_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_38" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Sancho,<a name="FNanchor_5_39" id= + "FNanchor_5_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_39" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> or Edeco.<a name="FNanchor_6_40" id= + "FNanchor_6_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_40" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_35" id="Footnote_1_35"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_35"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See De + Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_36" id="Footnote_2_36"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_36"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annales + Moslemici," i. p. 262. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_37" id="Footnote_3_37"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_37"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The names + of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad have been + confused by all the careless writers on Spanish + history—<i>e.g.</i>, Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but + Gibbon, Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error. + For Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519; + and for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation, + note 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_38" id="Footnote_4_38"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_38"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_39" id="Footnote_5_39"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_39"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. 75. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_40" id="Footnote_6_40"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_40"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dr Dunham. + </p> + </div> + <p> + It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in + detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain + and part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But + the Arabs made the fatal mistake<a name="FNanchor_1_41" id= + "FNanchor_1_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_41" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> of leaving a remnant of their enemies + unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave + of conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but + surely to recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of + Arab extension in the West, and Christian Gaul was never + afterwards seriously threatened with the calamity of a Mohammedan + domination. + </p> + <p> + The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest + and the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of + disorder, almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This + state of things was one eminently favourable to the growth and + consolidation of the infant state which was arising among the + mountains of the Northwest. In that corner of the land, which + alone<a name="FNanchor_2_42" id="FNanchor_2_42"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_42" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not polluted by the + presence of Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits + who could not brook subjection and valued freedom above all + earthly possessions.<a name="FNanchor_3_43" id= + "FNanchor_3_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_43" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Here all the various nationalities that had + from time to time borne rule in Spain, + </p> + <div class="blockquot"> + <p> + "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," <a name= + "FNanchor_4_44" id="FNanchor_4_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_44" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + </div> + <p> + all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were + gradually welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into + one compact and homogeneous whole.<a name="FNanchor_5_45" id= + "FNanchor_5_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_45" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Meanwhile what was the condition of those + Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under + the Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared + much worse; and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no + doubt contributed largely to the facility of the conquest. The + first conqueror, Tarik ibn Zeyad, was a man of remarkable + generosity and clemency, and his conduct fully justified the + proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false charges + before the Sultan Suleiman.<a name="FNanchor_6_46" id= + "FNanchor_6_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_46" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> "Ask the true believers," he said, "ask also + the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in Africa and + in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly, + covetous, or cruel." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_41" id="Footnote_1_41"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_41"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. 34. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_42" id="Footnote_2_42"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_42"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> According + to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never been admitted + into any town of Biscay before 870. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_43" id="Footnote_3_43"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_43"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that only the lower + orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note he mentions a + remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_44" id="Footnote_4_44"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_44"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Southey, + "Roderick," Canto IV. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_45" id="Footnote_5_45"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_45"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Thierry, + "Dix Ans d'Études Historiques," p. 346. "Reserrés dans ce coin + de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths et Romains, + vainqueurs et vaincus, étrangers et indigènes, maîtres et + esclaves, tous unis dans le même malheur ... furent égaux dans + cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign. Fruela I. + (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio (768-774), + revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.," vi. sec. + 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem redacti + sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in reigns + of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_46" id="Footnote_6_46"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_46"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or his + predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally + contained the following provisions: that the citizens should give + up all their horses and arms; that they might, if they chose, + depart, leaving their property; that those who remained should, + on payment of a small tribute, be permitted to follow their own + religion, for which purposes certain churches were to be left + standing; that they should have their own judges, and enjoy + (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the riches of the + churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_47" id="FNanchor_1_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_47" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and hostages given. But conditions even + better than these were obtained from Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by + Theodomir in Murcia. The original document has been preserved by + the Arab historians, and is well worthy of transcription: + </p> + <p> + "In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and + Tadmir make this treaty of peace—may God confirm and protect it! + Tadmir shall retain the command over his own people, but over no + other people among those of his faith. There shall be no wars + between his subjects and those of the Arabs, nor shall the + children or women of his people be led captive. They shall not be + disturbed in the exercise of their religion: their churches shall + not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded from them, or + obligations be laid upon them—those expressed in this treaty + alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail + in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile + purposes he may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself + shall pay a tribute of a dinar<a name="FNanchor_2_48" id= + "FNanchor_2_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_48" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> each year, with four measures of wheat and + four of barley; of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four + measures. All the vassals of Tadmir, and every man subject to + tax, shall pay the half of these imposts."<a name="FNanchor_3_49" + id="FNanchor_3_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_49" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + These favourable terms were due in part to the address of + Theodomir,<a name="FNanchor_4_50" id="FNanchor_4_50"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_50" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and partly perhaps to + Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians, which was also + manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of King + Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This + predilection for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill + favour with the Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_51" id="FNanchor_5_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_51" + class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_47" id="Footnote_1_47"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_47"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde i. p. + 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious avarice. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_48" id="Footnote_2_48"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_48"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Somewhat + less than ten shillings. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_49" id="Footnote_3_49"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_49"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari, + i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_50" id="Footnote_4_50"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_50"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Isidore, + sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator, eloquentia + mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir Almumenin + prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est honoratus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_51" id="Footnote_5_51"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_51"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into treasonable + correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of forming a + project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself a + Christian, etc. + </p> + </div> + <p> + On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was + accomplished with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or + none of those atrocities which generally characterize the + subjugation of a whole people by men of an alien race and an + alien creed. It cannot, however, be denied that the only + contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance on this point + with all the Arab accounts. + </p> + <p> + "Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every + limb in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature + fail in depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless + and immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the + whole story of sorrow—not to speak of all the disastrous ills + which in innumerable ages past from Adam even till now in various + states and regions of the earth a cruel and foul foe has caused + to a fair world—whatever Troy in Homer's tale endured, whatever + Jerusalem suffered that the prophets' words might come to pass, + whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture might be + fulfilled—all this, and more, has Spain experienced—Spain once + full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory, + but now brought low in shame and dishonour."<a name= + "FNanchor_1_52" id="FNanchor_1_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_52" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_52" id="Footnote_1_52"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_52"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cp. also + Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note, curiously remarks: + "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate, but the exaggeration + proves the fact." + </p> + </div> + <p> + This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the + ravings of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as + it seems by the actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following + Isidore after an interval of 500 years, improves upon him by + entering into details, which being in many particulars + demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked upon with + suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words + are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their + fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women + reserved for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or + destroyed, the national substance plundered, oaths and treaties + uniformly broken.<a name="FNanchor_1_53" id= + "FNanchor_1_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_53" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need + only compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England + by the Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The + comparison will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not + impossible that, if the invaders had been Franks instead of + Moors, the country would have suffered even more, as we can see + from the actual results effected by the invasion of Charles the + Great in 777. Placed as they were between the devil and the deep + sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred (had the choice + been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than to the + Franks.<a name="FNanchor_2_54" id="FNanchor_2_54"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_54" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_53" id="Footnote_1_53"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_53"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dunham, ii. + p. 121, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_54" id="Footnote_2_54"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_54"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona: + </p> + <p> + + </p> + <div class="blockquot"> + <p> + "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis, Maurorum votis + adsociata magis." + </p> + </div> + </div> + <p> + To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through + Spain, the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave + had only to pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but + God, and Mohammed is his Prophet": and he was immediately free. + To the Jews the Moslems brought toleration, nay, even influence + and power. In fact, since the fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the + Jews had never enjoyed such independence and influence as in + Spain during the domination of the Arabs. Their genius being thus + allowed free scope, they disputed the supremacy in literature and + the arts with the Arabs themselves. + </p> + <p> + Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel + in their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians + alike.<a name="FNanchor_1_55" id="FNanchor_1_55"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_55" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Some indeed increased + the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must be remembered + that this tribute<a name="FNanchor_2_56" id= + "FNanchor_2_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_56" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> was in the first instance very light, and + therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression. + Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause + of the Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was + Abdurrahman al Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an + Arab writer says:<a name="FNanchor_3_57" id= + "FNanchor_3_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_57" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> "He did equal justice to Moslem and Christian + ... he restored to the Christians such churches as had been taken + from them in contravention of the stipulated treaties; but on the + other hand he caused all those to be demolished, which had been + erected by the connivance of interested governors." Similarly of + his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi (721-726), we find it + recorded<a name="FNanchor_4_58" id="FNanchor_4_58"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_58" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> that "he rendered equal + justice to every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and + Christian, or between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by + Yahya ibn Salmah (March-Sept. 726), who is described as + injudiciously severe, and dreaded for his extreme rigour by + Moslems as well as Christians.<a name="FNanchor_5_59" id= + "FNanchor_5_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_59" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Isidore says that he made the Arabs give back + to the Christians the property unlawfully taken from + them.<a name="FNanchor_6_60" id="FNanchor_6_60"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_60" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Similar praise is + awarded to Okbah ibn ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).<a name= + "FNanchor_7_61" id="FNanchor_7_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_61" + class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain + were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried + out with regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians, + while the Ameers were so constantly changing, being sometimes + elected by the army, but oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by + his lieutenant, the governor of Africa for the time being. This + perpetual shifting of rulers would in itself have been fatal to + the settlement of the country, had it not been brought to an end + by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the Khalif of + Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in May + 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes + which threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in + Spain. Chief among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and + the jealousy between Berbers and Arabs. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_55" id="Footnote_1_55"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_55"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>E.g.</i>, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore, + sec. 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the + Christians, those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest + of the Moslemah families." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_56" id="Footnote_2_56"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_56"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Merely a + small poll-tax (jizyah) at first. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_57" id="Footnote_3_57"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_57"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 105. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_58" id="Footnote_4_58"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_58"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i. + p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says: "Vectigalia Christianis + duplicata exagitat." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_59" id="Footnote_5_59"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_59"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i. + 102. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_60" id="Footnote_6_60"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_60"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Isidore, + sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio crudelis + exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et Mauros + pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque Christianis + plura restaurat. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_61" id="Footnote_7_61"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_61"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Conde, i. + 114, 115. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while + such Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or + Beladi faction.<a name="FNanchor_1_62" id= + "FNanchor_1_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_62" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as + new converts, were also regarded as Nonconformists<a name= + "FNanchor_2_63" id="FNanchor_2_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_63" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> by the pure Arabs, and consequently a + quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two parties. + </p> + <p> + As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against + the Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the + following year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who + had conquered the country alone had claims to the spoil.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_64" id="FNanchor_3_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_64" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> This formidable rising was only put down + by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the continual + disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in + Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in + Africa was a signal for a similar determined attempt in + Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_65" id="FNanchor_4_65"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_65" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The reinforcements + which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa under + Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief + named Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_62" id="Footnote_1_62"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_62"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The two + chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of Modhar, son of + Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan belonged the + Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family. They were also + called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2) Descendants of + Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the Kelbites and the + Yemenites. These were most numerous in Andalus; see Al Makkari, + ii. 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_63" id="Footnote_2_63"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_63"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note. Though nominally + Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan rites. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_64" id="Footnote_3_64"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_64"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See De + Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's "Karta," + xiv. <i>sq.</i> Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p. 55, + says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a leader + of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was the + leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in 728. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_65" id="Footnote_4_65"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_65"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. 40. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan<a name="FNanchor_1_66" + id="FNanchor_1_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_66" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Alfehri taking up the cause of the Berbers, + procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own favour, + but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled + to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta, + though previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties + that they might cross over into Spain. + </p> + <p> + The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn + Besher, nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising + at the same time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers + were overcome. This desirable end accomplished, however, they + refused to keep to their agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found + himself driven to seek anew the alliance of the Berbers and also + of the Andalusian Arabs against his late allies.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_67" id="FNanchor_2_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_67" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But the latter proved too strong for the + Ameer, who was defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of + Balj. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_66" id="Footnote_1_66"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_66"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 135. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_67" id="Footnote_2_67"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_67"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The Syrian + Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away from home. The + Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered for the worse + when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens." + </p> + </div> + <p> + These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the + accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued + without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova, + Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain. + </p> + <p> + The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to + break up the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those + of Damascus in Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen; + of Alurdan<a name="FNanchor_1_68" id="FNanchor_1_68"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_68" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in Malaga and Regio; of + Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia; of Wasit in + Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of Andalusian + Arabs. + </p> + <p> + These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of + Spain; for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and + Western marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many + of the survivors compelled to return to Africa,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_69" id="FNanchor_2_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_69" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> owing to the famine which afflicted the + country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab dominion were + left practically denuded of defenders,<a name="FNanchor_3_70" id= + "FNanchor_3_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_70" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Christians at once advanced their + boundaries to the Douro, leaving however a strip of desert land + as a barrier between them and the Moslems. This debateable land + they did not occupy till fifty years later.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_71" id="FNanchor_4_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_71" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_68" id="Footnote_1_68"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_68"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>I.e.</i>, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_69" id="Footnote_2_69"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_69"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_70" id="Footnote_3_70"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_70"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. 69. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_71" id="Footnote_4_71"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_71"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> When they + built a series of fortresses as Zarnora, Simancas, San Estevan. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA. + </h3> + <p> + Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen + in May 756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with + this date, though it was many years before the new sultan had + settled his power on a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by + the whole of Moslem Spain. + </p> + <p> + During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened + between the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we + have very little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The + Arab historians are too busy recounting the feuds of their own + tribes to pay any particular attention to the subject Christians. + But we may gather that the latter were, on the whole, fairly + content with their new servitude.<a name="FNanchor_1_72" id= + "FNanchor_1_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_72" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Moslems were not very anxious to + proselytize, as the conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious + diminution of the tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_73" id= + "FNanchor_2_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_73" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Those Christians who did apostatize—and we may + believe that they were chiefly slaves—at once took up a position + of legal, though not social, equality with the other Moslems. It + is no wonder that the slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from + their hatred for their masters, and the obvious temporal + advantage of embracing Islam, the majority of them knew nothing + at all about Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_74" id= + "FNanchor_3_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_74" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The ranks of the converts were recruited from + time to time by those who went over to Islam to avoid paying the + poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of some penalty inflicted + by the Christian courts.<a name="FNanchor_4_75" id= + "FNanchor_4_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_75" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> One thing is noticeable. In the early years of + the conquest there was none of that bitterness displayed between + the adherents of the rival creeds, to which we are so accustomed + in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only contemporary Christian + authority, though he rhapsodizes about the devastations committed + by the conquerors, and complains of enormous tributes exacted, + yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems<a name="FNanchor_5_76" + id="FNanchor_5_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_76" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> than any other Spanish writer before the + fourteenth century. "If he hates the conquerors," says + Dozy,<a name="FNanchor_6_77" id="FNanchor_6_77"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_77" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> "he hates them rather + as men of another race than of another creed;" and the marriage + of Abdulaziz and Egilona awakens in his mind no sentiment of + horror. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_72" id="Footnote_1_72"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_72"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This was + not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer Almohades + overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. See + Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_73" id="Footnote_2_73"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_73"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As happened + in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168, and Gibbon, vi. + p. 370. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_74" id="Footnote_3_74"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_74"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor. Eccles. of Granada" + (1638), in which the author points out that even in his day the + "old Christians" of Central Spain were so wholly ignorant of + all Christian doctrines that they might be expected to renounce + Christianity with the utmost ease if again subjected to the + Moors. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_75" id="Footnote_4_75"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_75"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson, + "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_76" id="Footnote_5_76"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_76"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Speaking of + Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore, sec. 46, says, + "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli unquam ex Arabum + gente." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_77" id="Footnote_6_77"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_77"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + p. 42. + </p> + </div> + <p> + On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian + or renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the + conquest.<a name="FNanchor_1_78" id="FNanchor_1_78"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_78" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Those serfs who + remained Christian, if they worked on State lands, payed + one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands, + four-fifths to their Arab owners.<a name="FNanchor_2_79" id= + "FNanchor_2_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_79" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The free Christians retained their goods, and + could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax + varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_80" id="FNanchor_3_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_80" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In all probability the Christians under + Moslem rule were not worse off than their coreligionists in + Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded by the fact + that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which + would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no + attempts at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the + eighth century, except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have + been led away by the ambition of an Arab chief.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_81" id="FNanchor_4_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_81" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> They were even somewhat indifferent to + the cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts + which Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in + concert with their brethren met with but scant success.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_82" id="FNanchor_5_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_82" + class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_78" id="Footnote_1_78"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_78"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See + especially Conde, Pref. p. vi. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_79" id="Footnote_2_79"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_79"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 39. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_80" id="Footnote_3_80"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_80"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 40. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_81" id="Footnote_4_81"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_81"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 42. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_82" id="Footnote_5_82"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_82"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. 106. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding, + which at first existed between the Moslems and their Christian + subjects, gradually gave place to a very different state of + things, owing in no small degree to the free Christians in the + North, whose presence on their borders was a continual menace to + the Moslem dominion, and a perpetual incentive to the subject + Christians to rise and assert their freedom. + </p> + <p> + Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications + scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations + that existed between the two religions during the 275 years of + the Khalifate, and the influence which these relations had upon + the development of the one and the other. It will be agreeable to + the natural arrangement to take the former question first. + </p> + <p> + With a view to the better understanding of the position of + Christianity and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our + inquiry, we have thought it advisable to point out in a + preliminary sketch the development of Christianity in Spain + previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh from their native + deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one hand and + the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the + fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done, + we can at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of + Christianity and Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of + the Khalifate of Cordova. + </p> + <p> + It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in + obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs, + having overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain, + and the war from the very first took the character of a jehad, or + religious war—a character which it retained with the + ever-increasing fanaticism of the combatants until every + Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed, or been driven + out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself was + singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of + course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their + lives in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in + defence of their wives and their children, their homes and their + country, their religion and their honour. One such instance at + least has been recorded by the Arab historians,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_83" id="FNanchor_1_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_83" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> when the Governor, and 400 of the + garrison, of Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of + St George, chose rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender + upon condition either of embracing Islam, or paying tribute. + </p> + <p> + Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a + tissue of errors and absurdities,<a name="FNanchor_2_84" id= + "FNanchor_2_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_84" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> the first martyr properly so called was a + certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn + abi Nesah (727-728)—a governor guilty of shedding much Christian + blood, if Isidore is to be believed.<a name="FNanchor_3_85" id= + "FNanchor_3_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_85" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_83" id="Footnote_1_83"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_83"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari, + i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot being called ever + since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of the burnt), as + likewise of the great veneration in which it has always been + held by the Christians, on account of the courage and endurance + displayed in the cause of their religion by those who died in + it." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_84" id="Footnote_2_84"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_84"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez, + "España Sagr," xiv. 392. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_85" id="Footnote_3_85"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_85"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isidore, + sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum, quen ibidem + innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et Anabadi, + illustris episcopi,.... quem ipse cremaverat, valde exhaustus," + etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but probably Othman + ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much + the same tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century, + brought about his own condemnation and death. He held a + responsible post under Government, that of receiver of public + imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of friendship with many + of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax in his + religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from + motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his + life was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and + thanking them for showing their concern for him by coming, he + proceeded, "But I desire you to be witnesses of this my last + will. Whosoever believeth not on the Father, the Son, and the + Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity, is blind in heart, and + deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth Mohammed, your false + prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce, therefore, these + fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and earth witness + between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the hearers + resolved to take no notice of these and other like words, + charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter, + having unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation + of Mohammed, cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon + he was executed, and we cannot be altogether surprised at + it.<a name="FNanchor_1_86" id="FNanchor_1_86"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_86" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any + more recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug. + 852). In the second year of this king's reign, two Christians, + John and Adulphus, making public profession of their faith, and + denouncing Mohammed, were put to death on Sept 17, 824.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_87" id="FNanchor_2_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_87" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_86" id="Footnote_1_86"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_86"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We give the + account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it, but with great + doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer that we have seen + mentioning it. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_87" id="Footnote_2_87"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_87"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez, x. + 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St Cyprian's Church, + Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum Georgii etc.," sec. 7. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration + shown by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their + Christian subjects; and there can be no reasonable doubt that + this ill-advised conduct on the part of the latter was the main + cause of the so-called persecution which followed. But besides + this fanaticism on the part of a small section of the subject + Christians, there were other causes at work calculated to produce + friction between the two peoples. During the century which had + elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and Mohammedans, + living side by side under the same government, and one which, + considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less + for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and + magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together. + Intermarriages had become frequent among them;<a name= + "FNanchor_1_88" id="FNanchor_1_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_88" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and these proved the fruitful cause of + religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious + troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed + I. (852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed + parents. Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father + and a Christian mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and, + apparently, while he lived, permitted his children to profess the + faith of their mother. On his death, the mother married again, + and the new husband, being a bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as + we may suppose, by the <i>odio vitrici</i>, immediately set about + reclaiming his step-children to the true faith of Islam, his + efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat, even to + torture,<a name="FNanchor_2_89" id="FNanchor_2_89"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_89" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the young confessors. + His utmost endeavour to effect their conversion failing, he + delivered them over to the judge on the charge of apostasy, and + the judge to the executioner, by whom they were beheaded on Oct. + 21, 840.<a name="FNanchor_3_90" id="FNanchor_3_90"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_90" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_88" id="Footnote_1_88"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_88"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Due in part + no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also below for "the + maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_89" id="Footnote_2_89"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_89"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So Miss + Yonge. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_90" id="Footnote_3_90"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_90"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This date + is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p. 886, and by + Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 10, + of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The + Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an + eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon, + etc." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character, + where the sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,—and we + may believe that all such cases have not been recorded—yet the + vast majority of those which followed in the years 851-860 were + of a different type. They were due to an outbreak of fanatical + zeal on the part of a certain section of the Christians such as + to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the Moslem + authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian + subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the + less enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the + Mohammedans. The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested + itself at this time is certainly the most remarkable phenomenon + of the kind that has been recorded in the annals of the Christian + Church. There had been occasional instances before of Christians + voluntarily offering themselves to undergo the penalty of the + laws for the crime of being Christians. One such instance in the + case of a Phrygian, named Quintus, had caused grave scandal to + the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone before the proconsul and + professed himself ready to die for the faith, when the reality of + the death, which he courted, had been brought home to him by the + sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of the + Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods. + Africa also had had her self-accused martyrs. + </p> + <p> + But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these, + both by reason of their number and the constancy which they + displayed in their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is + recorded, though there may have been some such, where the + would-be martyr from fear or any other cause forwent his crown. + Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing the Church on the question + of their merit, whether, that is, the victims were to be ranked + as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a written controversy + on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if rather one-sided, + materials for estimating the provocation given, and received, on + either side. + </p> + <p> + As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more + closely together in political and social life, the Church no + doubt suffered some deterioration. Every interested motive was + enlisted in favour of dropping as far as possible out of + sight<a name="FNanchor_1_91" id="FNanchor_1_91"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_91" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those distinctive + features of Christianity which might be calculated to give + offence to the Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan + customs, which are not in the Bible expressly forbidden to a + Christian;<a name="FNanchor_2_92" id="FNanchor_2_92"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_92" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and, generally, of + emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with + Mohammedanism, and ignoring those (far more important ones) in + which they differ. The Moslems had no such reason for dissembling + their convictions, or modifying their tenets. Consequently a + spiritual paralysis was creeping upon the Church, which + threatened in the course of time, if not checked, to destroy the + very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The case of + Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed that + this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over + Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never + passed under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in + danger of being swept away by the devouring flames of + Mohammedanism, might be nursed and cherished, till it could again + blaze forth with its former brilliancy. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_91" id="Footnote_1_91"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_91"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See below, + p. 72, note 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_92" id="Footnote_2_92"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_92"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>E.g.,</i> circumcision. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly + vanished: it was still to be found among the clergy, and + specially among the dwellers in convents. Monks and nuns, severed + from all worldly influences, in the silence of their cloisters, + would read the lives of the Saints<a name="FNanchor_1_93" id= + "FNanchor_1_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_93" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> of old, and meditate upon their glorious + deeds, and the miracles which their faith had wrought. They would + brood over such texts as, "Ye shall be brought before rulers and + kings for My sake;"<a name="FNanchor_2_94" id= + "FNanchor_2_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_94" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, "Every one who shall confess Me before + men, him will I also confess before My Father, which is in + Heaven;"<a name="FNanchor_3_95" id="FNanchor_3_95"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_95" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> till they brought + themselves to believe that it was their imperative duty to bring + themselves before rulers and kings, and not only to confess + Christ, but to revile Mohammed. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_93" id="Footnote_1_93"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_93"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. 112. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_94" id="Footnote_2_94"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_94"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> St Mark + xiii. 9. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_95" id="Footnote_3_95"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_95"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> St Matt. x. + 32. + </p> + </div> + <p> + However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not + apply, as the apologists of their doings have not failed to point + out, to the first two victims that suffered in this persecution. + </p> + <p> + Perfectus,<a name="FNanchor_1_96" id="FNanchor_1_96"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_96" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest of Cordova, + who had been brought up in the school attached to the church of + St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase some necessaries for + domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in the street, + and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led them to + make this strange request, we are not told,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_97" id="FNanchor_2_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_97" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but stated thus barely it certainly + gives us the impression that it was intended to bring the priest + into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem countries + that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be + scourged,<a name="FNanchor_3_98" id="FNanchor_3_98"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_98" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> if he struck him, + killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who spoke evil + of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he heard + the blasphemy without taking notice of it.<a name="FNanchor_4_99" + id="FNanchor_4_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_99" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Perfectus, therefore, being aware of this law, + gave a cautious<a name="FNanchor_5_100" id= + "FNanchor_5_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_100" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> answer, declining to comply with their request + until they swore that he should receive no hurt in consequence of + what he might say. On their giving the required stipulation, he + quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs and false + prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch that + if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"<a name= + "FNanchor_6_101" id="FNanchor_6_101"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_101" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and proceeded to speak + of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor and a + dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he, + the encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own + filthy lusts, delivered you all over to the indulgence of an + everlasting sensuality." This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the + Moslems revere as we revere Christ, and the ungenerous advantage + taken of the oath, which they had made, naturally incensed his + hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree. They respected their + promise, however, and refrained from laying hands on him at that + time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging themselves + on a future occasion.<a name="FNanchor_7_102" id= + "FNanchor_7_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_102" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_96" id="Footnote_1_96"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_96"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius, + "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar, "Indic. Lum.," + sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_97" id="Footnote_2_97"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_97"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See, + however, Appendix A, p. 158. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_98" id="Footnote_3_98"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_98"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet, et legalis + iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui blasphematur, + flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur." Neander V., p. 464, + note, points out that "blasphemaverit" refers to cursing + Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, + "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti debere in eos qui + talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On hearing of Isaac's + death the king published a reminder on this law. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_99" id="Footnote_4_99"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_99"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 91. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_100" id="Footnote_5_100"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_100"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_101" id="Footnote_6_101"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_101"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Matt. + xxiv. 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_102" id="Footnote_7_102"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_102"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Accensum + ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius reponunt." + Eulogius, 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <p> + If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and + Perfectus, being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one, + was met<a name="FNanchor_1_103" id="FNanchor_1_103"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_103" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by his former + interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing + despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being + questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his + words. He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the + end of the month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast + month. In prison the priest repented his weakness, and when + brought again before the judge on the Mohammedan Easter, he + recanted his recantation, adding, "I have cursed and do curse + your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan, a dealer in + witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately led off + for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the King's + minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on + April 18, 850.<a name="FNanchor_2_104" id= + "FNanchor_2_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_104" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The apologists, on insufficient evidence, + describe the death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day + in the river, as a manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of + Perfectus.<a name="FNanchor_3_105" id= + "FNanchor_3_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_105" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_103" id="Footnote_1_103"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_103"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Dolo + circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_104" id="Footnote_2_104"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_104"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Johannes + Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest error) in 950, + under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time that some + writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him, wrongly: + "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam + persecutionem in Christianos." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_105" id="Footnote_3_105"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_105"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no + doubt the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative + painlessness, with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was + not lost upon the brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary + retreats and trying by a life of religious devotion to cut + themselves off from the seductive pleasures of an active life. + </p> + <p> + The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty + tradesman, named John,<a name="FNanchor_1_106" id= + "FNanchor_1_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_106" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> who does not seem to have courted his own + fate. He had aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a + habit which he had contracted of pronouncing the name of the + Prophet in his market transactions, taking his name, as they + thought, in vain, and with a view to attracting buyers.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_107" id="FNanchor_2_107"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_107" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> John, being taxed with + this, with ill-timed pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who + wishes to name your Prophet." He was haled before the Kadi, and, + after receiving 400 stripes,<a name="FNanchor_3_108" id= + "FNanchor_3_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_108" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> was thrown into prison. Subsequently he was + taken thence and driven through the city riding backwards on an + ass, while a crier was sent before him through the Christian + quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the punishment of those, + that speak evil of the Prophet of God." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_106" id="Footnote_1_106"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_106"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eugolius, + "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_107" id="Footnote_2_107"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_107"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So + Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1. 1.) is + not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam, semper + eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum per + iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa auribus te + ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_108" id="Footnote_3_108"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_108"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Or, + according to Eulogius, 500. + </p> + </div> + <p> + So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution, + brought by the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can + be more or less sustained, but the next instance is of a + different character. Isaac,<a name="FNanchor_1_109" id= + "FNanchor_1_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_109" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble + and wealthy ancestors, was born in 824, and by his knowledge of + Arabic, attained in early life to the position of an exceptor, or + scribe,<a name="FNanchor_2_110" id="FNanchor_2_110"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_110" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but gave up his + appointment at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery + of Tabanos, which his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had + founded near Cordova. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_109" id="Footnote_1_109"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_109"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref., secs. 2 ff. + After his death Isaac was credited with having performed + miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have spoken + three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable about + Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child, to + have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_110" id="Footnote_2_110"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_110"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Not, as + Florez, a tax-gatherer. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he + voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an + "enquirer," begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam. + The Kadi, congratulating himself on the prospect of such a + promising convert, gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in + fluent Arabic, said: "He has lied unto you—may the curse of + Heaven consume him!—who full of all wickedness has led astray so + many men, and doomed them with himself to the lowest deep of + hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts, he hath + given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without + doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing + these, and other like <i>chaste</i><a name="FNanchor_1_111" id= + "FNanchor_1_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_111" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> utterances, the judge listened in a sort of + stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent + in tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck + the monk in the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which + is made in the image of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_112" id= + "FNanchor_2_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_112" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him + for striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy + of death should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having + now recovered his self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac, + whether drunk or mad, had committed a crime which, by an express + law of Mohammed's, merited condign punishment. He was accordingly + beheaded, and, his body being burnt, his ashes were cast into the + river (June 3, 851). This was done to prevent the Christians from + carrying off his body, and preserving it for the purpose of + working miracles.<a name="FNanchor_3_113" id= + "FNanchor_3_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_113" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the + people, who were amazed at the <i>newness</i> of the + thing.<a name="FNanchor_4_114" id="FNanchor_4_114"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_114" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was at this point + that Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these + fanatical doings by encouraging and helping others to follow + Isaac's example. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_111" id="Footnote_1_111"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_111"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius, + "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "<i>Ore pudico</i> summisque + reverentiae ausibus viribusque." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_112" id="Footnote_2_112"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_112"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. Acts + xxiii. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_113" id="Footnote_3_113"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_113"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict of the + authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer + penalties. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_114" id="Footnote_4_114"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_114"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and + threw their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have + struck the Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs + themselves were as brave men as the world has ever seen, and, by + the very ordinances of their faith, were bound to adventure their + lives for their religion in actual human conflict with infidel + foes, yet they were unable to conceive how any man in his senses + could willingly deprive himself of life in such a way as could do + no service to the cause, religious or other, which he had at + heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense + antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which + Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the + vanities, nay, even of the duties of life, which prompted men and + women to immure themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from + all spheres of human usefulness. Life under these circumstances + had naturally little to make it worth the living, and became all + the more easy to relinquish, when death, in itself a thing to be + desired, was further invested with the glories of martyrdom. + </p> + <p> + The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a + monk named Sanctius<a name="FNanchor_1_115" id= + "FNanchor_1_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_115" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three + days later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a + deacon of Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus; + Habentius, a monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while + Jeremiah,<a name="FNanchor_2_116" id= + "FNanchor_2_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_116" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> uncle of Isaac, was scourged to death. Their + bodies were burned, and the ashes cast into the river. + </p> + <p> + Sisenandus of Badajos<a name="FNanchor_3_117" id= + "FNanchor_3_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_117" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> found a similar fate on July 16th: four days + subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and + the same number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all + of whom were beheaded. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_115" id="Footnote_1_115"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_115"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_116" id="Footnote_2_116"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_116"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. iv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_117" id="Footnote_3_117"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_117"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> After his + martyrdom he procured the release from prison of Tiberias, + priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS. + </h3> + <p> + The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful + girls, whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who + seems to have regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a + Platonic love mingled with a sort of religious devotion. + </p> + <p> + Flora,<a name="FNanchor_1_118" id="FNanchor_1_118"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_118" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the daughter of a + Moslem father and a Christian mother, was born at Cordova. She is + said to have practised abstinence even in her cradle. At first + she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity with that + faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight years + before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and + her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her + brother, in his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted + many Christian families, whom he suspected of conniving at her + escape, she voluntarily surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here + am I whom you seek, and for whose sake you persecute the people + of God. I am a Christian. Do your best to annul that confession: + none of your torments will be able to overcome my faith." Her + brother, after trying in vain, by alternate threats and + blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally dragged + her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation, + and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and + then given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however, + to recover, and escaped under angelic guidance.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_119" id="FNanchor_2_119"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_119" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Shortly afterwards, + while praying in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of + Walabonsus above-mentioned,<a name="FNanchor_3_120" id= + "FNanchor_3_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_120" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> who had been martyred a few months previously. + Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife. + They came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter + was educated at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under + the care of the abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's + martyrdom, and perhaps, as was so often the case, seeing his + glorified spirit in a vision, she left the cloister, determining + to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on her way to give + herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and found + Flora there. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_118" id="Footnote_1_118"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_118"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of + Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_119" id="Footnote_2_119"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_119"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_120" id="Footnote_3_120"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_120"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Life of + Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in Spain," says, + "Sister of Isaac." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth<a name= + "FNanchor_1_121" id="FNanchor_1_121"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_121" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to curse Mohammed, of + whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own + lives. The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely + imprisoned them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought + to Flora's brother, he induced the judge to make a further + examination of her, and she was brought out of prison before the + Kadi, who, pointing to her brother, asked her if she knew him. + Flora answered that she did—as her brother according to the + flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge, "that he remains a + good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She answered that God + had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready to repeat + her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again remanded + to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown + upon the streets as prostitutes<a name="FNanchor_2_122" id= + "FNanchor_2_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_122" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a>—a punishment far worse than the easy death + they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they find an + unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned + for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It + is strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the + prison itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The + support of Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm + through another examination, and the judge, proving too merciful, + or too good a Moslem, to carry out the above-mentioned threat, + they were led forth to die (November 24, 851). Before their death + they had promised Eulogius to intercede before the throne of God + for his release, which accordingly is brought to pass six days + after their own execution.<a name="FNanchor_3_123" id= + "FNanchor_3_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_123" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before + Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near + Cordova, and Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way + (January 13, 852).<a name="FNanchor_4_124" id= + "FNanchor_4_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_124" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_121" id="Footnote_1_121"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_121"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog. to + Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulog., sec. + 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_122" id="Footnote_2_122"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_122"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4. + Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing + out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat + propria delectatis,"—a poor consolation, but the only one! He + does not seem to have known—or surely he would have quoted + it—the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse + 35):—"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves, if + they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall compel + them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful unto + such women after their compulsion." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_123" id="Footnote_3_123"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_123"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_124" id="Footnote_4_124"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_124"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulogius, + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom, + and it seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon + this subject. This, however, was far from being the case. + Hitherto the victims had been almost without exception priests, + monks, and nuns; but the next martyrs afford us instances of + married couples claiming a share in this doubtful honour. These + were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, and + his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of Moslem parents, + whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and was + converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_125" id="FNanchor_1_125"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_125" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It would seem that + with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism, + some good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded + adherents of Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which + they were sinking; for these new martyrs were of the class of + hidden<a name="FNanchor_2_126" id="FNanchor_2_126"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_126" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Christians, who were + now shamed into avowing their real creed.<a name="FNanchor_3_127" + id="FNanchor_3_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_127" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet surely it had been far better if they had + been content to live like Christians instead of dying like + suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible + impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured + conviction that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties, + to give themselves up to death. In this resolution they were + fortified by the advice and encouragement of Eulogius and + Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_128" id="FNanchor_4_128"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_128" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> the latter of whom + prudently warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is + sufficient to stand the trial.<a name="FNanchor_5_129" id= + "FNanchor_5_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_129" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her + husband in his self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave + her children being overcome by Eulogius,<a name="FNanchor_6_130" + id="FNanchor_6_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_130" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> who recommends that they should be given over + to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora + and Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_125" id="Footnote_1_125"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_125"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_126" id="Footnote_2_126"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_126"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See below, + p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_127" id="Footnote_3_127"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_127"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Aurelius + was roused from his religious dissimulation by seeing the + sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. x. sec. + 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_128" id="Footnote_4_128"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_128"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 18. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_129" id="Footnote_5_129"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_129"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This would + lead us to suppose that the courage of some <i>had</i> failed. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_130" id="Footnote_6_130"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_130"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulogius + comments:—"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo filiorum affectus + respuitur!" The parents not only desert their children, but + give away most of their goods to the poor, thereby making their + own children of the number. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on + business connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over + in Spain, impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing, + determined to offer himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the + four persons above mentioned. + </p> + <p> + They then take counsel together how they may best effect their + purpose, there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring + martyrdom for themselves to shew the statements of the + apologists, that there was a fierce persecution raging, to be at + least much exaggerated, if not entirely without foundation. The + plan decided upon, which the devisers audaciously attributed to + the suggestion of God,<a name="FNanchor_1_131" id= + "FNanchor_1_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_131" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> was that the women should go forth unveiled + and with hurried steps to the church, in the hope that such an + unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and occasion the + arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and they were + all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual + result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them + with scornful anger.<a name="FNanchor_2_132" id= + "FNanchor_2_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_132" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> But George, disappointed at his untoward + clemency, as they were being led away broke out with,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_133" id="FNanchor_3_133"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_133" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Can you not go down + to hell without seeking to drag us also thither as your + companions?" + </p> + <p> + This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was + no doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were + dragged again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of + remonstrance, why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_134" id="FNanchor_4_134"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_134" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and refused to live, + promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would + become Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two + days, which seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die. + They pass the time with singing hymns, and are blessed with + visits of angels and miraculous signs. Their chains drop off, and + the gaolers dare not again bind those whom Christ Himself had + loosed.<a name="FNanchor_5_135" id="FNanchor_5_135"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_135" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The authorities, now + as ever, anxious if possible to avoid extreme penalties, + determine to release George, because they had not + themselves<a name="FNanchor_6_136" id= + "FNanchor_6_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_136" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> heard his blasphemy. He baulks their merciful + intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is + accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27, + 852). + </p> + <p> + Within a month Christopher,<a name="FNanchor_7_137" id= + "FNanchor_7_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_137" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage, and + Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are + executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead + bodies being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his + palace,<a name="FNanchor_8_138" id="FNanchor_8_138"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_138" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the king saw these bodies, and ordered them to + be burnt, and the ashes scattered in the river. The same night + Abdurrahman II. was struck down with apoplexy, and the martyrs' + friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from Heaven. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_131" id="Footnote_1_131"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_131"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni coepimus + <i>cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus coronam:</i> et + ita <i>Domino disfiensante</i> visum est nobis ut fugerent + sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si forte nos + alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_132" id="Footnote_2_132"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_132"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est, + et mors pro gloria computatur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_133" id="Footnote_3_133"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_133"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia + claustra adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis + aeterna vos cruciamina non adurent?" + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_134" id="Footnote_4_134"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_134"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 31. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_135" id="Footnote_5_135"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_135"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_136" id="Footnote_6_136"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_136"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii." + George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy + like the others. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_137" id="Footnote_7_137"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_137"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_138" id="Footnote_8_138"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_138"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> On a + "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec. 2. See + Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442, note.) "En + lo mas cruel de los tormentos subió Abderramen un dia á las + azutens ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde alli los + cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y + atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos paraque no + quedase reliquia cumplióse luego la órdsa; pero aquel impio + probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volviá + por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le + pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerróssle la boca, y no + pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle, + sus criados á la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de + apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró + la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del + infierno." + </p> + </div> + <p> + He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and + more bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the + throne than Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St + Cyprian's church, near Cordova, following in the footsteps of so + many predecessors, came before the Kadi, and reviled + Mohammed,—the former being enabled to do this with the more point + and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree master of the Arabic + language.<a name="FNanchor_1_139" id= + "FNanchor_1_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_139" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they coveted, + and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary prodigy + occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious + Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios + elementa fatentur." + </p> + <p> + On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted + partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two + eunuchs, Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo, + a eunuch of foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque, + and by way of preaching—as they said—to the assembled + worshippers, they reviled their Prophet and their religion. + <a name="FNanchor_2_140" id="FNanchor_2_140"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_140" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Being set upon and + nearly torn in pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were + rescued by the Kadi, who imprisoned them till such time as their + sentence should be declared. They were condemned to have their + hands and feet cut off, and be beheaded; which sentence was + carried into effect.<a name="FNanchor_3_141" id= + "FNanchor_3_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_141" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_139" id="Footnote_1_139"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_139"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger vocabulary of + abuse than most languages: see the account of Prof. Palmer's + death in his Life by Besant. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_140" id="Footnote_2_140"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_140"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_141" id="Footnote_3_141"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_141"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul. + (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo stupefacta + nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius sentiebat." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king + knew no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this + defiance of the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a + widespread disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule. + In fact, as we shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the + banner of revolt in favour of their Cordovan brethren at this + very time. Mohammed therefore seems to have meditated a real + persecution, such as should extirpate Christianity in his + dominions.<a name="FNanchor_1_142" id= + "FNanchor_1_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_142" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> He is said even to have given orders for a + general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the + slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not + apostatize.<a name="FNanchor_2_143" id= + "FNanchor_2_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_143" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> But the dispassionate advice of his + councillors saved the king from this crime. They pointed out that + no men of any intelligence, education, or rank among the + Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and that + the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their + actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other + advisers seem to have diverted the king from his project of a + wholesale massacre by encouraging him to proceed legally against + the Christians with the utmost rigour, and by this means to cow + them into submission.<a name="FNanchor_3_144" id= + "FNanchor_3_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_144" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no + other executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when + Fandila, a priest of Tabanos,<a name="FNanchor_4_145" id= + "FNanchor_4_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_145" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's + monastery to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward + and reviled the Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and + subsequently beheaded (June 13, 853). His fate awakened the + dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,<a name="FNanchor_5_146" id= + "FNanchor_5_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_146" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a + Gaetulian monk of Alcala de Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St + Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos (the latter being strengthened in + her resolve by a celestial vision), who, pursuing the usual plan, + are beheaded the following day; their example being followed by + Benildis, a matron (June 15).<a name="FNanchor_6_147" id= + "FNanchor_6_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_147" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_142" id="Footnote_1_142"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_142"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de mortibus + resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam totam + extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot + hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui + arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos + virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed + (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_143" id="Footnote_2_143"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_143"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes + Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico + distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12. + "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia + Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_144" id="Footnote_3_144"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_144"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem + voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus + gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_145" id="Footnote_4_145"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_145"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he + was a monk of Guadix. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_146" id="Footnote_5_146"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_146"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_147" id="Footnote_6_147"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_147"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the + Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and + shutting them up to prevent others giving themselves up.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_148" id="FNanchor_1_148"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_148" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> One of these however, + Columba,<a name="FNanchor_2_149" id="FNanchor_2_149"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_149" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sister of Elizabeth + and of the abbot Martin, contrived to escape. This Columba had + persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of her mother's efforts + to make her marry, which only ceased when the mother died. She + now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17). + </p> + <p> + Just one month later Pomposa,<a name="FNanchor_3_150" id= + "FNanchor_3_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_150" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> from the monastery of St Salvator, + Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in + these executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the + following year, when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems + to have really deserved the name of martyr, for he was given up + to the authorities by the treachery of others,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_151" id="FNanchor_4_151"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_151" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and did not seek + martyrdom. + </p> + <p> + Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci + (Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of + Paul, the deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same + fate (April 30, 855).<a name="FNanchor_5_152" id= + "FNanchor_5_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_152" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an + old priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave + themselves up to execution<a name="FNanchor_6_153" id= + "FNanchor_6_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_153" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> (April 17, 856.) In June of that + year a more venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his + destruction. This was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of + Cordova (June 28).<a name="FNanchor_7_154" id= + "FNanchor_7_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_154" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> Exactly one month later Aurea, a virgin and + sister of the brothers John and Adulphus, whose martyrdom has + been already mentioned, was brought before the magistrate. + Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,<a name= + "FNanchor_8_155" id="FNanchor_8_155"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_155" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> she had long been left + unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was well known. + She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon + repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a + Christian, she gained a martyr's crown (July 29). + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_148" id="Footnote_1_148"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_148"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> So Miss + Yonge. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_149" id="Footnote_2_149"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_149"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_150" id="Footnote_3_150"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_150"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xi. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_151" id="Footnote_4_151"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_151"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium + ad martyrium furore pertractum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_152" id="Footnote_5_152"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_152"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xiii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_153" id="Footnote_6_153"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_153"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cc. xiv. xv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_154" id="Footnote_7_154"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_154"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum dolo vel odio + circumventus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_155" id="Footnote_8_155"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_155"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis + exornabatur." + </p> + </div> + <p> + The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution. + Ruderic,<a name="FNanchor_1_156" id="FNanchor_1_156"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_156" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest, whose + brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened as a peacemaker, in + a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With the usual fate + of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and nearly + killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and + had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his + brother had become a Mussulman before his death.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_157" id="FNanchor_2_157"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_157" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> However, Ruderic + recovered, and made his escape, but being obliged to return to + Cordova, met his brother, who immediately brought him before the + Kadi on a charge of apostasy. His life and liberty were promised + to him if he would only acknowledge that Christ was merely man, + and that Mohammed was the messenger of God. On refusing, he is + imprisoned, and finds in prison a certain Salomon, also charged + with apostasy from Islam. The two fellow-prisoners contract a + great friendship and are consequently separated. After a third + exhortation, they are condemned to death, but not before the + judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their purpose by + offers of honour and rewards.<a name="FNanchor_3_158" id= + "FNanchor_3_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_158" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> They were executed March 13, 857, and their + bodies thrown into the river—even the stones sprinkled with their + blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the Christians + should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on + shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally + fortunate, informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his + body lay in a tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself + contrived to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to + brave. Whether this was due to any unworthy fear of death on his + part is not clear, but it may have been owing to the respect in + which he was held by the Moslem authorities. To these he was well + known as a man of irreproachable character and unaffected piety, + and several Arabs of high rank, who were his personal friends, + shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the effects of his + folly. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_4_159" id= + "FNanchor_4_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_159" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> was descended from a Senatorial family of + Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he + devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his + contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the + feet of Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica. + Besides a sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in + trade, and another brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in + government employ.<a name="FNanchor_5_160" id= + "FNanchor_5_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_160" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_156" id="Footnote_1_156"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_156"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_157" id="Footnote_2_157"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_157"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So the + Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their victims had + abjured their errors before being burnt. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_158" id="Footnote_3_158"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_158"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_159" id="Footnote_4_159"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_159"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Life by + Alvar, c. i. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_160" id="Footnote_5_160"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_160"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul. ad + Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni indignatio eo + tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a metaphorical + allusion to Joseph in Egypt. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and + his desire for the life of a monk,<a name="FNanchor_1_161" id= + "FNanchor_1_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_161" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and for the glory of martyrdom. When strong + measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with + Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for + martyrdom by threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were + frightened into submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_162" id="FNanchor_2_162"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_162" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> remained firm, in + spite of his being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a + certain Gomez, who was a temporising Christian in the king's + service.<a name="FNanchor_3_163" id="FNanchor_3_163"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_163" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_161" id="Footnote_1_161"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_161"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Life by + Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus enervaretur, + quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea sarcina + gravabatur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_162" id="Footnote_2_162"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_162"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Hic + inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est visus + susurro."—Life by Alvar, sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_163" id="Footnote_3_163"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_163"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This man, + says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost his hold on the + Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to attack. See + below, p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere + with and check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs + which he saw going on round him. Believing that such close + relations between the peoples tended to the spiritual degradation + of Christianity, he set himself deliberately to embitter those + relations, and, as far as he could, to make a good understanding + impossible. To discourage the learning of Arabic by the + Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to Pampluna + the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal, and + Augustine's "De Civitate Dei." + </p> + <p> + At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a + priest, but for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating + at the mass on the ground that he was himself a great + sinner.<a name="FNanchor_1_164" id="FNanchor_1_164"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_164" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However, his + ecclesiastical superior<a name="FNanchor_2_165" id= + "FNanchor_2_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_165" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him + take a different view of the question by threatening him with + anathema if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a + prominent champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was + imprisoned in 851, where he wrote treatises in favour of the + martyrs, and was released, as we have seen, by the intercession + of Flora and Maria on November 29th of that year. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_164" id="Footnote_1_164"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_164"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> He pleads + his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he was infected + with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous century, + which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop of + Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez, xi. + 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who + held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum + sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine + and Isidore against the error. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_165" id="Footnote_2_165"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_165"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Pontifex + proprius. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 858,<a name="FNanchor_1_166" id="FNanchor_1_166"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_166" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on the death of + Wistremirus, he was chosen by the votes of the people<a name= + "FNanchor_2_167" id="FNanchor_2_167"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_167" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> to succeed him as + Bishop of Toledo; but from some cause, perhaps by the + intervention of the Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his + see. The people then determined to have no bishop, if they might + not have him.<a name="FNanchor_3_168" id= + "FNanchor_3_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_168" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his + bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though not + all bishops holy men." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_166" id="Footnote_1_166"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_166"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of + Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_167" id="Footnote_2_167"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_167"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Communis + electio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_168" id="Footnote_3_168"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_168"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 547, says another bishop was elected in Eulogius' lifetime; but + Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo vivente interdixerunt + eligere." + </p> + </div> + <p> + In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a + disturber of the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had + been allowed to support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was + he permitted to finish in prison a book in defence of the + martyrs,<a name="FNanchor_1_169" id="FNanchor_1_169"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_169" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which had the direct + tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion + of Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:—Leocritia, a + maiden of Arab extraction and of noble birth,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_170" id="FNanchor_2_170"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_170" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had been secretly + baptised by Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her + apostasy, cruelly ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to + make her renounce Christ. She naturally turned to Eulogius and + his sister Anulo for advice in her afflictions, expressing a wish + to escape to a part of Spain where the Christian worship was + free. As a first step to this, she leaves her parents under + pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with Eulogius. + Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people + imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last + betrayed and surprised at the house of her protector. They are + both dragged before the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he + persists in defying the laws in this way.<a name="FNanchor_3_171" + id="FNanchor_3_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_171" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The bishop defends himself by pleading that + Christian clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their + religion, if asked, as he had been by Leocritia.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_172" id="FNanchor_4_172"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_172" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The judge then + threatens to have him scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to + so painful and degrading a punishment, repeats the lesson which + he had taught to so many others, and reviles Mohammed. Even so + the judge shows a disposition to treat him with leniency, and he + is remanded to prison with Leocritia. + </p> + <p> + When brought up again before the royal Council,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_173" id="FNanchor_5_173"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_173" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> an influential friend + makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush + on their own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved + wisdom and blameless character, in defiance of all natural + instincts, to throw away your life in this manner?" He urges + Eulogius to say but one word of concession in the hour of peril, + promising that he should afterwards be free to exercise his + religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance. But the bishop + could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such offers with + the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us on + high!" + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_169" id="Footnote_1_169"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_169"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See + Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_170" id="Footnote_2_170"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_170"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_171" id="Footnote_3_171"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_171"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar, + "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_172" id="Footnote_4_172"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_172"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This kind + of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime by the + Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_173" id="Footnote_5_173"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_173"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar, + "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548. + </p> + </div> + <p> + On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on + one cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was + beheaded on March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later. + Miraculous appearances honoured the body of the martyred bishop, + which was buried in the Church of St Genesius, whence it was + translated in the next year to his own church of St Zoilus, and + in 883 was given up, together with that of Leocritia, to Alphonso + III. (866-910) by express stipulation. + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS. + </h3> + <p> + With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms + comes to an end, and it will be convenient at this point to + consider the whole question of the relation of the Church to the + civil power, and how far those "confessors," who were put to + death under the circumstances already related, were entitled to + the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the evidence we have on the + subject is drawn almost entirely from the apologists of their + doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of some bias. Yet + even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no real + persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as + to justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots. + </p> + <p> + If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and + Alodia, the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single + recorded instance of a Christian being put to death for his + religion by the Arabs in Spain before the middle of the ninth + century. The Muzarabes,<a name="FNanchor_1_174" id= + "FNanchor_1_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_174" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> as the Christians living under the Arabs were + called, enjoyed a remarkable degree of freedom in the exercise of + their religion—the services and rites of the Church being + conducted as heretofore.<a name="FNanchor_2_175" id= + "FNanchor_2_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_175" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> In Cordova alone we find mention of the + following churches:<a name="FNanchor_3_176" id= + "FNanchor_3_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_176" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> the Church of St Acislus, a former martyr of + Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three Martyrs—Faustus, Januarius, + Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius and Eulalia; and of the + Virgin Mary. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_174" id="Footnote_1_174"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_174"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De + Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means "those who + try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_175" id="Footnote_2_175"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_175"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog. + Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he spent the + ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis, vespertinum, + matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad honorem (Dei) et + gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_176" id="Footnote_3_176"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_176"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, x. + 245. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab + writer, who died in 1034.<a name="FNanchor_1_177" id= + "FNanchor_1_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_177" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "I once entered at night," he says, "into the + principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green + branches of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of + the thundering bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the + innumerable lamps dazzled my eyes; the priests, decked in rich + silken robes of gay and fanciful colours, and girt with girdle + cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone of those present had + banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled from his mind + all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps towards the + marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the hollow + of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and + taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he + applied to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky + lips of a beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents + captivated his senses, but when he had tasted the delicious + liquor, the sweetness and flavour seemed to overpower him." On + leaving the church, the Arab, with true Arabian facility, + extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By the Lord of + mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of + unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a + girl that their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they + put on their gay tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before + the Almighty." Ahmed also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay + long among them, began to sing round us with their books in their + hands; every wretch presented us the palm of his withered hand + (with the holy water), but they were even like the bat, whose + safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us every + attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of + swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects + very characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the + incongruity of an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the + lips of a maid," or the irrelevancy of a reference to swine's + flesh. But the account merits attention on other grounds, for it + shews how little even the more intelligent Moslems understood the + ceremonies of the religion which they had conquered, though they + might be pardoned for thinking that the Christians worshipped the + Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself fell into the same + error, and because probably the Roman Church and its adherents + had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship. + </p> + <p> + The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been + the church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_178" id="FNanchor_2_178"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_178" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the Christians had to + give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one + enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were + induced, or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and + it was pulled down to make room for the Great Mosque.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_179" id="FNanchor_3_179"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_179" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In 894 we find that + the Cordovans were allowed to build a new church. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_177" id="Footnote_1_177"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_177"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ahmed ibn + Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote De Gayangos' + translation. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_178" id="Footnote_2_178"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_178"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> De + Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at first + guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750 they had + to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to sell the + other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the destroyed + churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p. 29, note + 1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_179" id="Footnote_3_179"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_179"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This was + not finished till 793. The original structure cost 80,000 + dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II. (961-976) + alone spent on it 160,000 dinars. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve + monasteries and churches in the immediate neighbourhood of + Cordova: among them the monastery of St Christopher, the famous + one of Tabanos, suppressed as above mentioned, in 854;<a name= + "FNanchor_1_180" id="FNanchor_1_180"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_180" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those of St Felix at + Froniano, of St Martin at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at + Cuteclara, of St Salvator at Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS. + Justus and Pastor, and of St Sebastian. + </p> + <p> + We have given the names of these churches and monasteries<a name= + "FNanchor_2_181" id="FNanchor_2_181"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_181" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> at or near Cordova, + both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one or + other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom + we are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that + above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new + churches,<a name="FNanchor_3_182" id= + "FNanchor_3_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_182" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> but considering the diminution in the numbers + of the Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a + great many, this could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover + the Christian churches, it was ordained, should be open to + Moslems as well as Christians, though during the performance of + mass it seems that they had to be kept closed. The Mosques were + never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_183" id="FNanchor_4_183"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_183" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_180" id="Footnote_1_180"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_180"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 162. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_181" id="Footnote_2_181"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_181"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the + Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the + Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see + Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra + received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but + Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_182" id="Footnote_3_182"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_182"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the + stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_183" id="Footnote_4_183"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_183"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at + Cordova, did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at + Elvira, the cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after + the Cordovan martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the + year of the conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally + finished. What we hear about the Christians at Elvira at this + time is not to their credit, their bishop, Samuel, being + notorious as an evil liver.<a name="FNanchor_1_184" id= + "FNanchor_1_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_184" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> It is in Cordova that the main interest at + this period centres; and to Cordova we will for the present + confine our attention. + </p> + <p> + There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts, + both those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who + aided and abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a + comparatively small body in the Church of Spain; and that their + proceedings awakened little short of dismay in the minds of the + more sensible portion of the Christian community, both in the + Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree in the free + North.<a name="FNanchor_2_185" id="FNanchor_2_185"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_185" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The chief leaders of + the party of zealots—as far as we find mention of them—were Saul, + bishop of Cordova (850-861), Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the + monastery of Pegnamellar; while Reccafredus, bishop of Seville, + and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the prominent ecclesiastics on the + other side. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_184" id="Footnote_1_184"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_184"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ibn + Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_185" id="Footnote_2_185"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_185"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p. + 63. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with + the Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of + fanaticism, it will be interesting to note what was the attitude + of the different sections of the Church towards the misguided men + who gave themselves up to death, and their claims to the crown of + martyrdom. Those who denied the validity of these claims, rested + their contention on the grounds, that the so-called martyrs had + compassed their own destruction, there being no persecution at + the time; that they had worked no miracles in proof of their high + claims; that they had been slain by men who believed in the true + God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and that + their bodies had corrupted like those of other men. + </p> + <p> + It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call + these suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in + high places had forced them to deny their faith,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_186" id="FNanchor_1_186"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_186" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> or interfered with + their due observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of + ostentatious pride—and pride was the root of all evil—to court + danger. Such conduct had never been enjoined by Christ, and was + quite alien from the meekness and humility of His + character.<a name="FNanchor_2_187" id= + "FNanchor_2_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_187" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been + expressly condemned, + </p> + <p> + (<i>a.</i>) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the + other churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms: + "We commend not those who offer themselves of their own accord, + for that is not what the gospel teacheth us:"<a name= + "FNanchor_3_188" id="FNanchor_3_188"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_188" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + (<i>b.</i>) By St Cyprian,<a name="FNanchor_4_189" id= + "FNanchor_4_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_189" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> who, when brought before the consul and + questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer + themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says: + "Let none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if + he speak when apprehended:" + </p> + <p> + (<i>c.</i>) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who + rush to death, for there are some, not of us, but only bearing + the same name, who give themselves up:"<a name="FNanchor_5_190" + id="FNanchor_5_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_190" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + (<i>d.</i>) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis + (<i>circa</i> 305), one of the canons of which forbade him to be + ranked as a martyr, who was killed on the spot for breaking + idols: + </p> + <p> + (<i>e.</i>) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted + on the question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged + martyrs, gave it as his opinion that those should be first + excluded who had courted martyrdom.<a name="FNanchor_6_191" id= + "FNanchor_6_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_191" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict + XIV. of Rome,<a name="FNanchor_7_192" id= + "FNanchor_7_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_192" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> has ventured to approve what the Church has + condemned. Nor is this the only instance in which the Roman + Church has set aside the decisions of an earlier Christendom. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_186" id="Footnote_1_186"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_186"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis violentia + fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae piaeque + religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis suum + incolere iusserat Christianismum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_187" id="Footnote_2_187"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_187"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Quoting + such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse you, and pray + for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23, "Submit + yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_188" id="Footnote_3_188"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_188"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eusebius + iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_189" id="Footnote_4_189"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_189"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Martyred + 258. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_190" id="Footnote_5_190"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_190"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Long's + "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_191" id="Footnote_6_191"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_191"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Burton's + "History of the Christian Church," p. 336. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_192" id="Footnote_7_192"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_192"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> 1740-1748: + in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum + canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been + no persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their + doings, and that those doings themselves were contrary to the + teaching and spirit of Christianity. The latter part of the + charge has already been dealt with, and may be considered + sustained. As to the other part, the apologists, it must be + confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes, indeed, + they deny it point-blank:<a name="FNanchor_1_193" id= + "FNanchor_1_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_193" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "as if," says Eulogius, "the destruction of + our churches,<a name="FNanchor_2_194" id= + "FNanchor_2_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_194" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> the insults heaped upon our clergy, the + monthly tax<a name="FNanchor_3_195" id= + "FNanchor_3_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_195" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived + on sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are + continually referred to. "No one," says the same author,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_196" id="FNanchor_4_196"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_196" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "can go out or come in + amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the + street without being treated with contumely. They mock at the + marks<a name="FNanchor_5_197" id="FNanchor_5_197"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_197" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> of our order. They + hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children jeer at + us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The sound + of the church-going bell<a name="FNanchor_6_198" id= + "FNanchor_6_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_198" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> never fails to evoke from Moslem hearers the + foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a + pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the + Moslems would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;<a name= + "FNanchor_7_199" id="FNanchor_7_199"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_199" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and when they + witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud, + "Shew them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's + people, and defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.<a name= + "FNanchor_8_200" id="FNanchor_8_200"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_200" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> "Yet," he indignantly + exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is + it, I answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a + deadly time<a name="FNanchor_9_201" id= + "FNanchor_9_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_201" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> ... are we not bowed beneath the yoke of + slavery, burdened with intolerable taxes, spoiled of our goods, + lashed with the scourges of their abuse, made a byword and a + proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"<a name= + "FNanchor_10_202" id="FNanchor_10_202"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_202" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_193" id="Footnote_1_193"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_193"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_194" id="Footnote_2_194"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_194"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_195" id="Footnote_3_195"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_195"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild, + "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_196" id="Footnote_4_196"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_196"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eul., l.l. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_197" id="Footnote_5_197"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_197"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Stigmata. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_198" id="Footnote_6_198"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_198"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui inhiantes capita + moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He adds: "Daily and + nightly from their minarets they revile the Lord by their + invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib. Ap.," sec. 19, + confesses that hearing their call to prayer always moved him to + quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all they that worship + carved images"—a very irrelevant malediction, as applied to the + Moslems. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_199" id="Footnote_7_199"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_199"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Alvar, + l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_200" id="Footnote_8_200"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_200"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + "Spurcitiarum fimo."—<i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_201" id="Footnote_9_201"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_201"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> + "Mortiferum."—"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_202" id="Footnote_10_202"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_202"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage picture of the + Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in tumore cordis + elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi, in comestione + superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine iustitia + invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis nescientes + affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes, castitatem + velut spurcitiam respuentes." + </p> + </div> + <p> + That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that + the lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal + their dislike and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as + were at variance with their own creed, and moreover regarded + priests and monks with especial aversion, there can be no doubt. + But, on the other hand, there is no want of evidence to show that + the condition of the Christians was by no means so bad as the + apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances could not fail + to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were actually to + be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the + Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that + humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances. + Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can + itself be called such, there was none, till it was called into + being by the action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from + all the other facts which point to this conclusion, we can call + the apologists themselves in evidence that there was no real + persecution going on at the time of the first martyrdoms. + </p> + <p> + Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_203" id="FNanchor_1_203"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_203" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> admits that the + Christians were not let or hindered in the free exercise of their + religion by saying that this state of things<a name= + "FNanchor_2_204" id="FNanchor_2_204"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_204" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not due to the + forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the Divine mercy. + Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the whole + position which he is trying to defend, says<a name= + "FNanchor_3_205" id="FNanchor_3_205"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_205" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>:—"Though many were the + victims of persecution, very many others—and you cannot deny + it—offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it + not clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we + who began preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will + see that they rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the + bidding of persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye, + and—what is made so strong a charge against them—that they tired + out the forbearance of their rulers and princes by insult upon + insult."<a name="FNanchor_4_206" id="FNanchor_4_206"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_206" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_203" id="Footnote_1_203"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_203"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 29. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_204" id="Footnote_2_204"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_204"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Viz., + "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_205" id="Footnote_3_205"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_205"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_206" id="Footnote_4_206"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_206"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Fatigasse + praesides et principes multis contumeliis."—<i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <p> + As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs + were no martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the + Scriptures quoted by his opponents,<a name="FNanchor_1_207" id= + "FNanchor_1_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_207" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and refer to the morally blind, who make evil + their good, and take darkness to be their light;<a name= + "FNanchor_2_208" id="FNanchor_2_208"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_208" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> while he brought + forward a saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will + hold the first rank in the heavenly companies who have gone to + their death unsummoned."<a name="FNanchor_3_209" id= + "FNanchor_3_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_209" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the + plea that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is + sufficiently ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly + assures us that these insults and revilings of the prophet were + merely a form of preaching<a name="FNanchor_4_210" id= + "FNanchor_4_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_210" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> to the poor benighted Moslems, naïvely + remarking that the Scriptures affirm that the Gospel of Christ + must be preached to all nations. Whereas, then, the Moslems had + not been preached to, these martyred saints had taken upon + themselves the sacred duty of rendering them "debtors to the + faith." + </p> + <p> + The second count<a name="FNanchor_5_211" id= + "FNanchor_5_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_211" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> against the martyrs was that they had worked + no miracles—a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were + almost the test of sanctity. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_6_212" id= + "FNanchor_6_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_212" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> could only meet the charge by admitting the + fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages, + in order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the + constancy of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true, + but not to the point). Had he been content with this, he had done + wisely; but he goes on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth, + as even the unbelievers can work them."<a name="FNanchor_7_213" + id="FNanchor_7_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_213" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did + not perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were + deficient in this particular;<a name="FNanchor_8_214" id= + "FNanchor_8_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_214" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> and yet in other parts of his work he mentions + miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by + Isaac, and by Flora, and Maria.<a name="FNanchor_9_215" id= + "FNanchor_9_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_215" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> So that the worthy priest is placed in this + dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute + them to the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were + unable to work them? if, on the other hand, they did perform + these miracles, why not adduce them in evidence against the + detractors? + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_207" id="Footnote_1_207"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_207"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_208" id="Footnote_2_208"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_208"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Isaiah v. + 20. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_209" id="Footnote_3_209"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_209"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of the + Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius—a book + obviously of no authority. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_210" id="Footnote_4_210"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_210"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus hactenus + exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei tenerentur. Isti + enim (<i>i.e.</i>, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem in eosdem et + evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque fidei debitores + reddiderunt." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_211" id="Footnote_5_211"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_211"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_212" id="Footnote_6_212"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_212"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lib. + Apol.," sec 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_213" id="Footnote_7_213"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_213"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Lib. + Apol.," sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_214" id="Footnote_8_214"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_214"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Cp. "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_215" id="Footnote_9_215"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_215"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not + put to death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and + acknowledging a divine law,<a name="FNanchor_1_216" id= + "FNanchor_1_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_216" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius + misses the true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully + exclaims:—"As if they could be said to believe in God, who + persecute His Church, and deem it hateful to believe in a Christ + who was very God and very man."<a name="FNanchor_2_217" id= + "FNanchor_2_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_217" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as + Eulogius points out,<a name="FNanchor_3_218" id= + "FNanchor_3_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_218" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> pain and torture give no additional claim to + the martyr's crown. + </p> + <p> + Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as + indeed was to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some + cases, devoured by dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_219" id="FNanchor_4_219"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_219" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "since their souls are + borne away to celestial mansions." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_216" id="Footnote_1_216"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_216"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul. "Lib. + Apol.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_217" id="Footnote_2_217"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_217"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_218" id="Footnote_3_218"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_218"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_219" id="Footnote_4_219"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_219"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 17. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that + Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and + scoffs of the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true + God, does He not strike terror into the executioners of his + saints by some great prodigy? and why do not the martyrs + themselves flash forth into miracles while the crowd is round + them? You rush upon your own destruction, and yet you work no + wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of your creed, + thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."<a name= + "FNanchor_1_220" id="FNanchor_1_220"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_220" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than + they cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled + at the Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians, + from fear of death, even apostatized. "Whither," they + triumphantly asked,<a name="FNanchor_2_221" id= + "FNanchor_2_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_221" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> "has that bravery of your martyrs vanished? + What has become of the rash frenzy with which they courted + death?" Yet though they affected to consider the martyrs as fools + or madmen, they could not be blind to the effect that their + constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld their death, + and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded by the + Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of + martyrs to be preserved<a name="FNanchor_3_222" id= + "FNanchor_3_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_222" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and worshipped, and did their best to make + this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and + scattering the ashes on the river, though sometimes they + contented themselves with throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the + stream. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_220" id="Footnote_1_220"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_220"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_221" id="Footnote_2_221"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_221"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_222" id="Footnote_3_222"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_222"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See "De + Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc., sec. 11. "Non + enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni permittunt." See + above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs were more freely + given up at the request of the Christians. See "Chron. Silen.," + secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender of the body of + Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9, where Eulogius + mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints Zoilus and + Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave up the body + of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request. Mariana, viii. 5. + </p> + </div> + <p> + However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly + carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon + as the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the + admission of their admirers themselves, had never worked any + miracles when living, were enabled, when dead, to perform a + series of extraordinary ones, which did not finally cease till + modern enlightenment had dissipated the darkness of the Middle + Ages. + </p> + <p> + We happen to possess a very interesting account of the + circumstances under which the relics of three of these Cordovan + martyrs were transferred from the troubled scene of their passion + to the more peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of + France.<a name="FNanchor_1_223" id="FNanchor_1_223"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_223" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St + Vincent and the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of + their patron saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks, + Usuard and Odilard, with the king's<a name="FNanchor_2_224" id= + "FNanchor_2_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_224" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> permission, to procure the precious relics for + their own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the + monks learnt that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had + been, in fact, carried<a name="FNanchor_3_225" id= + "FNanchor_3_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_225" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior, + the bishop of that city, had seized it, and it was still held in + veneration there, but under the name of St Marinus, whose body + the monk had stoutly asserted it to be. Senior apparently doubted + the statement, and tortured Andaldus to get the truth out of him, + but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St Vincent had been + deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never surrender + the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard + knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_223" id="Footnote_1_223"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_223"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De + Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae ex + urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.—"Migne," vol. 115, pp. + 939 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_224" id="Footnote_2_224"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_224"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Charles + the Bald. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_225" id="Footnote_3_225"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_225"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Under a + divine impulse," as usual. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at + Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend, + holding a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name, + mentioned the persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem + to have travelled beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to + Cordova, relying on a friend there, named Leovigild, to help them + to obtain what they wished. Travelling in Spain, however, seems + to have been by no means safe<a name="FNanchor_1_226" id= + "FNanchor_1_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_226" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> at this period, and their bold resolution is + regarded with fear and admiration by their friends. The lord of + the Gothic marches, Hunifrid, being on friendly terms with the + Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on their behalf, and he entrusts + them to the care of a caravan which chanced to be just starting + for Cordova. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_226" id="Footnote_1_226"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_226"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See sec. + 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of the road to + Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as "perturbata + funeroso Wilihelmi incursu." + </p> + </div> + <p> + On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's + Church, where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of + their arrival brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves + a very useful friend, and Samson, who just at this juncture is + made abbot of the monastery at Pegnamellar, where the bodies of + George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were buried—the very relics which + they had decided to try and obtain. + </p> + <p> + The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such + precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's + permission to give up the bodies. + </p> + <p> + This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them + of returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which + Mohammed I. was on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had + been given that all the inhabitants, strangers as well as + citizens, except the city guard, should go out with the King. + However, the Frankish monks were met by an unexpected difficulty. + In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks of Pegnamellar + refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much + difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former + permission to remove them. + </p> + <p> + The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems, + and sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose. + George's body was found whole, but of the other two, only the + head of Nathalia, and the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter + are united to form one corpse, as it is written, "they two shall + be one flesh." After a stay in Cordova of eight weeks, they set + out under the protection of some Christians serving in the army. + Leovigild, who had been away on the King's business, now returns, + and escorts them to Toledo. The approach of the army having + cleared away the brigands who infested those parts, the monks + with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and + returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked + numbers of astonishing miracles. + </p> + <p> + Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the + moderate party among the Christians, and by the Moslem + authorities, to put an end to what seemed so dangerous an + agitation. That Reccafredus was not the only ecclesiastic of high + position who took exception to the new movement we learn clearly + enough from Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_1_227" id= + "FNanchor_1_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_227" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> who tells us that "bishops, priests, deacons, + and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in inveighing against the new + martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear wellnigh denying the faith + of Christ, if not in words, yet by their acts." We may, + therefore, conclude that the greater part of the ecclesiastical + authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of Seville, while + the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively small one. + However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did not + hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_228" id="FNanchor_2_228"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_228" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Eulogius complains + that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the + customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove + her web in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful + silence." In this passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his + imagination, yet there must have been a certain amount of truth + in the main assertion, for he repeats it again and again.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_229" id="FNanchor_3_229"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_229" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who + seemed to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is + founded, who were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say, + in the presence of these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans, + under no compulsion, but of their own free will, spoken evil of + the martyrs of God? Have not the shepherds of Christ, the + teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots, priests, the chiefs of + our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly denounced the martyrs + of our Church as heretics?"<a name="FNanchor_4_230" id= + "FNanchor_4_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_230" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_227" id="Footnote_1_227"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_227"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of + Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_228" id="Footnote_2_228"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_228"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4—"Omnes sacerdotes quos potuit + carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. + 11*—"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis, + viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ... + privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind. + Lum.," secs. 14, 18—"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et + loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_229" id="Footnote_3_229"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_229"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16—"Eremitatem ecclesiarum, compeditionem + sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc tempore sacrificium + nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_230" id="Footnote_4_230"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_230"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order + forced them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's + palm by speaking evil of the Prophet.<a name="FNanchor_1_231" id= + "FNanchor_1_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_231" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Those who disobeyed were threatened with + unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless + scourgings.<a name="FNanchor_2_232" id= + "FNanchor_2_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_232" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> This last statement must be taken with + reservation, at least if put into the mouth of the Christian + party under Reccafredus. It is extremely unlikely that Christian + bishops and priests should have had recourse to such treatment of + their coreligionists: yet they had a spiritual weapon ready to + their hands, and they were not slow to use it. They + anathematised<a name="FNanchor_3_233" id= + "FNanchor_3_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_233" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> those who aided and abetted the zealots; and + Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of + excommunication.<a name="FNanchor_4_234" id= + "FNanchor_4_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_234" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_231" id="Footnote_1_231"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_231"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 15—"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam, + iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus + impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter + fecimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_232" id="Footnote_2_232"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_232"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12—"Duris + tormentis agitati, commoti sunt." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_233" id="Footnote_3_233"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_233"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28—"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi palaestram + discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia damnari + iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31—"Plerosque patres + anathematizantes talia patientes." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_234" id="Footnote_4_234"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_234"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if + not at the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close + concert with them. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_235" id= + "FNanchor_1_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_235" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> attributes all the evils which had befallen + the Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots, + and deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly + states that the King was urged, even bribed, to take measures + against the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_2_236" id= + "FNanchor_2_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_236" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> It is not likely that the King required much + persuading. Mohammed at least seems to have been thoroughly + frightened by the continued agitation against Mohammedanism. He + naturally suspected some political plot at the bottom of it; a + supposition which receives some countenance from the various + references in Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_237" id= + "FNanchor_3_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_237" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> to the martyrs as "Soldiers of God" bound to + war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted fact that + the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their + coreligionists at Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_4_238" id= + "FNanchor_4_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_238" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> However that may be, the King in 852 certainly + took counsel<a name="FNanchor_5_239" id= + "FNanchor_5_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_239" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> with his ministers, how the agitation should + be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand + council<a name="FNanchor_6_240" id="FNanchor_6_240"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_240" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of the Church, when + the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were in + consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to. + But Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts + all Christians, who held offices in the palace,<a name= + "FNanchor_7_241" id="FNanchor_7_241"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_241" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> or in connection with + the Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"<a name= + "FNanchor_8_242" id="FNanchor_8_242"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_242" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the royal bounty + usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all + churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to + those previously existing. He made a severe enactment against + those who reviled Mohammed.<a name="FNanchor_9_243" id= + "FNanchor_9_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_243" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> He even had in mind to banish all Christians + from his dominions.<a name="FNanchor_10_244" id= + "FNanchor_10_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_244" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> This intention, together with the order + respecting the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to + the opportune revolt at Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_11_245" id= + "FNanchor_11_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_245" class= + "fnanchor">[11]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_235" id="Footnote_1_235"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_235"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ep. ad + Wilies, sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_236" id="Footnote_2_236"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_236"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_237" id="Footnote_3_237"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_237"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. 136. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_238" id="Footnote_4_238"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_238"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i. + 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority, that he + incited them to revolt under Sindila. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_239" id="Footnote_5_239"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_239"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_240" id="Footnote_6_240"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_240"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Robertson + calls it a Conciliabulum. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_241" id="Footnote_7_241"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_241"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. § 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_242" id="Footnote_8_242"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_242"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Militares + pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_243" id="Footnote_9_243"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_243"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Eulog. + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv—"Tunc iam procul dubio enecandi nos + difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui temerarius + exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean that + Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice any + who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_244" id="Footnote_10_244"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_244"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eulog., + "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"Moslemi ... omne regni sui, sicuti + cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur Christicolarum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_245" id="Footnote_11_245"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_245"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear + lest the intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the + Church in Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did + much at first to aggravate the hardships of the + Israelites.<a name="FNanchor_1_246" id= + "FNanchor_1_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_246" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> He ought not, therefore, to have been + surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor ought he + to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians + observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate; + and that the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and + exactions.<a name="FNanchor_2_247" id= + "FNanchor_2_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_247" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the + Bishop of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party + were broken up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding, + and only venturing abroad in disguise and at night—not, as + Eulogius is careful to add, from fear of death, but because the + high prize of martyrdom is not reserved for the unworthy many, + but for the worthy few.<a name="FNanchor_3_248" id= + "FNanchor_3_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_248" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_246" id="Footnote_1_246"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_246"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xvi. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_247" id="Footnote_2_247"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_247"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"<i>Nunc</i> pro suo libito tantummodo + exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... <i>nunc</i> publicum + imponentes censum, <i>nunc</i> rebus nos abdicantes detrimentis + atterunt rerum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_248" id="Footnote_3_248"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_248"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14—"Quia indigni sumus martyrio, quod + quibusdam et non omnibus datum est." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Some even apostatized,<a name="FNanchor_1_249" id= + "FNanchor_1_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_249" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> while many of those who had applauded the + proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and + blamed them for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the + suffering Church for an early mansion in the skies.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_250" id="FNanchor_2_250"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_250" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Others, in order to + retain posts under Government, or to court favour with the King, + dissembled their religion, taking care not to pray, or make the + sign of the cross in public.<a name="FNanchor_3_251" id= + "FNanchor_3_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_251" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Eulogius himself was singled out at the + meeting of the King's Council by one of the royal secretaries, + Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_4_252" + id="FNanchor_4_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_252" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> as the ringleader of the new seditious + movement. This man was a very worldly-minded Christian,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_253" id="FNanchor_5_253"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_253" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and was, no doubt, at + this time, in fear of losing his lucrative office at Court, which + he had obtained by his remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in + fact, lose his post with all the other Christian officers of the + Court, but regained it by becoming a Moslem;<a name= + "FNanchor_6_254" id="FNanchor_6_254"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_254" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and such was the + ardour of the new proselyte that he was called "the dove of the + mosque."<a name="FNanchor_7_255" id="FNanchor_7_255"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_255" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <p> + The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the + party of which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former + writer, mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends + that it was merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken + figuratively; and he acknowledges that such hypocrisy was + unworthy of the prelates and officers assembled.<a name= + "FNanchor_8_256" id="FNanchor_8_256"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_256" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Is it not more + reasonable to suppose that Eulogius and his supporters voted for + it—as they seem to have done—with a mental reservation, while + their opponents honestly considered such a step necessary? + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_249" id="Footnote_1_249"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_249"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1—"Fidem praevaricantur, abdicant + religionem, Crucifixum detestantur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_250" id="Footnote_2_250"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_250"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his letter to Alvar + sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few remained firm to + their principles. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_251" id="Footnote_3_251"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_251"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9—"Cum palam coram ethnicis orationem non + faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non muniunt ... + Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis gratia, pro + vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia praeliantes." + Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta iussum Domini + tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae, caligosasque turres + crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium Deo offerens + vespertinum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_252" id="Footnote_4_252"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_252"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 18. + See above, p. 51. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_253" id="Footnote_5_253"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_253"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Ibn al + Kuttiya—apud Dozy, ii. 137. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_254" id="Footnote_6_254"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_254"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_255" id="Footnote_7_255"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_255"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 137. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_256" id="Footnote_8_256"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_256"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3—"Aliquid commentaremur, quod + ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet aures." The "praemissum + pontificate decretum" he calls "allegorice editum." + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2> + <a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a> + </h2> + <h3> + THE MUZARABES. + </h3> + <p> + The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the + dubious martyrdoms which had for some years become so common, + though the spirit, which prompted the self-deluded victims, was + by no means stifled either in Spain or the adjoining + countries.<a name="FNanchor_1_257" id= + "FNanchor_1_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_257" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Yet the measures taken to put down the mania + for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for some + time. + </p> + <p> + Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians, + determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the + hands of the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related + hereafter, in several parts of Spain. After the battle of + Aguilar, or Polei, in 891, between the Arab and Spanish factions, + 1000 of the defeated Christians were given the choice of Islam or + death, and all, save one, chose the latter alternative.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_258" id="FNanchor_2_258"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_258" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a + few isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned + now. After the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_259" id="FNanchor_3_259"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_259" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> where Abdurrahman + defeated the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting + bishops, who were taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a + hostage for his own release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius. + The king, it is said, smitten with his beauty, wished to work his + abominable will upon the boy, but his advances being rejected + with disdain, the unhappy youth was put to death with great + barbarity, refusing to save his life by apostasy.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_260" id="FNanchor_4_260"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_260" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> A different version of + the story is given by a Saxon nun of Gaudersheim, named + Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty years later. She + tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who thereupon + struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by + decapitation (June 26, 925).<a name="FNanchor_5_261" id= + "FNanchor_5_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_261" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_257" id="Footnote_1_257"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_257"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Life + of Argentea," secs. 3, 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_258" id="Footnote_2_258"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_258"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 287. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_259" id="Footnote_3_259"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_259"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Val du + Junqueras, 920 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_260" id="Footnote_4_260"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_260"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes + Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257, disbelieves + this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii. 154, is + referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the king's + liking for a handsome Christian page. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_261" id="Footnote_5_261"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_261"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Sampiro, + secs. 26-28. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance + in Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter + of the great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,<a name="FNanchor_1_262" id= + "FNanchor_1_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_262" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and his wife Columba, and was born at that + chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar + wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar + had become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking + only for a quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for + martyrdom; and she wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes + inclined him in the same direction, suggesting that they should + seek the crown of martyrdom together.<a name="FNanchor_2_263" id= + "FNanchor_2_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_263" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman + in 928, she went to Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_3_264" id= + "FNanchor_3_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_264" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who + had been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a + virgin, with whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object + becoming known, Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of + the city. Argentea goes to visit him there, and is stopped by the + guards, who, finding she is a Christian, take her before the + judge as a renegade, and she is imprisoned with Vulfura. The + alternative of Islam instead of death being refused, they are + both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens rebellis," is + first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out. Her + body was buried at the church of the three saints. + </p> + <p> + In the year 934<a name="FNanchor_4_265" id= + "FNanchor_4_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_265" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being + massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense + they can be regarded as martyrs to their faith. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_262" id="Footnote_1_262"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_262"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Who on + becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel. Florez, x. p. + 564, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_263" id="Footnote_2_263"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_263"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See "Life + of Argentea," by an anonymous author. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_264" id="Footnote_3_264"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_264"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_265" id="Footnote_4_265"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_265"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may have occurred + in 893. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;<a name= + "FNanchor_1_266" id="FNanchor_1_266"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_266" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and thirty years + later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab + rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken + prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and + a-half in prison.<a name="FNanchor_2_267" id= + "FNanchor_2_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_267" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> They were then brought out and put to death, + just when Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom + them.<a name="FNanchor_3_268" id="FNanchor_3_268"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_268" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a + persecution of the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and + the statements of those writers who intimate the contrary may be + set aside as unsupported by evidence.<a name="FNanchor_4_269" id= + "FNanchor_4_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_269" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian + Church and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially—for + our information is greatest as to those periods—under the two + kings Abdurrahman II. and III. + </p> + <p> + Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the + Christians, until the persecution, which they themselves + provoked, began, was very tolerable, and the majority of the + Christians were quite content with their lot. They served in the + army, both free men and slaves; they held lucrative posts at + Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as government + officials. But though the lay community was well off, the clergy + and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the + Church<a name="FNanchor_5_270" id="FNanchor_5_270"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_270" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> could not be said to + be free, though the worship was, since the power of summoning + councils had now passed to the Arab executive, who, as we have + seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils. Sees were + also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not + unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing + the emoluments, of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_6_271" id= + "FNanchor_6_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_271" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_266" id="Footnote_1_266"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_266"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Schott., + iv. 246. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_267" id="Footnote_2_267"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_267"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Rohrbacher, xii. 192. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_268" id="Footnote_3_268"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_268"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Charter, + apud Florez, xiv. 397. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_269" id="Footnote_4_269"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_269"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See above, + p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of John Servus Dei, + Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard to the late + martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been written in + 937. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_270" id="Footnote_5_270"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_270"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 47. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_271" id="Footnote_6_271"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_271"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv. + </p> + </div> + <p> + As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin + throughout the country, and even before the ninth century the + Scriptures were translated into the tongue of the conquerors + <a name="FNanchor_1_272" id="FNanchor_1_272"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_272" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by Odoarius, Bishop of + Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use + of any language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to + use Arabic Gospels;<a name="FNanchor_2_273" id= + "FNanchor_2_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_273" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted + to write in Latin.<a name="FNanchor_3_274" id= + "FNanchor_3_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_274" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Even if this statement be doubtful, we know + that Latin came gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar + utters an eloquent protest against this: "Alas, the Christians + are ignorant of their own tongue, and Latins neglect their + language, so that in all the College of Christ<a name= + "FNanchor_4_275" id="FNanchor_4_275"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_275" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> there is scarcely to + be found one who can write an address of welcome to his brother + intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found competent to + mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."<a name= + "FNanchor_5_276" id="FNanchor_5_276"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_276" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In the department of + poetry—the peculiar boast of the Arabs—the Christians seem even + to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two + nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance + of native ballads of which Spain can boast. + </p> + <p> + We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of + Latin, by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that + language; but it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result. + We can see from the remains of the Spanish writers which we + possess that the structure of that language had considerably + degenerated in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_6_277" id= + "FNanchor_6_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_277" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_272" id="Footnote_1_272"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_272"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy, + "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_273" id="Footnote_2_273"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_273"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p. + 60. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_274" id="Footnote_3_274"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_274"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 239. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_275" id="Footnote_4_275"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_275"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Omni + Christi collegio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_276" id="Footnote_5_276"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_276"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_277" id="Footnote_6_277"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_277"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See + Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand, writes + wonderfully good Latin. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely + intelligible. Moreover, we find Samson<a name="FNanchor_1_278" + id="FNanchor_1_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_278" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of + Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of + Orleans (839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself + a Spaniard, of the same defect. + </p> + <p> + The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing + indifference to the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated + Christians being led to devote their time, which might have been + more profitably spent on their own Scriptures, to becoming + acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and even to unravelling + the intricacies of the controversial theology which had grown up + round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the + Koran.<a name="FNanchor_2_279" id="FNanchor_2_279"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_279" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The great Fathers of + the Church were laid aside unread, and even the Prophets and + Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to study them. While + the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the lower were + sunk in poverty<a name="FNanchor_3_280" id= + "FNanchor_3_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_280" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_4_281" id= + "FNanchor_4_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_281" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> The inevitable result of this indifference, + ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration in the + character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too + many proofs. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_278" id="Footnote_1_278"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_278"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," c. vii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_279" id="Footnote_2_279"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_279"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35—"Ac dum illorum sacramenta inquirimus, et + philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum convincendis + erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione luculenter + diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus laicis + invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina + quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis + Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur + amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae + diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione + praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum + avidissime tractunt?" + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_280" id="Footnote_3_280"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_280"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, + xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31; and for the + condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle, "Hist. of + Civiliz.," i. 443. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_281" id="Footnote_4_281"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_281"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy + (l.l.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop + of Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to + low and unworthy people;<a name="FNanchor_1_282" id= + "FNanchor_1_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_282" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova, + with obtaining his bishopric by bribery.<a name="FNanchor_2_283" + id="FNanchor_2_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_283" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Other irregularities imputed to Hostegesis + were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary to + the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to + extort money from them, till they died under his hands. + </p> + <p> + Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of + unworthy men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had + to endure in silence,<a name="FNanchor_3_284" id= + "FNanchor_3_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_284" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> many were informally ordained without vouchers + for character being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy + and flocks being obtained.<a name="FNanchor_4_285" id= + "FNanchor_4_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_285" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle + of two rival pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from + the Fathers.<a name="FNanchor_5_286" id= + "FNanchor_5_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_286" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no + authority could be alleged, in contravention of established + custom and the teaching of the Church. So far was this carried + that Samson was accused by his opponents of being a heretic and + an idolator because he permitted the marriage of cousins; + dissented from the view that God was ever enclosed in the + chambers of the Virgin's heart;<a name="FNanchor_6_287" id= + "FNanchor_6_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_287" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> asserted the omnipresence of God, even in + idols and the Devil, and this in an actual, not a metaphysical, + sense;<a name="FNanchor_7_288" id="FNanchor_7_288"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_288" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and denied that God + sat upon an exalted throne above his creatures. From this it is + clear that Hostegesis and those who thought with him<a name= + "FNanchor_8_289" id="FNanchor_8_289"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_289" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> were infected with the + anthropomorphite heresy. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_282" id="Footnote_1_282"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_282"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_283" id="Footnote_2_283"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_283"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See + "Letter to Saul," sec. 3—"Poterant enim quovis asserente + canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari, si + quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis + exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on + the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_284" id="Footnote_3_284"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_284"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_285" id="Footnote_4_285"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_285"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar ad + Saulum, sec. 3—"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia clericorum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_286" id="Footnote_5_286"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_286"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_287" id="Footnote_6_287"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_287"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.—"Cubiculum cordis Virginei." + This appears to be a quotation from the Gothic liturgy. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_288" id="Footnote_7_288"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_288"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Per + substantiam, non per subtilitatem."—<i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_289" id="Footnote_8_289"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_289"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Romanus + and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their + depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the + produce of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with + difficulty extorted from his flock,<a name="FNanchor_1_290" id= + "FNanchor_1_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_290" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> in bribing the court officials and the king's + sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was + indulged in.<a name="FNanchor_2_291" id= + "FNanchor_2_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_291" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The clergy were not above pretending illness + in order to avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem + rulers.<a name="FNanchor_3_292" id="FNanchor_3_292"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_292" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Some, even in the + highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and + apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel, + Bishop of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a + pervert's zeal, persecuted the Church he had deserted, + imprisoning the clergy, taxing his former flock, and even forcing + some to embrace Islam.<a name="FNanchor_4_293" id= + "FNanchor_4_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_293" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were + sometimes deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the + hands of a hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his + pretended heresy; and, similarly, Valentius,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_294" id="FNanchor_5_294"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_294" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Bishop of Cordova, was + deprived of his see because he was a supporter of Samson. But + these instances reflect more discredit on the deposers than on + their victims. Instances of deposition are not wanting, in the + free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh Bishop of Compostella + (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute living, and + malversation of Church moneys.<a name="FNanchor_6_295" id= + "FNanchor_6_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_295" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> On the king's death he recovered his see, + driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of Compostella, + suffered the same punishment.<a name="FNanchor_7_296" id= + "FNanchor_7_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_296" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_290" id="Footnote_1_290"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_290"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + offering of one-third for the Church was refused to Hostegesis + as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it, "suis + codicibus institutis."—Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2 + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_291" id="Footnote_2_291"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_291"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> The state of the Church in the North was not much + better. See Yonge, p. 86. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_292" id="Footnote_3_292"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_292"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild + de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_293" id="Footnote_4_293"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_293"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson, + Pref. ii. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_294" id="Footnote_5_294"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_294"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Succeeded + Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_295" id="Footnote_6_295"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_295"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana, + viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey, "Chronicle of + the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_296" id="Footnote_7_296"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_296"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Mariana + (1.1.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and + when Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of + Burgundy, and her spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were + horrified at the laxity in morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic + Christians. Their addiction to poetry and natural science was + regarded with suspicious aversion, and the pork-eating, + circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_297" id="FNanchor_1_297"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_297" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> contracted from an + intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many marks of + the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars in + Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor + Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet + we are told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring + churches in the territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up + again the ordinances of the Goths, as formerly observed at + Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_2_298" id="FNanchor_2_298"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_298" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of + extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002) + swept yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating + tempest.<a name="FNanchor_3_299" id="FNanchor_3_299"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_299" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Fifty-two victorious + campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead against the + infidels.<a name="FNanchor_4_300" id= + "FNanchor_4_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_300" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his + arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a + time left desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried + off to Cordova to serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not, + therefore, surprised to find that there were many bishops in the + North who had lost their sees; and this was the case even before + the tenth century, for a bishop named Sabaricus, being driven + from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of Mindumetum by + Alfonso III. in 867,<a name="FNanchor_5_301" id= + "FNanchor_5_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_301" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> and twenty years later a bishop named + Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_302" id="FNanchor_6_302"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_302" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <p> + It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the + Christian Church should be hostile to one another, but it is + surprising to find—as we do find in some cases—the latter making + common cause with the Arabs in ill-treating their + fellow-countrymen and coreligionists. Thus, as we have seen, + Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular arm,<a name= + "FNanchor_7_303" id="FNanchor_7_303"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_303" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> beat and imprisoned + the clergy for withholding from him the Church tithes, dragging + them through the city naked, with a crier crying before + them:—"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their + tithes to their bishop."<a name="FNanchor_8_304" id= + "FNanchor_8_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_304" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> Bishops were even found to make episcopal + visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the + intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in + their names to the civil power for the purpose of + taxation.<a name="FNanchor_9_305" id= + "FNanchor_9_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_305" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> Others obtained from the Arabs the privilege + of farming the revenues derived from Christian taxation, and + cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.<a name="FNanchor_10_306" + id="FNanchor_10_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_306" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_297" id="Footnote_1_297"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_297"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the Arabs not + to wash. See Conde, i. 203—"It is related of these people of + Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild beasts, and + never wash either their persons or their garments." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_298" id="Footnote_2_298"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_298"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron. + Albeld.," sec. 58—"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto fuerat + statuit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_299" id="Footnote_3_299"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_299"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Chron. + Silense," sec. 72—"Eadem tempestate in Hispania omnis divinus + cultus periit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_300" id="Footnote_4_300"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_300"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was not + defeated in his last battle, as is generally stated in + histories.—See Al Makkari, ii. 197. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_301" id="Footnote_5_301"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_301"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Florez, + "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_302" id="Footnote_6_302"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_302"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 244. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_303" id="Footnote_7_303"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_303"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> + "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_304" id="Footnote_8_304"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_304"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_305" id="Footnote_9_305"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_305"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_306" id="Footnote_10_306"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_306"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eul., + 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <p> + These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not + instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was + the son of a serf of the Church,<a name="FNanchor_1_307" id= + "FNanchor_1_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_307" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and married a cousin of Hostegesis.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_308" id="FNanchor_2_308"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_308" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instead of championing + the cause of the Christians, as his position should have impelled + him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction as to call + them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to + Christianity—a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those + who held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied + blackmail on the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the + bodies of martyrs from under the altars of churches, and, showing + them to the king, to remind him that it had been forbidden to + Christians to bury their martyrs.<a name="FNanchor_3_309" id= + "FNanchor_3_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_309" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis + against Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of + inciting the fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should + be tested with this dilemma. They should be asked whether what + the revilers said were true or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let + them be punished as well as the reviler; if 'false,' bid them + slay the man themselves; refusing which, you will know that they + have aided and abetted him to abuse your Prophet. In that case, + give me permission, and I will slay the three myself."<a name= + "FNanchor_4_310" id="FNanchor_4_310"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_310" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_307" id="Footnote_1_307"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_307"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 268. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_308" id="Footnote_2_308"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_308"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_309" id="Footnote_3_309"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_309"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson, + 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_310" id="Footnote_4_310"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_310"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of + timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing, + deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was + killed at Polei(?)—Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab + name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the + Arabs.—See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and + national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be + worth while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded, + that we may contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was + one of the most characteristic features of the Old Church in + Spain that it was united so closely with the civil power as + almost to render the Government of Spain a theocracy. This + intimate connection of Church and State was naturally overthrown + by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing how useful + such institutions as general councils were likely to be in + adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both + allowed purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their + jurisdiction, and also summoned others in which they took part + themselves, together with Jews, to the great scandal of the + stricter Christians.<a name="FNanchor_1_311" id= + "FNanchor_1_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_311" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at + Seville by Elipandus<a name="FNanchor_2_312" id= + "FNanchor_2_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_312" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> to condemn the errors of Migetius; and + another, held by Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of + Egila, bishop of Elvira.<a name="FNanchor_3_313" id= + "FNanchor_3_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_313" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Whether Egila abjured his error is not known, + but it is certain that he remained bishop. + </p> + <p> + Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have + held a council, whereat he renounced his own error of + Adoptionism.<a name="FNanchor_4_314" id= + "FNanchor_4_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_314" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_311" id="Footnote_1_311"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_311"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We even + find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova had Moslem + names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii. 162), and + Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_312" id="Footnote_2_312"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_312"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The exact + date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_313" id="Footnote_3_313"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_313"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo + Luitprand," sec. 236, says—"Ad concilium ex omnibus Hispaniae + partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian I.'s Letter to the + bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is known of this Egila, + nor is it certain of what see he was the bishop. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_314" id="Footnote_4_314"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_314"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See below, + p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly + political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen + how Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the + Moslem authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the + fanatical party among the Christians; and we have a more + particular account of another, which was held by Hostegesis, + Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of Cordova.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_315" id="FNanchor_1_315"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_315" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> This council seems to + have had some connection with the preceding one under + Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and unscrupulous opponent + of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was their devoted + supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as to + suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of + heresy<a name="FNanchor_2_316" id="FNanchor_2_316"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_316" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and sacrilege, as has + been already mentioned. Hostegesis forced his views on the + assembled bishops by the help of the secular arm, and a sentence + of anathema and deposition was accordingly pronounced against the + unfortunate Abbot.<a name="FNanchor_3_317" id= + "FNanchor_3_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_317" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of the apparently consenting bishops was + Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement had evidently + been coerced, for after the close of the council he sounded the + other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as to + their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm + Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect + This action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of + deposition, and he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_318" id="FNanchor_4_318"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_318" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>—the election of the + latter being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted + thereat,<a name="FNanchor_5_319" id="FNanchor_5_319"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_319" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and neither the clergy + nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his favour. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_315" id="Footnote_1_315"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_315"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_316" id="Footnote_2_316"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_316"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> On the + ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio quam + similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed + creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely + qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_317" id="Footnote_3_317"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_317"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae fascibus + sedentium."—<i>Ibid</i>. Samson was rendered incapable of + holding office, or even of belonging to the + Church.—<i>Ibid</i>. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_318" id="Footnote_4_318"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_318"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In 864. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_319" id="Footnote_5_319"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_319"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See above, + p. 8. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council, + held at the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who + had sided with Valentius, but were now terrified into submission, + being in attendance; while the places of those who refused to + come were taken by Jews and Moslems.<a name="FNanchor_1_320" id= + "FNanchor_1_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_320" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an + open rupture in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_2_321" id= + "FNanchor_2_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_321" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful + authority) by Orontius of Toledo,<a name="FNanchor_3_322" id= + "FNanchor_3_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_322" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova. + These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade + Khalifs of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_323" id= + "FNanchor_4_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_323" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_320" id="Footnote_1_320"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_320"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sayones + (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_321" id="Footnote_2_321"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_321"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_322" id="Footnote_3_322"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_322"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo + Luit," sec. 328. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_323" id="Footnote_4_323"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_323"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> sec. 341. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III. + </h3> + <p> + Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked + upon as the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the + throne when quite a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the + sons of the late Sultan, he found the country torn by innumerable + factions, and the king's power openly defied by rebels, Arab, + Berber, and Christian. In person, and through his generals, he + put down all these rebels, and though not uniformly successful + against the Christians in the North, yet he defeated them in a + series of great engagements.<a name="FNanchor_1_324" id= + "FNanchor_1_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_324" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> He welded all the discordant elements under + his rule into one great whole,<a name="FNanchor_2_325" id= + "FNanchor_2_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_325" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> thereby giving the Arab domination in Spain + another lease of life. In 929 he took the title of Amir al + Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His alliance was sought by + the Emperor of the East,<a name="FNanchor_3_326" id= + "FNanchor_3_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_326" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and he treated on equal terms with the Emperor + of Germany and the King of France. To this great king, with more + truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be applied the + words of Miss Yonge:—<a name="FNanchor_4_327" id= + "FNanchor_4_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_327" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + "He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on + the character of Solomon—large-hearted, wise, magnificent, + tolerant, and peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern, + ascetic, narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were + the exquisite horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices, + inlaid jewellery of marble pavements, and slender minarets, to + their dark vault-like, low-browed churches, and solid castles + built out of hard unmanageable granite." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_324" id="Footnote_1_324"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_324"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mutonia + (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_325" id="Footnote_2_325"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_325"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 351, from an Arab writer. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_326" id="Footnote_3_326"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_326"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> A very + interesting account of this embassy from Constantine VII. (947) + is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn Khaldun.—-See Conde, + i. 442. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_327" id="Footnote_4_327"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_327"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> P. 57. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we + saw in Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian + renegade, still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the + throne; and his treatment of Christians was, throughout his + reign, tolerant and politic. + </p> + <p> + But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very + interesting fragment that has come down to our own times, + describing the embassy of a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an + abbey near Metz, who carried letters from Otho, emperor of + Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.<a name="FNanchor_1_328" id= + "FNanchor_1_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_328" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop + who had been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to + have caused a delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter + contained blasphemies against Christ, it was determined to write + a reply in the king's name, such as might perhaps convince + Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A certain bishop, Adalbero, + was appointed to be at the head of the return embassy,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_329" id="FNanchor_2_329"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_329" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and he asks the abbot + of the monastery of Gorz to give him two assistants. Two are + chosen, but one of these quarrels with his superior, and is + expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself as a + substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with + great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent + longing to be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_328" id="Footnote_1_328"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_328"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Vita + Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot of Arnulph. + "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_329" id="Footnote_2_329"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_329"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 953. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors + reached the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova, + where they were assigned a house two miles from the palace, and, + though well entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as + the Moorish ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an + answer, Otho's messengers would have to wait nine years. + Moreover, they now discovered that the king had been already + apprised of the contents of the letter, which Otho had sent, by a + comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom John and his + companions had taken with them to Barcelona. + </p> + <p> + The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them + not to divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them + liable to punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would + consider blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John, + the Bishop of Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they + should carry their gifts to the king, and say nothing of the + letter. But John of Gorz stoutly refused to do this, saying that + the delivery of the letter was his chief duty, and that as + Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not be + surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John + of Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the + Christians stood, viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he + said, "by the apostle to resist the powers that be. In our + calamity, we have this one consolation, we are allowed to observe + our own laws and rites, and our rulers, if they see us diligent + in our religion, honour us, cherish us, and delight in our + society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion, then, + suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other + things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter + should be suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian + community, and no good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf + ears. The monk of Gorz was resolved on doing what he deemed his + plain duty; nor was he content to forego his chance of martyrdom, + though his action might entail disastrous consequences on the + Christians subject to the Moors. He taunted the bishop with + giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better die of hunger than + eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at the fact + that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from certain + meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the + bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the + Saracens. + </p> + <p> + John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter + forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience, + leaving them to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955, + however, the king sent to them, and asked if they held firm to + their previous resolve, and on receiving an answer in the + affirmative, he threatened all the Christians in his dominions + with loss of privileges and even death. John of Gorz merely + answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but the + latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who + remind him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would + interfere in favour of his ambassadors. + </p> + <p> + John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that + Abdurrahman should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for + instructions for his ambassadors under the circumstances. + Recemundus,<a name="FNanchor_1_330" id= + "FNanchor_1_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_330" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> a Christian, offers to go as ambassador, if a + vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He sets out and + reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh letter, with + instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an alliance + with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting + down the brigands who infested the marches. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_330" id="Footnote_1_330"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_330"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De + Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with Rabi, + a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III. in Al + Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the bishop who + died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De Gayangos + (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he + reached Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive + the second comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So, + after three years semi-captivity, John is released, and told to + prepare himself for the king's presence by shaving, washing, and + putting on new apparel. He declines to go in any otherwise than + he is; and even when the king, thinking his refusal due to + poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk accepts the gift and + distributes it to the poor, but says he will only see the king as + a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come as he + likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the + king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps + of the palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour + lined both sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king, + as a great mark of distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss, + and beckoned him to a seat near his own couch. After a silence + Abdurrahman apologised to the monk for the long delay which he + had been obliged to impose on the embassy, and which was in no + sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose virtue and wisdom + he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was no mere + empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him + whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words, + and they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to + depart Abdurrahman says:—"After waiting so long to see one + another, shall we part so soon?" He suggests that they should + have at least three interviews. At their next meeting they + discourse on the respective power of the empires of Otho and the + Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by the experience of + Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal subjects to + become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them. + </p> + <p> + So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so + pleasant a light on the character and the Court of the greatest + of Spanish Sultans, and proves that the Christians at that time + enjoyed considerable freedom, and even honour, at the hands of + the Moslem Government. + </p> + <p> + The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter + brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read + words against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render + himself liable to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law + to any Moslem—king or slave—who listened to abuse of the Prophet + without exacting summary vengeance from the blasphemer. But—and + here was the king's dilemma—he could not punish the ambassadors + without incurring the enmity of Otho. The only possible + alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho should be asked + to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan having + officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation + of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the + threat against the Christians as merely a threat, never really + intended to be put into execution. + </p> + <p> + In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the + Spanish khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions + of Islam; but, as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been + very inconsistent in his views with regard to Christians and Jews + at different times of his career, and while he enjoined the + necessity of Holy Wars,<a name="FNanchor_1_331" id= + "FNanchor_1_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_331" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> he permitted the people of the book to be + admitted to tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_332" id= + "FNanchor_2_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_332" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> In one passage he even seems to allow the + possibility of salvation to Jews, Christians, and Sabians: + "Verily they who believe, and those who Judaize, and the Sabians, + and the Christians—whoever of these believeth in God and the last + day, and doeth that which is right—there shall come no fear on + them, neither shall they be grieved."<a name="FNanchor_3_333" id= + "FNanchor_3_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_333" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> And there is one remarkable text to find in + the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no violence in religion." + <a name="FNanchor_4_334" id="FNanchor_4_334"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_334" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived + upheld the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the + Persian Sufis, is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for + me, to judge of men's consciences, and I will never interfere + with what belongs to the tribunal of the great Creator and Lord + of the Universe."<a name="FNanchor_5_335" id= + "FNanchor_5_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_335" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Again, Akbar, one of the greatest kings that + ever lived, followed in practice the principle thus expressed by + his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution after all defeats its own + ends; it obliges men to conceal their opinions, but produces no + change in them."<a name="FNanchor_6_336" id= + "FNanchor_6_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_336" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Noble sentiments surely, and such as we should + expect from followers of Christ rather than of Mohammed! + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_331" id="Footnote_1_331"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_331"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Tradition + attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to Mohammed than + can be found in the Koran,—<i>e.g.</i>, "The sword is the key + of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause of God, + a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two months of + fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against the + infidel, his sins are forgiven him." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_332" id="Footnote_2_332"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_332"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Koran, + xlvii., ad init. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_333" id="Footnote_3_333"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_333"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, v., + v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of Acts x. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_334" id="Footnote_4_334"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_334"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, + ii., v. 258. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_335" id="Footnote_5_335"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_335"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See + Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia," i. p + 583. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_336" id="Footnote_6_336"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_336"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been + conspicuous for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin, + indeed, does say in his letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester, + that he does not approve of punishing heresy with death, because + God, by the mouth of His prophet, had said: "I have no pleasure + in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way + and live;"<a name="FNanchor_1_337" id= + "FNanchor_1_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_337" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> but Alcuin was a man of unusual mildness and + sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus + testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in + the Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in + connection with the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to + be forgotten—"Slay all; God will know His own." + </p> + <p> + In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the + Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a + principal argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of + Valencia in his memorial to Philip III. at the end of the + sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_2_338" id= + "FNanchor_2_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_338" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded + by Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by + Alfonso, on the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of + capitulation certain mosques had been expressly reserved to the + Moslems, just in the same way as certain churches had been + reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712. But Bernard, by way + of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance of the + king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque. + Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's + proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing + that the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct, + came forward of their own accord and begged him to pardon the + act, and even voluntarily surrendered their mosque.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_339" id="FNanchor_3_339"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_339" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion, + but even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_340" id="FNanchor_4_340"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_340" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Almanzor, the champion + of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays. + Christians in every reign held high posts at court<a name= + "FNanchor_5_341" id="FNanchor_5_341"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_341" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and throughout the + land, and not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and + Leovigild, who were known to sympathise with the party of + zealots, were employed by the king to write letters to, and + negotiate with, the neighbouring kings. This was no doubt due to + their general trustworthiness, their quickness, and their + knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_337" id="Footnote_1_337"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_337"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ezekiel + xxxiii. 11. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_338" id="Footnote_2_338"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_338"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_339" id="Footnote_3_339"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_339"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mariana, + ix. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_340" id="Footnote_4_340"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_340"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 57. + Recent history affords a similar instance from the Christian + side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54—"I have made them + make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 249, "I + had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship, and + endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at the + opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha who + took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the Mussulman + worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable, if sincere, + as any Christian." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_341" id="Footnote_5_341"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_341"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Such as + secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the + office of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the + office of protection." The Christians and Jews were under his + general jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the + protection."<a name="FNanchor_1_342" id= + "FNanchor_1_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_342" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But besides this Arab "Secretary of State for + the Christians," the latter had their own counts—a relic of the + Gothic system—who, however, did not always stand up for their + interests.<a name="FNanchor_2_343" id= + "FNanchor_2_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_343" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> There were also Christian censors,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_344" id="FNanchor_3_344"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_344" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but it is not known + what position they held in the State. + </p> + <p> + The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at + Court, and numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's + bodyguard, of whom under Hakem I. (796-822) there were + 2000.<a name="FNanchor_4_345" id="FNanchor_4_345"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_345" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_342" id="Footnote_1_342"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_342"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_343" id="Footnote_2_343"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_343"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>E.g.</i>. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_344" id="Footnote_3_344"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_344"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See above, + p. 49. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_345" id="Footnote_4_345"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_345"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i. + p. 260. + </p> + </div> + <p> + All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two + peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion, + lived so comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a + perpetual state of warfare between the Arabs and the Christians + in the North, which tended to keep alive the animosities of the + two races in that part of Spain which was under Mohammedan + rule.<a name="FNanchor_1_346" id="FNanchor_1_346"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_346" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover, the pride of + race was very strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet + Said ibn Djoud, in a poem called the "battle of the town" + (Polei), boasts that the conquerors are of the pure race of Adnan + and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture; while he calls the + defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false + faith,<a name="FNanchor_2_347" id="FNanchor_2_347"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_347" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sons of the + pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too prone to look + upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as mere + canaille.<a name="FNanchor_3_348" id= + "FNanchor_3_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_348" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated; + and Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of + fanaticism in the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation + would have had serious results for Christianity in Spain.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_349" id="FNanchor_4_349"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_349" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free + Christian States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same, + when political occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of + the frontier cities sought to make themselves independent by what + the Arab writer describes as "vile policy and unworthy acts," + <i>i.e.</i>, by seeking the friendship of the Christian + kings;<a name="FNanchor_5_350" id="FNanchor_5_350"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_350" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and there are many + instances of these kings asking aid, even servilely, from Arab + princes.<a name="FNanchor_6_351" id="FNanchor_6_351"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_351" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_346" id="Footnote_1_346"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_346"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 108, puts the distinction between the races very forcibly:—"Ce + peuple qui joignait à une gaité franche et vive une sensualité + raffinée devait inspirer aux prêtres, qui aimaient les + retraites éternelles et profondes, les grands renoncéments et + les terribles expiations, une répugnance extrême et + invincible." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_347" id="Footnote_2_347"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_347"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 223. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_348" id="Footnote_3_348"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_348"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "C'était + leur terme consacrée." Dozy, ii. 211. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_349" id="Footnote_4_349"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_349"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Heu pro + dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus, iugumque cum + infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex cotidiano usu + illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis ipsorum + contubernia affectamus."—Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_350" id="Footnote_5_350"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_350"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i. + 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.," sec. 30. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_351" id="Footnote_6_351"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_351"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case, + intermarriages were common between the two races. The example was + early set by the widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying + Abdulaziz, son of Musa. The sons of Witiza also married Arab + women, and Sarah, the daughter of one of these princes, was the + progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs, one of her descendants + being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means son of the + Gothic princess.<a name="FNanchor_1_352" id= + "FNanchor_1_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_352" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all the + Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named + Maria,<a name="FNanchor_2_353" id="FNanchor_2_353"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_353" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the mighty + Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade + Christian.<a name="FNanchor_3_354" id= + "FNanchor_3_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_354" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> These are some instances, but it is not + necessary to dwell on what was so common an occurrence as + intermarriage between the peoples, and is forbidden neither by + the Koran,<a name="FNanchor_4_355" id= + "FNanchor_4_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_355" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> nor by the Bible. + </p> + <p> + However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a + more particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been + supposed to have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute + of 100 maidens paid by the northern kings to the earlier Arab + Sultans. Modern historians mostly throw doubt upon the story, + saying that of the early historians none mention it, and that the + Arabs do not even allude to it.<a name="FNanchor_5_356" id= + "FNanchor_5_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_356" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> But if Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer + does speak of it, as of a thing well known. In a letter of + Omar<a name="FNanchor_6_357" id="FNanchor_6_357"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_357" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> ibn Alaftas Almudafar, + King of Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:—"Do + thou remember the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy + mind those treaties wherein thy forefathers offered him the + homage even of their own daughters, and sent him those damsels in + tribute even to the land of our rule." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_352" id="Footnote_1_352"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_352"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_353" id="Footnote_2_353"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_353"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i. + 364. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_354" id="Footnote_3_354"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_354"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 124. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_355" id="Footnote_4_355"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_355"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, v. + 5:—"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those that have + received the Scriptures before you." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_356" id="Footnote_5_356"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_356"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dunham, + ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_357" id="Footnote_6_357"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_357"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Conde, ii. + 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn Mohammed etc ibn + Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient ballads by + the Christian Spaniards. The following are two verses from one of + these:— + </p> + <p> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"For he who gives the Moorish + king a hundred maids of Spain</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Each year when in the season the + day comes round again;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">If he be not a heathen he swells + the heathen's train—</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">'Twere better burn a kingdom than + suffer such disdain!</span> + <br /> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"If the Moslems must have + tribute, make men your tribute-money,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Send idle drones to tease them + within their hives of honey;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For, when 'tis paid with maidens, + from every maid there spring</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Some five or six strong soldiers + to serve the Moorish king."<a name="FNanchor_1_358" id= + "FNanchor_1_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_358" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a></span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to + him was on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is + strong for a fact of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much + against the writers of the ballads.<a name="FNanchor_2_359" id= + "FNanchor_2_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_359" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no + mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca + and the Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to + it in a document included in the collection of Florez.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_360" id="FNanchor_3_360"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_360" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Our ancestors," says + Ramiro, "the kings of the land—we blush to record it—to free + themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them + yearly a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for + their beauty, fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people." + It was to put an end to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now + ordered a levy <i>en masse</i>. This, if the document is genuine + (and Florez gives no hint to the contrary), is good evidence for + the fact. Many succeeding writers mention it. Lucas of + Tuy<a name="FNanchor_4_361" id="FNanchor_4_361"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_361" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> says that Ramiro was + asked for the tribute in 842. Johannes Vasaeus<a name= + "FNanchor_5_362" id="FNanchor_5_362"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_362" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> speaks of it, as also + Alfonso, Bishop of Burgos;<a name="FNanchor_6_363" id= + "FNanchor_6_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_363" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo<a name= + "FNanchor_7_364" id="FNanchor_7_364"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_364" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> says that Mauregatus + (783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help, + agreed to send this tribute yearly. + </p> + <p> + On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden + tribute being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for + more than fifty years. Most of these Christian maidens probably + embraced the religion of their husbands, but in some cases they + no doubt converted them to their own faith. + </p> + <p> + From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere, + conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives + of worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall + very much against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power + declined the opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy + was, and is, unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances + for those who apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his + followers, Ammar ibn Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish, + renounced his belief in God and in Mohammed's mission, but + afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed received him + kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of thine, + if they forced thee?"<a name="FNanchor_8_365" id= + "FNanchor_8_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_365" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_358" id="Footnote_1_358"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_358"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lockhart. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_359" id="Footnote_2_359"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_359"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Unless the + ballads were written later than 1250—<i>i.e.</i>, after Rodrigo + of Toledo had made the story known by his history. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_360" id="Footnote_3_360"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_360"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Espana + Sagrada," xix. 329—"Privilegiam quod dicitur votoram, anno 844 + a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi concessae." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_361" id="Footnote_4_361"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_361"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Lucas + Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_362" id="Footnote_5_362"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_362"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Hispaniae + Chronicon," 783 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_363" id="Footnote_6_363"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_363"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_364" id="Footnote_7_364"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_364"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> III. c. 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_365" id="Footnote_8_365"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_365"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran, + xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE MUWALLADS. + </h3> + <p> + That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very + numerous at first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that + the new converts formed a large and important party in the State, + and almost succeeded in wresting the government of Spain from the + Arabs. The disorder and civil war which may almost be said to + have been chronic in Spain during the Arab dominion were due to + the fact that three distinct races settled in that country were + striving for the mastery, each of these races being itself + divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split + up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the + descendants of Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and + Medina, who claimed descent from Adnan.<a name="FNanchor_1_366" + id="FNanchor_1_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_366" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> To the latter section belonged the reigning + family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as + the real conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently + reinforced by fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile + tribes of Botar and Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards, + part Christian, part Mohammedan; the latter being either + renegades themselves or the descendants of renegades. These + apostates were called by the Arabs Mosalimah, or New + Moslems,<a name="FNanchor_2_367" id="FNanchor_2_367"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_367" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and their descendants + Muwallads,<a name="FNanchor_3_368" id= + "FNanchor_3_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_368" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> or those not of Arabic origin. The Christians + were either tribute-paying Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or + free Christians, under Moslem supremacy, called Ajemi;<a name= + "FNanchor_4_369" id="FNanchor_4_369"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_369" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or apostates from + Islam,<a name="FNanchor_5_370" id="FNanchor_5_370"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_370" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> called Muraddin. The + Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the equality + and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the utmost + contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.<a name="FNanchor_6_371" id= + "FNanchor_6_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_371" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Their condition was even worse than that of + the Christians, for they were, generally speaking, excluded from + lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs—a + dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the + population.<a name="FNanchor_7_372" id= + "FNanchor_7_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_372" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> Stronger and more humane than the Berbers, + they were friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they + were even superior to the conquering Arabs.<a name= + "FNanchor_8_373" id="FNanchor_8_373"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_373" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <p> + The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by + religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with + another, and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were + the mainstay of the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After + breaking with the Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining + possession of the whole kingdom, and carried fire and desolation + to the very gates of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_9_374" id= + "FNanchor_9_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_374" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_366" id="Footnote_1_366"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_366"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See above, + p. 23, note 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_367" id="Footnote_2_367"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_367"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. "New + Christians." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_368" id="Footnote_3_368"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_368"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pronounced + Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_369" id="Footnote_4_369"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_369"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_370" id="Footnote_5_370"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_370"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 458. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_371" id="Footnote_6_371"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_371"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cp. + "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only regret is + that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to despise + me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet calls + them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_372" id="Footnote_7_372"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_372"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> So Dozy, + ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab population." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_373" id="Footnote_8_373"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_373"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 261. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_374" id="Footnote_9_374"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_374"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <p> + As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain + theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was + suppressed. In 814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion + being put down with great severity by the help of the Berbers, + the Cordovan Muwallads were exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and + 8000 to Fez.<a name="FNanchor_1_375" id= + "FNanchor_1_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_375" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But though exterminated in Cordova, the + renegades still mustered strong in Spain. At Elvira they rose in + Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and threw off the + Arab yoke;<a name="FNanchor_2_376" id= + "FNanchor_2_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_376" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn + Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos + and Merida.<a name="FNanchor_3_377" id= + "FNanchor_3_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_377" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> At Seville the Muwallad element was specially + strong, as we see from the many family names, such as Beni + Angelino, Beni Sabarico, which betray a Spanish origin. The + majority of the inhabitants embraced Islam early, and had their + mosque by the middle of the ninth century, but they retained many + Spanish customs and characteristics. When the Arabs of Seville + revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined the + latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic + family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently + with all their neighbours. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_375" id="Footnote_1_375"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_375"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, App. + B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he of the suburb) + from this. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_376" id="Footnote_2_376"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_376"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ihn + Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_377" id="Footnote_3_377"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_377"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 875. + "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184. + </p> + </div> + <p> + It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out + the history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers + against the Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of + the Muwallads and Christians are a necessary part of our subject. + The latter, though well treated on the whole, naturally looked + back with regret to the days of their own supremacy, and were + ready to intrigue with anyone able to assist them against their + Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them communicating with the + kings of France; and there is still extant a letter from Louis + the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in 826, which is + as follows:— "We have heard of your tribulation, which you suffer + from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take + away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz + did. He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to + pay, turned you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to + disobedient vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But + you, like brave men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we + write now to condole with you, and to exhort you to continue your + resistance, and since your king is our enemy as well as yours, + let us join in opposing him. + </p> + <p> + "We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait + there till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if + you will desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be + secured to you, and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes, + and shall live under your own laws."<a name="FNanchor_1_378" id= + "FNanchor_1_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_378" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to + have effected nothing. + </p> + <p> + During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the + voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of + Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we + may suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted + in favour of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that + Mohammed imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was + but the signal for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As + we have already seen, the king set out with an army against the + Toledans, who appealed to Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough + to get such an opportunity for weakening the Arab government, + Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but the Toledans and + Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the Sultan's + troops.<a name="FNanchor_2_379" id="FNanchor_2_379"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_379" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Within twenty years, + however, Toledo became practically independent, except for the + payment of tribute.<a name="FNanchor_3_380" id= + "FNanchor_3_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_380" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_378" id="Footnote_1_378"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_378"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud + Florez, "Españo Sagrada." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_379" id="Footnote_2_379"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_379"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 162. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_380" id="Footnote_3_380"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_380"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid</i>, p. 182. + </p> + </div> + <p> + From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the + population, whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the + exclusiveness of the old Arabs, and ready to make common cause + against them. The unity of race prevailed over the difference of + creed, as it did in the case of the English Roman Catholics in + the war with Spain, and as it usually will under such + circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to find + an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn + Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from + the hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count + Alfonso,<a name="FNanchor_1_381" id="FNanchor_1_381"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_381" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and his family had + been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather Djaffar. + Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative and + honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at + Bobastro or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and + Ronda, in the sierra stretching from Granada to + Gibraltar.<a name="FNanchor_2_382" id= + "FNanchor_2_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_382" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> After a brief sojourn in Africa, where his + ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great future, he + returned to Spain, and at once began business again as brigand at + Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.<a name="FNanchor_3_383" id= + "FNanchor_3_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_383" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Being captured, he was brought to Cordova, but + spared on condition of enlisting in the king's forces. But he + soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the Spaniards + in the South, Moslem and Christian,<a name="FNanchor_4_384" id= + "FNanchor_4_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_384" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> whose ardour he aroused by such words as + these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan, who + spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will + you let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you + as their slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but + a desire to avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he + made alliances at different times with the Muwallads in Elvira, + Seville, and Saragoza, and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman + ibn Merwan, in Badajos. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_381" id="Footnote_1_381"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_381"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 190. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_382" id="Footnote_2_382"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_382"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_383" id="Footnote_3_383"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_383"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 880 or + 881. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_384" id="Footnote_4_384"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_384"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See a + description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole ("Moors in + Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee, Cordova! + when the captain with the great nose and ugly face—he who is + guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters—when Ibn + Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate be + accomplished." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by + Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar + was further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil, + the Count of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_1_385" id= + "FNanchor_1_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_385" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from + Omar's path his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak + reign, the rebel leader was virtual king of the south and east of + Spain. The district of Regio<a name="FNanchor_2_386" id= + "FNanchor_2_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_386" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> was made over to him by the king, and Omar's + lieutenant, Ibn Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo. + </p> + <p> + This protracted war, which was really one for national + independence, was carried on year after year with varying + success. At one time Omar conceived the intention of proclaiming + the Abasside Khalifs,<a name="FNanchor_3_387" id= + "FNanchor_3_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_387" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> at another he grasped at the royal power + himself; and Abdallah's empire was only saved by a seasonable + victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).<a name="FNanchor_4_388" + id="FNanchor_4_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_388" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> The battle was fought on the eve of the + Passover, and the Moslems taunted their enemies with having such + a joyful feast, and so many victims to commemorate it with. This + shows that a large, perhaps the largest, part of Omar's army was + Christian. Another indication of this is found in a poem of + Tarikh ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_5_389" id= + "FNanchor_5_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_389" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> where, speaking of the coming destruction of + Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill of Abu + Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian + soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it + is certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before + this battle,<a name="FNanchor_6_390" id= + "FNanchor_6_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_390" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> as his father had done before him. He took the + name of Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen, + suffered martyrdom. This change of creed on Omar's part changed + the character of the war, and gave it more of a + religious,<a name="FNanchor_7_391" id= + "FNanchor_7_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_391" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> and perhaps less of a national, character, for + the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became Christian + and built churches. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_385" id="Footnote_1_385"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_385"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Servandus. + Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_386" id="Footnote_2_386"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_386"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Where + Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_387" id="Footnote_3_387"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_387"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_388" id="Footnote_4_388"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_388"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Ibn + Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the same + victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or Aguilar. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_389" id="Footnote_5_389"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_389"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. p. 275. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_390" id="Footnote_6_390"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_390"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ibn + Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_391" id="Footnote_7_391"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_391"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In 896, on + the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn as Khalia, all + the Christians were massacred.—Dozy, ii. p. 327. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his + supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar + himself did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death. + The king's successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of + man from Abdallah, and the reduction of Omar became only a + question of time, though, in fact, the apostasy of Omar from + Islam had made the ultimate success of the national party very + doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death, his son, + Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems by + embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the + Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs + surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great + rebellion was finally extinguished. + </p> + <p> + So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under + the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to + shake off the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the + tenth century the strong administration of Abdurrahman III., + Hakem II., and the great Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance + of raising the cry of "Spain for the Spanish." The danger of a + renewal of the rebellion once removed, the position of the + Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in + consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself + the son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt + with great leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the + more devout Moslems. Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and + even liked, by his Christian subjects, and there is no doubt that + his victories over the Christian States in the North<a name= + "FNanchor_1_392" id="FNanchor_1_392"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_392" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> were won very largely + with the aid of Christian soldiers. His death was the signal for + the disruption of the Spanish Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when + the khalifate was finally extinguished, complete anarchy + prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers made a determined effort + to regain their ascendency, and their forces, seconded by the + Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne in 1013. + A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different + factions—Arab, Berber, and Slave—followed, until Hischem III. was + forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an + end, after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the + North had gathered themselves together for a combined advance + against the Saracen provinces, never again to retrograde, + scarcely even to be checked, till in 1492 fell Granada, the last + stronghold of the Moors in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_2_393" id= + "FNanchor_2_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_393" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_392" id="Footnote_1_392"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_392"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 214. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_393" id="Footnote_2_393"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_393"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 1630 + there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.—Al Makk., i. p. + 74. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_VIIIa" id="CHAPTER_VIIIa"><ins class="correction" + title="Transcriber's Note: This chapter should be part of VIII">CHAPTER IX.</ins></a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + ANOTHER'S CREED. + </h3> + <p> + In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and + Mohammedans were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions + and frequent intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough + knowledge seems to have existed, on either side, of the creed of + the other party. Such, at least, is the conclusion to which we + are driven, on reading the only direct records which remain on + the subject among Arab and Christian writers. These on the + Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from a book on + Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his disciple, + Eulogius;<a name="FNanchor_1_394" id= + "FNanchor_1_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_394" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and some rather incoherent denunciations of + Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_2_395" id= + "FNanchor_2_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_395" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> another pupil of the abbot's. In these, as + might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of + Mohammed's paradise,<a name="FNanchor_3_396" id= + "FNanchor_3_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_396" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to + the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest + on good authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But + among other blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is + one of which we find no mention in the Koran—the assertion, + namely, that he would in the next world be wedded to the Virgin + Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is equally incorrect when, in a + letter to Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_397" id= + "FNanchor_4_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_397" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> he alleges a promise on the part of Mohammed + that he would, like Christ, rise again from the dead; whereas his + body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured by dogs. The + Christian bishop does not hesitate to add—sepultus est in + infernum—he was buried in hell.<a name="FNanchor_5_398" id= + "FNanchor_5_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_398" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_394" id="Footnote_1_394"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_394"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_395" id="Footnote_2_395"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_395"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_396" id="Footnote_3_396"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_396"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means + wholly sensual.—Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_397" id="Footnote_4_397"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_397"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sec 9. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_398" id="Footnote_5_398"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_398"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This shows + the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom, says Eulogius + ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every Christian's duty + to kill, were he alive on earth. + </p> + </div> + <p> + It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor + write, and this appears to have been the opinion of + Alvar;<a name="FNanchor_1_399" id="FNanchor_1_399"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_399" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but the same witness + acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and + beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading + and admiring it.<a name="FNanchor_2_400" id= + "FNanchor_2_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_400" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to + Christianity, Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_401" id= + "FNanchor_3_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_401" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed, + he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of + God,<a name="FNanchor_4_402" id="FNanchor_4_402"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_402" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and His + Spirit;<a name="FNanchor_5_403" id="FNanchor_5_403"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_403" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a great + prophet,<a name="FNanchor_6_404" id="FNanchor_6_404"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_404" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> endowed with much + power from God;<a name="FNanchor_7_405" id= + "FNanchor_7_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_405" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> like Adam in His creation,<a name= + "FNanchor_8_406" id="FNanchor_8_406"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_406" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> but not equal to God + (the Creator);<a name="FNanchor_9_407" id= + "FNanchor_9_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_407" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> and that by reason of His blameless<a name= + "FNanchor_10_408" id="FNanchor_10_408"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_408" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> life, being filled + with the Holy Spirit,<a name="FNanchor_11_409" id= + "FNanchor_11_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_409" class= + "fnanchor">[11]</a> He showed marvellous signs and wonders + through the power of God,<a name="FNanchor_12_410" id= + "FNanchor_12_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_410" class= + "fnanchor">[12]</a> not working by His own Godhead, but as a + righteous Man, and an obedient servant,<a name="FNanchor_13_411" + id="FNanchor_13_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_411" class= + "fnanchor">[13]</a> obtaining much power and might from the + Almighty God through prayer." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_399" id="Footnote_1_399"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_399"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_400" id="Footnote_2_400"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_400"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the + present day. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_401" id="Footnote_3_401"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_401"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_402" id="Footnote_4_402"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_402"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, ch. + iii. 40. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_403" id="Footnote_5_403"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_403"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Koran, ch. + ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_404" id="Footnote_6_404"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_404"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. 59. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_405" id="Footnote_7_405"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_405"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. 45. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_406" id="Footnote_8_406"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_406"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. 50. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_407" id="Footnote_9_407"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_407"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Kor., c. + ix. 33. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_408" id="Footnote_10_408"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_408"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_409" id="Footnote_11_409"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_409"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> This is + a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran, ch. ii. 81, + note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_12_410" id="Footnote_12_410"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_12_410"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Kor., + ch. v. 110 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_13_411" id="Footnote_13_411"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_13_411"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Koran, + cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius, + and he even seems to have had a prejudiced idea<a name= + "FNanchor_1_412" id="FNanchor_1_412"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_412" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that the Prophet set + himself deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those + taught by Christ. It would be nearer to the truth to say that the + divergence between the two codes of morals was due to the natural + ignorance of an illiterate Arabian, brought into contact only + with an heretical form of Christianity, the real doctrines of + which he was therefore not likely to know. + </p> + <p> + According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the + Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We + shall realise the absurdity of this when we consider the + reverence in which Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going + so far even as to deny that Christ Himself was crucified at + all.<a name="FNanchor_2_413" id="FNanchor_2_413"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_413" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The true reason for + selecting Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because + the work of creation ended on that day.<a name="FNanchor_3_414" + id="FNanchor_3_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_414" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ + preached chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have + preached sensuality, though his private life in this respect was + by no means pure. + </p> + <p> + Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge + was never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity + enjoins fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of + such texts as Matthew ix. 14,<a name="FNanchor_4_415" id= + "FNanchor_4_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_415" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> and Isaiah lviii. 6—"Is not this the fast that + I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the + heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one + hand; and on the other the express injunction of the + Koran<a name="FNanchor_5_416" id="FNanchor_5_416"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_416" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>:—"O true believers, a + fast is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ... + if ye fast, it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month + of Ramadan shall ye fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more + astonishing statement still:—"Christ ordained that men should + abstain from their wives during a fast, while Mohammed + consecrated those days to carnal pleasure." Christ surely gives + us no such injunction, though St Paul does say something of the + kind. The Koran<a name="FNanchor_6_417" id= + "FNanchor_6_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_417" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> explicitly says—"It is lawful for you on the + night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a garment + unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an + incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya, + the famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on + Abdurrahman II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance, + that wives should be abstained from during the fasting + month.<a name="FNanchor_7_418" id="FNanchor_7_418"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_418" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Alvar, being a layman, + may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism + critically, and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is + perhaps the best explanation of the matter. In one place<a name= + "FNanchor_8_419" id="FNanchor_8_419"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_419" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> he informs us of his + intention of writing a book on the Cobar,<a name="FNanchor_9_420" + id="FNanchor_9_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_420" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> but the work, if ever written, has not + survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may judge by + the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere<a name= + "FNanchor_10_421" id="FNanchor_10_421"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_421" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> on this theme. In + that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of + Daniel<a name="FNanchor_11_422" id="FNanchor_11_422"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_11_422" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> to Mohammed, + forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not the + desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of + Mohammed. He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our + revised version (v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with + the Mohammedan Cobar;<a name="FNanchor_12_423" id= + "FNanchor_12_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_423" class= + "fnanchor">[12]</a> and the strange god, whom he shall + acknowledge, Alvar identifies with the devil which inspired the + Prophet in the guise of the angel Gabriel. All this, as the + writer himself allows, is very enigmatical. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_412" id="Footnote_1_412"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_412"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. 107. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_413" id="Footnote_2_413"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_413"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See Koran, + cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_414" id="Footnote_3_414"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_414"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Sale's + note on Koran, c. lxii. 9. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_415" id="Footnote_4_415"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_415"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cf. also + Matt. xi. 19—"The Son of Man came eating and drinking, and they + say, Behold a gluttonous man and a wine-bibber." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_416" id="Footnote_5_416"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_416"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Chapter + ii. 180. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_417" id="Footnote_6_417"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_417"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Chapter + ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day time. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_418" id="Footnote_7_418"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_418"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> From Ibn + Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_419" id="Footnote_8_419"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_419"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 25. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_420" id="Footnote_9_420"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_420"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> + <i>I.e.</i>, the Caaba apparently. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_421" id="Footnote_10_421"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_421"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 25, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_422" id="Footnote_11_422"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_422"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> C. xi. + vv. 21, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_12_423" id="Footnote_12_423"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_12_423"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> ? Caaba. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry, + asserting that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba + black stone<a name="FNanchor_1_424" id= + "FNanchor_1_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_424" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a>) as they used to do of yore, and that they set + apart a holy month, Al Mozem, in honour of this idol.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_425" id="FNanchor_2_425"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_425" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of + Antichrist,<a name="FNanchor_3_426" id= + "FNanchor_3_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_426" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> or as Antichrist himself.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_427" id="FNanchor_4_427"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_427" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated + Moslems with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find + these to be no less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of + Christians as to Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse + the Moslems, for the Koran itself, the very foundation and guide + of all their religious dogmas, is full of incorrect and + inconsistent notions on the subject. + </p> + <p> + The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians + worshipped a Trinity of Deities—God, Christ, Mary.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_428" id="FNanchor_5_428"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_428" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The inclusion of the + Virgin Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that + worship was paid to her even at that early date, as it certainly + is among the Roman Catholics at this day. As will have been seen + from a passage quoted above,<a name="FNanchor_6_429" id= + "FNanchor_6_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_429" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> something very like adoration was already paid + to the Virgin in the churches of Spain. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_424" id="Footnote_1_424"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_424"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sale, + Introduction to Koran, p. 91. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_425" id="Footnote_2_425"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_425"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_426" id="Footnote_3_426"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_426"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 21. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_427" id="Footnote_4_427"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_427"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 53. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_428" id="Footnote_5_428"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_428"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Koran, + v. ad fin.:—"And when God shall say unto Jesus at the last day: + O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men, Take me and my + mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall answer, Praise be + unto thee! it is not for me to say that which I ought not." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_429" id="Footnote_6_429"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_429"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> P. 56. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali + ibn Hazm,<a name="FNanchor_1_430" id= + "FNanchor_1_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_430" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec. + 1023-March 1024), will show that some educated Moslems knew + enough of the Christian creed to appreciate its difficulties:—"We + need not be astonished," says Ibn Hazm, "at the superstition of + men. Look at the Christians! They are so numerous that God only + knows their numbers. They have among them men of great + intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they + believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the + three is the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that + the Father is, and is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not, + God; that the Messiah is God in every respect, and yet not the + same as God; that He who has existed from all eternity has been + created. + </p> + <p> + "One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites, + and which number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the + Creator Himself was scourged, crucified, and put to death; so + that the Universe for three days was deprived of its Governor." + </p> + <p> + Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the + Moslems thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of + Spain, round whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the + north of the Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,<a name="FNanchor_2_431" + id="FNanchor_2_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_431" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> who, in his account of Almanzor's fiftieth + expedition against the Christians, says:—"Shant Yakoh + (Santiago)<a name="FNanchor_3_432" id= + "FNanchor_3_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_432" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not + only by the Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring + continent, who look upon its church with a veneration such as + Moslems entertain for the Caaba of Mecca; for their Caaba is a + colossal idol (statue) which stands in the middle of the church. + They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage from the most + distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries beyond Rome, + pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that of + Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved + by Isa (Jesus).—May the blessing of God be on him, and on our + Prophet!—The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus, + because, while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he + was Bishop of Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth + preaching the religion [of Christ], and calling upon the + inhabitants to embrace it, till he came to that remote corner of + Andalus; that he then returned to Syria, where he died at the age + of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that, after the death + of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it in that + church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of his + preaching]." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_430" id="Footnote_1_430"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_430"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> II. 227, + apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a strict Moslem, + <i>averse to judging divine questions by human reasoning</i>." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_431" id="Footnote_2_431"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_431"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 293. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_432" id="Footnote_3_432"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_432"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miss + Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub, but what + authority has this statement? + </p> + </div> + <p> + In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly + cultivated, as they were in Spain during the time of Arab + domination, and where the rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem + produced a sustained period of intellectual activity such as the + world has rarely seen, controversial theology could not fail to + have been largely developed. But the books, if any were written, + from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all perished, and + we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left to us as + those already quoted. + </p> + <p> + In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of + Spain had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences + as we can from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of + the period; from our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain, + and Mohammedanism in Africa, before they were brought into + contact in Andalusia, compared with what they became after that + contact had made itself felt; and from the observed effects of + such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful consideration of these + scattered hints we shall see that certain effects were visible, + which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples been allowed to + continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had there been + no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa, would + in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or + both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation. + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + HERESIES IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in + history. The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a + religion, which may have been a cross between Judaism, + Christianity, and Magianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_433" id= + "FNanchor_1_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_433" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But Mohammedanism itself has furnished the + most marked instances of such amalgamation. In Persia Islam + combined with the creed of Zoroaster to produce Babyism; while in + India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused together by the genius of + Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism. + </p> + <p> + It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with + Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity + with itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to + combine with it in such a way as to produce a religion like both, + and yet different from either.<a name="FNanchor_2_434" id= + "FNanchor_2_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_434" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two + cardinal doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if + they are to remain distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity + of God, they agree. In the other they do, and always must, + differ. The divinity of Christ on the one side, and the divine + mission of Mohammed on the other, are totally incompatible + doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be so. Surrender + both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem + possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a + statement attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_435" id="FNanchor_3_435"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_435" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in recounting the + history of the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn + Yunas, who during the last quarter of the ninth century, while + all Moslem Spain was a prey to the wildest anarchy, became a + leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in Merida and the + neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and Christians in + one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion, which + held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all + we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most + important consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence + enough that the attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt, + if it can be called so, to combine Islam and Christianity has + resulted in that curious compound called the religion of the + Druses. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_433" id="Footnote_1_433"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_433"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> For an + attempted compromise between Christianity and Brahmanism, see + the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic priest, "Education + and Missions," p. 14. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_434" id="Footnote_2_434"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_434"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp., + however, the Druse religion. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_435" id="Footnote_3_435"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_435"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the Galician (el + Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but there is + some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii. 439, and De + Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki, <i>i.e.</i>, + of the stock of the Galicians. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam + and Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could + hardly fail to undergo considerable modifications in themselves + by reason of their close contact for several centuries. + </p> + <p> + In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if + any) of such modification in the so-called heresies which may + have arisen in Spain during this period. These will require a + somewhat strict examination to be made to yield up their secret. + </p> + <p> + The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for + introducing innovations<a name="FNanchor_1_436" id= + "FNanchor_1_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_436" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> into the doctrines and practices of the true + faith, and even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way. + The very first Council whose acts have come down to us, held at + Elvira in Spain, early in the fourth century, contains a canon + censuring the use of pictures. The very first heretics, who were + punished for their error with death by the hands of their + fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the Spanish + Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the + Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the + Son as well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish + Council at the end of the sixth century, but not universally + received in the West until 600 years later.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_437" id="FNanchor_2_437"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_437" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> And as we have seen, + the use of pictures was denounced long before the times of the + Iconoclasts. + </p> + <p> + We will now take in order the several heresies that made + themselves noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab + supremacy, and see if we can trace any relation between them and + the Moslem faith. + </p> + <p> + To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having + arisen in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth + century.<a name="FNanchor_3_438" id="FNanchor_3_438"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_438" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> It was more practical + than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the need of + confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men + ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a + wholly laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the + worthy abbé who records it: cette doctrine, <i>si favorable à + libertinage</i>, trouva un grand nombre de partisans, et excite + encore le zèle d'Alcuin.<a name="FNanchor_4_439" id= + "FNanchor_4_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_439" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_436" id="Footnote_1_436"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_436"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin ad + Elipandum, iv. 13—"Audi me, obsecro, patienter, scholastica + Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi semper aliquid + audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta ecclesiae + universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te invenies, + unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_437" id="Footnote_2_437"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_437"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Lateran + Council, 1215. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_438" id="Footnote_3_438"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_438"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See, + however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the province, Ep., + 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_439" id="Footnote_4_439"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_439"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. dé l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309. + </p> + </div> + <p> + That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the + Arabs in the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course + impossible to affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in + the spirit of the verses of the Koran: "O ye who have + received<a name="FNanchor_1_440" id="FNanchor_1_440"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_440" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the Scripture come to + a just determination between us and you, that we worship not any + except God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one + of us take not the other for lords, beside God." And "They take + their priests and monks for their lords besides God."<a name= + "FNanchor_2_441" id="FNanchor_2_441"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_441" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_440" id="Footnote_1_440"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_440"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Chap. iii. + p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such terms of + agreement as are indisputably consonant to the doctrine of all + the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore cannot reasonably be + rejected." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_441" id="Footnote_2_441"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_441"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Chap. ix. + Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with idolatry both on + other grounds and because "they paid too implicit an obedience + to their priests and monks, who took upon them to pronounce + what things were lawful and what unlawful, and to dispense with + the laws of God." See Sale, <i>Ibid.</i> <i>Cp.</i>— + </p> + <p> + + </p> + <p> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Haughty of heart and brow the + warrior came,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">In look and language proud as + proud might be,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Vaunting his lordship, lineage, + fights, and fame,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Yet was that barefoot monk more + proud than he.</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And as the ivy climbs the + tallest tree,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">So round the loftiest soul his + toils he wound;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And with his spells subdued the + fierce and free.</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Till ermined age and youth in + arms renowned</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Honouring his scourge and + hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground.</span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And thus it chanced that + valour, peerless knight,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Who ne'er to king or kaiser + veiled his crest,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Victorious still in bull-feast + or in fight,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Since first with mail his limbs + he did invest,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Stooped ever to that anchoret's + behest;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Nor reasoned of the right, nor + of the wrong,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">But at his bidding laid the + lance in rest,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And wrought fell deeds the + troubled world along,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For he was fierce as brave, and + pitiless as strong.</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 15em;">—SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix. + xxx.</span> + <br /> + </p> + </div> + <p> + Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed + to Migetius (<i>circa</i> 750). According to the rather obscure + account, which has come down to us,<a name="FNanchor_1_442" id= + "FNanchor_1_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_442" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of + the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as + corporeal, the Father being personified in David, the Son in + Jesus, and the Holy Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe + that the doctrine, thus crudely stated by Elipandus, was really + held by anyone. We may perhaps infer<a name="FNanchor_2_443" id= + "FNanchor_2_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_443" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian + (itself a form of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons + of the Trinity to one, acknowledged certain ÎνεÏγειαι or powers, + emanating from Him, which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul + respectively. As the first and last of these three recipients of + the Divine powers were confessedly men, it follows that Migetius + was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity, which is the cardinal + doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any other doctrine + distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly he + appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_444" id="FNanchor_3_444"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_444" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and in this he made an + approach to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_4_445" id= + "FNanchor_4_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_445" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_442" id="Footnote_1_442"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_442"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Elipandus + to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_443" id="Footnote_2_443"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_443"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> With + Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec. 29. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_444" id="Footnote_3_444"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_444"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Enhueber, + sec. 32. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_445" id="Footnote_4_445"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_445"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander, + v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the Λογος became personal + with the assumption of Christ's humanity; that the Λογος was + the power constituting the personality of Christ. Hence, says + Neander, he was accused of asserting that Christ, the son of + David according to the flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God, + was the Second Person of the Trinity. + </p> + </div> + <p> + A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by + those who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did + not believe the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the + utterances of the prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned + men, and, while they claimed to take their stand upon the Gospel, + pointing to texts like John xx. 17, 'I ascend unto my Father, and + your Father, unto my God and your God,' to prove that Christ was + merely man."<a name="FNanchor_1_446" id= + "FNanchor_1_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_446" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> In his answer to Alvar's letter, Speraindeo + says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;" he + might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according + to the abbot, spoke of three powers (<i>virtutes</i>) forming one + Person, not, as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one + God.<a name="FNanchor_2_447" id="FNanchor_2_447"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_447" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Here we see a close + resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph; + but the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer + approach to the teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John + xx. 17 given above, as will be seen, if we compare with that text + the following passages of the Koran, put into the mouth of + Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your Lord; therefore serve + him:"<a name="FNanchor_3_448" id="FNanchor_3_448"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_448" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "They are surely + infidels who say, verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since + Christ said, O children of Israel, serve God, my Lord and your + Lord:"<a name="FNanchor_4_449" id="FNanchor_4_449"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_449" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and, "I have not + spoken unto them any other than what thou didst command + me—namely, worship God, my Lord and your Lord."<a name= + "FNanchor_5_450" id="FNanchor_5_450"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_450" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_446" id="Footnote_1_446"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_446"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar's + letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in defence of this + doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of that day and that + hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of heaven, but my + Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo refers to Gen. iii. + 9, where God the Father seems not to know where Adam is. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_447" id="Footnote_2_447"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_447"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a + happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made + up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_448" id="Footnote_3_448"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_448"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, c. + iii. v. 46. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_449" id="Footnote_4_449"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_449"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Kor., c. + v. 77. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_450" id="Footnote_5_450"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_450"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Kor., c. + v. 118. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most + remarkable and original of those innovations to which Alcuin + taunts the Spanish Church with being addicted. Unfortunately we + derive little of our knowledge of the new doctrine from the + originators and supporters of it—our information on the subject + coming chiefly from passages quoted by their opponents (notably + our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the heresy had + an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been the + opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the + Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman + Church, held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by + lowering the character of Christ, to pave the way for a union + between Christians and Mohammedans."<a name="FNanchor_1_451" id= + "FNanchor_1_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_451" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Enhueber,<a name="FNanchor_2_452" id= + "FNanchor_2_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_452" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> also, in his treatise on this subject, quotes + a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the + heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a + contact with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with + them.<a name="FNanchor_3_453" id="FNanchor_3_453"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_453" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Neander<a name="FNanchor_4_454" id="FNanchor_4_454"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_454" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> thinks that there are + some grounds for supposing that Felix, one of the authors of the + heresy, had been employed in defending Christianity against + objections brought against it from the Moslem standpoint,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_455" id="FNanchor_5_455"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_455" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and in proving the + divinity of Christ, so that they might be induced to accept it. + Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace this particular + doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the Christian + view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion. + </p> + <p> + There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new + theory, the evidence being of a conflicting character, and + pointing now to Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all + Spain, now to Felix, bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_456" id="FNanchor_6_456"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_456" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_451" id="Footnote_1_451"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_451"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana, + vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See Blunt, + "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism; and + Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847—"deceptus uterque contagione forsan + insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium + Mohametanorum commercio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_452" id="Footnote_2_452"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_452"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Enhueber, + sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_453" id="Footnote_3_453"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_453"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Usus enim + frequenti Maurorum commercio."—<i>Ibid</i>, + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_454" id="Footnote_4_454"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_454"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> V. 219. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_455" id="Footnote_5_455"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_455"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This + perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which the + Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix. + Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to + Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni + peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_456" id="Footnote_6_456"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_456"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The + prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine arose out + of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The claims of Felix<a name="FNanchor_1_457" id= + "FNanchor_1_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_457" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> are supported by Eginhard,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_458" id="FNanchor_2_458"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_458" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Saxo, and Jonas of + Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled + "Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the + baneful heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_459" id="FNanchor_3_459"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_459" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> says that he is + convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also + was the chief offender. + </p> + <p> + The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow <i>à + priori</i> considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the + author. According to Neander,<a name="FNanchor_4_460" id= + "FNanchor_4_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_460" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and + he certainly uses some very strong language in his writings + against his opponents, and stands a good deal on his dignity as + head of the Spanish Church. For instance, speaking of his + accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and Beatus,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_461" id="FNanchor_5_461"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_461" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of Libana, he + says of the former that he wallows in the mire of all + lasciviousness;<a name="FNanchor_6_462" id= + "FNanchor_6_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_462" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> that he is totally unfit to officiate at God's + altar;<a name="FNanchor_7_463" id="FNanchor_7_463"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_463" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> that he is a false + prophet<a name="FNanchor_8_464" id="FNanchor_8_464"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_464" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and a heretic; and, + forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in + another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of + gross sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of + Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_9_465" id="FNanchor_9_465"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_9_465" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> accusing him of + heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which means that + instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the + very opposite.<a name="FNanchor_10_466" id= + "FNanchor_10_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_466" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_457" id="Footnote_1_457"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_457"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See + "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_458" id="Footnote_2_458"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_458"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annals," + 792. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_459" id="Footnote_3_459"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_459"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alcuin, + "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose in Cordova, + and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after the latter's + recantation. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_460" id="Footnote_4_460"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_460"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander + (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his writings. + An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata Eccl. Tolet), + describes him as "parum accurate in sacris litteris versatus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_461" id="Footnote_5_461"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_461"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Died in + 798. Fleury v., p. 236. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_462" id="Footnote_6_462"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_462"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Elipand. + Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_463" id="Footnote_7_463"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_463"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Ab + altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this to mean + that he was deposed. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_464" id="Footnote_8_464"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_464"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> He gave + the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and prophesied + the end of the world in the near future. See letter of Beatus, + book i., sec. 23—"Novissima hora est ... nunc Antichristi multi + facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum est illius + Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in mundo + est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_465" id="Footnote_9_465"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_465"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Elipandus + and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_466" id="Footnote_10_466"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_466"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> This + practice of punning on names is very common in these writers. + "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly occurs. So + Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called "hostis + Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the bodies of + Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very "Leo + vigilans." + </p> + </div> + <p> + But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging + the venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter + to the bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity," + speaks of him as most blameless,<a name="FNanchor_1_467" id= + "FNanchor_1_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_467" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and confesses that he has heard much of his + piety and devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard + to Felix, in a letter to him.<a name="FNanchor_2_468" id= + "FNanchor_2_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_468" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Yet in his book against Elipandus, he + exclaims, not without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of + wool on your shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing + which you minister to the people, for all the daily shaving of + your beard<a name="FNanchor_3_469" id= + "FNanchor_3_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_469" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> ... if you renounce not these doctrines, you + will be numbered with the goats!" Another testimony (of doubtful + value, however) in Elipandus' favour is to be found in the + anonymous life of Beatus,<a name="FNanchor_4_470" id= + "FNanchor_4_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_470" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> where Elipandus is said to have succeeded + Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his reputation for + learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_467" id="Footnote_1_467"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_467"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam bonam + religiosae vitae de vobis." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_468" id="Footnote_2_468"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_468"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo + Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei + Catholicae fervens." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_469" id="Footnote_3_469"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_469"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Beards + were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii., and probably + the distinction was much insisted on because of the Moslem + custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive dress of the + clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern staminia et + lana oviuin religiosum adprobat." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_470" id="Footnote_4_470"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_470"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See Migne, + xcvi., 890 ff. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the + Migetian errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude + with regard to the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being + dictated to in the matter of what was, or what was not, sound + doctrine, and, in the letter quoted above, he scornfully remarks + that he had never heard that it was the province of the people of + Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in the defiant attitude + taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a jealousy, felt by + the old independent Church of Spain under its own primate, + towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of + the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be + Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but + the bishop of Rome. + </p> + <p> + It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by + Elipandus and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that + Adoptionism was merely a revival of the Bonosian errors, which + had long taken root in Spain;<a name="FNanchor_1_471" id= + "FNanchor_1_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_471" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> others, that it was a revival of + the Nestorian<a name="FNanchor_2_472" id= + "FNanchor_2_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_472" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> heresy, a new phase of the controversy between + the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;<a name="FNanchor_3_473" + id="FNanchor_3_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_473" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> or that it was an attempt to reform + Christianity, purging it from later additions.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_474" id="FNanchor_4_474"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_474" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Alcuin, however, + speaks of its followers as a new sect, unknown to former + times.<a name="FNanchor_5_475" id="FNanchor_5_475"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_475" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Stated briefly, the + new doctrine was that Jesus, in so far as His manhood was + concerned, was son of God by adoption. This error had been + foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril of Alexandria + (348-386):<a name="FNanchor_6_476" id= + "FNanchor_6_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_476" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> by Hilary of Arles (429-449).<a name= + "FNanchor_7_477" id="FNanchor_7_477"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_477" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The Eleventh Council + of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a hundred + years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God was + His Son by nature, not by adoption. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_471" id="Footnote_1_471"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_471"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Enhueber, + Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were condemned at Capua + in 389. For their development in Spain, see "Isidore of + Seville." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_472" id="Footnote_2_472"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_472"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Condemned + at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism with this, see + letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_473" id="Footnote_3_473"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_473"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander, + v., p. 216. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_474" id="Footnote_4_474"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_474"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_475" id="Footnote_5_475"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_475"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin + contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it had + anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero anathematizamus + Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum, adoptivum fuisse + adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse Patrem, quem Filium, + quem et Spiritus sanctus (<i>sic</i>) et non ipsud, delirat. + Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum Sanctum creaturas + esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum qui Christum solum + Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat. Anathematizamus + Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum, et onagrum + Etherium, doctorem bestialem + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">...," etc.</span> + <br /> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_476" id="Footnote_6_476"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_476"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lectures + on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God by nature, + begotten of the Father, not by adoption." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_477" id="Footnote_7_477"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_477"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> De Trinit, + v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God—a God by adoption, + or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec connuncupatus)." + </p> + </div> + <p> + It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation + of Nestorianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_478" id= + "FNanchor_1_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_478" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> It agreed with the latter in repudiating the + term "Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_479" id="FNanchor_2_479"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_479" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but it differed from + it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in + Christ. What Felix—and on him devolved the chief onus of defence + in the controversy—wished to make clear, was that the predicates + of Christ's two natures could not logically be + interchanged.<a name="FNanchor_3_480" id= + "FNanchor_3_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_480" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> He therefore reasoned thus: Christ in respect + to His Deity is God, and Son of God; with respect to His Manhood + He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in essence, but by + being taken into union with Him, who <i>is</i> in essence God, + and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity + from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that + humanity, be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This + relation of Jesus the Man to God he preferred to describe by the + term Adoption—a word not found in Scripture in this connection, + "but," says Felix, "implied therein,<a name="FNanchor_4_481" id= + "FNanchor_4_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_481" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> for what is adoption in a son, if it be not + election, assumption <i>(susceptio)</i>." The term itself was no + doubt found by Elipandus <i>in</i> the Gothic Liturgy;<a name= + "FNanchor_5_482" id="FNanchor_5_482"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_482" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and he most likely + used it at first with no thought of raising a metaphysical + discussion on so knotty a point. Being brought to task, however, + for using the word by those whom he deemed his ecclesiastical + inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike to + acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says + Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief + author of the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from + ignorance and inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a + heretic, till, admonished of his error, he arrogantly and + obstinately defended a position which he had only taken up + through ignorance."<a name="FNanchor_6_483" id= + "FNanchor_6_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_483" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <p> + Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix<a name= + "FNanchor_7_484" id="FNanchor_7_484"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_484" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> for his opinion on + Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great + penetration and acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine, + stating in his answer that Christ must be considered with regard + to His Divinity as truly God and Son of God, but with regard to + His Manhood, as Son of God in name only, and by adoption. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_478" id="Footnote_1_478"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_478"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Blunt, + "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_479" id="Footnote_2_479"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_479"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander, + v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_480" id="Footnote_3_480"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_480"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander, + v. 220. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_481" id="Footnote_4_481"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_481"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alcuin + contra Felicem, iii. c. 8. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_482" id="Footnote_5_482"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_482"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Elipand. + ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio (άνάληψις) occurs + <i>(a)</i> in the Missa de coena Domini: <i>adoptivi hominis + passio;</i> <i>(b)</i> in the prayer de tertia feria Pascha: + <i>adoptionis gratia;</i> <i>(c)</i> in that de Ascensione: + <i>adoptionem carnis.</i> The Council of Frankfurt (794) + branded the authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did + Alcuin) and as the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See + Fleury, v. 243. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_483" id="Footnote_6_483"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_483"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Enhueber, + "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the same remark in + other words. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_484" id="Footnote_7_484"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_484"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See Blunt, + Art. on Adoptionism. + </p> + </div> + <p> + To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried + on, it will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix, + and in certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> "If Christ, as man, is not the <i>adopted</i> Son of + God, then must His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and + consequently must be something different from the manhood of + men."<a name="FNanchor_1_485" id= + "FNanchor_1_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_485" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> To this Alcuin can only oppose another dilemma, which, + however, is more of the nature of a quibble. "If," he says, + "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is also God, then is + God the adopted Son of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_486" id= + "FNanchor_2_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_486" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Here Alcuin confounds the predicates of + Christ's two natures—the very thing Felix protested against—and + uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of Felix, + which was based on this very denial of any interchange of + predicates. + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David, + sometimes as Son of God. One person can only have two fathers, if + one of these be an adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin + answers: "As a man (body and soul) is called the son of his + father, so Christ (God and man) is called Son of God."<a name= + "FNanchor_3_487" id="FNanchor_3_487"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_487" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> But to those who deny + that a man's soul is derived from his father, this argument would + carry no weight. + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> Christ stood in a position of natural dependence + towards God over and above the voluntary submission which He owed + to His Father as God.<a name="FNanchor_4_488" id= + "FNanchor_4_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_488" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> This dependence Felix expresses by the term + <i>servus conditionalis</i>, applied to Jesus.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_489" id="FNanchor_5_489"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_489" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> He may have been + thinking of Matt. xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have + chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him + the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of + men."<a name="FNanchor_6_490" id="FNanchor_6_490"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_490" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Or perhaps he had in + his mind, if the theory of the influence of Mohammedanism is + true, those passages of the Koran which speak of Christ as a + servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain to be a servant + unto God,"<a name="FNanchor_7_491" id= + "FNanchor_7_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_491" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> and, "Jesus is no other than a + servant."<a name="FNanchor_8_492" id= + "FNanchor_8_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_492" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <p> + (<i>d.</i>) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction + between Christ the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke + xviii. 19, "Why callest thou Me good? There is none good, save + one, even God;" Mark xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour, + knoweth no one, not even the angels in heaven, neither the Son, + but the Father." Texts such as these can only be met by a + reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16, where God is said + to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death upon the + Cross. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_485" id="Footnote_1_485"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_485"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin + contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_486" id="Footnote_2_486"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_486"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alcuin + (<i>ibid.,</i> i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be the + adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of God's + substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in respect + to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of God." But + this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also Contra + Felic., vii. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_487" id="Footnote_3_487"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_487"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Contra + Felic, iii. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_488" id="Footnote_4_488"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_488"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp. 1 + Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This position of + dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem beatae + Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_489" id="Footnote_5_489"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_489"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cp. + Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei simul et + hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam adoptivum + Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35) ... quia, + si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei secundum gratiam, + profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et cum advocato + advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et <i>cum servo servi</i>." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_490" id="Footnote_6_490"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_490"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cf. Acts + iii. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_491" id="Footnote_7_491"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_491"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Koran, iv. + v. 170. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_492" id="Footnote_8_492"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_492"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran, + xliii. v. 59. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of + Christ the Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that + this adoption, though the same in kind<a name="FNanchor_1_493" + id="FNanchor_1_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_493" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> as that which enables <i>us</i> to cry Abba, + Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps + specifically higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not + being entered into at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only + the point at which His adoption was outwardly made manifest by + signs of miraculous power, which continued till the resurrection. + Christ's adoption—according to Felix, was assumed at His + conception, "His humanity developing in accordance with its own + laws, but in union with the Logos."<a name="FNanchor_2_494" id= + "FNanchor_2_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_494" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> It will be seen that though Felix wished to + keep clear the distinction between Christ as God, and as Man, yet + he did not carry this separation so far as to acknowledge two + persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the unity of + Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct + personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be + recognised as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close + a manner as to amount to an absorption of the human personality + into the Divine Person."<a name="FNanchor_3_495" id= + "FNanchor_3_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_495" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The two natures of Christ had been asserted by + the Church against the Monophysites, and the two wills against + the Monothelites, but the Church never went on to admit the two + Persons.<a name="FNanchor_4_496" id="FNanchor_4_496"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_496" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> With regard to the + contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion + that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere + abstraction, a metaphysical link joining two essentially + incompatible natures,"<a name="FNanchor_5_497" id= + "FNanchor_5_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_497" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> or that the dispute was only about names, and + that by adopted son Felix and the others meant nothing really + different from the orthodox doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_6_498" id= + "FNanchor_6_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_498" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_493" id="Footnote_1_493"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_493"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John + x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_494" id="Footnote_2_494"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_494"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander + (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this differently: "There + were (according to Felix) two births in our Lord's life—(a) the + assumption of man at the conception; (<i>b</i>) the adoption of + that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii. 16: "Qui est + Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes; primam quae + secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae per + adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem + complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam + suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in + lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_495" id="Footnote_3_495"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_495"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Blunt, + article on Adopt. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_496" id="Footnote_4_496"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_496"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp. + Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina persona + est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia vero + substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est, + substantia res naturae." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_497" id="Footnote_5_497"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_497"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Blunt, + <i>ibid.</i> Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where he + says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual + personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved + it. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_498" id="Footnote_6_498"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_498"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> So + Walchius. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of + Elipandus to the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_499" id="FNanchor_1_499"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_499" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but it did not attract + notice till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the + orthodox bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of + the heresy having reached him—a heresy, he remarks, never before + propounded, unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he + mentions Ascarius,<a name="FNanchor_2_500" id= + "FNanchor_2_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_500" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over + to his views. The new doctrine seems to have made its way quickly + over a great part of Spain,<a name="FNanchor_3_501" id= + "FNanchor_3_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_501" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> while Felix propagated it with considerable + success in Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in + Spain were Beatus and Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and + Theudula, Bishop of Seville; while beyond its borders Alcuin, + Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of Lyons, under the direction + of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended the orthodox + position. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_499" id="Footnote_1_499"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_499"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Migne, + 96 p. 848. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_500" id="Footnote_2_500"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_500"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus, asking the latter's + opinion on some doubtful points in the new doctrine. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_501" id="Footnote_3_501"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_501"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac virulenta + doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the + overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and + suffered for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living + under a Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters + or messages. He seems even to have received something more than a + mere negative support from the Arabs, if we are right in so + interpreting a passage in the letter of Beatus and + Etherius.<a name="FNanchor_1_502" id= + "FNanchor_1_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_502" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But it is hard to believe that Elipandus was + on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed, from + passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was + rather the case.<a name="FNanchor_2_503" id= + "FNanchor_2_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_503" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Neander suggests that it may have been a + Gothic king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems + even more unlikely than the other supposition. + </p> + <p> + The first council called to consider this question was held by + the suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788, + when the heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of + Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_3_504" id="FNanchor_3_504"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_504" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in + 791, with the same results.<a name="FNanchor_4_505" id= + "FNanchor_4_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_505" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> But in the following year the heresy was + formally condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the + presidency of the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was + sent to Rome to be further condemned by the Pope, that the whole + Western Church might take action in the matter. Felix was there + induced to write a book condemning his own errors, but in spite + of this he was not restored to his see.<a name="FNanchor_5_506" + id="FNanchor_5_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_506" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> On his return, however, to Spain, Felix + relapsed into his old heresy, which he had never really + abjured.<a name="FNanchor_6_507" id="FNanchor_6_507"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_507" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_502" id="Footnote_1_502"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_502"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I. sec. + 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae pari + certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter + virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus + auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec. + 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum + potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_503" id="Footnote_2_503"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_503"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Elip. ad. + Albinum, sec. 7—"Oppressione gentis afflicti non possumus tibi + rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana dispendia + quibus duramus potius quam vivimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_504" id="Footnote_3_504"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_504"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> There are + some doubts about this council. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_505" id="Footnote_4_505"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_505"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 236. Hefele dates it 796. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_506" id="Footnote_5_506"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_506"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See letter + of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for Felix's restoration + (794). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_507" id="Footnote_6_507"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_507"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Leo III. + said of him, at a council held in Rome (799): "<i>Fugiens ad + paganos consentaneos</i> perjuratus effectus est." See Froben, + "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the + orthodox position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter, + admonishing him of his errors, and acknowledging that all his + previous utterances on theology had been sound and true. Felix + answered this letter, but his reply is not preserved. To the + same, or following, year belongs the letter of Elipandus and the + bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops of Gaul, defending + their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of Felix. + </p> + <p> + In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and + other English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend, + and heard his heresy again condemned and anathematised, the + decree to this effect being sent to Elipandus.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_508" id="FNanchor_1_508"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_508" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Alcuin's book was read + by Charles, and sent into Septimania by the hands of the abbot + Benedict. + </p> + <p> + The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at + Frankfurt.<a name="FNanchor_2_509" id= + "FNanchor_2_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_509" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent + by him first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan + clergy, sent on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with + Paulinus and the Pope as his coadjutors. + </p> + <p> + In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin + argued for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for + Felix again recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith + discarding the word adoption, but still preserving the + distinction of predicates belonging to the two natures.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_510" id="FNanchor_3_510"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_510" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Alcuin's book, after + being revised by Charles, was published 800 A.D. Previously to + this he had written to Elipandus, who answered in no measured + terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things, of enormous wealth. + This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer, Alcuin wrote + the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which was the + means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic + Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_4_511" id="FNanchor_4_511"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_511" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But in spite of + Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the anathemas of the + councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up his new + doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts. + Elipandus, though very old<a name="FNanchor_5_512" id= + "FNanchor_5_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_512" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years + longer, and Felix survived him eight years;<a name= + "FNanchor_6_513" id="FNanchor_6_513"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_513" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and they both died + persisting in their error.<a name="FNanchor_7_514" id= + "FNanchor_7_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_514" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_508" id="Footnote_1_508"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_508"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne, xcvi. 858, gives us + the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac nefanda haeresis + Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix (<i>sic</i>) + Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_509" id="Footnote_2_509"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_509"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander, + v. 228. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_510" id="Footnote_3_510"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_510"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 232. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_511" id="Footnote_4_511"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_511"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Froben, + sec, 82. Neander says 10,000. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_512" id="Footnote_5_512"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_512"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin + adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius tantummodo + laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte praereptum + esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_513" id="Footnote_6_513"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_513"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or perhaps + six. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_514" id="Footnote_7_514"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_514"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> No + reliance can be placed in the statement of the + Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of + Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione + Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium + (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato + publice errore <i>fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae</i> confessus + est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec. + 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of + Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his + error. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy, + both from its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned + above, there are some reasons for thinking that it was the + outcome of a wish to conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as + well to recapitulate such evidence as we have obtained on this + point. But we must not expect to find the traces of Mohammedan + influence in the development, so much as in the origination, of + the theory. What we do find is slight enough, amounting to no + more than this:— + </p> + <p> + (<i>a.</i>) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan + from genuine Christianity—setting aside for a moment the + transcendental mystery of the Trinity—was the Divinity of Christ. + Anything, therefore, that tended to emphasise the humanity of + Jesus, or to obscure the great fact of Christ the Man, being Son + of God, which sounded so offensive to Mohammedan ears, would so + far bring the Christian creed nearer to the Mohammedan's + acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of Christ, + to that which appears so often in the Koran.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_515" id="FNanchor_1_515"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_515" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt + that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical + conclusion, did contribute to this result: + </p> + <p> + (<i>b.</i>) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of + the secular arm in disseminating his heretical opinions: + </p> + <p> + (<i>c.</i>) That the application of the term <i>Servant</i> to + Christ, besides being authorised by texts from Scripture, is + countenanced in two passages from the Koran: + </p> + <p> + (<i>d.</i>) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain, + and his relapse into error, implies that it was due to his + renewed contact with infidels who held similar views: + </p> + <p> + (<i>e.</i>) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is + said to have lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his + close intercourse with the Arabs: + </p> + <p> + (<i>f.</i>) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false + prophet, that is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a + Mohammedan interpretation to the Beast in the Revelation of St + John. + </p> + <p> + Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it + did not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was + originated by a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_516" id="FNanchor_2_516"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_516" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>—Claudius, Bishop of + Turin. Some have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of + Iconoclasm, traces of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in + itself.<a name="FNanchor_3_517" id="FNanchor_3_517"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_517" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct + statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised + him, and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he + on his side highly commended them <i>and the + Saracens</i>.<a name="FNanchor_4_518" id= + "FNanchor_4_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_518" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Yet his tendency seems to have been against + the Judaizing of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_5_519" id= + "FNanchor_5_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_519" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_515" id="Footnote_1_515"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_515"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fifty + years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses certain + Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of + persecution:— "Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (<i>i.e.</i> + Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et + Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones + corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_516" id="Footnote_2_516"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_516"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and says elsewhere, + "Felix resuscitur in Claudio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_517" id="Footnote_3_517"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_517"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander, + vi. 119. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_518" id="Footnote_4_518"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_518"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 398. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_519" id="Footnote_5_519"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_519"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander, + vi. 125. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East, + undoubtedly received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In + 719 the Khalif destroyed all images in Syria. His example was + followed in 730 by the Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is + said to have been persuaded to this measure by a man named Bezer, + who had been some years in captivity among the Saracens.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_520" id="FNanchor_1_520"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_520" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In 754 the great + council of Constantinople condemned images. Unfortunately neither + the great patriarchates nor the Pope were represented, and so + this council never obtained-the sanction of all Christendom; and + its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council of Nicæa. In 790 + appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to find our + English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and + reasonable protest against the worship of images.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_521" id="FNanchor_2_521"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_521" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In 794 this protest + was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and + his militia,<a name="FNanchor_3_522" id= + "FNanchor_3_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_522" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any + reform in this quarter, and the recognition of images became part + and parcel of Roman Catholic Christianity. + </p> + <p> + Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.<a name="FNanchor_4_523" + id="FNanchor_4_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_523" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Though placed over an Italian diocese, he soon + shewed the independence, which he had imbibed in the free air of + Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least the advantage + of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding that the + people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius set + to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in + his bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than + other Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist + training.<a name="FNanchor_5_524" id= + "FNanchor_5_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_524" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with + the Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot + of Nîmes, a friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal, + an Irish priest. But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was + more than a match for his opponents in argument.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_525" id="FNanchor_6_525"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_525" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_520" id="Footnote_1_520"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_520"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury, + xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham, Seventh + General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_521" id="Footnote_2_521"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_521"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut + segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius + infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."—III. c. 24. + </p> + <p> + "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in + basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei + Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad + peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium + habere noscantur."—III. c. 21. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_522" id="Footnote_3_522"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_522"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_523" id="Footnote_4_523"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_523"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander + says 814, Herzog 820. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_524" id="Footnote_5_524"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_524"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander, + v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from the charge of + adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer of the Khalif + Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his brother's body at + Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my brother's body to the + mercy of those who ring bells and adore the cross. Ibn Hayyan, + apud Al Makk., ii. 446. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_525" id="Footnote_6_525"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_525"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 398, confesses that the case of the image-worshippers rests + mainly on tradition and the usage of the Church—meaning that + they can draw no support from the Bible. He might have + remembered Matt. xv. 7—"Ye make void the Word of God because of + your tradition." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from + his opponents' quotation of them. + </p> + <p> + Briefly expressed, they are as follows:— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> Image-worship is really idol-worship: + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> If images are to be adored, much more should those + living beings be adored, whom the images represent. But we are + not permitted to adore God's works, much less may we worship the + work of men:<a name="FNanchor_1_526" id= + "FNanchor_1_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_526" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus + was fastened to it: else must we adore other things with which + Jesus was similarly connected; virgins, for example, for Christ + was nine months in a virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships, + thorns, for with all these Jesus was connected. To adore the + cross we have never been told, but to bear it,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_527" id="FNanchor_2_527"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_527" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> that is to deny + ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to adore it, who are + least ready to bear it either spiritually or physically.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_528" id="FNanchor_3_528"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_528" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal + supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_4_529" id= + "FNanchor_4_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_529" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Being summoned before a council, with more + wisdom than Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his + cause would be prejudged, and contented himself with calling the + proposed assembly a congregation of asses. He died in 839 in + secure possession of his see, and with his Iconoclastic belief + unshaken. + </p> + <p> + Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during + the first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem + to have been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One + more there was, the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one + hundred and fifty years later, and was perhaps the outcome of + intercourse with the Mohammedanism of Spain.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_530" id="FNanchor_5_530"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_530" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_526" id="Footnote_1_526"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_526"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_527" id="Footnote_2_527"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_527"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Luke xiv. + 27. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_528" id="Footnote_3_528"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_528"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas, + apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_529" id="Footnote_4_529"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_529"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Appendix B, pp. 161-173. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_530" id="Footnote_5_530"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_530"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> So Blunt. + It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2, from Lucas of + Tuy. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. + </h3> + <p> + Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal + Christianity (there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal + Mohammedanism), it will fall within the scope of our inquiry to + estimate the extent to which those influences were reciprocally + felt by the two religions in their social and intellectual + aspects; and how far the character of a Christian or a Mohammedan + was altered by contact with a people professing a creed so like, + and yet so unlike.<a name="FNanchor_1_531" id= + "FNanchor_1_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_531" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> This influence we shall find more strongly + manifested in the action of Christianity on Islam, than the + reverse. + </p> + <p> + It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks + seems to have varied<a name="FNanchor_2_532" id= + "FNanchor_2_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_532" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> from time to time, is reported to have + expressly declared that he would have no monks in his + religion.<a name="FNanchor_3_533" id= + "FNanchor_3_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_533" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Abubeker, his successor,—if Gibbon's + translation may be trusted,—in his marching orders to the army, + told them to let monks and their monasteries alone.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_534" id="FNanchor_4_534"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_534" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was not long, + however, before an order of itinerant monks—the faquirs—arose + among the Moslems. In other parts of their dominions these became + a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class; but in + Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_535" id="FNanchor_5_535"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_535" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> though they were very + numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian + historian,<a name="FNanchor_6_536" id= + "FNanchor_6_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_536" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> were nothing more than beggars, able but + unwilling to work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be + applied to all, "for there were among them men who, moved by + sentiments of piety and devotion, left the world and its + vanities, and either retired to convents to pass the remainder of + their days among brethren of the same community, or putting on + the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff, went through the + country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the faithful to + compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That + Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we + can gather from the above passage and from another place,<a name= + "FNanchor_7_537" id="FNanchor_7_537"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_537" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> where a convent called + Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On + that passage De Gayangos<a name="FNanchor_8_538" id= + "FNanchor_8_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_538" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> has an interesting note, in which he quotes + from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment + near Malaga.<a name="FNanchor_9_539" id= + "FNanchor_9_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_539" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close + to this city, a convent, which was the residence of several + religious men living in community, and conversant with the + principles of Sufism: they have a superior to preside over them, + and one or more servants to attend to their wants. Their internal + regulations are really admirable; each faquir lives separately in + a cell of his own, and meets his comrades only at meals or + prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the community + go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he + wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with + two meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock, + two being allowed yearly for each man—one for winter, another for + summer. Each faquir is furnished likewise with a regular + allowance of sugar, soap to wash his clothes, oil for his lamp, + and a small sum of money to attend the bath, all these articles + being distributed to them every Friday.... Most of the faquirs + are bachelors, a few only being married. These live with their + wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to the + same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers, + sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted + chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning + each faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then + that of the king;<a name="FNanchor_10_540" id= + "FNanchor_10_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_540" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> and when the reading is over, a Koran, + previously divided into sections, is brought in for each man to + read in turn, until the whole is completed. On Fridays and + other-festivals these faquirs are obliged to go to the mosque in + a body, preceded by their superior.... They are often visited by + guests, whom they entertain for a long time, supplying them with + food and other necessaries. The formalities observed with them + are as follows:—If a stranger present himself at the door of the + convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his + waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his + staff in his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the + porter of the convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what + country he comes from, what convent he has resided in, or entered + on the road, who was the superior of it, and other particulars, + to ascertain that the visitor is not an impostor.... This convent + was plentifully endowed with rents for the support of its + inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in lands which was + provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga, who had + been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are + continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by + donations in money." + </p> + <p> + The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is + sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though + this particular convent was established at a later time, we + cannot doubt that the influence, which produced such a + modification of the very spirit of Islam, must have made itself + felt much earlier. This is apparent in the analogous case of + Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to + shew,<a name="FNanchor_11_541" id="FNanchor_11_541"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_11_541" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> where it is said + that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar (1030-1043), was + followed to the grave even by the damsels who had retired into + solitude. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_531" id="Footnote_1_531"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_531"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + Mohammedanism is even called a <i>heresy</i> by a writer quoted + by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_532" id="Footnote_2_532"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_532"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v. + 85—"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to entertain + friendship for the true believers who say, We are Christians. + This comes to pass, because there are priests and monks among + them." Kor. lvii. 27—"As to the monastic state (Deus loquitur), + the Christians instituted the same (we did not prescribe it for + them) only out of desire to please God, yet they observed not + the same as it ought truly to be observed." See also Kor. ix. + 34—"Verily many of the priests and monks devour the substance + of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of God;" and Kor. xxiii. + 55. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_533" id="Footnote_3_533"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_533"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Kor. v. + 89. Sale's note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_534" id="Footnote_4_534"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_534"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> So + Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii. 209. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_535" id="Footnote_5_535"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_535"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See the + interesting account, <i>ibid.</i>, i. 114. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_536" id="Footnote_6_536"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_536"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al + Makkari. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_537" id="Footnote_7_537"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_537"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al + Makkari, i. 115. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_538" id="Footnote_8_538"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_538"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, i. p. 406, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_539" id="Footnote_9_539"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_539"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> In the + fourteenth century. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_540" id="Footnote_10_540"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_540"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> ? + Chapter 67. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_541" id="Footnote_11_541"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_541"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Conde, + ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to Christian nuns. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity, + Islam shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded + with a Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such + things, but the following anecdotes are more in keeping with the + Bible than the Koran. Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to + his son, Hakem I., said: "Consider well that all empire is in the + hand of God, who bestoweth it on whom He will, and from whom He + will He taketh it away.<a name="FNanchor_1_542" id= + "FNanchor_1_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_542" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But since God hath given to us the royal + authority and power, which is in our hands by His goodness only, + let us obey His holy will, which is no other than that we do good + to all men,<a name="FNanchor_2_543" id= + "FNanchor_2_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_543" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and in especial to those placed under our + protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute + equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or + oppression be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the + road to perdition. Be clement, and do right to all who depend + upon thee, for all are the creatures of God."<a name= + "FNanchor_3_544" id="FNanchor_3_544"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_544" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the + following story shews, of the most Christian generosity.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_545" id="FNanchor_4_545"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_545" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> One of the faquirs who + had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the + presence of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from + telling the Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem + answered: "He who bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me + pardon thee. Go, and live in God's protection."<a name= + "FNanchor_5_546" id="FNanchor_5_546"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_546" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_542" id="Footnote_1_542"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_542"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Daniel, + iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249—"God giveth His kingdom unto whom + He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_543" id="Footnote_2_543"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_543"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Galatians + vi. 20—"Let us do good unto all men, especially unto them that + are of the household of faith." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_544" id="Footnote_3_544"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_544"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 240. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_545" id="Footnote_4_545"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_545"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> It is fair + to state that Hakem I. was not always so generous. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_546" id="Footnote_5_546"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_546"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are + the miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories, + it must be acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and + believing in miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in + the Middle Ages.<a name="FNanchor_1_547" id= + "FNanchor_1_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_547" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the + invader of Spain;<a name="FNanchor_2_548" id= + "FNanchor_2_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_548" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the + prayer of Akbar ibn Nafir;<a name="FNanchor_3_549" id= + "FNanchor_3_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_549" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the marvellous cap of Omar;<a name= + "FNanchor_4_550" id="FNanchor_4_550"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_550" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of the wonders that + distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision + shewing the tomb of Abu Ayub;<a name="FNanchor_5_551" id= + "FNanchor_5_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_551" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> but nothing that will bear a comparison with + the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the + clumsy and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of + the Armada.<a name="FNanchor_6_552" id= + "FNanchor_6_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_552" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid, + from Al Kusheyri,<a name="FNanchor_7_553" id= + "FNanchor_7_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_553" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> reminds us forcibly of similar monkish + extravagancies. A woman came to Baki, and said that, her son + being a prisoner in the hands of the Franks, she intended to sell + her house and go in search of him; but before doing so she asked + his advice. Leaving her for a moment he requested her to wait for + his answer. He then went out and prayed fervently for her son's + release, and telling the mother what he had done, dismissed her. + Some time after the mother came back with her son to thank Baki + for his pious interference, which had procured her son's release. + The son then told his story:—"I was the king's slave, and used to + go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we + were employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden + as if my fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my + feet, when lo! I saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each + side." The inspector naturally charged him with trying to escape, + but he denied on oath, saying that his fetters had fallen off + without his knowing how. They were then riveted on again with + additional nails, but again fell off. The youth goes on:—"The + Christians then consulted their priests on the miraculous + occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I had + a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the + priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her + prayers. Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a + set-off to this there is a remarkable instance of freedom from + superstition recorded of King Almundhir(881-2).<a name= + "FNanchor_8_554" id="FNanchor_8_554"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_554" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> On the occasion of an + earthquake, the people being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it + as a direct interposition of God, this enlightened prince did his + best to convince them that such things were natural phenomena, + and had no relation to the good or evil that men did,<a name= + "FNanchor_9_555" id="FNanchor_9_555"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_9_555" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> shewing that the earth + trembled for Christian and Moslem alike, for the most innocent as + well as the most injurious of creatures without distinction. + They, however, refused to be convinced. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_547" id="Footnote_1_547"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_547"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See the + story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the + bull—Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the + earth—Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and + restored—<i>Ibid.</i>, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off + by the devil in sight of a large congregation—Isidore of Beja, + sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)—Mar. ix. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_548" id="Footnote_2_548"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_548"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_549" id="Footnote_3_549"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_549"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid</i>, p. 38. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_550" id="Footnote_4_550"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_550"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Ockley. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_551" id="Footnote_5_551"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_551"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Gibbon, + "for such are the manufacture of every religion," p. 115. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_552" id="Footnote_6_552"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_552"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See + Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics found + at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous + phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of + Christianity. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_553" id="Footnote_7_553"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_553"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_554" id="Footnote_8_554"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_554"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Conde, i. + 317. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_555" id="Footnote_9_555"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_555"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Cp. Matt. + v. 45: Luke xiii. 4. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome + of that philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in + the reign of this Sultan's predecessor.<a name="FNanchor_1_556" + id="FNanchor_1_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_556" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The philosophizers were looked upon with + horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at + times they were ready to stone and burn the + free-thinkers.<a name="FNanchor_2_557" id= + "FNanchor_2_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_557" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The works of Ibnu Massara, a prominent member + of this school, were burnt publicly at Cordova;<a name= + "FNanchor_3_558" id="FNanchor_3_558"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_558" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the great + Almanzor, though himself, like the great Caesar, indifferent to + such questions,<a name="FNanchor_4_559" id= + "FNanchor_4_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_559" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> by way of gaining the support of the masses, + was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of these + philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the + man's life at the request of a learned faqui.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_560" id="FNanchor_5_560"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_560" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"—if the term be allowable—there + were Sceptics and Deists,<a name="FNanchor_6_561" id= + "FNanchor_6_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_561" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> and others who followed the wild speculations + of Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name + was Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198), + who besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that + would almost constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was + not a branch of knowledge that could be systematised, but an + inward personal power:<a name="FNanchor_7_562" id= + "FNanchor_7_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_562" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> that science and religion could not be fused + together. Owing to his freedom of thought he was banished to a + place near Cordova by Yusuf abu Yakub in 1196. He was also + persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen, son of + Almansur,<a name="FNanchor_8_563" id= + "FNanchor_8_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_563" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> for studying natural philosophy. Another + votary of the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death + by the same king. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_556" id="Footnote_1_556"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_556"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 18. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_557" id="Footnote_2_557"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_557"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics by the pious + Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii. 109. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_558" id="Footnote_3_558"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_558"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 121. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_559" id="Footnote_4_559"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_559"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was + supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden study of + Natural Science and Astrology.—Al Makk., i. 141. Yet he let the + faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be + burnt.—Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur + (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be + burnt. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_560" id="Footnote_5_560"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_560"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 261. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_561" id="Footnote_6_561"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_561"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 262, 263. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_562" id="Footnote_7_562"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_562"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See + article in the "Encyclop. Britann." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_563" id="Footnote_8_563"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_563"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that this was a + mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub Almansur, and + could not be the king meant here. He therefore reads, "Yakub, + one of the Beni Abdulmumen." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier + freethinkers lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians + originally belonged to the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai<a name= + "FNanchor_1_564" id="FNanchor_1_564"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_564" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> (711-774), whose + doctrines were brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of + Damascus. But Hischem I., on coming to the throne, shewed his + preference for the doctrines of Malik ibn Aus,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_565" id="FNanchor_2_565"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_565" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and contrived that + they should supplant the dogmas of Al Auzai. It may be that + Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's creed, without + persuading others to conform to his views, but at all events the + change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor, + Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi, + Abu Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_3_566" id= + "FNanchor_3_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_566" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman Allakhmi, + three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a + pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in + the opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a + lax Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the + faquis enough power in the State.<a name="FNanchor_4_567" id= + "FNanchor_4_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_567" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful + enough to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman, + Abu Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise + discretion, as commendable as it was rare, declared that the + distinctions of the Ulema were cavils, and that the expositions + of the new traditionist "conveyed much useful instruction, and + inculcated very laudable practices."<a name="FNanchor_5_568" id= + "FNanchor_5_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_568" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly + ascendency, as notably by Ghà zali, the "Vivificator," as he was + called, "of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the + rebel against authority was excommunicated.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_569" id="FNanchor_6_569"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_569" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the strictly + oxthodox party did not succeed in arresting—to any appreciable + extent—the progress of the decay which was threatening to attack + even the distinctive features of the Mohammedan religion.<a name= + "FNanchor_7_570" id="FNanchor_7_570"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_570" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It is a slight + indication of this, that the peculiar Moslem dress gradually + began to be given up, and the turban was only worn by + faquis,<a name="FNanchor_8_571" id="FNanchor_8_571"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_571" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and even they could + not induce the people to return to a habit once thought of great + importance.<a name="FNanchor_9_572" id= + "FNanchor_9_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_572" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_564" id="Footnote_1_564"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_564"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 403. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_565" id="Footnote_2_565"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_565"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Died 780. + Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to Hakem I.; and an + author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to Abdurrahman I. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_566" id="Footnote_3_566"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_566"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 123. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_567" id="Footnote_4_567"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_567"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p. 59. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_568" id="Footnote_5_568"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_568"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i. + 294. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_569" id="Footnote_6_569"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_569"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iv. + 255. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_570" id="Footnote_7_570"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_570"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In spite + of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says that all + innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by the + people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such, he + would have been torn to pieces. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_571" id="Footnote_8_571"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_571"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 271. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_572" id="Footnote_9_572"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_572"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 109. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But in other and more important respects we can see the + disintegrating effect which intercourse with Christians had upon + the social institutions of the Koran.<a name="FNanchor_1_573" id= + "FNanchor_1_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_573" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> Wine, which is expressly forbidden by + Mohammed,<a name="FNanchor_2_574" id= + "FNanchor_2_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_574" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> was much drunk throughout the country,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_575" id="FNanchor_3_575"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_575" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the example being + often set by the king himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the + first of these to drink the forbidden juice.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_576" id="FNanchor_4_576"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_576" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> His namesake, Hakem + II. (961-976), however, set his face against the practice of + drinking wine, and even gave orders for all the vines in his + kingdom to be rooted up—an edict which he recalled at the + instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin + many poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be + smuggled in or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem + consequently contented himself with forbidding anew the use of + spirituous liquors in the most stringent terms.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_577" id="FNanchor_5_577"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_577" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Even the faquis had + taken to drinking wine, and they defended the practice by saying + that the prohibition might be disregarded by Moslems, who were + engaged in a perpetual war with infidels. + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying + of Mohammed runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law; + to perform music is to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to + be guilty of infidelity."<a name="FNanchor_6_578" id= + "FNanchor_6_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_578" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very + fond of music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi + a home at his Court, when the latter was driven from the East by + professional jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested + against these violations of their law. The important sect of + Hanbalites in particular, like our own Puritans, made a crusade + against these abuses. They "caused a great commotion in the tenth + century in Baghdad by entering people's houses and spilling their + wine, if they found any, and beating the singing-girls they met + with and breaking their instruments."<a name="FNanchor_7_579" id= + "FNanchor_7_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_579" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by + Mohammed, became quite common among the richer classes, though + the majority do not seem to have indulged themselves in this + way.<a name="FNanchor_8_580" id="FNanchor_8_580"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_580" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(d.)</i> The prohibition of sculptures, representing living + creatures, was disregarded. We find a statue, raised to + Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built + by Abdurrahman III. in honour of his beloved mistress. Images of + animals are mentioned on the fountains,<a name="FNanchor_9_581" + id="FNanchor_9_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_581" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> and a lion on the aqueduct.<a name= + "FNanchor_10_582" id="FNanchor_10_582"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_582" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> We also hear of a + statue at the gate of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_11_583" id= + "FNanchor_11_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_583" class= + "fnanchor">[11]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(e.)</i> The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning + towards Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned + by an Arab historian,<a name="FNanchor_12_584" id= + "FNanchor_12_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_584" class= + "fnanchor">[12]</a> that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah + as a distinctive nickname, because he did so turn? + </p> + <p> + <i>(f.)</i> A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to + persuade his coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not + of pigs or boars.<a name="FNanchor_13_585" id= + "FNanchor_13_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_585" class= + "fnanchor">[13]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_573" id="Footnote_1_573"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_573"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The + Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit + all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of + nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves, + listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and + mirth." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_574" id="Footnote_2_574"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_574"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v. + 93—"Surely wine, lots, and images are an abomination of the + work of Satan ... avoid them." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_575" id="Footnote_3_575"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_575"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 171. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_576" id="Footnote_4_576"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_576"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 252. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_577" id="Footnote_5_577"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_577"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al + Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_578" id="Footnote_6_578"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_578"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Yonge, + "Moors in Spain," p. 71. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_579" id="Footnote_7_579"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_579"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Sale, + Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_580" id="Footnote_8_580"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_580"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was + objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of + silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_581" id="Footnote_9_581"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_581"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al + Makkari, i. p. 236. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_582" id="Footnote_10_582"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_582"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 241. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_583" id="Footnote_11_583"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_583"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Akbar + Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_12_584" id="Footnote_12_584"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_12_584"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Al + Malckari, 1. 149. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_13_585" id="Footnote_13_585"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_13_585"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Hamim, a + Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis. Conde, i. 420. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the + more unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact + with a civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to + the Arabs, and partly growing up independently side by side with + them. But in nothing was this shewn more clearly than in the + social enfranchisement of the Moslem women, whom it is the very + essence of Mohammed's teaching to regard rather as the goods and + chattels than as the equals of man; and also in the introduction + among the Moslems of a more Christian conception of the sacred + word—Love. + </p> + <p> + Consequently we become accustomed to the strange + spectacle—strange among a Mohammedan people—of women making a + mark in the society of men, and being regarded as intellectually + and socially their equals. Thus we hear of an Arabian Sappho, + Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of Almustakfi + Billah;<a name="FNanchor_1_586" id="FNanchor_1_586"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_586" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> of Aysha, daughter of + Ahmad of Cordova—"the purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden + of her day;"<a name="FNanchor_2_587" id= + "FNanchor_2_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_587" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> of Mozna, the slave and private secretary of + Abdurrahman III.<a name="FNanchor_3_588" id= + "FNanchor_3_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_588" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were + admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by + Mohammedan law,<a name="FNanchor_4_589" id= + "FNanchor_4_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_589" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> the women being obliged to perform their + devotions at home; "if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it + must be when the men are not there; for the Moslems are of + opinion that their presence inspires a different kind of devotion + from that which is requisite in a place dedicated to the service + of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a Moor, censuring + the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for the reason, + among others, that women were there. If the evidence of ballads + be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at + festivities and dances.<a name="FNanchor_5_590" id= + "FNanchor_5_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_590" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> At tournaments they looked on, their bright + smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their + fair hands giving the successful champion the meed of victorious + valour.<a name="FNanchor_6_591" id="FNanchor_6_591"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_591" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Their position, in + fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of + Christian ladies. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_586" id="Footnote_1_586"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_586"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy, + "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_587" id="Footnote_2_587"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_587"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i. + p. 457. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_588" id="Footnote_3_588"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_588"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> For others + see Conde, i. 483, 484. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_589" id="Footnote_4_589"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_589"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sale, + Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_590" id="Footnote_5_590"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_590"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_591" id="Footnote_6_591"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_591"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See a + picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish Antiquities + of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad called "The + Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The effect of this improvement in the social position of women + could not fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among + the Spanish Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross + sensuality undergoing a process of refinement, as the following + extract from Said ibn Djoudi,<a name="FNanchor_1_592" id= + "FNanchor_1_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_592" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> who wrote at the close of the ninth century, + will shew. Addressing his ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 80px;"> + "O thou, to whom my prayers are given, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compassionate and gentle + be</span> + <br /> + To my poor soul, so roughly driven, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">To fly from me to thee.</span> + <br /> + <br /> + "I call thy name, my vows outpouring, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">I see thine eyes with tear-drops + shine:</span> + <br /> + No monk, his imaged saint adoring, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Knows rapture like to + mine!"</span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Of these words Dozy<a name="FNanchor_2_593" id= + "FNanchor_2_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_593" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> says:—"They might be those of a Provençal + troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry." + </p> + <p> + This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly + seen in a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who + was prime minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He + calls Love<a name="FNanchor_3_594" id= + "FNanchor_3_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_594" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> a mixture of moral affection, delicate + gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm modest beauty, full of sweet + dignity. Being the great grandson of Christian parents, perhaps + some of their inherited characteristics reappeared in + him:—"Something pure, something delicate, something spiritual + which was not Arab."<a name="FNanchor_4_595" id= + "FNanchor_4_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_595" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_592" id="Footnote_1_592"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_592"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Killed, + 897. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_593" id="Footnote_2_593"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_593"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> II. 229. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_594" id="Footnote_3_594"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_594"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Quoted by + Dozy, iii. 350. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_595" id="Footnote_4_595"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_595"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY. + </h3> + <p> + We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the + social and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now + turn to the analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity + under the same aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no + means so marked as in the reverse case. One striking instance, + however, there is, in which such an influence was shewn, and + where we should least have thought to find it. We have + indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be + circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves + off on occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we + cannot be certain: but the fact remains.<a name="FNanchor_1_596" + id="FNanchor_1_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_596" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "Have we not," says Alvar,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_597" id="FNanchor_2_597"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_597" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> "the mark of the + beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we + follow the pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the + circumcision of the heart,<a name="FNanchor_3_598" id= + "FNanchor_3_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_598" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to + the corporeal rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy, + and which can only be complied with at the cost of no small pain + to ourselves." + </p> + <p> + Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic + rite,<a name="FNanchor_4_599" id="FNanchor_4_599"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_599" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> whether voluntarily, + or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know that the + Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the + intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be + circumcised.<a name="FNanchor_5_600" id= + "FNanchor_5_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_600" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the + outward observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought + it necessary to abstain from certain meats,<a name= + "FNanchor_6_601" id="FNanchor_6_601"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_601" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> those, namely, + forbidden by the Mohammedan law. + </p> + <p> + A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his + excuse that otherwise the Christians could not live with the + Saracens.<a name="FNanchor_7_602" id= + "FNanchor_7_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_602" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> This was, naturally, not considered a good + reason by the stricter or more bigoted party, who regarded with + alarm and suspicion any tendency towards amalgamation with + Mohammedans. If we can credit certain chroniclers, a council was + even held some years before this time by Basilius, Bishop of + Cordova, for considering the best method of preventing the + contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its contact + with Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_8_603" id= + "FNanchor_8_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_603" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_596" id="Footnote_1_596"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_596"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John + of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above, p. 89. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_597" id="Footnote_2_597"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_597"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_598" id="Footnote_3_598"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_598"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Romans ii. + 29; Galatians v. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_599" id="Footnote_4_599"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_599"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See "Life + of John of Gorz," sec. 123. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_600" id="Footnote_5_600"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_600"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See "Life + of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.," ii. c. 4. Cp. + "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king, Halihatan + (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par lequel il + estait mandé a tous Chrestiens habitans és terres et villes a + luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se faisans + circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_601" id="Footnote_6_601"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_601"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See + Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. <i>ad init.</i>—" You are + forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and + swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_602" id="Footnote_7_602"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_602"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "John of + Gorz," 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_603" id="Footnote_8_603"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_603"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501. + "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne + Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti, + illorum caeremoniis communicarent." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of + contraries, and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were, + would cling to some habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit + of opposition to a reverse custom among Moslems. Thus we know + that the monks in the East became the more passionately devoted + to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm savoured so much of + Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more objectionable + results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the people + with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from + being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths + were the direct invention of the devil.<a name="FNanchor_1_604" + id="FNanchor_1_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_604" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Later on we know that Philip II., the husband + of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish dominions + destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of + infidelity.<a name="FNanchor_2_605" id= + "FNanchor_2_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_605" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a + contrast to the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is + mentioned with horror as having a wife and children, one of whom + afterwards succeeded him, and also married.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_606" id="FNanchor_3_606"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_606" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the + marriage of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by + Fruela I. (757-768) in the North, yet concubinage became very + common among the clergy;<a name="FNanchor_4_607" id= + "FNanchor_4_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_607" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state + of things that Witiza wished to compel the clergy to have lawful + wives. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_604" id="Footnote_1_604"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_604"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Miss + Yonge, p. 67. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_605" id="Footnote_2_605"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_605"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_606" id="Footnote_3_606"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_606"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, + "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326—"Conventus Episcoporum pro + restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae ac + vepres, nec nominandi proles." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_607" id="Footnote_4_607"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_607"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. 2, 6, + we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the Moslems in + having harems. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We have left to the last the great and interesting question of + the origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines + of Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not + with justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the + present. The institution known by that name arose in the age of + Charles the Great (768-814),<a name="FNanchor_1_608" id= + "FNanchor_1_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_608" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and was therefore nearly synchronous with the + invasion of Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed, + referred to the military service of fiefs, but all its + characteristics, which were personal and individual, such as + loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point to a racial rather than a + political source, and these characteristics are found in an + eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and independent + spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,<a name="FNanchor_2_609" id= + "FNanchor_2_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_609" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> "dwelling as it were upon a rock, and + disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness of + internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is + not unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American + Indians." + </p> + <p> + Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can + be no doubt that its development was largely influenced by the + relative positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the + perpetual war which went on between them in that country. + </p> + <p> + Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps + among our Saxon forefathers,<a name="FNanchor_3_610" id= + "FNanchor_3_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_610" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> chivalry soon became religious in character, + and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against + the Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be + called the cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even + in the first flush of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be + truly chivalrous enemies, and clearly had nothing to learn from + Christians in that respect. The very earliest days of Moslem + triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit displayed at the capture + of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy contrast to the + scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders under the + heroic Godfrey de Bouillon. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_608" id="Footnote_1_608"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_608"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Hallam, + "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_609" id="Footnote_2_609"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_609"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of + chivalry have so much resemblance to those which Eastern + writers of the same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect + Europe for having derived some improvement from imitation of + Asia." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_610" id="Footnote_3_610"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_610"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Hallam, + "Mid. Ages" (1.1.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of + the tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely + paralleled. The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great + victory of Alarcos (1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners. + It cannot, however, be denied that the action displeased many of + the king's followers, who complained of it "as one of the + extravagancies proper to monarchs,"<a name="FNanchor_1_611" id= + "FNanchor_1_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_611" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and Yakub himself repented of it on his + deathbed. + </p> + <p> + In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities + enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight—such as + piety, courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art + of poetry, skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance, + and bow.<a name="FNanchor_2_612" id="FNanchor_2_612"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_612" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Chivalry soon became a + recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf ben Harun, or Abu + Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II. (961-976) on its + duties and obligations;<a name="FNanchor_3_613" id= + "FNanchor_3_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_613" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> nor was it long before the Moorish kings + learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the Christian + fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood + conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.<a name="FNanchor_4_614" + id="FNanchor_4_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_614" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_611" id="Footnote_1_611"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_611"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, + iii. 53. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_612" id="Footnote_2_612"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_612"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. + 159. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_613" id="Footnote_3_613"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_613"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 477. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_614" id="Footnote_4_614"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_614"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, ii. + 173. + </p> + </div> + <p> + As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or + the Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the + Moorish knight <i>sans peur et sans reproche;</i> and though, if + judged by our standards, he was by no means <i>sans reproche</i>, + yet many are the stories told of his magnanimity and justice. On + one occasion after a battle against the Christians, the Count of + Garcia being mortally wounded, his faithful Castilians refused to + leave him, and were hemmed in by Almanzor's men. When the latter + was urged to give the word, and have the knot of Christians put + to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He who slayeth one + man, not having met with violence, will be punished like the + murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man, + shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'<a name= + "FNanchor_1_615" id="FNanchor_1_615"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_615" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Make room, sons of + Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of + the clement and merciful God." <a name="FNanchor_2_616" id= + "FNanchor_2_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_616" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for + wedding gifts for an enemy<a name="FNanchor_3_617" id= + "FNanchor_3_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_617" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he + magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father + of the Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his + seven sons.<a name="FNanchor_4_618" id= + "FNanchor_4_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_618" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the + romantic ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather + round any but persons who are noted for that virtue, and though + the instances should be false in letter, yet in spirit they may + be eminently true. However this may be as respects Almanzor's + generosity, of his justice we have unimpeachable evidence. The + monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says that the success of + his raids on the Christian territories was due to the large pay + he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice, "which + virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's + lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any + Christian."<a name="FNanchor_5_619" id= + "FNanchor_5_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_619" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_615" id="Footnote_1_615"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_615"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Koran, v. + 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_616" id="Footnote_2_616"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_616"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p. + 110. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_617" id="Footnote_3_617"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_617"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 80. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_618" id="Footnote_4_618"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_618"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes + Vasaeus, 969. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_619" id="Footnote_5_619"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_619"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Chron. + Sil.," sec. 70. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the + Christian Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors—those + military orders, namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The + Rabitos, or Moslemah knights," says Conde,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_620" id="FNanchor_1_620"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_620" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> "in charge of the + frontier, professed extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted + themselves voluntarily to the continual exercise of arms. They + were all men of high distinction; and bound themselves by a vow + to defend the frontier. They were forbidden by their rules to fly + from the enemy, it being their duty to fight and die on the spot + they held." + </p> + <p> + In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived + from the Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it + was the Moors who inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy + Wars, as an essential part of their religion.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_621" id="FNanchor_2_621"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_621" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In this respect + Christianity became Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry + became identified with war against the infidel, and found its + apotheosis<a name="FNanchor_3_622" id= + "FNanchor_3_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_622" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> in St. James of Compostella, who—a poor + fisherman of Galilee—was supposed to have fought in person + against the Moors at Clavijo.<a name="FNanchor_4_623" id= + "FNanchor_4_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_623" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> In the ballad we hear of Christian knights + coming to engage in fight from exactly that same belief in the + efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated the + Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms + and fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those + of Leon and Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_5_624" id= + "FNanchor_5_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_624" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de + Junqueras (921).<a name="FNanchor_6_625" id= + "FNanchor_6_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_625" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle + against the Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes + repeated mention of a right valiant prelate named + Hieronymus.<a name="FNanchor_7_626" id= + "FNanchor_7_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_626" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_620" id="Footnote_1_620"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_620"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii. + p. 119, note—"It seems highly probable that from these arose + the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. + and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of Spain were mostly + instituted by papal bulls in the last half of the 12th century. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_621" id="Footnote_2_621"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_621"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Islam made + Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii. pp. 220-2. + Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_622" id="Footnote_3_622"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_622"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Presc., + "Ferd.," p. 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_623" id="Footnote_4_623"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_623"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Mohammed + also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor. iii., ad init. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_624" id="Footnote_5_624"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_624"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Rodrigo + of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they were the + bishops of Tuy and Salamanca. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_625" id="Footnote_6_625"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_625"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana, + viii. 5. See also <i>Ibid.</i>, c. 6. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_626" id="Footnote_7_626"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_626"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Chronicle + of Cid" (Southey), p. 371. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which + engendered and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only + common ground on which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European, + could meet. It was in fact a sort of compromise between two + incompatible religions mutually accepted by two different races. + Though perhaps not a spiritual religion, it was a social one, and + served in some measure to mitigate the horrors of a war of races + and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the Crusades, and Richard I. + of England and Saladin were the Achilles and the Hector of a new + Iliad. + </p> + <p> + With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as + a compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now + conclude. In discussing the relations between Christianity and + Mohammedanism, we have been naturally led to compare not only the + religions but their adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish + between those who profess a creed, and the creed which they + profess; but at least we may have thus been enabled to avoid + missing any point essential to the proper elucidation of the + mutual relations which existed between the two greatest religions + of the world, and the influence they had upon each other. + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="APPENDIX_A" id="APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + A. + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE JEWS IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally + made them the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very + numerous colony in Spain—for Hadrian had transported thither many + thousand families—the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in + conquering the country, both by betraying places to them, and + garrisoning captured towns while the Arabs went on to fresh + conquests. Consequently the relations between the Jews and + Moslems were for a long time very cordial, though this cordiality + wore off in the course of time. Their numbers seem to have been + considerable under the Moslem occupation, and whole towns were + set apart as Jewries.<a name="FNanchor_1_627" id= + "FNanchor_1_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_627" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very + strongly among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith + favoured them. They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves + were induced by the clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became + free, as Jews were not allowed to have Christian slaves.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_628" id="FNanchor_2_628"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_628" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But it must be + admitted that the Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it + was well known that they sold Christian children as slaves to the + Moslems of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_3_629" id= + "FNanchor_3_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_629" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_627" id="Footnote_1_627"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_627"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 452. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_628" id="Footnote_2_628"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_628"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 408. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_629" id="Footnote_3_629"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_629"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <p> + They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from + among the Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind, + named Eleazar, to whom Alvar addressed several letters under the + title of "the transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon. + A Christian of German extraction,<a name="FNanchor_1_630" id= + "FNanchor_1_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_630" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders. + In 838, while on his way to Rome,<a name="FNanchor_2_631" id= + "FNanchor_2_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_631" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> he apostatised to Judaism,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_632" id="FNanchor_3_632"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_632" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and opened a + negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as + slaves, stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year + he let his hair and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he + married a Jewess, compelling his grandson at the same time to + apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude became so hostile to the + Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to Charles, praying + him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however does not seem + to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that + Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the + deaths of Prefectus and John may have been due to him.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_633" id="FNanchor_4_633"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_633" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> After this we hear no + more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the + Arabs seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged + character. Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity + to develop their natural gifts as they have never had since the + capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed + themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if indeed they did not + outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of learning in the dark + ages.<a name="FNanchor_5_634" id="FNanchor_5_634"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_634" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In science generally, + and especially in the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in + learning and civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far + ahead of the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_6_635" id= + "FNanchor_6_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_635" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_630" id="Footnote_1_630"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_630"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Ann. + Bertin.," 839. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_631" id="Footnote_2_631"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_631"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Orationis + gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_632" id="Footnote_3_632"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_632"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, + xi. p. 20 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_633" id="Footnote_4_633"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_633"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The "Ann. + Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to give his + Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism, or death. + See Rohrbacher, xii. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_634" id="Footnote_5_634"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_634"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_635" id="Footnote_6_635"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_635"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 134. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the + gradual process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility, + and at the beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to + have been a project formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems + on the ground of a promise made by their forefathers to Mohammed + that, if in five centuries their Messiah had not appeared, they + would be converted to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_1_636" id= + "FNanchor_1_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_636" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of + the Moslems for extorting money; at all events the Jews only + succeeded in evading the alternative by paying a large sum of + money. Even in the early years of the conquest they were subject + to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the rumour of the + Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish Jews, + leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem + governor, Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to + restore it on the return of the disappointed emigrants. + </p> + <p> + From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to + have lost many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth + century Maimonides,<a name="FNanchor_2_637" id= + "FNanchor_2_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_637" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> the greatest name among the Spanish Jews, + wrote against their errors. One of these seems to have been that + the books of Moses were written before the Creation;<a name= + "FNanchor_3_638" id="FNanchor_3_638"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_638" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> another, that there + was a series of hells in the next world.<a name="FNanchor_4_639" + id="FNanchor_4_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_639" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we + hear of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs + to Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and + the king's confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a + few years later. He was also distinguished as a + physician.<a name="FNanchor_5_640" id= + "FNanchor_5_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_640" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_636" id="Footnote_1_636"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_636"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii. + 326. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_637" id="Footnote_2_637"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_637"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 409. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_638" id="Footnote_3_638"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_638"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the + Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p. 50. (Chandos + Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_639" id="Footnote_4_639"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_639"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_640" id="Footnote_5_640"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_640"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makk., + i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos. + </p> + </div> + <p> + While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest + provinces of Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian + territories, was by no means unendurable. They were sometimes + advanced to important and confidential posts, and it was the + murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish ambassador by the King of Seville + which brought about the introduction of the Almoravides into + Spain. + </p> + <p> + There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo + by the Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him + that they were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar + transported into Spain, and not the descendants of those + Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ. Their ancestors, they said, + were quite free from the guilt of this act, for when Caiaphas had + written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice respecting the + person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews returned + for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be + fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be + put to death. This reply they produced in the original + Hebrew.<a name="FNanchor_1_641" id="FNanchor_1_641"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_641" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is needless to say + that the whole thing was a fabrication. + </p> + <p> + Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain, + the tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the + Jews. They were accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship, + desecration of its symbols, sacrifice of Christian + infants,"<a name="FNanchor_2_642" id= + "FNanchor_2_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_642" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and other enormities. Severe laws were passed + against them, as in the old Gothic times, and their freedom was + grievously curtailed in the matters of dress, residence, and + profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear yellow + caps.<a name="FNanchor_3_643" id="FNanchor_3_643"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_643" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_641" id="Footnote_1_641"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_641"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Southey, + "Roder.," i. p. 235, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_642" id="Footnote_2_642"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_642"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_643" id="Footnote_3_643"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_643"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 116. + </p> + </div> + <p> + At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against + them, and 15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain. + Many were nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to + the credit of a single saint. These new Christians sometimes + attained high ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the + noble families—the taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards + to be regarded with the greatest horror and aversion. + </p> + <p> + It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first + established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In + 1492, on the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a + very large number of Jews were expelled from Castile,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_644" id="FNanchor_1_644"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_644" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the evil example being + afterwards followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the + treatment of Jews by Christians is indeed one of the darkest in + the history of Christianity. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_644" id="Footnote_1_644"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_644"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Variously + estimated at 160,000 or 800,000. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 45%;" /> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="APPENDIX_B" id="APPENDIX_B">B.</a> + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER. + </h3> + <p> + Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a + study as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from + being one of the most independent of Churches, she has become the + most subservient, and therefore the most degraded, of all. The + question of how this was brought about, apart from its intrinsic + interest as illustrating the development of a great nation, is + well worth investigating, from the momentous influence which it + has had upon the religious history of the world at large. For it + is not too much to say that Rome could never have made good its + ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large a part + of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion + of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and + unscrupulous ability of the Italian pontiffs. + </p> + <p> + In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a + nation, has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their + entirety—doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from + the first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception + of Spain) the West of Europe—the birthplace and cradle of the + mighty Teutonic races—have agreed with equal disdain to reject + and trample under their feet. + </p> + <p> + This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in + early times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its + greatness, and its prosperity, held a position of complete + equality with the Roman and other principal churches. The See of + Cordova held so high a rank in the fourth century that Hosius, + its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside at the important + councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347). + </p> + <p> + The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made + Spain still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for + the Goths, besides being far more independent in character than + the Romanized Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in + consequence, from all communion with Rome. The orthodox party, + however, gradually gained strength, and in 560 the remnants of + the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the Gothic king's son Ermenegild, + with their help, revolted against his father. He was finally put + to death for his treason, but his brother, Recared, on ascending + the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the orthodox creed, + his example being followed by most of his nobles and prelates. + </p> + <p> + The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was + the signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which + was the more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great + increase of power since Spain was cut off from orthodox + Christendom by the invasion of the Arian Goths. + </p> + <p> + One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and, + saluting him, ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The + papal authority thus acknowledged was soon exercised in— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the + laws of the land; + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such + cases; + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the + Church; + </p> + <p> + <i>(d.)</i> Sending the pall to metropolitans. + </p> + <p> + These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the + Spanish Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the + papal practice of sending letters to the chief bishops of the + country. They became invested in consequence with certain + important powers, such as those of convoking provincial councils; + of consecrating suffragans; of holding ecclesiastical courts, and + watching over the conduct of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_1_645" id= + "FNanchor_1_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_645" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church <i>was</i> + thus conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of + the Spanish kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very + sparing use of his power. In two points, in especial, the claims + of the pope were strenuously resisted. + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly + forbidden. + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted. + Thus the prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth + councils of Toledo, defended the orthodoxy of their + fellow-bishop, Julian, against the strictures of the then pope, + Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John V., confessed that + they had been in the right.<a name="FNanchor_2_646" id= + "FNanchor_2_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_646" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find + manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some + reason for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion + the king, Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade + appeals to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_3_647" id= + "FNanchor_3_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_647" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> One author even goes so far as to say that the + Gothic king and his clergy being at variance with the pope, the + latter encouraged and favoured the Saracen invasion.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_648" id="FNanchor_4_648"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_648" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_645" id="Footnote_1_645"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_645"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Masdeu, + xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_646" id="Footnote_2_646"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_646"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dunham, i. + p. 197. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_647" id="Footnote_3_647"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_647"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See + Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He quotes + Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_648" id="Footnote_4_648"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_648"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> J.S. + Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note. + </p> + </div> + <p> + However that may have been, and it certainly looks very + improbable, the invasion did not help the pope much directly, + though indirectly, and as events turned out, the Arab domination + was undoubtedly the main cause of the ultimate subjection of + Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in this way:—The + Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in a + position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have + sought help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks. + But the selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred + extending their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of + Christianity in defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish + Christians to look to the only Christian ruler who could afford + them even moral assistance; and the popes were not slow to avail + themselves of the opportunity thus offered for establishing their + authority in a new province. It was by the intervention of the + popes that the war against the Arabs partook of the nature of a + crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the advantage of + filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of + indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a + head, the pope collected in four years the sum of four million + maravedis.<a name="FNanchor_1_649" id= + "FNanchor_1_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_649" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being + asked and obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being + miraculously discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave + to move the see of Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St + lago,<a name="FNanchor_2_650" id="FNanchor_2_650"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_650" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> built on the spot + where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church + dates from this event, which was of ominous import for the future + independence of the Church in that country. What the claims of + Rome had come to be within a quarter of a century of this epoch, + we may see from the controversy which arose between Claudius, + Bishop of Turin, and the papal party. Claudius was himself a + Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated Felix, Bishop of Urgel, + one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy. Among other + doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party, Claudius + stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom, + resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains + to us of his writings,<a name="FNanchor_3_651" id= + "FNanchor_3_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_651" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> on the grounds, first, that Christ did + <i>not</i> say to Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be + loosed upon earth;" meaning by this that the authority vested in + Peter was only to be exercised during his life; secondly, in + answer to the supposed efficacy of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius + retorts on his accuser, Theodomir, abbot of a monastery near + Nîmes:—"If a doing of penance to be effectual involves a journey + to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your monastery and + prevent them from going—as you say is necessary—to Rome itself?" + As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither approved + nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to + all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal + life could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as + to the pope being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters + called him, apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not + belong to one "who fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils + the duties thereof." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_649" id="Footnote_1_649"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_649"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_650" id="Footnote_2_650"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_650"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Romey, + "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_651" id="Footnote_3_651"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_651"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff. Fleury, v. 398. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved + contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage + a congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit + Claudius remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839. + </p> + <p> + The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere + of his interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king + unable even to call a council of bishops without a papal bull. + This became the established practice.<a name="FNanchor_1_652" id= + "FNanchor_1_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_652" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in + confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make + the canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular + cases.<a name="FNanchor_2_653" id="FNanchor_2_653"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_653" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had + established their independence, the weakness of the Christian + Church under Arab domination seemed to afford a good opportunity + for obtaining from them a recognition of the authority of the + pope. We accordingly find that an appeal was made to the pope + towards the close of the eighth century to give an authoritative + decision with regard to what the appellants deemed to be certain + irregularities which had found their way into the practice of + those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian + readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in + accordance with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the + Bishops of Spain he inveighs against the following errors, + countenanced by a certain Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of + Elvira, and sometimes called in consequence the Migetian errors:— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already + been noticed and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a + letter to the people of Seville (750).<a name="FNanchor_3_654" + id="FNanchor_3_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_654" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The error was not the same as that of the + Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to + the twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the + following day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had + been held by the Latin Church itself till the sixth + century.<a name="FNanchor_4_655" id="FNanchor_4_655"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_655" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The fulminations of + the Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was + sufficiently general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle + which took place at the Easter of that year to be placed in the + year of the Hegira 278, which only began on April 15th, whereas + had Easter been observed according to the usage of the Latin + Church, the Paschal feast would have been already past.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_656" id="FNanchor_5_656"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_656" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> The eating of pork and things strangled.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_657" id="FNanchor_6_657"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_657" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> With respect to these + innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten + anathema against those who will not abstain from them. It is + curious to find the Christian Church upholding the eating of + pork, when brought into contact with the Moslems, and forbidding + it elsewhere. + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become + very common, is denounced and forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_7_658" + id="FNanchor_7_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_658" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(d.)</i> The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against + consecrating priests without due preparation, and speaks as if + there were many false priests, wolves in sheep's clothing, + dealing havoc in the flock. + </p> + <p> + <i>(e.)</i> One doubtful authority,<a name="FNanchor_8_659" id= + "FNanchor_8_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_659" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> who tells us that Adrian ordered Cixila, + Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not + fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_652" id="Footnote_1_652"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_652"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Chron. + Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was in Spain + holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez, xiv.), + sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV. sent + Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII. to + hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_653" id="Footnote_2_653"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_653"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Mariana, + viii. 6. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_654" id="Footnote_3_654"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_654"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isid. Pac, + sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376, 451. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_655" id="Footnote_4_655"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_655"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali Latinorum + Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_656" id="Footnote_5_656"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_656"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + p. 355, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_657" id="Footnote_6_657"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_657"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Florez, + "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_658" id="Footnote_7_658"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_658"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Adrian's + Letter to the Spanish Bishops. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_659" id="Footnote_8_659"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_659"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The + Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236—"Ex mandatis litterisque Adriani + papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a carnibus + abstinere" (776 A.D.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the + pretensions of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed + by the venerable Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly + resisted the encroachments of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus + himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote to Migetius condemning + him for certain heresies, and boasts of having completely refuted + and silenced him;<a name="FNanchor_1_660" id= + "FNanchor_1_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_660" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> but at the same time Elipandus shewed his + independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who + abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant + men; though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with + the pope,<a name="FNanchor_2_661" id= + "FNanchor_2_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_661" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and could justify his views by a reference to + the decision of the Church of Jerusalem in the earliest days of + Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_662" id= + "FNanchor_3_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_662" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one, + that it was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take + food touched by them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as: + "Not that which entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but + that which proceedeth out of the mouth, this defileth the man;" + <a name="FNanchor_4_663" id="FNanchor_4_663"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_663" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or "to the pure all + things are pure;"<a name="FNanchor_5_664" id= + "FNanchor_5_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_664" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> and to point out that Christ ate with + publicans and sinners. + </p> + <p> + But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen, + Claudius of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which + regarded the Roman See as alone constituting the Catholic Church + and the power of God.<a name="FNanchor_6_665" id= + "FNanchor_6_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_665" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> This he very properly calls a heresy; and + indignantly denies that Christ's words, "Thou art Peter," + &c., apply to the Church of Rome alone, affirming that they + were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he adds, "can the Roman + Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God without spot + or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome + (Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of + Christendom." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_660" id="Footnote_1_660"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_660"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Epilandus, + Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See Neander, v. 216 + ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud Migne, vol. ci. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_661" id="Footnote_2_661"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_661"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See + Adrian's Letter to Egila. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_662" id="Footnote_3_662"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_662"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Acts xv. + 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_663" id="Footnote_4_663"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_663"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> St Matt. + xv. 11. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_664" id="Footnote_5_664"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_664"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Titus i. + 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_665" id="Footnote_6_665"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_665"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See also + letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's first book, + where he gives us his idea of a <i>Catholic</i> church founded + on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which Catholic + church may even consist of few members. Neander, v. 230. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and + continued to be established over it, Spain could never have + become the priest-ridden country which it now is; but the gradual + advance of the Christian arms in the North brought in its train a + more and more complete subserviency to the pope. + </p> + <p> + As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and + provinces from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist + between the religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of + those who had set them free. This was specially apparent in the + old Gothic liturgy, which the Muzarabic Christians had used all + along, and were still using, whereas the Christians of Leon and + the Asturias had imported a newer recension from Rome. + </p> + <p> + Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome, + and accordingly a legate,<a name="FNanchor_1_666" id= + "FNanchor_1_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_666" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from + John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly + into the ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at + Rome that the mass was incorrectly performed according to the + Gothic liturgy, and that false doctrines were taught. However, + Zanclus found that the divergence was not sufficiently wide to + warrant the suppression of the ancient ritual. It may be that the + power of the Roman Church was not established so securely as to + admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient church. + She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness to + the primitive usage<a name="FNanchor_2_667" id= + "FNanchor_2_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_667" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> of the Church against the innovations of the + Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we + find that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the + question of the old Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again. + The Gothic and the Roman books were subjected, after the absurd + fashion of the times, to two ordeals—by water and by fire; but in + spite of the fact that the Gothic liturgy, thanks to its greater + solidity and stronger binding, resisted both those elements + incomparably better than its younger rival, and so, if the ordeal + went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the old + native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the + pope, and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of + Leon,<a name="FNanchor_3_668" id="FNanchor_3_668"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_668" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and Sancho IV. of + Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up their + customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of + Toledo till late in the fifteenth century. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_666" id="Footnote_1_666"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_666"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana, + vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of Marinus, and + says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of Toledo. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_667" id="Footnote_2_667"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_667"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. the + monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman Catholics, under + Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred books and memorials + of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar coast in India. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_668" id="Footnote_3_668"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_668"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> And I. of + Castile. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters + relating to the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon + the king himself, and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso + IX. and all his kingdom were laid under an interdict by Celestine + III. because he had married within forbidden limits, and refused + to divorce his wife at the bidding of the pope. He did in the end + divorce her, but only to repeat the same offence with a second + wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at the hands of + Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on apace, + and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's + courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices + and bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X. + (1252-1284).<a name="FNanchor_1_669" id= + "FNanchor_1_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_669" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But this result was not attained without + remonstrances from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and + Isabella, the question came to an open rupture between the + Spanish Court and the reigning pope, Sixtus IV. Isabella, though + so ready to submit herself in matters of personal religion to the + pope and his legates, refused, like her later namesake of + England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and the + pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of + appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if + the sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the + barons of theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry + IV. (1454-1474), the papal legate threw his influence on to the + king's side, and excommunicated the rebellious barons, they + firmly answered that "those who had advised the pope that he had + a right to interfere in the temporal concerns of Castile had + deceived him; and that they, the barons of the kingdom, had a + perfect right to depose their sovereign on sufficient grounds, + and meant to exercise it."<a name="FNanchor_2_670" id= + "FNanchor_2_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_670" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213 + Pedro II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the + Albigensians, and down to the time of Charles V., the princes of + Aragon were at open enmity with the Roman See,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_671" id="FNanchor_3_671"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_671" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Aragonese + strenuously resisted the establishment of the + Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_4_672" id= + "FNanchor_4_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_672" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_669" id="Footnote_1_669"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_669"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_670" id="Footnote_2_670"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_670"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the king, if he + violated the charter of the realm, might be deposed, and any + other <i>Pagan</i> or Christian substituted. <i>Ibid</i>, p. + 23. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_671" id="Footnote_3_671"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_671"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lockhart, + Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_672" id="Footnote_4_672"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_672"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n. + </p> + </div> + <p> + That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more + unmerited suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised + by man, whereby more innocent people passed through the fire than + were perhaps ever sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first + put into action in September 1480, during the reign of the pious + and noble-minded Isabella.<a name="FNanchor_1_673" id= + "FNanchor_1_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_673" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The festival of Epiphany in the following year + was selected as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the + first auto da fé, when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was + against that unfortunate people that this inhuman persecution was + devised, or at least first used. That one year witnessed the + martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the infliction on 17,000 others of + punishments only less than death itself. During the + administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen + years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly + 100,000 were, as the phrase went, reconciled.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_674" id="FNanchor_2_674"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_674" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The confiscation of + property which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning + brought in enormous sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors. + </p> + <p> + The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the + Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors + under Christian government were called, who were oppressed and + persecuted in the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from + Spain. + </p> + <p> + But a more important conquest than these—more important, that is, + to the supremacy of the Roman See—was the undoubted conquest + achieved by the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in + the sixteenth century began to find their way into Spain from + Germany and England. Finding a congenial soil, the reformation + began to spread in Spain with wonderful rapidity. The divines + sent by Charles V. into England were themselves converted, and + returned full of zeal for the Protestant faith—"Their success," + says Geddes,<a name="FNanchor_3_675" id= + "FNanchor_3_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_675" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> "was such that had not a speedy and full stop + been put to their pious labours by the merciless Inquisition, the + whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been converted to + the Protestant religion, in less time than any other country had + ever been before."<a name="FNanchor_4_676" id= + "FNanchor_4_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_676" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> So untrue is it to say that persecution always + fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the fetters, which + the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of Leon and + Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of + Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent + people. Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility, + social, religious, and political, Spain affords a melancholy but + instructive spectacle to the nations. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_673" id="Footnote_1_673"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_673"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced into + Spain, 1242. Prescott. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_674" id="Footnote_2_674"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_674"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_675" id="Footnote_3_675"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_675"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miscell. + Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_676" id="Footnote_4_676"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_676"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Geddes, + Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a Romanist author, + who says: "the number of converts was so great that had the + stop which was put to that evil been delayed but two or three + months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had been put into + a flame by them." + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED" id= + "LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED">LIST OF AUTHORITIES + CONSULTED.</a> + </h2> + <p> + I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 10px;"> + A. Arab (in translations): + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (1.) <i>Ibn abd el Hakem.</i> "History of the Conquest of Spain." + with notes by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down + to 743. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (2.) <i>J.A. Conde.</i> "History of the Domination of the Arabs + in Spain," translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols. + Bohn, 1854. The author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled + his work from Arabian memorials and writings in such sort that + those documents may be read as they were written;" (p. 18), "The + student of history may read this book as written by an Arabic + author." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their + modern successors cannot find a good word for it.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_677" id="FNanchor_1_677"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_677" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> De Gayangos, the + learned translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though + not blind to the "unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the + absence of notes and citations of authorities, and the numerous + errors and contradictions,"<a name="FNanchor_2_678" id= + "FNanchor_2_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_678" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the + foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan + Spain. It certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points + out<a name="FNanchor_3_679" id="FNanchor_3_679"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_679" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the errors of his + predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself, + not only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things + faithful to his authorities, he is found, where those authorities + can be identified, not to be faithful. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_677" id="Footnote_1_677"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_677"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Stanley + Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887). Dozy, Preface + to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui manquait + absolumment de sens historique." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_678" id="Footnote_2_678"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_678"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As to + these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in transcribing + or extracting the accounts of different historians some facts + are sure to be repeated, and others entirely contradicted. See + Al Makk., i. p. 29. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_679" id="Footnote_3_679"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_679"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pref., p. + 13 ff. + </p> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (3.) <i>J.C. Murphy.</i> "History of the Mahometan Empire in + Spain," with additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work + is based on Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly + to be found in Al Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters + on the influence, scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs + in Europe, are exhaustive and interesting. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (4.) <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari</i>. "History of the + Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger + work by that author, translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols. + London, 1840. This work, which Dozy finds fault with for certain + inaccuracies, is on the whole very trustworthy, and its notes + form a perfect mine of information for the student wandering + helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al Makkari, a native + of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the seventeenth + century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose + evidence is most valuable. Among these are— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + α. <i>Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah</i>, descended + from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + β. <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi</i>, flourished in the + reign of Abdurrahman III. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + γ. <i>Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib</i>, of Cordova; died, 1044. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + δ. <i>Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm</i>, born at + Cordova, 994; died, 1064. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + ε. <i>Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,</i> born + at Cordova, 1006. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + ζ. <i>Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al + Anssari</i>, Cordova, 1101-1183. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + η. <i>Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn + Said</i> of Granada, 1214-1286. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + θ. <i>Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,</i> + born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 10px;"> + B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (1.) <i>Schott's</i> "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort, + 1603. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (2.) <i>Florez,</i> "España Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most + useful collection of Spanish writers, together with much + information about them, written in Spanish. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (3.) <i>Migne's</i> "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most + invaluable collection in several score volumes. The following is + a list of those consulted:— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (α.) <i>Isidore of Beja</i>, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum + Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation + of the Chronicle of Isidore of Seville. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (β.) Chronicon <i>Sebastiani</i>, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866. + (Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.) + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i> 1146. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (γ.) Chronicon <i>Albeldense</i>, 866-976. (Conde, <i>ibid.</i>, + says to 973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was + perhaps begun by Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on + by the monk Vigila. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (δ.) Chronicon <i>Sampiri</i> "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written + about 1000), 869-9S2. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 466-475. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (ε.) <i>Chronicon regum Legionensium</i>, 982-1109, by Pelagius, + Bishop of Oviedo—a very doubtful authority, and branded with the + epithet "fabulosus." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 270-330. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (ζ.) Chronicon <i>Silensis</i> Monachi, written <i>circa</i> + 1100. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott, iv. 1-116. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (η.) <i>Lucas of Tuy</i>, "Chronicon Mundi," written <i>circa</i> + 1236. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, i. 246-291. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (θ.) <i>Alfonso</i>, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum + Hispanarum," etc. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (ι.) <i>Luitprand</i>, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria + attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years + 606-960. The author of these is generally called the + Pseudo-Luitprand, and very little credit can be placed in his + statements. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (κ.) <i>Rodrigo</i>, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs + from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died + in 1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture + and to profane history. He does not even mention the Christian + martyrdoms in the ninth century. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, x. 570-579. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (λ.) <i>Annales Bertiniani</i>, from the French point of view. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott, i. 700 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 24px;"> + (μ.) <i>Johannes Vasaeus</i>, "Hispaniae Chronicon." + </p> + <p> + The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some + are valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are + nearly worthless. + </p> + <p> + Other authorities there are of a different kind—not historians, + but writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light + on the history of the time. Among these are— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>a.</i>) <i>Elipandus</i>, Bishop of Toledo; died 810. + Letters— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 859-867. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Migetius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 867-869 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Charles the Great. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 870-882. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Albinus (Alcuin). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 918,919 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Fidelis, an abbot (783). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>b</i>.) <i>Felix</i>, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio + fidei (799). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 894-1030. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>c</i>.) <i>Beatus</i>, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter + to Elipandus. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ci. 1321-1331. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>d</i>.) <i>Letters of Spanish Bishops</i> to Bishops of Gaul. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. and ci. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>e</i>.) <i>Alcuin</i>. Letters— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Felicem haereticum (793). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Elipandum. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistle XC. (800), + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistle CXIII. (800). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + Books— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Adversus Elipandum, iv. books. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Altera ad eosdem. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xcviii. p. 373. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>f.</i>) <i>Adrian</i>, Pope. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus directa, + maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 336. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum (782). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xiii. 416. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>g</i>.) Letter from <i>Louis the Débonnaire</i> to the + Christians of Merida (826). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxv. 703-966. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>h</i>.) <i>Eulogius</i>, priest of Cordova, and + bishop-designate of Toledo. Died 859. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar, sending his book. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins and + Martyrs, Oct. 851. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis + Sanctorum Liber," 3 books. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>i</i>.) <i>Alvar</i>, Paulus,<a name="FNanchor_1_680" id= + "FNanchor_1_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_680" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> of Cordova, and, according to his letters, + both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to + the Pseudo-Luitprand. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + <a name="Footnote_1_680" id="Footnote_1_680"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_680"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Robertson + says Peter. + </p> + </div> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 62-81. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Confessio. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 81-88. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to John of Seville, + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 88-91. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 101-129. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To John of Seville. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 129-141. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Speraindeo. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 151-156. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Romanus, a doctor (860). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 164-165. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Saul of Cordova. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 167-171. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 171-177. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Eleazar, a transgressor. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 178-189. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 189-217. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 218-219. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 291-292. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Eulogius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 296-299. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Eulogius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, x. 593 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Life of Eulogius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. 219-275.<a name="FNanchor_1_681" id= + "FNanchor_1_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_681" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda + sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem omnis + vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_681" id="Footnote_1_681"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_681"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ascribed + by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of Toledo. Morales + doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no mention of + Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where <i>praesul</i> is spoken of. + </p> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>k</i>.) <i>John of Seville</i>. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xi. pp. 91-101. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 142-147. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>l</i>.) <i>Speraindeo</i>, Abbot, flourished 820. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 148-151. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar (853). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>m</i>.) <i>Saul</i> of Cordova. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. pp. 156-164. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to other Bishops. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 165-167. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>n</i>.) <i>Eleazar</i>, an apostate to Judaism. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 177-178. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 189, 190. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 217, 218. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxxi. p. 565. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>o</i>.) <i>Leovigildus</i>, priest of Cordova, flourished + 860. "De habitu Clericorum." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 567. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>p</i>.) <i>Cyprianus</i>, arch-priest of Cordova. + "Epigrammata." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>q</i>.) <i>Samson</i>, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot + of the Monastery of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or + Epitaph of Cyprianus.) "Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan. + 1, 863). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xi. 300-516. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>r</i>.) <i>Jonas Aurelianensis</i>. "De cultu imaginum." An + Answer to Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>s</i>.) <i>De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii</i> Monachi, + Aurelii et Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore + <i>Aimoino</i> monacho: from Usuard and Odilard, monks. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>t</i>.) <i>Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis</i> (died 973), + by John, Abbot of St Arnulph. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>u</i>.) <i>John of Cirita</i>, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xviii. 379 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>v</i>.) <i>Life of St Rudesindus.</i> + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xiv., 392. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>w.</i>) <i>Passio St Nicholai Alsamae</i> regis filii et + sociorum martyrum qui passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous + account. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>x.</i>) <i>Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae</i> et + comitum eius qui passi sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi. 890-894 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>y.</i>) <i>Life of Beatus</i>, by an anonymous author. Not + very trustworthy, —<i>e.g.</i>, death of Elipandus placed in 798 + (sec. 8): mythical council mentioned (sec. 7). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + And the following <i>Charters</i>, etc.:— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xvii. 244. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xviii. 312. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 397. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 326 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de + Logio a parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927. + </p> + <p> + II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par <i>Loys de Mayerne + Turguet</i>. Book xvi. (1608.) + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (2.) <i>John de Mariana</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1_682" id= + "FNanchor_1_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_682" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated + from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.) + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_682" id="Footnote_1_682"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_682"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dr Dunham + says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in oblivion. No + one reads it in Spain." + </p> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (3.) <i>Fleury</i>, "History of the Church," translated from the + French. (1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxv. p. 917. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (4.) <i>Morales</i>. "Remarks on the State of the Christian + Religion under the Arabs at Cordova." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 305-336. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (5.) <i>Froben</i>. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et + Felicis." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 338-438. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (6.) <i>Enhueber's</i> "Dissertation against Walchius' view of + Adoptionism." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (7.) <i>Dunham</i>. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner), + 1832. Buckle, "Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this + history, very extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history + in the English language of a foreign modern country." It + certainly has the merit—no small one in so confused a period—of + being clear and succinct; but he has a bias against the Moors. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (8.) <i>W.H. Prescott</i>. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent + work. The parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the + Introduction and chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is + the want of direct citations of authorities used. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (9.) <i>Hardwicke's</i> "History of the Christian Church in the + Middle Ages," 1853. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (10.) The Abbé <i>Rohrbacher</i>. "Histoire Universelle de + l'Eglise Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (11.) <i>Neander</i>. "General History of the Christian Religion + and Church" (Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475; + vol. vi. 119-132. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des + Arabes," par <i>M. Cardonne</i>. 3 vols., 1765. A history based + chiefly on Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde + (Pref., p. 14) and Murphy (notes, passim) have shown. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (13.) <i>Dozy</i>. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' à la + conquête de l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols., + Leyden, 1861. An invaluable history of the time, being both lucid + and thorough. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (14.) <i>E.A. Freeman</i>. "History and Conquests of the + Saracens." Six lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated + rather as a πάÏεÏγον in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate + writer, with a strong bias, however, against chivalry (see + Lecture v., p. 182). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (15.) <i>Ockley</i>. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in + the Chandos Classics). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (16.) <i>Gibbon</i>. The parts relating to the Saracens are + conveniently reprinted in the "Chandos Classics." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (17.) <i>Robertson's</i> "History of the Christian Church." Vol. + iii. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (18.) <i>Milman's</i> "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (19.) <i>Stanley</i>. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect. + viii. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (20.) <i>Hallam's</i> "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (21.) <i>Geddes</i>. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his + Miscellaneous Tracts. 1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found + at Granada in 1588; and View of Court of Inquisition in Portugal. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (22.) <i>Lecky's</i> "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in + Europe." 2 vols. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (23.) <i>Buckle</i>. "History of Civilisation in England," chap. + viii. "Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries." + Vol. ii. pp. 425-597. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (24.) <i>Carlyle</i>. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (25.) <i>C.M. Yonge</i>. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden + Treasury" Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate + in facts. To give one instance only out of many—The authoress + says (p. 29), that Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled + and died in battle. It is well known (Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that + he did neither. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (26.) <i>R. Bosworth Smith.</i> "Mohammed and Mohammedanism." + 1874. A brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity + being extolled in theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too + forcibly reminded of "Brutus is an honourable man." His own + accusation of others falls upon himself. P. 61, he says—"Most + other writers have approached the subject only to prove a thesis. + Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor: they have held a + brief for the prosecution or the defence." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (27.) <i>S. Lane-Poole.</i> "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the + Nations" Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De + Gayangos' translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle + of the Cid," and Washington Irving's "Granada." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (28.) <i>Blunt.</i> "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools + of Thought." 1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the + Adoptionists, and others I have found very useful. There is, + however, nothing said of the Priscillianists (of Spain), or the + Druses. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (29.) <i>Hughes.</i> "Dictionary of Islam." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (30.) <i>The Koran.</i> Sale's edition. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (31.) <i>Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.</i> Vol. xi. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (32.) <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica.</i> Article on Averroes. + </p> + <p> + III. POETRY:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>a.</i>) <i>Lockhart's</i> "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint, + with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>b.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted, + with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable + translation. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>c.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Roderic," with many interesting + notes. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>d.</i>) <i>Scott's</i> "Don Roderic." + </p> + <p> + IV. REFERRED TO:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>a.</i>) <i>Romey.</i> "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>b.</i>) <i>Reinaud.</i> "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>c.</i>) <i>Moshieim.</i> "Institutes of Ecclesiastical + History." Translated by Murdoch. 1845. + </p> + <p> + PRINTED BY + </p> + <p> + TURNBULL AND SPEARS, + </p> + <p> + EDINBURGH. + </p> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain +(756-1031), by Charles Reginald Haines + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM *** + +***** This file should be named 15262-h.htm or 15262-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/2/6/15262/ + +Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and +the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031) + +Author: Charles Reginald Haines + +Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM *** + + + + +Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and +the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. + + + + + + +CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM +IN SPAIN + +A.D. 756-1031 + +C.R. HAINES, M.A. + +AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE"; "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS"; +"VERSIONS IN VERSE." + +LONDON + +KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE + +1889 + +[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents, +there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of +Chapter VIII.] + +TABLE OF CONTENTS. + + +CHAPTER I. + +Invasion of Spain by the barbarians--Its easy conquest--Quarrels among +the conquerors--Departure of the Vandals--Visigoths gain the +supremacy--Conflict with Eastern Empire--Reduction of the Suevi--All +Spain becomes Gothic--Approach of Saracens--Planting of Christianity in +Spain--St James--Gospel first preached at +Elvira--Irenaeus--Persecutions--Martyrs--Council of Elvira--Council of +Nice--Number of Christians--Paganism +proscribed--Julian--Arianism--Ulphilas--Conversion of +barbarians--Degeneracy of religion--Priscillian--His heresy +condemned--Priscillian burnt--Paganism, in Spain--The Gothic +Government--Church and State--Power of king--Election of +bishops--Arianism of Goths--Ermenegild--Bigotry in +Spain--Jews--Influence of clergy--Of the pope 1-11 + + +CHAPTER II. + +Period of Gothic rule--Degeneracy of Goths--Causes of their +fall--Battle of Guadalete--Resistance of towns--Theodomir--Remnant in +the North--Mohammedanism--Its rise and progress--Reduction of +Africa--Siege of Constantinople--Attacks on Spain--Tarif--Arabs in +Gaul--Anarchy in Spain--Christians in the North--Clemency of the +Arabs--Treaties--Conquest easy--Rhapsodies of +Isidore--Slaves--Jews--Impartiality of Arab governors--Khalifate +established--Feuds of Arabs and Berbers--Revolt of Berbers--Syrian +Arabs--Settlement of Arabs--Effect of Berber wars 11-25 + + +CHAPTER III. + +Landing of Abdurrahman--Khalifate of Cordova--Condition of +Christians--Proselytism--Apostates--Arabs and Spaniards--Evidence of +Christian writers--Condition of the people--Serfs--No revolts--No +solidarity with the Christians in the North--Relations with Arabs at +first friendly--The jehad in Spain--Martyrs in battle--Fabulous +martyr--Anambad, first martyr--Peter of Najuma--No other till 824--John +and Adulphus--Causes of Martyrdoms--Amalgamation of the two +peoples--Intermarriage--Children of mixed parents--Nunilo and +Alodia--Mania for martyrdom--Voluntary martyrdoms--The Spanish +confessors--Threatened deterioration in the Church--Christianity +infected with Moslem customs--Religious fervour in +convents--Fanaticism, of monks--Fresh martyrs--Perfectus, John, +Isaac--Arab inability to understand the motives of these +martyrs--Causes of fanaticism--Sanctus--Peter--Walabonsus, etc 25-40 + + +CHAPTER IV. + +Flora and Maria--Their adventures--Trial--Meet Eulogius in +prison--Their execution--Other martyrs--Hidden Christians--Aurelius, +Sabigotha, etc--Plan for procuring martyrdom--Miracle in +prison--Execution--Other martyrs--Death of Abdurrahman II.--Mohammed +I.--Martyrs--Prodigy upon their execution--Outrage in a +mosque--Punishment of offenders--Apprehension of king--Meditates a +persecution--Even a massacre--Series of martyrdoms--Cloister of Tabanos +suppressed--Columba, Pomposa--Abundius a true martyr--Others +martyred--Censor of Cordova--Persecution and death of +Ruderic--Eulogius--Parentage and antecedents--Opposes amalgamation of +Arabs and Christians--Encourages learning of +Latin--Imprisonment--Elected Bishop of Toledo--Again +imprisoned--Trial--Execution--His relics 40-54 + + +CHAPTER V. + +Doubtful martyrs--No persecution raging--The Muzarabes--Churches in +Cordova--Arab description of a church--Monasteries outside the +city--Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova--No ferment at +Elvira--Enthusiasts not a large body--Their leaders--The moderate +party--Objections against the martyrs--Voluntary martyrdoms forbidden by +the Church--Answer of apologists--Evidence as to persecution--Apologists +inconsistent--Eulogius and Alvar--Reviling of Mohammed--Martyrs worked +no miracles--Defence of apologists illogical--Martyrs put to death not +by idolaters--Death without torture--Their bodies corrupted--Moslem +taunts--Effect of martyrdoms on the Moslems--Prohibition of +relics--Traffic in relics--They work miracles--Relics taken from Spain +to France--Expedition of monks for that purpose--St Vincent's +body--Relics of George, Aurelius, etc., carried off--Return to +France--Measures of the moderate party--Of the +Moslems--Reccafredus--supported by the majority of Christians--Fanatics +coerced--Anathematized--Action of king--Suspects political +movement--Revolt at Toledo--Grand Council--Measures against +zealots--Meditated persecution--The extreme party broken +up--Apostasies--Reason of these--The exceptor Gomez--The decision of the +Council--Cessation of martyrdoms 54-73 + + +CHAPTER VI. + +National party--Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs--Martyrs in +battle--Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.--Pelagius--Argentea--The +monks of Cardena--Eugenia--No real persecution under the Great +Khalif--General view of Christian Church in Spain under Abdurrahman +II.--Civil position of Christians--Councils--Neglect of Latin--Arabic +compulsory--Protests of Alvar, etc.--Latin forgotten--Cultivation of +Moslem learning--Moslem theology--Church abuses--Simony--Breach of +canons--Unworthy priests--Rival pastors--Heresy in the +Church--Depravity of clergy--Their apostasy--Their +deposition--Muzarabes--Free Christians in the North--The Church in the +North--Its dangerous position--Cut short by Almanzor--Clergy oppress +Christians--Count of Cordova--Ill-treats the Christians--Councils--Held +by Elipandus--By Reccafredus--By Hostegesis--Jews and Moslems +summoned--Council held by Basilius 73-86 + + +CHAPTER VII. + +Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.--Commander of the Faithful--His +character--Embassy to the Emperor of the West--Return embassy--John of +Gorz--Detained in Cordova--Messengers from the king--Cause of +detention--John of Gorz and John of Cordova--The king's +threats--Dead-lock--Fresh embassy to Otho--A second embassy from +Otho--First embassy received--Condescension of Sultan--Tolerance of +Moslems--Mohammed's injunctions--Tolerant Mohammedan rulers +elsewhere--Alcuin--Arnold of Citeaux--Bernard, Archbishop of +Toledo--Christians tolerated, even encouraged--"Officer of +protection"--Christian courts--Censors--Sclavonian bodyguard--Arab +pride of race--Partial Amalgamation of races--Alliances between Arabs +and Christians--Intermarriages--Offspring of these--The maiden +tribute--Evidence in its favour--No myth--Conversions--Mohammedan view +of apostasy 86-98 + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +Arab factions--Berbers--Spaniards--Muwallads--Despised by +Arabs--Revolts at Cordova, &c.--Intrigues with the Franks--Letter of +Louis--Revolt of Toledo--Christians and Muwallads make common +cause--Omar--Begins life as a bandit--Captured--Escapes--Heads the +national party--Becomes a Christian--Utterly defeated--Muwallads desert +him--Death of Omar--Stronghold of Bobastro captured--End of +rebellion--Christians under Abdurrahman III.--Almanzor--Anarchy--End of +Khalifate--Knowledge of Christianity and Mohammedanism slight among +those of the opposite creed--Christian writers on +Islam--Eulogius--Mohammed's relation to Christianity--Alvar--Unfair to +Mohammed--His ignorance of the Koran--Prophecy of Daniel.--Moslem +knowledge of Christianity--Mistaken idea of the Trinity--Ibn Hazm--St +James of Compostella 98-114 + + +CHAPTER IX. + +Traces of amalgamation of religions--Instances elsewhere--Essential +differences of Islam and Christianity--Compromise attempted--Influence +of Islam, over Christianity--Innovating spirit in Spain--Heresy in +Septimania--Its possible connection with Mohammedanism--Migetian heresy +as to the Trinity--Its approach to the Mohammedan doctrine--Other +similar heresies--Adoptionism--Our knowledge of it--Whence +derived--Connection with Islam--Its author or authors--Probably +Elipandus--His opponents--His character--Independence--Jealousy of the +Free Church in the North--Nature of Adoptionism--Not a revival of +Nestorianism---Origin of the name--Arose from inadvertence--Felix--His +arguments--Alcuin's answers--Christ, the Son of God by adoption--Unity +of Persons acknowledged--First mention of theory--Adrian---Extension of +heresy--Its opponents--Felix amenable to Church discipline--Elipandus +under Arab rule--Councils--Of Narbonne--Friuli--Ratisbon--Felix abjures +his heresy--Alcuin--Council of Frankfort--Heresy +anathematized--Councils of Rome and Aix--Felix again recants--Alcuin's +book--Elipandus and Felix die in their error--Summary of evidence +connecting adoptionism with Mohammedanism--Heresy of +Claudius---Iconoclasm Libri Carolini--Claudius, bishop of +Turin--Crusade against image-worship--His +opponents--Arguments--Independence--Summoned before a Council--Refuses +to attend--Albigensian heresy 114-136 + + +CHAPTER X. + +Mutual influences of the two creeds--Socially and intellectually--"No +monks in Islam"--Faquirs--The conventual system adopted by the +Arabs--Arab account of a convent--Moslem nuns--Islam +Christianised---Christian spirit in Mohammedanism--Arab +magnanimity--Moslem miracles---like Christian ones--Enlightened +Moslems--Philosophy--Freethinkers--Theologians--Almanzor--Moslem +sceptics--Averroes--The faquis or theologians--Sect of Malik ibn +Ans--Power of theologians---Decay of Moslem customs--Wine drunk--Music +cultivated--Silk worn--Statues set up--Turning towards Mecca--Eating of +sow's flesh--Enfranchisement of Moslem women--Love--Distinguished +women---Women in mosques--At tournaments--Arab love-poem--Treatise on +love 136-149 + + +CHAPTER XI. + +Influence of Mohammedanism--Circumcision of Christians--Even of a +bishop--Customs retained for contrast--Cleanliness rejected as peculiar +to Moslems--Celibacy of clergy--Chivalry--Origin--Derived from +Arabs--Favoured by state of Spain--Spain the cradle of chivalry--Arab +chivalry--Qualifications for a knight--Rules of knighthood--The +Cid--Almanzor--His generosity--Justice--Moslem military orders--Holy +wars--Christianity Mohammedanized--The "Apotheosis of +chivalry"--Chivalry a sort of religion--Social compromise--Culminates +in the Crusades 149-156 + + + + +APPENDICES. + + +APPENDIX A. + +Jews persecuted by Goths--Help the Saracens--Numbers--Jews in +France--Illtreated--Accusations against--Eleazar, an apostate--Incites +the Spanish Moslems against the Christians--Intellectual development of +Jews in Spain--Come to be disliked by Arabs--Jews and the +Messiah--Judaism deteriorated--Contact with Islam--Civil position--Jews +at Toledo--Christian persecution of +Jews--Massacre--Expulsion--Conversion--The "Mala Sangre"--The +Inquisition 156-161 + + +APPENDIX B. + +Spain and the papal power--Early independence--Early importance of +Spanish Church--Arian Spain--Orthodox Spain--Increase of papal +influence--Independent spirit of king and clergy--Quarrel with the +pope--Arab invasion--Papal authority in the North--Crusade +preached--Intervention of the pope--St James' relics--Claudius of +Turin--Rejection of pope's claims--Increase of pope's power in +Spain--Appealed to against Muzarabes--Errors of Migetius--Keeping of +Easter--Eating of pork--Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems--Fasting on +Sundays--Elipandus withstands the papal claims--Upholds intercourse +with Arabs--Rejects papal supremacy--Advance of Christians in the +North--Extension of power of the pope--Gothic liturgy +suspected--Suppressed--Authority of pope over king--Appeals from the +king to the pope--Rupture with the Roman See--Resistance of sovereign +and barons to the pope--Inquisition established--Victims--Moriscoes +persecuted--Reformation stamped out--Subjection of Spanish Church 161-173 + + +LIST OF AUTHORITIES 175-182 + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +THE GOTHS IN SPAIN. + + +Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain, leaving so +many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi, Alani, and Vandals, at +the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman governor of Spain, burst into +that province over the unguarded passes of the Pyrenees.[1] Close on +their steps followed the Visigoths; whose king, taking in marriage +Placidia, the sister of Honorius, was acknowledged by the helpless +emperor independent ruler of such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he +could conquer and keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious +provincials offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No +Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own island; +no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence against the Roman +Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian, asserts that they +preferred the rule of the barbarians. However this may be, the various +tribes that invaded the country found no serious opposition among the +Spaniards: the only fighting was between themselves--for the spoil. Many +years of warfare were necessary to decide this important question of +supremacy. Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the +fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their way +southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the Straits of +Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had utterly overthrown their +rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis, and had left an abiding record +of their brief stay in the name Andalusia. + + [1] "Inter barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam + sollicitudinem sustinere."--Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i. + +For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their late +crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of Spain, but +under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths definitely asserted their +superiority. Under the latter king the Gothic domination in Spain may be +said to have begun about ten years before the fall of the Western +Empire. But the Goths were as yet by no means in possession of the whole +of Spain. A large part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for, +though the Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern +emperor had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces, +which had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these +was some portion of Spain. + +It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a king +came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi and to reduce +the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was not till 622, the +very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a Gothic king, Swintila, +finally drove out all the Emperor's troops, and became king in reality +of all Spain. + +Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first indications +of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours of whose +irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread, which the Arabs +aroused even in distant Spain as early as a century after the birth of +Mohammed, may be appreciated from the despairing lines of Julian,[1] +bishop of Toledo:-- + + "Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos malus implicet error, + Demur et infandis gentibus opprobrio! + Africa plena viris bellacibus arma minatur, + Inque dies victrix gens Agarena furit." + +Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results, it +will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of Christianity +in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous to the advent of the +Moslems. + + [1] Migne's "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814. + +There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early into +Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself, who is said +to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia, Valencia, and +Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds whatever for supposing +that James, the brother of John, ever set foot in Spain. The "invention" +of his remains at Ira Flavia in the 9th century, together with the story +framed to account for their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far +from the scene of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to +need refutation. + +The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed (but, it +seems, against probability) for Illiberis.[1] However that may be, the +early establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenaeus, who +appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive doctrine.[2] +The long roll of Spanish martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian +(95 A.D.) with the name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the +succeeding persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but +she suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's reign +that nearly all the inhabitants of Caesar Augusta were treacherously +slaughtered on the sole ground of their being Christians; thus earning +for their native city from the Christian poet Prudentius,[3] the proud +title of "patria sanctorum martyrum." + + [1] Florez, "Espana Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff. + + [2] Bk. I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186). + + [3] 348-402 A.D. + +The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the same time +the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman Empire. Diocletian +indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the very name of Christian and +abolished their hateful superstition. This even to the Romans must have +seemed an empty boast, and the result of Diocletian's efforts only +proved the truth of the old maxim--"the blood of martyrs is the seed of +the Church." + +The Spanish Christians about this time[1] held the first ecclesiastical +council whose acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or +Elvira, was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who +passed eighty canons. + + [1] The date is doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209, + places it between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner. + Other dates given are 300 and 305. + +The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325 was held +the first General Council of the Church under the presidency of the +emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed Christian. Within a quarter of a +century of the time when Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated +the Christian name, it has been computed that nearly one half of the +inhabitants of his empire were Christians. + +The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in 341 +put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan sacrifices were +prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a church militant and a +church triumphant! In 388, after a brief eclipse under Julian, +Christianity was formally declared by the Senate to be the established +religion of the Roman Empire. + +But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired by the +church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and court intrigue, +did not tend to the spiritual advancement of Christianity. Almost +coincident with the Edict of Milan was the appearance of Arianism, +which, after dividing the Church against itself for upwards of +half-a-century, and almost succeeding at one time in imposing itself on +the whole Church,[1] finally under the missionary zeal of Ulphilas found +a new life among the barbarian nations that were pressing in upon all +the northern boundaries of the Empire, ready, like eagles, to swoop down +and feast upon her mighty carcase. + + [1] At the Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis," + says Jerome, "et Arianum se esse miratus est." + +Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals, adopted +the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by Ulphilas towards +the close of the fourth century. Consequently the nations that forced +their way into Southern Gaul, and over the Pyrenees into Spain, were, +nominally at least, Christians of the Arian persuasion. The extreme +importance to Spain of the fact of their being Christians at all will be +readily apprehended by contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials +with that which befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands +of our own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later. + +Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed from the +quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had lost much of its +ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and lascivious dances on the stage +began to be tolerated even by Christians, though they were denounced by +the more devout as incompatible with the profession of the Christian +faith. + +Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of Christian +blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of Avila, was led +into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian gnostic. What his error +exactly was is not very clear, but it seems to have comprised some of +the erroneous doctrines attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the +new heresy, with which two other bishops besides Priscillian became +infected, was condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another +held five years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other +persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of Ithacius,[1] +bishop of Sossuba, and Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the +protests of Martin of Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was +not thus stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic +conquest. + +There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic +invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it continued to +be so during the whole period of Gothic domination.[2] Some Pagans +undoubtedly lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,[3] +but that there were any large numbers of them as late as the eighth +century is improbable. + +Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the Gothic +government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever existed in +Europe."[4] This is too sweeping a statement, though it must be allowed +that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic nobles rendered their yoke +peculiarly galling, while the position of their slaves was wretched +beyond all example. However, it is not to their civil administration +that we wish now to draw attention, but rather to the relations of +Church and State under a Gothic administration which was at first Arian +and subsequently orthodox. + + [1] See Milman, "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60. + + [2] Dozy, ii. 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of + the Sixteenth Council of Toledo. + + [3] Mason, a bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a + Pagan as late as this. + + [4] Dunham's "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210. + +The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military +character, gradually tended to become a theocracy--a result due in great +measure to the institution of national councils, which were called by +the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics of the realm. Many +of the nobles and high dignitaries of the State also took part in these +assemblies, though they might not vote on purely ecclesiastical matters. +These councils, of which there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at +Toledo, the Gothic capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the +power of ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his +religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon three) it +was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer the exercise of +any other religion than the Catholic, and to vigorously enforce the law +against all dissentients, especially against that accursed people the +Jews." The fact of the monarchy becoming elective[1] no doubt +contributed a good deal to throwing the power into the hands of the +clergy. + +Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops +subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the other way. +On the whole it was the king that lost power, though no doubt as a +compensation he gained somewhat more authority over Church matters. He +could, for instance, issue temporary regulations with regard to Church +discipline. Witiza, one of the last of the Gothic kings, seems even to +have authorized, or at least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.[2] +The king could preside in cases of appeal in purely ecclesiastical +affairs; and we know that Recared I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621) +did in fact exercise this right. He also gained the power of nominating +and translating bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was +first conceded to the king.[3] The Fourth Council of Toledo (633) +enacted that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his +city, and that his election should be approved by the metropolitan and +synod of his province: while the Twelfth Council, held forty-eight years +later, evidently recognizes the validity of their appointment by royal +warrant alone. Some have referred this innovation back to the despotic +rule of Theodoric the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century; +others to the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism +in Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of +convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts. + + [1] In 531 A.D. + + [2] Monk of Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca; + Robertson, iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27, + that Fruela (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these + accounts of Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion. + + [3] Robertson, "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183. + +The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and nobles is +a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that invaded Spain at +the beginning of the fifth century were inoculated with the Arian +heresy. Of these the Vandals carried their Arianism, which proved to be +of a very persecuting type, into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation +the Alani, under the pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed, +gave up their Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths, +however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period--until 589 +namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national council +and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his example being +followed by many of his nobles and bishops. + +The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole remarkably +tolerant[1] towards both Jews and Catholics, though we have instances +to the contrary in the cases of Euric and Leovigild, who are said to +have persecuted the orthodox party. The latter king, indeed, who was +naturally of a mild and forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures +by the unfilial and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the +latter had been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without +entering into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and +Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every reason to +think that Leovigild would have taken no measures against him. Even +after a second rebellion the king offered to spare his son's life--which +was forfeit to the State--on condition that he renounced his +newly-adopted creed, and returned to the Arian fold. His reason--a very +intelligible one--no doubt was that he might put an end to the risk of a +third rebellion by separating his son effectually from the intriguing +party of Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to +death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words. + + [1] Lecky, "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says + that the Arian Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be + insufficient grounds for the assertion. + +With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to the +Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above quoted from +the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was even passed forbidding +anyone under pain of confiscation of his property and perpetual +imprisonment, to call in question the Holy Catholic and Apostolic +Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the definitions of the Fathers; +the decrees of the Church; and the Sacraments. In the spirit of these +enactments, severe measures were taken against the Jews, of whom there +were great numbers in Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the +first systematic persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was +"not according to knowledge."[1] A cruel choice was given the Jews +between baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the +other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were enforced +against them. Those who under the pressure of persecution consented to +be baptised, were forced to swear by the most solemn of oaths that they +had in very truth renounced their Jewish faith and abhorred its rites. +Those who still refused to conform were subjected to every indignity and +outrage. They were obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe +Sunday and Easter. They were denied the _s connubii_ and the _ius +honorum_. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a Christian +vouched for their character. Some who still held out were even driven +into exile. But this punishment could not have been systematically +carried out, for the Saracen invasion found great numbers of Jews still +in Spain. As Dozy[2] well says of the persecutors--"On le voulut bien, +mais on ne le pouvait pas." + + [1] Apud Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by + Southey, Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni + Judaeos ad fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem + habuit, sed non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit, + quos provocare fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum, + sive per occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in + hoc gaudeo et gaudebo." + + [2] "History of Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26. + +Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain turned +their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the secret +negotiations between them being discovered, the persecution blazed out +afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of Toledo[1] decreed that relapsed +Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be forcibly +taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to marry among +themselves.[2] + + [1] Canon 8, de damnatione Judaeorum. + + [2] For the further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix + A. + +These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the dominant +influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus received from +the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema and excommunication +against the political enemies of the king.[1] Moreover the cordial +relations which subsisted between the Church and the State, animated as +they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled the Spanish kings +to resist the dangerous encroachments of the Papal power, a subject +which has been more fully treated in an Appendix.[2] + + [1] The councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels + against the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the + deposed Swintila was excommunicated. + + [2] Appendix B. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +THE SARACENS IN SPAIN. + + +The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively short +period we are asked by some writers to believe that the invaders quite +lost their national characteristics, and became, like the Spaniards, +luxurious and effeminate.[1] Their haughty exclusiveness, and the fact +of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them for a time +separate from, and superior to, the subject population, whom they +despised as slaves, and hated as heretics. But when the religious +barrier was removed, the social one soon followed, and so completely did +the conquerors lose their ascendency, that they even surrendered their +own Teutonic tongue for the corrupt Latin of their subjects. + + [1] Cardonne's "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien + differens des leurs ancetres etoient alors enerves par les + plaisirs, la douceur du climat; le luxe et les richesses + avoient amolli leur courage et corrompu les moeurs." Cp. + Dunham, vol. i. 157. + +But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is generally +supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue them. Musa ibn +Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into Spain, and the first +governor of that country under Arab rule, when asked by the Khalif +Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths, answered that "they were lords +living in luxury and abundance, but champions who did not turn their +backs to the enemy."[1] There can be no doubt that this praise was well +deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the country was +overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be attributed to +wholesale treachery from one end of the country to the other. But for +this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to blame. Their treatment of +the Jews and of their slaves made the defection of these two classes of +their subjects inevitable. + +The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic kingdom as +the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of successive kings;[2] but +on the heads of the clergy, even more than of the king, rests the guilt +of their iniquitous and suicidal policy towards the Arians[3] and the +Jews. The treachery of Julian,[4] whatever its cause, opened a way for +the Arabs into the country by betraying into their hands Ceuta, the key +of the Straits. Success in their first serious battle was secured to +them by the opportune desertion from the enemy's ranks of the +disaffected political party under the sons of the late king Witiza,[5] +and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards apostatized; while the rapid +subjugation of the whole country was aided and assured by the hosts of +ill-used slaves who flocked to the Saracen standards, and by the Jews[6] +who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and deliverers from the hated +yoke of the uncircumcised Goths. + + [1] Al Makkari, vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation). + + [2] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus + Domini ob inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2. + + [3] Arianism lingered on till the middle of the eighth century + at least, since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of + Alfonso I., that he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam." + + [4] For Julian, or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De + Gayangos' note to Al Makkari, i. p. 537, etc. + + [5] Called Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see + "Sebast. Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter + of Witiza married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King, + under the name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of + the eighth century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius + to Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen + _Witizani_, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14. + + [6] The Jews garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp. + 280, 282, and De Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852 + we find the Jews betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew + nearly all the Christians. + +Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave stand--as +brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the Normans. The first +decisive battle in the South[1] lasted, as some writers have declared, +six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of being +driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address to his +soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of Africa, whither +would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe in front. There is no +help for you save in your own right hands[2] and the favour of God." Nor +must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either side, +amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of Roderic's army was +disaffected. It is probable that only the Goths made a determined stand; +and even after such a crushing defeat as they received at Guadalete, and +after the loss of their king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn +resistance in Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.[3] One of them, +Theodomir, after defending himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at +last by his valour and address contrived to secure for himself, and even +to hand down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over +that part of Spain. + + [1] Generally called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De + Gayangos on Al Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres + or Medina Sidonia. + + [2] "Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i. + p. 271; Conde i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation). + + [3] We must not forget also that the mild and politic conduct + of the Saracens towards the towns that surrendered, even after + resistance, marvellously facilitated their conquest. + +But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient +hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they had +been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they seem to have +begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against the invaders. The +thirty[1] wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it unnecessary to +pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed that they had power to +sting; and the handful of patriots, who in the cave of Covadonga +gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old Gothic line, soon swelled into +an army, and the army into a nation. Within six years of the death of +Roderic had begun that onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which, +with the exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the +tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to halt, +until it had regained every foot of ground that had once belonged to the +Gothic kings. + +Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders. +History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or political point +of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and the wonderful conquests +which it made. "The electric spark[2] had indeed fallen on what seemed +black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved explosive powder and +blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!" Mohammed began his preaching +in 609, and confined himself to persuasion till 622, the year of the +Flight from Mecca. After this a change seems to have come over his +conduct, if not over his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the +peaceful and more glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed +to the human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success, +however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the defeat +of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being mostly pacified, +the first expedition beyond its boundaries was undertaken under +Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive attempt gave no indications +of the astonishing successes to be achieved in the near future. Mohammed +himself died in the following year, yet, in spite of this and the +consequent revolt of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was +overrun and Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on +equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In 637 +Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under the yoke +of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the rich valley of +the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The conquest of Egypt only +formed the stepping-stone to the reduction of Africa, and the victorious +Moslems did not pause in their career until they reached the Atlantic +Ocean, and Akbah,[3] riding his horse into the sea, sighed for more +worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for thinking that it had +been well for the inhabitants of the New World, if Fortune had delivered +them into the hands of the generous Arabs rather than to the cruel +soldiery of Cortes and Pizarro. + + [1] Al Makk., ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon + a rock? They must inevitably die." + + [2] Carlyle's "Hero Worship" ad finem. + + [3] Cardonne, i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note. + +In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the death of +Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of Constantinople. Fortunately +for the cause of civilisation and of Christendom, this long siege of +several years proved unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717. +But by the latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the +Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition into +Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the crossing of +the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the East the passage of +the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam. + +There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had +attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or only +one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said to have +been made into that country under Abdullah ibn Sa'd,[1] which resulted +in the temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad +is mentioned by Abulfeda[2] as having taken place in Othman's reign +(644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680) we +have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja and +Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that the +Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded Wamba on +the throne--a story which seems likely enough when read in the light of +the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier attacks, however, seem +to have been mere raids, undertaken without an immediate view to +permanent conquest. + +By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths sent +help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and, while Julian +their general still remained true to his allegiance, they beat off the +Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of that fortress the Arabs +were enabled to send across the Straits a small reconnoitring detachment +of five hundred men under Tarif abu Zarah,[3] a Berber. This took place +in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till April 30, +711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad. There seems to have +been a preliminary engagement before the decisive one of Gaudalete (July +19th-26th)--the Gothic general in the former being stated variously to +have been Theodomir,[4] Sancho,[5] or Edeco.[6] + + [1] See De Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382. + + [2] "Annales Moslemici," i. p. 262. + + [3] The names of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad + have been confused by all the careless writers on Spanish + history--_e.g._ Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but Gibbon, + Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error. For + Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519; and + for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation, note + 10. + + [4] Al Makk., i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55. + + [5] Cardonne, i. 75. + + [6] Dr Dunham. + +It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in +detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain and +part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But the Arabs +made the fatal mistake[1] of leaving a remnant of their enemies +unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave of +conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but surely to +recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of Arab extension in +the West, and Christian Gaul was never afterwards seriously threatened +with the calamity of a Mohammedan domination. + +The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest and +the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of disorder, +almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This state of things was +one eminently favourable to the growth and consolidation of the infant +state which was arising among the mountains of the Northwest. In that +corner of the land, which alone[2] was not polluted by the presence of +Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits who could not +brook subjection and valued freedom above all earthly possessions.[3] +Here all the various nationalities that had from time to time borne +rule in Spain, + + "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," [4] + +all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were gradually +welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into one compact and +homogeneous whole.[5] Meanwhile what was the condition of those +Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under the +Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared much worse; +and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no doubt contributed +largely to the facility of the conquest. The first conqueror, Tarik ibn +Zeyad, was a man of remarkable generosity and clemency, and his conduct +fully justified the proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false +charges before the Sultan Suleiman.[6] "Ask the true believers," he +said, "ask also the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in +Africa and in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly, +covetous, or cruel." + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. 34. + + [2] According to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never + been admitted into any town of Biscay before 870. + + [3] Prescott, "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that + only the lower orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note + he mentions a remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3). + + [4] Southey, "Roderick," Canto IV. + + [5] Thierry, "Dix Ans d'Etudes Historiques," p. 346. "Reserres + dans ce coin de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths + et Romains, vainqueurs et vaincus, etrangers et indigenes, + maitres et esclaves, tous unis dans le meme malheur ... furent + egaux dans cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign. + Fruela I. (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio + (768-774), revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.," + vi. sec. 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem + redacti sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in + reigns of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and + Isab.," p. 4. + + [6] Or his predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined. + +The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally contained the +following provisions: that the citizens should give up all their horses +and arms; that they might, if they chose, depart, leaving their +property; that those who remained should, on payment of a small tribute, +be permitted to follow their own religion, for which purposes certain +churches were to be left standing; that they should have their own +judges, and enjoy (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the +riches of the churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,[1] and +hostages given. But conditions even better than these were obtained from +Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by Theodomir in Murcia. The original document +has been preserved by the Arab historians, and is well worthy of +transcription: + +"In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and Tadmir make +this treaty of peace--may God confirm and protect it! Tadmir shall +retain the command over his own people, but over no other people among +those of his faith. There shall be no wars between his subjects and +those of the Arabs, nor shall the children or women of his people be led +captive. They shall not be disturbed in the exercise of their religion: +their churches shall not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded +from them, or obligations be laid upon them--those expressed in this +treaty alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail +in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile purposes he +may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself shall pay a tribute +of a dinar[2] each year, with four measures of wheat and four of barley; +of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four measures. All the vassals of +Tadmir, and every man subject to tax, shall pay the half of these +imposts."[3] + +These favourable terms were due in part to the address of Theodomir,[4] +and partly perhaps to Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians, +which was also manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of +King Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This predilection +for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill favour with the +Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.[5] + + [1] Conde i. p. 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious + avarice. + + [2] Somewhat less than ten shillings. + + [3] Al Makkari, i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76. + + [4] Isidore, sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator, + eloquentia mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir + Almumenin prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est + honoratus." + + [5] Al Makkari, ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into + treasonable correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of + forming a project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself + a Christian, etc. + +On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was accomplished +with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or none of those +atrocities which generally characterize the subjugation of a whole +people by men of an alien race and an alien creed. It cannot, however, +be denied that the only contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance +on this point with all the Arab accounts. + +"Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every limb +in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature fail in +depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless and +immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the whole story +of sorrow--not to speak of all the disastrous ills which in innumerable +ages past from Adam even till now in various states and regions of the +earth a cruel and foul foe has caused to a fair world--whatever Troy in +Homer's tale endured, whatever Jerusalem suffered that the prophets' +words might come to pass, whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture +might be fulfilled--all this, and more, has Spain experienced--Spain +once full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory, but +now brought low in shame and dishonour."[1] + + [1] Cp. also Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note, + curiously remarks: "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate, + but the exaggeration proves the fact." + +This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the ravings +of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as it seems by the +actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following Isidore after an interval of +500 years, improves upon him by entering into details, which being in +many particulars demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked +upon with suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words +are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their +fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women reserved +for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or destroyed, the national +substance plundered, oaths and treaties uniformly broken.[1] + +To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need only +compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England by the +Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The comparison +will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not impossible that, if the +invaders had been Franks instead of Moors, the country would have +suffered even more, as we can see from the actual results effected by +the invasion of Charles the Great in 777. Placed as they were between +the devil and the deep sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred +(had the choice been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than +to the Franks.[2] + + [1] Dunham, ii. p. 121, note. + + [2] Dozy, ii. p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona: + + "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis, + Maurorum votis adsociata magis." + +To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through Spain, +the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave had only to +pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but God, and Mohammed is +his Prophet": and he was immediately free. To the Jews the Moslems +brought toleration, nay, even influence and power. In fact, since the +fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the Jews had never enjoyed such +independence and influence as in Spain during the domination of the +Arabs. Their genius being thus allowed free scope, they disputed the +supremacy in literature and the arts with the Arabs themselves. + +Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel in +their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians alike.[1] +Some indeed increased the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must +be remembered that this tribute[2] was in the first instance very light, +and therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression. +Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause of the +Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was Abdurrahman al +Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an Arab writer says:[3] "He +did equal justice to Moslem and Christian ... he restored to the +Christians such churches as had been taken from them in contravention of +the stipulated treaties; but on the other hand he caused all those to be +demolished, which had been erected by the connivance of interested +governors." Similarly of his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi +(721-726), we find it recorded[4] that "he rendered equal justice to +every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and Christian, or +between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by Yahya ibn Salmah +(March-Sept. 726), who is described as injudiciously severe, and dreaded +for his extreme rigour by Moslems as well as Christians.[5] Isidore says +that he made the Arabs give back to the Christians the property +unlawfully taken from them.[6] Similar praise is awarded to Okbah ibn +ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).[7] Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain +were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried out with +regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians, while the Ameers +were so constantly changing, being sometimes elected by the army, but +oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by his lieutenant, the governor of +Africa for the time being. This perpetual shifting of rulers would in +itself have been fatal to the settlement of the country, had it not been +brought to an end by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the +Khalif of Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in +May 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes which +threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in Spain. Chief +among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and the jealousy between +Berbers and Arabs. + + [1] _E.g._, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore, sec. + 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the Christians, + those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest of the + Moslemah families." + + [2] Merely a small poll-tax (jizyah) at first. + + [3] Conde, i. 105. + + [4] Conde, i. p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says: + "Vectigalia Christianis duplicata exagitat." + + [5] Conde, i. 102. + + [6] Isidore, sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio + crudelis exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et + Mauros pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque + Christianis plura restaurat. + + [7] Conde, i. 114, 115. + +Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while such +Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or Beladi +faction.[1] The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as new converts, +were also regarded as Nonconformists[2] by the pure Arabs, and +consequently a quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two +parties. + +As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against the +Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the following +year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who had conquered the +country alone had claims to the spoil.[3] This formidable rising was +only put down by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the +continual disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in +Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in Africa +was a signal for a similar determined attempt in Spain.[4] The +reinforcements which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa +under Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief named +Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta. + + [1] The two chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of + Modhar, son of Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan + belonged the Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family. + They were also called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2) + Descendants of Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the + Kelbites and the Yemenites. These were most numerous in + Andalus; see Al Makkari, ii. 24. + + [2] Dozy, iii. 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note. + Though nominally Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan + rites. + + [3] See De Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's + "Karta," xiv. _sq._ Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p. + 55, says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a + leader of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was + the leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in + 728. + + [4] Al Makkari, ii. 40. + +Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan[1] Alfehri taking up the cause +of the Berbers, procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own +favour, but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled +to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta, though +previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties that they might +cross over into Spain. + +The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn Besher, +nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising at the same +time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers were overcome. This +desirable end accomplished, however, they refused to keep to their +agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found himself driven to seek anew the +alliance of the Berbers and also of the Andalusian Arabs against his +late allies.[2] But the latter proved too strong for the Ameer, who was +defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of Balj. + + [1] Cardonne, i. p. 135. + + [2] The Syrian Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away + from home. The Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered + for the worse when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens." + +These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the +accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued +without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova, Abdurrahman ibn +Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain. + +The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to break up +the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those of Damascus in +Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen; of Alurdan[1] in +Malaga and Regio; of Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia; +of Wasit in Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of +Andalusian Arabs. + +These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of Spain; +for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and Western +marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many of the +survivors compelled to return to Africa,[2] owing to the famine which +afflicted the country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab +dominion were left practically denuded of defenders,[3] and the +Christians at once advanced their boundaries to the Douro, leaving +however a strip of desert land as a barrier between them and the +Moslems. This debateable land they did not occupy till fifty years +later.[4] + + [1] _I.e._, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note. + + [2] Dozy, iii. 24. + + [3] Al Makkari, ii. 69. + + [4] When they built a series of fortresses as Zarnora, + Simancas, San Estevan. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA. + + +Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen in May +756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with this date, +though it was many years before the new sultan had settled his power on +a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by the whole of Moslem Spain. + +During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened between +the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we have very +little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The Arab historians +are too busy recounting the feuds of their own tribes to pay any +particular attention to the subject Christians. But we may gather that +the latter were, on the whole, fairly content with their new +servitude.[1] The Moslems were not very anxious to proselytize, as the +conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious diminution of the +tribute.[2] Those Christians who did apostatize--and we may believe that +they were chiefly slaves--at once took up a position of legal, though +not social, equality with the other Moslems. It is no wonder that the +slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from their hatred for their +masters, and the obvious temporal advantage of embracing Islam, the +majority of them knew nothing at all about Christianity.[3] The ranks of +the converts were recruited from time to time by those who went over to +Islam to avoid paying the poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of +some penalty inflicted by the Christian courts.[4] One thing is +noticeable. In the early years of the conquest there was none of that +bitterness displayed between the adherents of the rival creeds, to which +we are so accustomed in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only +contemporary Christian authority, though he rhapsodizes about the +devastations committed by the conquerors, and complains of enormous +tributes exacted, yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems[5] than any +other Spanish writer before the fourteenth century. "If he hates the +conquerors," says Dozy,[6] "he hates them rather as men of another race +than of another creed;" and the marriage of Abdulaziz and Egilona +awakens in his mind no sentiment of horror. + + [1] This was not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer + Almohades overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. + See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168. + + [2] As happened in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168, + and Gibbon, vi. p. 370. + + [3] Dozy, ii. 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor. + Eccles. of Granada" (1638), in which the author points out that + even in his day the "old Christians" of Central Spain were so + wholly ignorant of all Christian doctrines that they might be + expected to renounce Christianity with the utmost ease if again + subjected to the Moors. + + [4] Samson, "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5. + + [5] Speaking of Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore, + sec. 46, says, "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli + unquam ex Arabum gente." + + [6] Dozy, ii. p. 42. + +On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian or +renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the +conquest.[1] Those serfs who remained Christian, if they worked on State +lands, payed one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands, +four-fifths to their Arab owners.[2] The free Christians retained their +goods, and could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax +varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.[3] In all probability the +Christians under Moslem rule were not worse off than their +coreligionists in Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded +by the fact that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which +would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no attempts +at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the eighth century, +except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have been led away by the +ambition of an Arab chief.[4] They were even somewhat indifferent to the +cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts which +Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in concert with +their brethren met with but scant success.[5] + + [1] See especially Conde, Pref. p. vi. + + [2] Dozy, ii. 39. + + [3] Dozy, ii. 40. + + [4] Dozy, ii. 42. + + [5] Cardonne, i. 106. + +There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding, which at +first existed between the Moslems and their Christian subjects, +gradually gave place to a very different state of things, owing in no +small degree to the free Christians in the North, whose presence on +their borders was a continual menace to the Moslem dominion, and a +perpetual incentive to the subject Christians to rise and assert their +freedom. + +Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications +scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations that +existed between the two religions during the 275 years of the Khalifate, +and the influence which these relations had upon the development of the +one and the other. It will be agreeable to the natural arrangement to +take the former question first. + +With a view to the better understanding of the position of Christianity +and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our inquiry, we have thought +it advisable to point out in a preliminary sketch the development of +Christianity in Spain previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh +from their native deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one +hand and the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the +fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done, we can +at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of Christianity and +Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of the Khalifate of Cordova. + +It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in +obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs, having +overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain, and the war +from the very first took the character of a jehad, or religious war--a +character which it retained with the ever-increasing fanaticism of the +combatants until every Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed, +or been driven out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself +was singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of +course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their lives +in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in defence of their +wives and their children, their homes and their country, their religion +and their honour. One such instance at least has been recorded by the +Arab historians,[1] when the Governor, and 400 of the garrison, of +Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of St George, chose +rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender upon condition either of +embracing Islam, or paying tribute. + +Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a tissue of +errors and absurdities,[2] the first martyr properly so called was a +certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn abi +Nesah (727-728)--a governor guilty of shedding much Christian blood, if +Isidore is to be believed.[3] + + [1] Al Makkari, i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot + being called ever since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of + the burnt), as likewise of the great veneration in which it has + always been held by the Christians, on account of the courage + and endurance displayed in the cause of their religion by those + who died in it." + + [2] Florez, "Espana Sagr," xiv. 392. + + [3] Isidore, sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum, + quen ibidem innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et + Anabadi, illustris episcopi,... quem ipse cremaverat, valde + exhaustus," etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but + probably Othman ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain. + +Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much the same +tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century, brought about his +own condemnation and death. He held a responsible post under Government, +that of receiver of public imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of +friendship with many of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax +in his religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from +motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his life +was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and thanking +them for showing their concern for him by coming, he proceeded, "But I +desire you to be witnesses of this my last will. Whosoever believeth not +on the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity, +is blind in heart, and deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth +Mohammed, your false prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce, +therefore, these fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and +earth witness between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the +hearers resolved to take no notice of these and other like words, +charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter, having +unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation of Mohammed, +cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon he was executed, and +we cannot be altogether surprised at it.[1] + +Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any more +recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug. 852). In the +second year of this king's reign, two Christians, John and Adulphus, +making public profession of their faith, and denouncing Mohammed, were +put to death on Sept 17, 824.[2] + + [1] We give the account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it, + but with great doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer + that we have seen mentioning it. + + [2] Florez, x. 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St + Cyprian's Church, Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum + Georgii etc.," sec. 7. + +This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration shown +by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their Christian subjects; +and there can be no reasonable doubt that this ill-advised conduct on +the part of the latter was the main cause of the so-called persecution +which followed. But besides this fanaticism on the part of a small +section of the subject Christians, there were other causes at work +calculated to produce friction between the two peoples. During the +century which had elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and +Mohammedans, living side by side under the same government, and one +which, considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less +for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and +magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together. Intermarriages +had become frequent among them;[1] and these proved the fruitful cause +of religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious +troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed I. +(852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed parents. +Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father and a Christian +mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and, apparently, while he +lived, permitted his children to profess the faith of their mother. On +his death, the mother married again, and the new husband, being a +bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as we may suppose, by the _odio +vitrici_, immediately set about reclaiming his step-children to the true +faith of Islam, his efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat, +even to torture,[2] the young confessors. His utmost endeavour to effect +their conversion failing, he delivered them over to the judge on the +charge of apostasy, and the judge to the executioner, by whom they were +beheaded on Oct. 21, 840.[3] + + [1] Due in part no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also + below for "the maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97. + + [2] So Miss Yonge. + + [3] This date is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p. + 886, and by Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," + ii. c. 10, of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The + Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an + eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon, + etc." + +Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character, where the +sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,--and we may believe that +all such cases have not been recorded--yet the vast majority of those +which followed in the years 851-860 were of a different type. They were +due to an outbreak of fanatical zeal on the part of a certain section of +the Christians such as to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the +Moslem authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian +subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the less +enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the Mohammedans. +The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested itself at this time is +certainly the most remarkable phenomenon of the kind that has been +recorded in the annals of the Christian Church. There had been +occasional instances before of Christians voluntarily offering +themselves to undergo the penalty of the laws for the crime of being +Christians. One such instance in the case of a Phrygian, named Quintus, +had caused grave scandal to the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone +before the proconsul and professed himself ready to die for the faith, +when the reality of the death, which he courted, had been brought home +to him by the sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of +the Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods. Africa +also had had her self-accused martyrs. + +But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these, both +by reason of their number and the constancy which they displayed in +their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is recorded, though there +may have been some such, where the would-be martyr from fear or any +other cause forwent his crown. Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing +the Church on the question of their merit, whether, that is, the +victims were to be ranked as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a +written controversy on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if +rather one-sided, materials for estimating the provocation given, and +received, on either side. + +As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more closely +together in political and social life, the Church no doubt suffered some +deterioration. Every interested motive was enlisted in favour of +dropping as far as possible out of sight[1] those distinctive features +of Christianity which might be calculated to give offence to the +Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan customs, which are not in +the Bible expressly forbidden to a Christian;[2] and, generally, of +emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with Mohammedanism, +and ignoring those (far more important ones) in which they differ. The +Moslems had no such reason for dissembling their convictions, or +modifying their tenets. Consequently a spiritual paralysis was creeping +upon the Church, which threatened in the course of time, if not checked, +to destroy the very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The +case of Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed +that this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over +Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never passed +under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in danger of +being swept away by the devouring flames of Mohammedanism, might be +nursed and cherished, till it could again blaze forth with its former +brilliancy. + + [1] See below, p. 72, note 5. + + [2] _E.g.,_ circumcision. + +Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly vanished: it +was still to be found among the clergy, and specially among the dwellers +in convents. Monks and nuns, severed from all worldly influences, in the +silence of their cloisters, would read the lives of the Saints[1] of +old, and meditate upon their glorious deeds, and the miracles which +their faith had wrought. They would brood over such texts as, "Ye shall +be brought before rulers and kings for My sake;"[2] and, "Every one who +shall confess Me before men, him will I also confess before My Father, +which is in Heaven;"[3] till they brought themselves to believe that it +was their imperative duty to bring themselves before rulers and kings, +and not only to confess Christ, but to revile Mohammed. + + [1] See Dozy, ii. 112. + + [2] St Mark xiii. 9. + + [3] St Matt. x. 32. + +However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not apply, as +the apologists of their doings have not failed to point out, to the +first two victims that suffered in this persecution. + +Perfectus,[1] a priest of Cordova, who had been brought up in the school +attached to the church of St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase +some necessaries for domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in +the street, and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led +them to make this strange request, we are not told,[2] but stated thus +barely it certainly gives us the impression that it was intended to +bring the priest into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem +countries that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be scourged,[3] +if he struck him, killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who +spoke evil of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he +heard the blasphemy without taking notice of it.[4] Perfectus, +therefore, being aware of this law, gave a cautious[5] answer, declining +to comply with their request until they swore that he should receive no +hurt in consequence of what he might say. On their giving the required +stipulation, he quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs +and false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch +that if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"[6] and +proceeded to speak of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor +and a dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he, the +encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own filthy lusts, +delivered you all over to the indulgence of an everlasting sensuality." +This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the Moslems revere as we revere +Christ, and the ungenerous advantage taken of the oath, which they had +made, naturally incensed his hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree. +They respected their promise, however, and refrained from laying hands +on him at that time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging +themselves on a future occasion.[7] + + [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar, + "Indic. Lum.," sec. 3. + + [2] See, however, Appendix A, p. 158. + + [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet, + et legalis iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui + blasphematur, flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur." + Neander V., p. 464, note, points out that "blasphemaverit" + refers to cursing Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," + Pref., sec. 5, "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti + debere in eos qui talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On + hearing of Isaac's death the king published a reminder on this + law. + + [4] See p. 91. + + [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer. + + [6] Matt. xxiv. 24. + + [7] "Accensum ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius + reponunt." Eulogius, 1.1. + +If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and Perfectus, +being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one, was met[1] by his +former interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing +despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being +questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his words. +He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the end of the +month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast month. In prison the +priest repented his weakness, and when brought again before the judge on +the Mohammedan Easter, he recanted his recantation, adding, "I have +cursed and do curse your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan, +a dealer in witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately +led off for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the +King's minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on +April 18, 850.[2] The apologists, on insufficient evidence, describe the +death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day in the river, as a +manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of Perfectus.[3] + + [1] "Dolo circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4. + + [2] Johannes Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest + error) in 950, under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time + that some writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him, + wrongly: "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam + persecutionem in Christianos." + + [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5. + +The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no doubt +the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative painlessness, +with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was not lost upon the +brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary retreats and trying by a +life of religious devotion to cut themselves off from the seductive +pleasures of an active life. + +The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty tradesman, +named John,[1] who does not seem to have courted his own fate. He had +aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a habit which he had +contracted of pronouncing the name of the Prophet in his market +transactions, taking his name, as they thought, in vain, and with a view +to attracting buyers.[2] John, being taxed with this, with ill-timed +pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who wishes to name your Prophet." He +was haled before the Kadi, and, after receiving 400 stripes,[3] was +thrown into prison. Subsequently he was taken thence and driven through +the city riding backwards on an ass, while a crier was sent before him +through the Christian quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the +punishment of those, that speak evil of the Prophet of God." + + [1] Eugolius, "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum. + sec. 5. + + [2] So Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1. + 1.) is not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam, + semper eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum + per iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa + auribus te ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas." + + [3] Or, according to Eulogius, 500. + +So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution, brought by +the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can be more or less +sustained, but the next instance is of a different character. Isaac,[1] +a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble and wealthy ancestors, was +born in 824, and by his knowledge of Arabic, attained in early life to +the position of an exceptor, or scribe,[2] but gave up his appointment +at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery of Tabanos, which +his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had founded near Cordova. + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref., + secs. 2 ff. After his death Isaac was credited with having + performed miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have + spoken three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable + about Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child, + to have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven. + + [2] Not, as Florez, a tax-gatherer. + +Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he +voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an "enquirer," +begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam. The Kadi, +congratulating himself on the prospect of such a promising convert, +gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in fluent Arabic, said: "He +has lied unto you--may the curse of Heaven consume him!--who full of all +wickedness has led astray so many men, and doomed them with himself to +the lowest deep of hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts, +he hath given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without +doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing these, and +other like _chaste_[1] utterances, the judge listened in a sort of +stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent in +tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck the monk in +the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which is made in the +image of God?"[2] The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him for +striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy of death +should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having now recovered his +self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac, whether drunk or mad, had +committed a crime which, by an express law of Mohammed's, merited +condign punishment. He was accordingly beheaded, and, his body being +burnt, his ashes were cast into the river (June 3, 851). This was done +to prevent the Christians from carrying off his body, and preserving it +for the purpose of working miracles.[3] + +Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the people, who +were amazed at the _newness_ of the thing.[4] It was at this point that +Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these fanatical doings +by encouraging and helping others to follow Isaac's example. + + [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "_Ore pudico_ + summisque reverentiae ausibus viribusque." + + [2] Cp. Acts xxiii. 3. + + [3] Eulog., "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict + of the authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer + penalties. + + [4] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290. + +The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and threw +their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have struck the +Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs themselves were as brave +men as the world has ever seen, and, by the very ordinances of their +faith, were bound to adventure their lives for their religion in actual +human conflict with infidel foes, yet they were unable to conceive how +any man in his senses could willingly deprive himself of life in such a +way as could do no service to the cause, religious or other, which he +had at heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense +antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which +Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the vanities, nay, +even of the duties of life, which prompted men and women to immure +themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from all spheres of human +usefulness. Life under these circumstances had naturally little to make +it worth the living, and became all the more easy to relinquish, when +death, in itself a thing to be desired, was further invested with the +glories of martyrdom. + +The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a monk +named Sanctius[1] or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three days +later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a deacon of +Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus; Habentius, a +monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while Jeremiah,[2] uncle of +Isaac, was scourged to death. Their bodies were burned, and the ashes +cast into the river. + +Sisenandus of Badajos[3] found a similar fate on July 16th: four days +subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and the same +number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all of whom were +beheaded. + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3. + + [2] _Ibid._, c. iv. + + [3] After his martyrdom he procured the release from prison of + Tiberias, priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS. + + +The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful girls, +whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who seems to have +regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a Platonic love mingled with +a sort of religious devotion. + +Flora,[1] the daughter of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, was +born at Cordova. She is said to have practised abstinence even in her +cradle. At first she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity +with that faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight +years before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and +her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her brother, in +his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted many Christian +families, whom he suspected of conniving at her escape, she voluntarily +surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here am I whom you seek, and for +whose sake you persecute the people of God. I am a Christian. Do your +best to annul that confession: none of your torments will be able to +overcome my faith." Her brother, after trying in vain, by alternate +threats and blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally +dragged her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation, +and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and then +given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however, to recover, +and escaped under angelic guidance.[2] Shortly afterwards, while praying +in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of Walabonsus +above-mentioned,[3] who had been martyred a few months previously. +Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife. They +came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter was educated +at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under the care of the +abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's martyrdom, and perhaps, as +was so often the case, seeing his glorified spirit in a vision, she left +the cloister, determining to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on +her way to give herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and +found Flora there. + + [1] "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu." + + [3] "Life of Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in + Spain," says, "Sister of Isaac." + +Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth[1] to curse Mohammed, +of whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own lives. +The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely imprisoned +them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought to Flora's +brother, he induced the judge to make a further examination of her, and +she was brought out of prison before the Kadi, who, pointing to her +brother, asked her if she knew him. Flora answered that she did--as her +brother according to the flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge, +"that he remains a good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She +answered that God had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready +to repeat her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again +remanded to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown +upon the streets as prostitutes[2]--a punishment far worse than the +easy death they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they +find an unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned +for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It is +strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the prison +itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The support of +Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm through another +examination, and the judge, proving too merciful, or too good a Moslem, +to carry out the above-mentioned threat, they were led forth to die +(November 24, 851). Before their death they had promised Eulogius to +intercede before the throne of God for his release, which accordingly is +brought to pass six days after their own execution.[3] + +An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before +Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near Cordova, and +Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way (January 13, 852).[4] + + [1] Eulog. to Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by + Eulog., sec. 12. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4. + Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing + out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat + propria delectatis,"--a poor consolation, but the only one! He + does not seem to have known--or surely he would have quoted + it--the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse + 35):--"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves, + if they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall + compel them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful + unto such women after their compulsion." + + [3] Eulog., letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100. + + [4] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix. + +There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom, and it +seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon this subject. +This, however, was far from being the case. Hitherto the victims had +been almost without exception priests, monks, and nuns; but the next +martyrs afford us instances of married couples claiming a share in this +doubtful honour. These were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a +Christian mother, and his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of +Moslem parents, whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and +was converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.[1] It would seem that +with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism, some +good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded adherents of +Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which they were sinking; for +these new martyrs were of the class of hidden[2] Christians, who were +now shamed into avowing their real creed.[3] Yet surely it had been far +better if they had been content to live like Christians instead of dying +like suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible +impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured conviction +that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties, to give themselves +up to death. In this resolution they were fortified by the advice and +encouragement of Eulogius and Alvar,[4] the latter of whom prudently +warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is sufficient to stand the +trial.[5] Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her husband in his +self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave her children being +overcome by Eulogius,[6] who recommends that they should be given over +to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora and +Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose. + + [1] _Ibid._, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2. + + [2] See below, p. 72. + + [3] Aurelius was roused from his religious dissimulation by + seeing the sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. + c. x. sec. 5. + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 18. + + [5] This would lead us to suppose that the courage of some + _had_ failed. + + [6] Eulogius comments:--"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo + filiorum affectus respuitur!" The parents not only desert their + children, but give away most of their goods to the poor, + thereby making their own children of the number. + +Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on business +connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over in Spain, +impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing, determined to offer +himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the four persons above +mentioned. + +They then take counsel together how they may best effect their purpose, +there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring martyrdom for +themselves to shew the statements of the apologists, that there was a +fierce persecution raging, to be at least much exaggerated, if not +entirely without foundation. The plan decided upon, which the devisers +audaciously attributed to the suggestion of God,[1] was that the women +should go forth unveiled and with hurried steps to the church, in the +hope that such an unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and +occasion the arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and +they were all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual +result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them with +scornful anger.[2] But George, disappointed at his untoward clemency, as +they were being led away broke out with,[3] "Can you not go down to hell +without seeking to drag us also thither as your companions?" + +This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was no +doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were dragged +again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of remonstrance, +why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,[4] and refused to live, +promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would become +Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two days, which +seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die. They pass the time +with singing hymns, and are blessed with visits of angels and miraculous +signs. Their chains drop off, and the gaolers dare not again bind those +whom Christ Himself had loosed.[5] The authorities, now as ever, anxious +if possible to avoid extreme penalties, determine to release George, +because they had not themselves[6] heard his blasphemy. He baulks their +merciful intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is +accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27, 852). + +Within a month Christopher,[7] a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage, +and Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are +executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead bodies +being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his palace,[8] the king +saw these bodies, and ordered them to be burnt, and the ashes scattered +in the river. The same night Abdurrahman II. was struck down with +apoplexy, and the martyrs' friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from +Heaven. + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni + coepimus _cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus + coronam:_ et ita _Domino disfiensante_ visum est nobis ut + fugerent sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si + forte nos alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est." + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est, + et mors pro gloria computatur." + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia claustra + adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis aeterna + vos cruciamina non adurent?" + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 31. + + [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32. + + [6] _Ibid._, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii." + George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy + like the others. + + [7] _Ibid._, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12. + + [8] On a "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec. + 2. See Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442, + note.) "En lo mas cruel de los tormentos subio Abderramen un + dia a las azutens o galerias de su Palacio. Descubrio desde + alli los cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y + atravesados con los palos, mando los quemasen todos paraque no + quedase reliquia cumpliose luego la ordsa; pero aquel impio + probo bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volvia + por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le + pego la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerrossle la boca, y no + pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle, + sus criados a la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de + apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entro + la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del + infierno." + +He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and more +bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the throne than +Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St Cyprian's church, near +Cordova, following in the footsteps of so many predecessors, came +before the Kadi, and reviled Mohammed,--the former being enabled to do +this with the more point and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree +master of the Arabic language.[1] Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they +coveted, and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary +prodigy occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious +Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios elementa +fatentur." + +On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted +partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two eunuchs, +Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo, a eunuch of +foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque, and by way of +preaching--as they said--to the assembled worshippers, they reviled +their Prophet and their religion. [2] Being set upon and nearly torn in +pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were rescued by the Kadi, +who imprisoned them till such time as their sentence should be declared. +They were condemned to have their hands and feet cut off, and be +beheaded; which sentence was carried into effect.[3] + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger + vocabulary of abuse than most languages: see the account of + Prof. Palmer's death in his Life by Besant. + + [2] _Ibid._, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2. + + [3] Eul. (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo + stupefacta nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius + sentiebat." + +Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king knew +no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this defiance of +the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a widespread +disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule. In fact, as we +shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the banner of revolt in +favour of their Cordovan brethren at this very time. Mohammed therefore +seems to have meditated a real persecution, such as should extirpate +Christianity in his dominions.[1] He is said even to have given orders +for a general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the +slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not apostatize.[2] But the +dispassionate advice of his councillors saved the king from this crime. +They pointed out that no men of any intelligence, education, or rank +among the Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and +that the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their +actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other advisers seem +to have diverted the king from his project of a wholesale massacre by +encouraging him to proceed legally against the Christians with the +utmost rigour, and by this means to cow them into submission.[3] + +These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no other +executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when Fandila, a +priest of Tabanos,[4] and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's monastery +to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward and reviled the +Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and subsequently beheaded (June 13, +853). His fate awakened the dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,[5] a +priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a Gaetulian monk of Alcala de +Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos +(the latter being strengthened in her resolve by a celestial vision), +who, pursuing the usual plan, are beheaded the following day; their +example being followed by Benildis, a matron (June 15).[6] + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de + mortibus resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam + totam extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot + hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui + arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos + virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed + (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman. + + [2] _Ibid._, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes + Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico + distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12. + "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia + Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat." + + [3] _Ibid._ "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem + voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus + gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt." + + [4] _Ibid._ iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he + was a monk of Guadix. + + [5] _Ibid._, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2. + + [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix. + +The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the +Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and shutting them +up to prevent others giving themselves up.[1] One of these however, +Columba,[2] sister of Elizabeth and of the abbot Martin, contrived to +escape. This Columba had persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of +her mother's efforts to make her marry, which only ceased when the +mother died. She now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17). + +Just one month later Pomposa,[3] from the monastery of St Salvator, +Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in these +executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the following year, +when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems to have really deserved +the name of martyr, for he was given up to the authorities by the +treachery of others,[4] and did not seek martyrdom. + +Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci +(Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of Paul, the +deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same fate (April 30, +855).[5] + +After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an old +priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave themselves +up to execution[6] (April 17, 856.) In June of that year a more +venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his destruction. This +was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of Cordova (June 28).[7] Exactly +one month later Aurea, a virgin and sister of the brothers John and +Adulphus, whose martyrdom has been already mentioned, was brought before +the magistrate. Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,[8] she +had long been left unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was +well known. She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon +repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a Christian, she +gained a martyr's crown (July 29). + + [1] So Miss Yonge. + + [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2. + + [3] _Ibid._, c. xi. + + [4] _Ibid._, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium + ad martyrium furore pertractum." + + [5] _Ibid._, ch. xiii. + + [6] _Ibid._, cc. xiv. xv. + + [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum + dolo vel odio circumventus." + + [8] _Ibid._, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis + exornabatur." + +The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution. +Ruderic,[1] a priest, whose brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened +as a peacemaker, in a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With +the usual fate of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and +nearly killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and +had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his brother had +become a Mussulman before his death.[2] However, Ruderic recovered, and +made his escape, but being obliged to return to Cordova, met his +brother, who immediately brought him before the Kadi on a charge of +apostasy. His life and liberty were promised to him if he would only +acknowledge that Christ was merely man, and that Mohammed was the +messenger of God. On refusing, he is imprisoned, and finds in prison a +certain Salomon, also charged with apostasy from Islam. The two +fellow-prisoners contract a great friendship and are consequently +separated. After a third exhortation, they are condemned to death, but +not before the judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their +purpose by offers of honour and rewards.[3] They were executed March 13, +857, and their bodies thrown into the river--even the stones sprinkled +with their blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the +Christians should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on +shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally fortunate, +informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his body lay in a +tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum. + +Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself contrived +to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to brave. Whether this +was due to any unworthy fear of death on his part is not clear, but it +may have been owing to the respect in which he was held by the Moslem +authorities. To these he was well known as a man of irreproachable +character and unaffected piety, and several Arabs of high rank, who were +his personal friends, shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the +effects of his folly. Eulogius[4] was descended from a Senatorial family +of Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he +devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his +contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the feet of +Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica. Besides a +sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in trade, and another +brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in government employ.[5] + + [1] Eulog., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff. + + [2] So the Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their + victims had abjured their errors before being burnt. + + [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27. + + [4] Life by Alvar, c. i. sec. 2. + + [5] Eul. ad Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni + indignatio eo tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a + metaphorical allusion to Joseph in Egypt. + +Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and his +desire for the life of a monk,[1] and for the glory of martyrdom. When +strong measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with +Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for martyrdom by +threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were frightened into +submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,[2] remained firm, in spite of his +being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a certain Gomez, who was +a temporising Christian in the king's service.[3] + + [1] Life by Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus + enervaretur, quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea + sarcina gravabatur." + + [2] "Hic inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est + visus susurro."--Life by Alvar, sec. 5. + + [3] This man, says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost + his hold on the Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to + attack. See below, p. 72. + +There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere with and +check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs which he saw going +on round him. Believing that such close relations between the peoples +tended to the spiritual degradation of Christianity, he set himself +deliberately to embitter those relations, and, as far as he could, to +make a good understanding impossible. To discourage the learning of +Arabic by the Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to +Pampluna the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal, +and Augustine's "De Civitate Dei." + +At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a priest, but +for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating at the mass on the +ground that he was himself a great sinner.[1] However, his +ecclesiastical superior[2] (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him +take a different view of the question by threatening him with anathema +if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a prominent +champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was imprisoned in 851, +where he wrote treatises in favour of the martyrs, and was released, as +we have seen, by the intercession of Flora and Maria on November 29th of +that year. + + [1] He pleads his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he + was infected with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous + century, which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop + of Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez, + xi. 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who + held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum + sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine + and Isidore against the error. + + [2] Pontifex proprius. + +In 858,[1] on the death of Wistremirus, he was chosen by +the votes of the people[2] to succeed him as Bishop of Toledo; +but from some cause, perhaps by the intervention of the +Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his see. The +people then determined to have no bishop, if they might +not have him.[3] Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his +bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though +not all bishops holy men." + + [1] "Life of Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10. + + [2] "Communis electio." + + [3] Fleury, v. 547, says another bishop was elected in + Eulogius' lifetime; but Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo + vivente interdixerunt eligere." + +In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a disturber of +the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had been allowed to +support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was he permitted to finish +in prison a book in defence of the martyrs,[1] which had the direct +tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion of +Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:--Leocritia, a maiden of +Arab extraction and of noble birth,[2] had been secretly baptised by +Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her apostasy, cruelly +ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to make her renounce Christ. +She naturally turned to Eulogius and his sister Anulo for advice in her +afflictions, expressing a wish to escape to a part of Spain where the +Christian worship was free. As a first step to this, she leaves her +parents under pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with +Eulogius. Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people +imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last betrayed and +surprised at the house of her protector. They are both dragged before +the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he persists in defying the laws +in this way.[3] The bishop defends himself by pleading that Christian +clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their religion, if asked, as +he had been by Leocritia.[4] The judge then threatens to have him +scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to so painful and degrading a +punishment, repeats the lesson which he had taught to so many others, +and reviles Mohammed. Even so the judge shows a disposition to treat him +with leniency, and he is remanded to prison with Leocritia. + +When brought up again before the royal Council,[5] an influential friend +makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush on their +own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved wisdom and +blameless character, in defiance of all natural instincts, to throw away +your life in this manner?" He urges Eulogius to say but one word of +concession in the hour of peril, promising that he should afterwards be +free to exercise his religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance. +But the bishop could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such +offers with the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us +on high!" + + [1] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. + + [2] Alvar, Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13. + + [3] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15. + + [4] This kind of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime + by the Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171. + + [5] Alvar, "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548. + +On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on one +cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was beheaded on +March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later. Miraculous appearances +honoured the body of the martyred bishop, which was buried in the Church +of St Genesius, whence it was translated in the next year to his own +church of St Zoilus, and in 883 was given up, together with that of +Leocritia, to Alphonso III. (866-910) by express stipulation. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS. + + +With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms comes to +an end, and it will be convenient at this point to consider the whole +question of the relation of the Church to the civil power, and how far +those "confessors," who were put to death under the circumstances +already related, were entitled to the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the +evidence we have on the subject is drawn almost entirely from the +apologists of their doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of +some bias. Yet even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no +real persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as to +justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots. + +If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and Alodia, +the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single recorded instance +of a Christian being put to death for his religion by the Arabs in +Spain before the middle of the ninth century. The Muzarabes,[1] as the +Christians living under the Arabs were called, enjoyed a remarkable +degree of freedom in the exercise of their religion--the services and +rites of the Church being conducted as heretofore.[2] In Cordova alone +we find mention of the following churches:[3] the Church of St Acislus, +a former martyr of Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three +Martyrs--Faustus, Januarius, Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius +and Eulalia; and of the Virgin Mary. + + [1] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means + "those who try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language." + + [2] Eulog. Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he + spent the ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis, + vespertinum, matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad + honorem (Dei) et gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus." + + [3] Florez, x. 245. + +Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab writer, +who died in 1034.[1] "I once entered at night," he says, "into the +principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green branches +of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of the thundering +bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the innumerable lamps dazzled +my eyes; the priests, decked in rich silken robes of gay and fanciful +colours, and girt with girdle cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone +of those present had banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled +from his mind all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps +towards the marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the +hollow of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and +taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he applied +to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky lips of a +beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents captivated his senses, but +when he had tasted the delicious liquor, the sweetness and flavour +seemed to overpower him." On leaving the church, the Arab, with true +Arabian facility, extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By +the Lord of mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of +unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a girl that +their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they put on their gay +tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before the Almighty." Ahmed +also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay long among them, began to +sing round us with their books in their hands; every wretch presented us +the palm of his withered hand (with the holy water), but they were even +like the bat, whose safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us +every attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of +swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects very +characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the incongruity of +an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the lips of a maid," or the +irrelevancy of a reference to swine's flesh. But the account merits +attention on other grounds, for it shews how little even the more +intelligent Moslems understood the ceremonies of the religion which they +had conquered, though they might be pardoned for thinking that the +Christians worshipped the Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself +fell into the same error, and because probably the Roman Church and its +adherents had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship. + +The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been the +church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,[2] the Christians had +to give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one +enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were induced, +or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and it was pulled +down to make room for the Great Mosque.[3] In 894 we find that the +Cordovans were allowed to build a new church. + + [1] Ahmed ibn Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote + De Gayangos' translation. + + [2] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at + first guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750 + they had to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to + sell the other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the + destroyed churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p. + 29, note 1. + + [3] This was not finished till 793. The original structure cost + 80,000 dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II. + (961-976) alone spent on it 160,000 dinars. + +Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve monasteries and +churches in the immediate neighbourhood of Cordova: among them the +monastery of St Christopher, the famous one of Tabanos, suppressed as +above mentioned, in 854;[1] those of St Felix at Froniano, of St Martin +at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at Cuteclara, of St Salvator at +Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS. Justus and Pastor, and of St +Sebastian. + +We have given the names of these churches and monasteries[2] at or near +Cordova, both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one +or other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom we +are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that +above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new +churches,[3] but considering the diminution in the numbers of the +Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a great many, this +could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover the Christian churches, +it was ordained, should be open to Moslems as well as Christians, though +during the performance of mass it seems that they had to be kept closed. +The Mosques were never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.[4] + + [1] Dozy, ii. 162. + + [2] Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the + Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the + Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see + Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra + received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but + Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter). + + [3] Cp. the stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem. + + [4] See Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89. + +The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at Cordova, +did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at Elvira, the +cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after the Cordovan +martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the year of the +conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally finished. What we +hear about the Christians at Elvira at this time is not to their credit, +their bishop, Samuel, being notorious as an evil liver.[1] It is in +Cordova that the main interest at this period centres; and to Cordova we +will for the present confine our attention. + +There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts, both +those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who aided and +abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a comparatively small body +in the Church of Spain; and that their proceedings awakened little short +of dismay in the minds of the more sensible portion of the Christian +community, both in the Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree +in the free North.[2] The chief leaders of the party of zealots--as far +as we find mention of them--were Saul, bishop of Cordova (850-861), +Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the monastery of Pegnamellar; while +Reccafredus, bishop of Seville, and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the +prominent ecclesiastics on the other side. + + [1] Ibn Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210. + + [2] Yonge, p. 63. + +Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with the +Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of fanaticism, it +will be interesting to note what was the attitude of the different +sections of the Church towards the misguided men who gave themselves up +to death, and their claims to the crown of martyrdom. Those who denied +the validity of these claims, rested their contention on the grounds, +that the so-called martyrs had compassed their own destruction, there +being no persecution at the time; that they had worked no miracles in +proof of their high claims; that they had been slain by men who believed +in the true God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and +that their bodies had corrupted like those of other men. + +It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call these +suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in high places +had forced them to deny their faith,[1] or interfered with their due +observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of ostentatious +pride--and pride was the root of all evil--to court danger. Such conduct +had never been enjoined by Christ, and was quite alien from the meekness +and humility of His character.[2] + +They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been expressly +condemned, + +(_a._) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the other +churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms: "We commend not +those who offer themselves of their own accord, for that is not what the +gospel teacheth us:"[3] + +(_b._) By St Cyprian,[4] who, when brought before the consul and +questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer +themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says: "Let +none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if he speak +when apprehended:" + +(_c._) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who rush to death, +for there are some, not of us, but only bearing the same name, who give +themselves up:"[5] + +(_d._) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis (_circa_ 305), +one of the canons of which forbade him to be ranked as a martyr, who +was killed on the spot for breaking idols: + +(_e._) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted on the +question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged martyrs, gave it +as his opinion that those should be first excluded who had courted +martyrdom.[6] One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict XIV. of +Rome,[7] has ventured to approve what the Church has condemned. Nor is +this the only instance in which the Roman Church has set aside the +decisions of an earlier Christendom. + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis + violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae + piaeque religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis + suum incolere iusserat Christianismum." + + [2] Quoting such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse + you, and pray for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23, + "Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's + sake." + + [3] Eusebius iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.) + + [4] Martyred 258. + + [5] See Long's "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21. + + [6] Burton's "History of the Christian Church," p. 336. + + [7] 1740-1748: in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et + beatorum canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541. + +The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been no +persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their doings, and +that those doings themselves were contrary to the teaching and spirit of +Christianity. The latter part of the charge has already been dealt with, +and may be considered sustained. As to the other part, the apologists, +it must be confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes, +indeed, they deny it point-blank:[1] "as if," says Eulogius, "the +destruction of our churches,[2] the insults heaped upon our clergy, the +monthly tax[3] which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived on +sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are continually +referred to. "No one," says the same author,[4] "can go out or come in +amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the street +without being treated with contumely. They mock at the marks[5] of our +order. They hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children +jeer at us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The +sound of the church-going bell[6] never fails to evoke from Moslem +hearers the foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a +pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the Moslems +would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;[7] and when they +witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud, "Shew +them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's people, and +defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.[8] "Yet," he indignantly +exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is it, I +answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a deadly time[9] ... +are we not bowed beneath the yoke of slavery, burdened with intolerable +taxes, spoiled of our goods, lashed with the scourges of their abuse, +made a byword and a proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"[10] + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. + 3. + + [2] _Ibid._; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7. + + [3] Leovigild, "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565. + + [4] Eul., l.l. + + [5] Stigmata. + + [6] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui + inhiantes capita moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He + adds: "Daily and nightly from their minarets they revile the + Lord by their invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib. + Ap.," sec. 19, confesses that hearing their call to prayer + always moved him to quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all + they that worship carved images"--a very irrelevant + malediction, as applied to the Moslems. + + [7] Alvar, l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant." + + [8] "Spurcitiarum fimo."--_Ibid._ + + [9] "Mortiferum."--"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + + [10] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage + picture of the Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in + tumore cordis elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi, + in comestione superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine + iustitia invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis + nescientes affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes, + castitatem velut spurcitiam respuentes." + +That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that the +lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal their dislike +and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as were at variance with +their own creed, and moreover regarded priests and monks with especial +aversion, there can be no doubt. But, on the other hand, there is no +want of evidence to show that the condition of the Christians was by no +means so bad as the apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances +could not fail to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were +actually to be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the +Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that +humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances. +Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can itself +be called such, there was none, till it was called into being by the +action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from all the other facts +which point to this conclusion, we can call the apologists themselves in +evidence that there was no real persecution going on at the time of the +first martyrdoms. + +Eulogius[1] admits that the Christians were not let or hindered in the +free exercise of their religion by saying that this state of things[2] +was not due to the forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the +Divine mercy. Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the +whole position which he is trying to defend, says[3]:--"Though many were +the victims of persecution, very many others--and you cannot deny +it--offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it not +clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we who began +preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will see that they +rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the bidding of +persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye, and--what is made so +strong a charge against them--that they tired out the forbearance of +their rulers and princes by insult upon insult."[4] + + [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 29. + + [2] Viz., "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus." + + [3] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + + [4] "Fatigasse praesides et principes multis + contumeliis."--_Ibid._ + +As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs were no +martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the Scriptures quoted by +his opponents,[1] and refer to the morally blind, who make evil their +good, and take darkness to be their light;[2] while he brought forward a +saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will hold the first rank +in the heavenly companies who have gone to their death unsummoned."[3] + +He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the plea +that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is sufficiently +ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly assures us that these +insults and revilings of the prophet were merely a form of preaching[4] +to the poor benighted Moslems, naively remarking that the Scriptures +affirm that the Gospel of Christ must be preached to all nations. +Whereas, then, the Moslems had not been preached to, these martyred +saints had taken upon themselves the sacred duty of rendering them +"debtors to the faith." + +The second count[5] against the martyrs was that they had worked no +miracles--a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were almost the +test of sanctity. Eulogius[6] could only meet the charge by admitting +the fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages, in +order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the constancy +of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true, but not to the +point). Had he been content with this, he had done wisely; but he goes +on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth, as even the unbelievers +can work them."[7] Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did not +perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were deficient +in this particular;[8] and yet in other parts of his work he mentions +miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by Isaac, +and by Flora, and Maria.[9] So that the worthy priest is placed in this +dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute them to +the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were unable to work +them? if, on the other hand, they did perform these miracles, why not +adduce them in evidence against the detractors? + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19. + + [2] Isaiah v. 20. + + [3] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of + the Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius--a + book obviously of no authority. + + [4] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus + hactenus exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei + tenerentur. Isti enim (_i.e._, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem + in eosdem et evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque + fidei debitores reddiderunt." + + [5] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13. + + [6] "Lib. Apol.," sec 7. + + [7] "Lib. Apol.," sec. 10. + + [8] Cp. "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 13. + + [9] "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4. + +The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not put to +death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and acknowledging a +divine law,[1] and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius misses the +true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully exclaims:--"As if +they could be said to believe in God, who persecute His Church, and deem +it hateful to believe in a Christ who was very God and very man."[2] + +Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as Eulogius +points out,[3] pain and torture give no additional claim to the martyr's +crown. + +Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as indeed was +to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some cases, devoured by +dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,[4] "since their souls are borne away +to celestial mansions." + + [1] Eul. "Lib. Apol.," sec. 3. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 12. + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 5. + + [4] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 17. + +But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that +Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and scoffs of +the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true God, does He not +strike terror into the executioners of his saints by some great +prodigy? and why do not the martyrs themselves flash forth into miracles +while the crowd is round them? You rush upon your own destruction, and +yet you work no wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of +your creed, thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."[1] + +Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than they +cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled at the +Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians, from fear of +death, even apostatized. "Whither," they triumphantly asked,[2] "has +that bravery of your martyrs vanished? What has become of the rash +frenzy with which they courted death?" Yet though they affected to +consider the martyrs as fools or madmen, they could not be blind to the +effect that their constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld +their death, and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded +by the Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of +martyrs to be preserved[3] and worshipped, and did their best to make +this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and scattering +the ashes on the river, though sometimes they contented themselves with +throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the stream. + + [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 12. + + [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6. + + [3] See "De Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc., + sec. 11. "Non enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni + permittunt." See above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs + were more freely given up at the request of the Christians. See + "Chron. Silen.," secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender + of the body of Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9, + where Eulogius mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints + Zoilus and Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave + up the body of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request. + Mariana, viii. 5. + +However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly +carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon as +the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the admission of +their admirers themselves, had never worked any miracles when living, +were enabled, when dead, to perform a series of extraordinary ones, +which did not finally cease till modern enlightenment had dissipated the +darkness of the Middle Ages. + +We happen to possess a very interesting account of the circumstances +under which the relics of three of these Cordovan martyrs were +transferred from the troubled scene of their passion to the more +peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of France.[1] + +It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St Vincent and +the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of their patron +saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks, Usuard and Odilard, +with the king's[2] permission, to procure the precious relics for their +own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the monks learnt +that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had been, in fact, +carried[3] by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior, the bishop of +that city, had seized it, and it was still held in veneration there, but +under the name of St Marinus, whose body the monk had stoutly asserted +it to be. Senior apparently doubted the statement, and tortured Andaldus +to get the truth out of him, but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St +Vincent had been deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never +surrender the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard +knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated. + + [1] De Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae + ex urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.--"Migne," vol. 115, + pp. 939 ff. + + [2] Charles the Bald. + + [3] "Under a divine impulse," as usual. + +Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at +Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend, holding +a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name, mentioned the +persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem to have travelled +beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to Cordova, relying on a +friend there, named Leovigild, to help them to obtain what they wished. +Travelling in Spain, however, seems to have been by no means safe[1] at +this period, and their bold resolution is regarded with fear and +admiration by their friends. The lord of the Gothic marches, Hunifrid, +being on friendly terms with the Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on +their behalf, and he entrusts them to the care of a caravan which +chanced to be just starting for Cordova. + + [1] See sec. 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of + the road to Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as + "perturbata funeroso Wilihelmi incursu." + +On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's Church, +where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of their arrival +brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves a very useful friend, +and Samson, who just at this juncture is made abbot of the monastery at +Pegnamellar, where the bodies of George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were +buried--the very relics which they had decided to try and obtain. + +The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such +precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's +permission to give up the bodies. + +This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them of +returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which Mohammed I. was +on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had been given that all +the inhabitants, strangers as well as citizens, except the city guard, +should go out with the King. However, the Frankish monks were met by an +unexpected difficulty. In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks +of Pegnamellar refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much +difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former +permission to remove them. + +The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems, and +sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose. George's body +was found whole, but of the other two, only the head of Nathalia, and +the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter are united to form one +corpse, as it is written, "they two shall be one flesh." After a stay in +Cordova of eight weeks, they set out under the protection of some +Christians serving in the army. Leovigild, who had been away on the +King's business, now returns, and escorts them to Toledo. The approach +of the army having cleared away the brigands who infested those parts, +the monks with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and +returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked numbers of +astonishing miracles. + +Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the moderate +party among the Christians, and by the Moslem authorities, to put an end +to what seemed so dangerous an agitation. That Reccafredus was not the +only ecclesiastic of high position who took exception to the new +movement we learn clearly enough from Alvar,[1] who tells us that +"bishops, priests, deacons, and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in +inveighing against the new martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear +wellnigh denying the faith of Christ, if not in words, yet by their +acts." We may, therefore, conclude that the greater part of the +ecclesiastical authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of +Seville, while the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively +small one. However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did +not hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.[2] Eulogius +complains that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the +customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove her web +in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful silence." In this +passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his imagination, yet there +must have been a certain amount of truth in the main assertion, for he +repeats it again and again.[3] + +The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who seemed +to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is founded, who +were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say, in the presence of +these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans, under no compulsion, but of +their own free will, spoken evil of the martyrs of God? Have not the +shepherds of Christ, the teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots, +priests, the chiefs of our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly +denounced the martyrs of our Church as heretics?"[4] + + [1] "Life of Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4. + + [2] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4--"Omnes sacerdotes quos + potuit carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. + 11--"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis, + viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ... + privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind. + Lum.," secs. 14, 18--"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et + loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata." + + [3] Eul., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16--"Eremitatem ecclesiarum, + compeditionem sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc + tempore sacrificium nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad + Wilies, sec. 10. + + [4] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14. + +Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order forced +them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's palm by +speaking evil of the Prophet.[1] Those who disobeyed were threatened +with unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless +scourgings.[2] This last statement must be taken with reservation, at +least if put into the mouth of the Christian party under Reccafredus. +It is extremely unlikely that Christian bishops and priests should have +had recourse to such treatment of their coreligionists: yet they had a +spiritual weapon ready to their hands, and they were not slow to use it. +They anathematised[3] those who aided and abetted the zealots; and +Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of +excommunication.[4] + + [1] _Ibid._, sec. 15--"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam, + iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus + impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter + fecimus." + + [2] _Ibid._, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12--"Duris + tormentis agitati, commoti sunt." + + [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28--"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi + palaestram discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia + damnari iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31--"Plerosque + patres anathematizantes talia patientes." + + [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + +This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if not at +the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close concert with +them. Eulogius[1] attributes all the evils which had befallen the +Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots, and +deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly states that the +King was urged, even bribed, to take measures against the Christians.[2] +It is not likely that the King required much persuading. Mohammed at +least seems to have been thoroughly frightened by the continued +agitation against Mohammedanism. He naturally suspected some political +plot at the bottom of it; a supposition which receives some countenance +from the various references in Eulogius[3] to the martyrs as "Soldiers +of God" bound to war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted +fact that the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their +coreligionists at Cordova.[4] However that may be, the King in 852 +certainly took counsel[5] with his ministers, how the agitation should +be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand council[6] of +the Church, when the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were +in consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to. But +Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts all +Christians, who held offices in the palace,[7] or in connection with the +Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"[8] the royal +bounty usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all +churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to those +previously existing. He made a severe enactment against those who +reviled Mohammed.[9] He even had in mind to banish all Christians from +his dominions.[10] This intention, together with the order respecting +the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to the opportune +revolt at Toledo.[11] + + [1] Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + + [3] See Dozy, ii. 136. + + [4] Conde, i. 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority, + that he incited them to revolt under Sindila. + + [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv. + + [6] Robertson calls it a Conciliabulum. + + [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. Sec. 2. + + [8] "Militares pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i. + + [9] Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv--"Tunc iam procul dubio + enecandi nos difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui + temerarius exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean + that Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice + any who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot. + + [10] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"Moslemi ... omne regni + sui, sicuti cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur + Christicolarum." + + [11] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. + +In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear lest the +intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the Church in +Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did much at first to +aggravate the hardships of the Israelites.[1] He ought not, therefore, +to have been surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor +ought he to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians +observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate; and that +the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and exactions.[2] + +These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the Bishop +of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party were broken +up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding, and only venturing +abroad in disguise and at night--not, as Eulogius is careful to add, +from fear of death, but because the high prize of martyrdom is not +reserved for the unworthy many, but for the worthy few.[3] + + [1] _Ibid._, ii. c. xvi. + + [2] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"_Nunc_ pro suo libito + tantummodo exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... _nunc_ + publicum imponentes censum, _nunc_ rebus nos abdicantes + detrimentis atterunt rerum." + + [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14--"Quia indigni sumus + martyrio, quod quibusdam et non omnibus datum est." + +Some even apostatized,[1] while many of those who had applauded the +proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and blamed them +for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the suffering Church for an +early mansion in the skies.[2] Others, in order to retain posts under +Government, or to court favour with the King, dissembled their religion, +taking care not to pray, or make the sign of the cross in public.[3] +Eulogius himself was singled out at the meeting of the King's Council by +one of the royal secretaries, Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,[4] +as the ringleader of the new seditious movement. This man was a very +worldly-minded Christian,[5] and was, no doubt, at this time, in fear of +losing his lucrative office at Court, which he had obtained by his +remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in fact, lose his post with all +the other Christian officers of the Court, but regained it by becoming a +Moslem;[6] and such was the ardour of the new proselyte that he was +called "the dove of the mosque."[7] + +The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the party of +which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former writer, +mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends that it was +merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken figuratively; and he +acknowledges that such hypocrisy was unworthy of the prelates and +officers assembled.[8] Is it not more reasonable to suppose that +Eulogius and his supporters voted for it--as they seem to have +done--with a mental reservation, while their opponents honestly +considered such a step necessary? + + [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1--"Fidem praevaricantur, + abdicant religionem, Crucifixum detestantur." + + [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his + letter to Alvar sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few + remained firm to their principles. + + [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9--"Cum palam coram ethnicis + orationem non faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non + muniunt ... Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis + gratia, pro vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia + praeliantes." Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta + iussum Domini tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae, + caligosasque turres crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium + Deo offerens vespertinum." + + [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 18. See above, p. 51. + + [5] Ibn al Kuttiya--apud Dozy, ii. 137. + + [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii. + + [7] Dozy, ii. 137. + + [8] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3--"Aliquid + commentaremur, quod ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet + aures." The "praemissum pontificate decretum" he calls + "allegorice editum." + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +THE MUZARABES. + + +The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the dubious +martyrdoms which had for some years become so common, though the spirit, +which prompted the self-deluded victims, was by no means stifled either +in Spain or the adjoining countries.[1] Yet the measures taken to put +down the mania for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for +some time. + +Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians, +determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the hands of +the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related hereafter, in +several parts of Spain. After the battle of Aguilar, or Polei, in 891, +between the Arab and Spanish factions, 1000 of the defeated Christians +were given the choice of Islam or death, and all, save one, chose the +latter alternative.[2] + +During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a few +isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned now. After +the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,[3] where Abdurrahman defeated +the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting bishops, who were +taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a hostage for his own +release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius. The king, it is said, +smitten with his beauty, wished to work his abominable will upon the +boy, but his advances being rejected with disdain, the unhappy youth was +put to death with great barbarity, refusing to save his life by +apostasy.[4] A different version of the story is given by a Saxon nun of +Gaudersheim, named Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty +years later. She tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who +thereupon struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by +decapitation (June 26, 925).[5] + + [1] See "Life of Argentea," secs. 3, 5. + + [2] Dozy, ii. 287. + + [3] Val du Junqueras, 920 A.D. + + [4] Johannes Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257, + disbelieves this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii. + 154, is referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the + king's liking for a handsome Christian page. + + [5] Sampiro, secs. 26-28. + +In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance in +Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter of the +great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,[1] and his wife Columba, and was born at +that chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar +wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar had +become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking only for a +quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for martyrdom; and she +wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes inclined him in the same +direction, suggesting that they should seek the crown of martyrdom +together.[2] On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman in 928, she +went to Cordova.[3] She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who had +been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a virgin, with +whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object becoming known, +Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of the city. Argentea goes +to visit him there, and is stopped by the guards, who, finding she is a +Christian, take her before the judge as a renegade, and she is +imprisoned with Vulfura. The alternative of Islam instead of death being +refused, they are both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens +rebellis," is first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out. +Her body was buried at the church of the three saints. + +In the year 934[4] we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being +massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense they +can be regarded as martyrs to their faith. + + [1] Who on becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel. + Florez, x. p. 564, ff. + + [2] See "Life of Argentea," by an anonymous author. + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 4. + + [4] Dozy, iii. 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may + have occurred in 893. + +In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;[1] and thirty +years later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab +rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken +prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and a-half +in prison.[2] They were then brought out and put to death, just when +Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom them.[3] + +There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a persecution of +the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and the statements of those +writers who intimate the contrary may be set aside as unsupported by +evidence.[4] + +We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian Church +and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially--for our +information is greatest as to those periods--under the two kings +Abdurrahman II. and III. + +Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the Christians, +until the persecution, which they themselves provoked, began, was very +tolerable, and the majority of the Christians were quite content with +their lot. They served in the army, both free men and slaves; they held +lucrative posts at Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as +government officials. But though the lay community was well off, the +clergy and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the +Church[5] could not be said to be free, though the worship was, since +the power of summoning councils had now passed to the Arab executive, +who, as we have seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils. +Sees were also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not +unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing the +emoluments, of bishops.[6] + + [1] Schott., iv. 246. + + [2] Rohrbacher, xii. 192. + + [3] Charter, apud Florez, xiv. 397. + + [4] See above, p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of + John Servus Dei, Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard + to the late martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been + written in 937. + + [5] Dozy, ii. 47. + + [6] Alvar, "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv. + +As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin throughout +the country, and even before the ninth century the Scriptures were +translated into the tongue of the conquerors [1] by Odoarius, Bishop of +Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use of any +language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to use Arabic +Gospels;[2] and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted to write in +Latin.[3] Even if this statement be doubtful, we know that Latin came +gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar utters an eloquent +protest against this: "Alas, the Christians are ignorant of their own +tongue, and Latins neglect their language, so that in all the College of +Christ[4] there is scarcely to be found one who can write an address of +welcome to his brother intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found +competent to mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."[5] In the +department of poetry--the peculiar boast of the Arabs--the Christians +seem even to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two +nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance of +native ballads of which Spain can boast. + +We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of Latin, +by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that language; but +it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result. We can see from the +remains of the Spanish writers which we possess that the structure of +that language had considerably degenerated in Spain.[6] + + [1] Murphy, "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309. + + [2] Yonge, p. 60. + + [3] Conde, i. 239. + + [4] "Omni Christi collegio." + + [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + + [6] See Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand, + writes wonderfully good Latin. + +Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely intelligible. +Moreover, we find Samson[1] directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of +Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of Orleans +(839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself a Spaniard, of +the same defect. + +The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing indifference to +the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated Christians being led to +devote their time, which might have been more profitably spent on their +own Scriptures, to becoming acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and +even to unravelling the intricacies of the controversial theology which +had grown up round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the +Koran.[2] The great Fathers of the Church were laid aside unread, and +even the Prophets and Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to +study them. While the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the +lower were sunk in poverty[3] and ignorance.[4] The inevitable result of +this indifference, ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration +in the character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too +many proofs. + + [1] Samson, "Apol.," c. vii. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35--"Ac dum illorum sacramenta + inquirimus, et philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum + convincendis erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione + luculenter diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus + laicis invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina + quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis + Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur + amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae + diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione + praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum + avidissime tractunt?" + + [3] Florez, xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31; + and for the condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle, + "Hist. of Civiliz.," i. 443. + + [4] Dozy (l.l.). + +We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of +Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to low and +unworthy people;[1] while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova, with +obtaining his bishopric by bribery.[2] Other irregularities imputed to +Hostegesis were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary +to the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to +extort money from them, till they died under his hands. + +Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of unworthy +men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had to endure in +silence,[3] many were informally ordained without vouchers for character +being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy and flocks being +obtained.[4] Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle of two rival +pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from the Fathers.[5] + +Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no authority +could be alleged, in contravention of established custom and the +teaching of the Church. So far was this carried that Samson was accused +by his opponents of being a heretic and an idolator because he permitted +the marriage of cousins; dissented from the view that God was ever +enclosed in the chambers of the Virgin's heart;[6] asserted the +omnipresence of God, even in idols and the Devil, and this in an actual, +not a metaphysical, sense;[7] and denied that God sat upon an exalted +throne above his creatures. From this it is clear that Hostegesis and +those who thought with him[8] were infected with the anthropomorphite +heresy. + + [1] Samson, "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2. + + [2] See "Letter to Saul," sec. 3--"Poterant enim quovis + asserente canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari, + si quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis + exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on + the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture. + + [3] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268. + + [4] Alvar ad Saulum, sec. 3--"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia + clericorum." + + [5] _Ibid._ + + [6] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.--"Cubiculum + cordis Virginei." This appears to be a quotation from the + Gothic liturgy. + + [7] "Per substantiam, non per subtilitatem."--_Ibid._ + + [8] Romanus and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6. + +Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their +depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the produce +of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with difficulty +extorted from his flock,[1] in bribing the court officials and the +king's sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was +indulged in.[2] The clergy were not above pretending illness in order to +avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem rulers.[3] Some, even in +the highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and +apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel, Bishop +of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a pervert's zeal, +persecuted the Church he had deserted, imprisoning the clergy, taxing +his former flock, and even forcing some to embrace Islam.[4] + +It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were sometimes +deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the hands of a +hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his pretended heresy; +and, similarly, Valentius,[5] Bishop of Cordova, was deprived of his see +because he was a supporter of Samson. But these instances reflect more +discredit on the deposers than on their victims. Instances of deposition +are not wanting, in the free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh +Bishop of Compostella (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute +living, and malversation of Church moneys.[6] On the king's death he +recovered his see, driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of +Compostella, suffered the same punishment.[7] + + [1] The offering of one-third for the Church was refused to + Hostegesis as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it, + "suis codicibus institutis."--Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2. + + [2] _Ibid._ The state of the Church in the North was not much + better. See Yonge, p. 86. + + [3] Leovigild de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110. + + [4] Samson, Pref. ii. 4. + + [5] Succeeded Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864. + + [6] Mariana, viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey, + "Chronicle of the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86. + + [7] Mariana (1.1.). + +When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and when +Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of Burgundy, and her +spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were horrified at the laxity in +morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic Christians. Their addiction to +poetry and natural science was regarded with suspicious aversion, and +the pork-eating, circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,[1] +contracted from an intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many +marks of the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars +in Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor +Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet we are +told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring churches in the +territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up again the ordinances of +the Goths, as formerly observed at Toledo.[2] + +The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of +extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002) swept +yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating tempest.[3] +Fifty-two victorious campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead +against the infidels.[4] Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his +arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a time left +desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried off to Cordova to +serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not, therefore, surprised to +find that there were many bishops in the North who had lost their sees; +and this was the case even before the tenth century, for a bishop named +Sabaricus, being driven from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of +Mindumetum by Alfonso III. in 867,[5] and twenty years later a bishop +named Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.[6] + +It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the Christian +Church should be hostile to one another, but it is surprising to +find--as we do find in some cases--the latter making common cause with +the Arabs in ill-treating their fellow-countrymen and coreligionists. +Thus, as we have seen, Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular +arm,[7] beat and imprisoned the clergy for withholding from him the +Church tithes, dragging them through the city naked, with a crier crying +before them:--"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their +tithes to their bishop."[8] Bishops were even found to make episcopal +visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the +intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in their +names to the civil power for the purpose of taxation.[9] Others obtained +from the Arabs the privilege of farming the revenues derived from +Christian taxation, and cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.[10] + + [1] The Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the + Arabs not to wash. See Conde, i. 203--"It is related of these + people of Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild + beasts, and never wash either their persons or their garments." + + [2] "Chron. Albeld.," sec. 58--"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto + fuerat statuit." + + [3] "Chron. Silense," sec. 72--"Eadem tempestate in Hispania + omnis divinus cultus periit." + + [4] He was not defeated in his last battle, as is generally + stated in histories.--See Al Makkari, ii. 197. + + [5] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312. + + [6] _Ibid._, xvii. 244. + + [7] "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2. + + [8] _Ibid._ + + [9] _Ibid._, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + + [10] Eul., 1.1. + +These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not +instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was the son +of a serf of the Church,[1] and married a cousin of Hostegesis.[2] +Instead of championing the cause of the Christians, as his position +should have impelled him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction +as to call them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to +Christianity--a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those who +held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied blackmail on +the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the bodies of martyrs +from under the altars of churches, and, showing them to the king, to +remind him that it had been forbidden to Christians to bury their +martyrs.[3] + +Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis against +Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of inciting the +fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should be tested with this +dilemma. They should be asked whether what the revilers said were true +or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let them be punished as well as the +reviler; if 'false,' bid them slay the man themselves; refusing which, +you will know that they have aided and abetted him to abuse your +Prophet. In that case, give me permission, and I will slay the three +myself."[4] + + [1] Dozy, ii. 268. + + [2] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5. + + [3] Samson, 1.1. + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of + timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing, + deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was + killed at Polei(?)--Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab + name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the + Arabs.--See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2. + +We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and +national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be worth +while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded, that we may +contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was one of the most +characteristic features of the Old Church in Spain that it was united +so closely with the civil power as almost to render the Government of +Spain a theocracy. This intimate connection of Church and State was +naturally overthrown by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing +how useful such institutions as general councils were likely to be in +adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both allowed +purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their jurisdiction, +and also summoned others in which they took part themselves, together +with Jews, to the great scandal of the stricter Christians.[1] + +To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at Seville by +Elipandus[2] to condemn the errors of Migetius; and another, held by +Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of Egila, bishop of +Elvira.[3] Whether Egila abjured his error is not known, but it is +certain that he remained bishop. + +Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have held a +council, whereat he renounced his own error of Adoptionism.[4] + + [1] We even find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova + had Moslem names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii. + 162), and Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99. + + [2] The exact date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235. + + [3] "Pseudo Luitprand," sec. 236, says--"Ad concilium ex + omnibus Hispaniae partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian + I.'s Letter to the bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is + known of this Egila, nor is it certain of what see he was the + bishop. + + [4] See below, p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff. + +But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly +political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen how +Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the Moslem +authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the fanatical party +among the Christians; and we have a more particular account of another, +which was held by Hostegesis, Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of +Cordova.[1] This council seems to have had some connection with the +preceding one under Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and +unscrupulous opponent of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was +their devoted supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as +to suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of +heresy[2] and sacrilege, as has been already mentioned. Hostegesis +forced his views on the assembled bishops by the help of the secular +arm, and a sentence of anathema and deposition was accordingly +pronounced against the unfortunate Abbot.[3] One of the apparently +consenting bishops was Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement +had evidently been coerced, for after the close of the council he +sounded the other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as +to their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm +Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect This +action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of deposition, and +he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,[4]--the election of the latter +being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted thereat,[5] and +neither the clergy nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his +favour. + + [1] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. + + [2] On the ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio + quam similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed + creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely + qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii. + + [3] "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae + fascibus sedentium."--_Ibid_. Samson was rendered incapable of + holding office, or even of belonging to the Church.--_Ibid_. + + [4] In 864. + + [5] See above, p. 8. + +This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council, held at +the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who had sided with +Valentius, but were now terrified into submission, being in attendance; +while the places of those who refused to come were taken by Jews and +Moslems.[1] These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an open rupture +in the Church.[2] + +In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful authority) +by Orontius of Toledo,[3] and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova. +These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade Khalifs +of Spain.[4] + + [1] Sayones (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 10. + + [3] "Pseudo Luit," sec. 328. + + [4] _Ibid._ sec. 341. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + +SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III. + + +Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked upon as +the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the throne when quite +a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the sons of the late Sultan, he +found the country torn by innumerable factions, and the king's power +openly defied by rebels, Arab, Berber, and Christian. In person, and +through his generals, he put down all these rebels, and though not +uniformly successful against the Christians in the North, yet he +defeated them in a series of great engagements.[1] He welded all the +discordant elements under his rule into one great whole,[2] thereby +giving the Arab domination in Spain another lease of life. In 929 he +took the title of Amir al Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His +alliance was sought by the Emperor of the East,[3] and he treated on +equal terms with the Emperor of Germany and the King of France. To this +great king, with more truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be +applied the words of Miss Yonge:--[4] + +"He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on the +character of Solomon--large-hearted, wise, magnificent, tolerant, and +peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern, ascetic, +narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were the exquisite +horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices, inlaid jewellery of +marble pavements, and slender minarets, to their dark vault-like, +low-browed churches, and solid castles built out of hard unmanageable +granite." + + [1] Mutonia (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921). + + [2] Dozy, ii. 351, from an Arab writer. + + [3] A very interesting account of this embassy from Constantine + VII. (947) is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn + Khaldun.---See Conde, i. 442. + + [4] P. 57. + +We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we saw in +Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian renegade, +still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the throne; and his +treatment of Christians was, throughout his reign, tolerant and politic. + +But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very interesting +fragment that has come down to our own times, describing the embassy of +a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an abbey near Metz, who carried +letters from Otho, emperor of Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.[1] + +In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop who had +been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to have caused a +delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter contained blasphemies +against Christ, it was determined to write a reply in the king's name, +such as might perhaps convince Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A +certain bishop, Adalbero, was appointed to be at the head of the return +embassy,[2] and he asks the abbot of the monastery of Gorz to give him +two assistants. Two are chosen, but one of these quarrels with his +superior, and is expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself +as a substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with +great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent longing to +be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity. + + [1] See "Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot + of Arnulph. "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310. + + [2] In 953. + +Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors reached +the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova, where they were +assigned a house two miles from the palace, and, though well +entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as the Moorish +ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an answer, Otho's +messengers would have to wait nine years. Moreover, they now discovered +that the king had been already apprised of the contents of the letter, +which Otho had sent, by a comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom +John and his companions had taken with them to Barcelona. + +The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them not to +divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them liable to +punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would consider +blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John, the Bishop of +Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they should carry their gifts +to the king, and say nothing of the letter. But John of Gorz stoutly +refused to do this, saying that the delivery of the letter was his chief +duty, and that as Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not +be surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John of +Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the Christians stood, +viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he said, "by the apostle to +resist the powers that be. In our calamity, we have this one +consolation, we are allowed to observe our own laws and rites, and our +rulers, if they see us diligent in our religion, honour us, cherish us, +and delight in our society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion, +then, suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other +things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter should be +suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian community, and no +good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf ears. The monk of Gorz +was resolved on doing what he deemed his plain duty; nor was he content +to forego his chance of martyrdom, though his action might entail +disastrous consequences on the Christians subject to the Moors. He +taunted the bishop with giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better +die of hunger than eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at +the fact that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from +certain meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the +bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the Saracens. + +John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter +forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience, leaving them +to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955, however, the king +sent to them, and asked if they held firm to their previous resolve, and +on receiving an answer in the affirmative, he threatened all the +Christians in his dominions with loss of privileges and even death. John +of Gorz merely answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but +the latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who remind +him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would interfere in favour +of his ambassadors. + +John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that Abdurrahman +should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for instructions for his +ambassadors under the circumstances. Recemundus,[1] a Christian, offers +to go as ambassador, if a vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He +sets out and reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh +letter, with instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an +alliance with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting +down the brigands who infested the marches. + + [1] De Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with + Rabi, a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III. + in Al Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the + bishop who died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De + Gayangos (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace. + +Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he reached +Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive the second +comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So, after three years +semi-captivity, John is released, and told to prepare himself for the +king's presence by shaving, washing, and putting on new apparel. He +declines to go in any otherwise than he is; and even when the king, +thinking his refusal due to poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk +accepts the gift and distributes it to the poor, but says he will only +see the king as a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come +as he likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the +king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps of the +palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour lined both +sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king, as a great mark of +distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss, and beckoned him to a seat +near his own couch. After a silence Abdurrahman apologised to the monk +for the long delay which he had been obliged to impose on the embassy, +and which was in no sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose +virtue and wisdom he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was +no mere empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him +whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words, and +they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to depart +Abdurrahman says:--"After waiting so long to see one another, shall we +part so soon?" He suggests that they should have at least three +interviews. At their next meeting they discourse on the respective power +of the empires of Otho and the Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by +the experience of Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal +subjects to become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them. + +So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so pleasant a +light on the character and the Court of the greatest of Spanish Sultans, +and proves that the Christians at that time enjoyed considerable +freedom, and even honour, at the hands of the Moslem Government. + +The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter +brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read words +against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render himself liable +to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law to any Moslem--king +or slave--who listened to abuse of the Prophet without exacting summary +vengeance from the blasphemer. But--and here was the king's dilemma--he +could not punish the ambassadors without incurring the enmity of Otho. +The only possible alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho +should be asked to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan +having officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation +of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the threat +against the Christians as merely a threat, never really intended to be +put into execution. + +In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the Spanish +khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions of Islam; but, +as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been very inconsistent in +his views with regard to Christians and Jews at different times of his +career, and while he enjoined the necessity of Holy Wars,[1] he +permitted the people of the book to be admitted to tribute.[2] In one +passage he even seems to allow the possibility of salvation to Jews, +Christians, and Sabians: "Verily they who believe, and those who +Judaize, and the Sabians, and the Christians--whoever of these believeth +in God and the last day, and doeth that which is right--there shall come +no fear on them, neither shall they be grieved."[3] And there is one +remarkable text to find in the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no +violence in religion." [4] + +Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived upheld +the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the Persian Sufis, +is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for me, to judge of men's +consciences, and I will never interfere with what belongs to the +tribunal of the great Creator and Lord of the Universe."[5] Again, +Akbar, one of the greatest kings that ever lived, followed in practice +the principle thus expressed by his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution +after all defeats its own ends; it obliges men to conceal their +opinions, but produces no change in them."[6] Noble sentiments surely, +and such as we should expect from followers of Christ rather than of +Mohammed! + + [1] Tradition attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to + Mohammed than can be found in the Koran,--_e.g._, "The sword is + the key of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause + of God, a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two + months of fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against + the infidel, his sins are forgiven him." + + [2] Koran, xlvii., ad init. + + [3] Koran, v., v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of + Acts x. 35. + + [4] Koran, ii., v. 258. + + [5] See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia," + i. p 583. + + [6] _Ibid._, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11. + +Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been conspicuous +for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin, indeed, does say in his +letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester, that he does not approve of +punishing heresy with death, because God, by the mouth of His prophet, +had said: "I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that the +wicked turn from his way and live;"[1] but Alcuin was a man of unusual +mildness and sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus +testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in the +Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in connection with +the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to be forgotten--"Slay all; +God will know His own." + +In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the +Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a principal +argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of Valencia in his memorial +to Philip III. at the end of the sixteenth century.[2] + +A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded by +Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by Alfonso, on +the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of capitulation certain +mosques had been expressly reserved to the Moslems, just in the same way +as certain churches had been reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712. +But Bernard, by way of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance +of the king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque. +Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's +proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing that +the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct, came forward +of their own accord and begged him to pardon the act, and even +voluntarily surrendered their mosque.[3] + +Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion, but +even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.[4] Almanzor, the champion +of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays. Christians +in every reign held high posts at court[5] and throughout the land, and +not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and Leovigild, who +were known to sympathise with the party of zealots, were employed by the +king to write letters to, and negotiate with, the neighbouring kings. +This was no doubt due to their general trustworthiness, their quickness, +and their knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin. + + [1] Ezekiel xxxiii. 11. + + [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n. + + [3] Mariana, ix. 10. + + [4] See p. 57. Recent history affords a similar instance from + the Christian side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54--"I + have made them make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." _Ibid._, + p. 249, "I had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship, + and endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at + the opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha + who took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the + Mussulman worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable, + if sincere, as any Christian." + + [5] Such as secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister. + +Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the office +of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the office of +protection." The Christians and Jews were under his general +jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the protection."[1] But +besides this Arab "Secretary of State for the Christians," the latter +had their own counts--a relic of the Gothic system--who, however, did +not always stand up for their interests.[2] There were also Christian +censors,[3] but it is not known what position they held in the State. + +The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at Court, and +numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's bodyguard, of whom +under Hakem I. (796-822) there were 2000.[4] + + [1] Al Makk., i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398. + + [2] _E.g._. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus. + + [3] See above, p. 49. + + [4] Conde, i. p. 260. + +All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two +peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion, lived so +comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a perpetual state of +warfare between the Arabs and the Christians in the North, which tended +to keep alive the animosities of the two races in that part of Spain +which was under Mohammedan rule.[1] Moreover, the pride of race was very +strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet Said ibn Djoud, in a +poem called the "battle of the town" (Polei), boasts that the conquerors +are of the pure race of Adnan and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture; +while he calls the defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false +faith,[2] sons of the pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too +prone to look upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as +mere canaille.[3] + +But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated; and +Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of fanaticism in +the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation would have had +serious results for Christianity in Spain.[4] + +The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free Christian +States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same, when political +occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of the frontier cities +sought to make themselves independent by what the Arab writer describes +as "vile policy and unworthy acts," _i.e._, by seeking the friendship of +the Christian kings;[5] and there are many instances of these kings +asking aid, even servilely, from Arab princes.[6] + + [1] Dozy, ii. 108, puts the distinction between the races very + forcibly:--"Ce peuple qui joignait a une gaite franche et vive + une sensualite raffinee devait inspirer aux pretres, qui + aimaient les retraites eternelles et profondes, les grands + renoncements et les terribles expiations, une repugnance + extreme et invincible." + + [2] Dozy, ii. 223. + + [3] "C'etait leur terme consacree." Dozy, ii. 211. + + [4] "Heu pro dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus, + iugumque cum infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex + cotidiano usu illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis + ipsorum contubernia affectamus."--Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18. + + [5] Conde, i. 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.," + sec. 30. + + [6] Al Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II. + +Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case, intermarriages +were common between the two races. The example was early set by the +widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying Abdulaziz, son of Musa. +The sons of Witiza also married Arab women, and Sarah, the daughter of +one of these princes, was the progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs, +one of her descendants being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means +son of the Gothic princess.[1] Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all +the Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named Maria,[2] +and the mighty Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade +Christian.[3] These are some instances, but it is not necessary to dwell +on what was so common an occurrence as intermarriage between the +peoples, and is forbidden neither by the Koran,[4] nor by the Bible. + +However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a more +particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been supposed to +have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute of 100 maidens paid +by the northern kings to the earlier Arab Sultans. Modern historians +mostly throw doubt upon the story, saying that of the early historians +none mention it, and that the Arabs do not even allude to it.[5] But if +Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer does speak of it, as of a thing +well known. In a letter of Omar[6] ibn Alaftas Almudafar, King of +Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:--"Do thou remember +the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy mind those treaties +wherein thy forefathers offered him the homage even of their own +daughters, and sent him those damsels in tribute even to the land of our +rule." + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454. + + [2] Conde, i. 364. + + [3] Dozy, iii. 124. + + [4] Koran, v. 5:--"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those + that have received the Scriptures before you." + + [5] Dunham, ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276. + + [6] Conde, ii. 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn + Mohammed etc ibn Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos. + +The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient +ballads by the Christian Spaniards. The following are +two verses from one of these:-- + + "For he who gives the Moorish king a hundred maids of Spain + Each year when in the season the day comes round again; + If he be not a heathen he swells the heathen's train-- + 'Twere better burn a kingdom than suffer such disdain! + + "If the Moslems must have tribute, make men your tribute-money, + Send idle drones to tease them within their hives of honey; + For, when 'tis paid with maidens, from every maid there spring + Some five or six strong soldiers to serve the Moorish king."[1] + +Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to him was +on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is strong for a fact +of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much against the writers of +the ballads.[2] + +As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no +mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca and the +Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to it in a +document included in the collection of Florez.[3] "Our ancestors," says +Ramiro, "the kings of the land--we blush to record it--to free +themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them yearly +a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for their beauty, +fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people." It was to put an end +to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now ordered a levy _en masse_. +This, if the document is genuine (and Florez gives no hint to the +contrary), is good evidence for the fact. Many succeeding writers +mention it. Lucas of Tuy[4] says that Ramiro was asked for the tribute +in 842. Johannes Vasaeus[5] speaks of it, as also Alfonso, Bishop of +Burgos;[6] and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo[7] says that Mauregatus +(783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help, agreed to +send this tribute yearly. + +On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden tribute +being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for more than fifty +years. Most of these Christian maidens probably embraced the religion of +their husbands, but in some cases they no doubt converted them to their +own faith. + +From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere, +conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives of +worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall very much +against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power declined the +opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy was, and is, +unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances for those who +apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his followers, Ammar ibn +Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish, renounced his belief in God and in +Mohammed's mission, but afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed +received him kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of +thine, if they forced thee?"[8] + + [1] Lockhart. + + [2] Unless the ballads were written later than 1250--_i.e._, + after Rodrigo of Toledo had made the story known by his + history. + + [3] "Espana Sagrada," xix. 329--"Privilegiam quod dicitur + votoram, anno 844 a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi + concessae." + + [4] Lucas Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv. + + [5] "Hispaniae Chronicon," 783 A.D. + + [6] "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51. + + [7] III. c. 7. + + [8] Koran, xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +THE MUWALLADS. + + +That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very numerous at +first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that the new converts +formed a large and important party in the State, and almost succeeded in +wresting the government of Spain from the Arabs. The disorder and civil +war which may almost be said to have been chronic in Spain during the +Arab dominion were due to the fact that three distinct races settled in +that country were striving for the mastery, each of these races being +itself divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split +up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the descendants of +Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and Medina, who claimed +descent from Adnan.[1] To the latter section belonged the reigning +family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as the real +conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently reinforced by +fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile tribes of Botar and +Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards, part Christian, part +Mohammedan; the latter being either renegades themselves or the +descendants of renegades. These apostates were called by the Arabs +Mosalimah, or New Moslems,[2] and their descendants Muwallads,[3] or +those not of Arabic origin. The Christians were either tribute-paying +Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or free Christians, under Moslem +supremacy, called Ajemi;[4] or apostates from Islam,[5] called +Muraddin. The Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the +equality and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the +utmost contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.[6] Their condition was even +worse than that of the Christians, for they were, generally speaking, +excluded from lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs--a +dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the +population.[7] Stronger and more humane than the Berbers, they were +friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they were even +superior to the conquering Arabs.[8] + +The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by +religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with another, +and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were the mainstay of +the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After breaking with the +Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining possession of the whole kingdom, +and carried fire and desolation to the very gates of Cordova.[9] + + [1] See above, p. 23, note 3. + + [2] Cp. "New Christians." + + [3] Pronounced Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted." + + [4] Al Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note. + + [5] Al Makkari, ii. 458. + + [6] Cp. "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only + regret is that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to + despise me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet + calls them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258. + + [7] So Dozy, ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab + population." + + [8] Dozy, ii. 261. + + [9] Al Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note. + +As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain +theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was suppressed. In +814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion being put down with +great severity by the help of the Berbers, the Cordovan Muwallads were +exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and 8000 to Fez.[1] But though +exterminated in Cordova, the renegades still mustered strong in Spain. +At Elvira they rose in Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and +threw off the Arab yoke;[2] and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn +Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos and +Merida.[3] At Seville the Muwallad element was specially strong, as we +see from the many family names, such as Beni Angelino, Beni Sabarico, +which betray a Spanish origin. The majority of the inhabitants embraced +Islam early, and had their mosque by the middle of the ninth century, +but they retained many Spanish customs and characteristics. When the +Arabs of Seville revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined +the latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic +family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently with all +their neighbours. + + [1] Dozy, App. B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he + of the suburb) from this. + + [2] Ihn Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff. + + [3] In 875. "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184. + +It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out the +history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers against the +Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of the Muwallads and +Christians are a necessary part of our subject. The latter, though well +treated on the whole, naturally looked back with regret to the days of +their own supremacy, and were ready to intrigue with anyone able to +assist them against their Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them +communicating with the kings of France; and there is still extant a +letter from Louis the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in +826, which is as follows:--"We have heard of your tribulation, which you +suffer from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take +away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz did. +He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to pay, turned +you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to disobedient +vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But you, like brave +men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we write now to condole with +you, and to exhort you to continue your resistance, and since your king +is our enemy as well as yours, let us join in opposing him. + +"We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait there +till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if you will +desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be secured to you, +and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes, and shall live under +your own laws."[1] + +The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to have +effected nothing. + +During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the +voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of +Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we may +suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted in favour +of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that Mohammed +imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was but the signal +for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As we have already seen, +the king set out with an army against the Toledans, who appealed to +Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough to get such an opportunity for +weakening the Arab government, Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but +the Toledans and Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the +Sultan's troops.[2] Within twenty years, however, Toledo became +practically independent, except for the payment of tribute.[3] + + [1] Apud Florez, "Espano Sagrada." + + [2] Dozy, ii. 162. + + [3] _Ibid_, p. 182. + +From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the population, +whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the exclusiveness of the old +Arabs, and ready to make common cause against them. The unity of race +prevailed over the difference of creed, as it did in the case of the +English Roman Catholics in the war with Spain, and as it usually will +under such circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to +find an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn +Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from the +hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count Alfonso,[1] and +his family had been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather +Djaffar. Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative +and honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at Bobastro +or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and Ronda, in the +sierra stretching from Granada to Gibraltar.[2] After a brief sojourn in +Africa, where his ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great +future, he returned to Spain, and at once began business again as +brigand at Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.[3] Being captured, he was +brought to Cordova, but spared on condition of enlisting in the king's +forces. But he soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the +Spaniards in the South, Moslem and Christian,[4] whose ardour he aroused +by such words as these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan, +who spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will you +let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you as their +slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but a desire to +avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he made alliances at +different times with the Muwallads in Elvira, Seville, and Saragoza, +and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan, in Badajos. + + [1] Dozy, ii. 190. + + [2] Al Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note. + + [3] In 880 or 881. + + [4] See a description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole + ("Moors in Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee, + Cordova! when the captain with the great nose and ugly face--he + who is guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters--when + Ibn Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate + be accomplished." + +Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by +Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar was +further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil, the Count +of Cordova.[1] The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from Omar's path +his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak reign, the rebel leader +was virtual king of the south and east of Spain. The district of +Regio[2] was made over to him by the king, and Omar's lieutenant, Ibn +Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo. + +This protracted war, which was really one for national independence, was +carried on year after year with varying success. At one time Omar +conceived the intention of proclaiming the Abasside Khalifs,[3] at +another he grasped at the royal power himself; and Abdallah's empire was +only saved by a seasonable victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).[4] +The battle was fought on the eve of the Passover, and the Moslems +taunted their enemies with having such a joyful feast, and so many +victims to commemorate it with. This shows that a large, perhaps the +largest, part of Omar's army was Christian. Another indication of this +is found in a poem of Tarikh ibn Habib,[5] where, speaking of the coming +destruction of Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill +of Abu Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian +soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it is +certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before this +battle,[6] as his father had done before him. He took the name of +Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen, suffered martyrdom. +This change of creed on Omar's part changed the character of the war, +and gave it more of a religious,[7] and perhaps less of a national, +character, for the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became +Christian and built churches. + + [1] Servandus. Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note. + + [2] Where Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335. + + [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note. + + [4] Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the + same victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or + Aguilar. + + [5] See Dozy, ii. p. 275. + + [6] Ibn Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326. + + [7] In 896, on the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn + as Khalia, all the Christians were massacred.--Dozy, ii. p. + 327. + +Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his +supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar himself +did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death. The king's +successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of man from Abdallah, +and the reduction of Omar became only a question of time, though, in +fact, the apostasy of Omar from Islam had made the ultimate success of +the national party very doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death, +his son, Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems +by embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the +Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs +surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great rebellion was +finally extinguished. + +So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under +the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to shake off +the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the tenth century the +strong administration of Abdurrahman III., Hakem II., and the great +Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance of raising the cry of "Spain for +the Spanish." The danger of a renewal of the rebellion once removed, the +position of the Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in +consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself the +son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt with great +leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the more devout Moslems. +Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and even liked, by his Christian +subjects, and there is no doubt that his victories over the Christian +States in the North[1] were won very largely with the aid of Christian +soldiers. His death was the signal for the disruption of the Spanish +Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when the khalifate was finally +extinguished, complete anarchy prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers +made a determined effort to regain their ascendency, and their forces, +seconded by the Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne +in 1013. A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different +factions--Arab, Berber, and Slave--followed, until Hischem III. was +forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an end, +after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the North had +gathered themselves together for a combined advance against the Saracen +provinces, never again to retrograde, scarcely even to be checked, till +in 1492 fell Granada, the last stronghold of the Moors in Spain.[2] + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. p. 214. + + [2] In 1630 there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.--Al + Makk., i. p. 74. + + + + +CHAPTER IX. + +CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE +ANOTHER'S CREED. + + +In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and Mohammedans +were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions and frequent +intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough knowledge seems to +have existed, on either side, of the creed of the other party. Such, at +least, is the conclusion to which we are driven, on reading the only +direct records which remain on the subject among Arab and Christian +writers. These on the Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from +a book on Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his +disciple, Eulogius;[1] and some rather incoherent denunciations of +Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,[2] another pupil of the abbot's. In +these, as might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of +Mohammed's paradise,[3] and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to +the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest on good +authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But among other +blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is one of which we find +no mention in the Koran--the assertion, namely, that he would in the +next world be wedded to the Virgin Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is +equally incorrect when, in a letter to Alvar,[4] he alleges a promise on +the part of Mohammed that he would, like Christ, rise again from the +dead; whereas his body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured +by dogs. The Christian bishop does not hesitate to add--sepultus est in +infernum--he was buried in hell.[5] + + [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35. + + [3] _Ibid._, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means + wholly sensual.--Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78. + + [4] Sec 9. + + [5] This shows the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom, + says Eulogius ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every + Christian's duty to kill, were he alive on earth. + +It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor write, and +this appears to have been the opinion of Alvar;[1] but the same witness +acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and beautiful +language that even Christians could not help reading and admiring it.[2] + +On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to +Christianity, Eulogius[3] at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed, +he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of God,[4] +and His Spirit;[5] a great prophet,[6] endowed with much power from +God;[7] like Adam in His creation,[8] but not equal to God (the +Creator);[9] and that by reason of His blameless[10] life, being filled +with the Holy Spirit,[11] He showed marvellous signs and wonders through +the power of God,[12] not working by His own Godhead, but as a righteous +Man, and an obedient servant,[13] obtaining much power and might from +the Almighty God through prayer." + + [1] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26. + + [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the + present day. + + [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19. + + [4] Koran, ch. iii. 40. + + [5] Koran, ch. ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit." + + [6] Kor., c. iii. 59. + + [7] Kor., c. iii. 45. + + [8] Kor., c. iii. 50. + + [9] Kor., c. ix. 33. + + [10] Kor., c. iii. + + [11] This is a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran, + ch. ii. 81, note. + + [12] Kor., ch. v. 110 ff. + + [13] Koran, cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59. + +Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius, and he +even seems to have had a prejudiced idea[1] that the Prophet set himself +deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those taught by Christ. +It would be nearer to the truth to say that the divergence between the +two codes of morals was due to the natural ignorance of an illiterate +Arabian, brought into contact only with an heretical form of +Christianity, the real doctrines of which he was therefore not likely to +know. + +According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the +Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We shall +realise the absurdity of this when we consider the reverence in which +Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going so far even as to deny that +Christ Himself was crucified at all.[2] The true reason for selecting +Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because the work of +creation ended on that day.[3] + +Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ preached +chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have preached +sensuality, though his private life in this respect was by no means +pure. + +Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge was +never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity enjoins +fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of such texts as +Matthew ix. 14,[4] and Isaiah lviii. 6--"Is not this the fast that I +have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy +burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one hand; and on the +other the express injunction of the Koran[5]:--"O true believers, a fast +is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ... if ye fast, +it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month of Ramadan shall ye +fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more astonishing statement +still:--"Christ ordained that men should abstain from their wives during +a fast, while Mohammed consecrated those days to carnal pleasure." +Christ surely gives us no such injunction, though St Paul does say +something of the kind. The Koran[6] explicitly says--"It is lawful for +you on the night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a +garment unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an +incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya, the +famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on Abdurrahman +II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance, that wives should +be abstained from during the fasting month.[7] Alvar, being a layman, +may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism critically, +and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is perhaps the best +explanation of the matter. In one place[8] he informs us of his +intention of writing a book on the Cobar,[9] but the work, if ever +written, has not survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may +judge by the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere[10] on this theme. In +that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of Daniel[11] to +Mohammed, forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not +the desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of Mohammed. +He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our revised version +(v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with the Mohammedan +Cobar;[12] and the strange god, whom he shall acknowledge, Alvar +identifies with the devil which inspired the Prophet in the guise of the +angel Gabriel. All this, as the writer himself allows, is very +enigmatical. + + [1] See Dozy, ii. 107. + + [2] See Koran, cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes. + + [3] See Sale's note on Koran, c. lxii. 9. + + [4] Cf. also Matt. xi. 19--"The Son of Man came eating and + drinking, and they say, Behold a gluttonous man and a + wine-bibber." + + [5] Chapter ii. 180. + + [6] Chapter ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day + time. + + [7] From Ibn Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108. + + [8] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25. + + [9] _I.e._, the Caaba apparently. + + [10] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25, ff. + + [11] C. xi. vv. 21, ff. + + [12] ? Caaba. + +Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry, asserting +that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba black stone[1]) as +they used to do of yore, and that they set apart a holy month, Al Mozem, +in honour of this idol.[2] + +Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of +Antichrist,[3] or as Antichrist himself.[4] + +Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated Moslems +with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find these to be no +less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of Christians as to +Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse the Moslems, for the +Koran itself, the very foundation and guide of all their religious +dogmas, is full of incorrect and inconsistent notions on the subject. + +The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians worshipped +a Trinity of Deities--God, Christ, Mary.[5] The inclusion of the Virgin +Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that worship was paid +to her even at that early date, as it certainly is among the Roman +Catholics at this day. As will have been seen from a passage quoted +above,[6] something very like adoration was already paid to the Virgin +in the churches of Spain. + + [1] Sale, Introduction to Koran, p. 91. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25. + + [3] _Ibid._, sec. 21. + + [4] _Ibid._, sec. 53. + + [5] See Koran, v. ad fin.:--"And when God shall say unto Jesus + at the last day: O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men, + Take me and my mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall + answer, Praise be unto thee! it is not for me to say that which + I ought not." + + [6] P. 56. + +But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali ibn +Hazm,[1] the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-March 1024), +will show that some educated Moslems knew enough of the Christian creed +to appreciate its difficulties:--"We need not be astonished," says Ibn +Hazm, "at the superstition of men. Look at the Christians! They are so +numerous that God only knows their numbers. They have among them men of +great intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they +believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the three is +the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that the Father is, and +is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not, God; that the Messiah is God +in every respect, and yet not the same as God; that He who has existed +from all eternity has been created. + +"One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites, and which +number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the Creator Himself was +scourged, crucified, and put to death; so that the Universe for three +days was deprived of its Governor." + +Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the Moslems +thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of Spain, round +whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the north of the +Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,[2] who, in his account of Almanzor's +fiftieth expedition against the Christians, says:--"Shant Yakoh +(Santiago)[3] is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not only by the +Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring continent, who look upon +its church with a veneration such as Moslems entertain for the Caaba of +Mecca; for their Caaba is a colossal idol (statue) which stands in the +middle of the church. They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage +from the most distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries +beyond Rome, pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that +of Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved by +Isa (Jesus).--May the blessing of God be on him, and on our +Prophet!--The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus, because, +while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he was Bishop of +Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth preaching the religion +[of Christ], and calling upon the inhabitants to embrace it, till he +came to that remote corner of Andalus; that he then returned to Syria, +where he died at the age of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that, +after the death of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it +in that church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of +his preaching]." + + [1] II. 227, apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a + strict Moslem, _averse to judging divine questions by human + reasoning_." + + [2] Al Makkari, ii. 293. + + [3] Miss Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub, + but what authority has this statement? + +In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly cultivated, as +they were in Spain during the time of Arab domination, and where the +rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem produced a sustained period of +intellectual activity such as the world has rarely seen, controversial +theology could not fail to have been largely developed. But the books, +if any were written, from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all +perished, and we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left +to us as those already quoted. + +In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of Spain +had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences as we can +from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of the period; from +our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain, and Mohammedanism in +Africa, before they were brought into contact in Andalusia, compared +with what they became after that contact had made itself felt; and from +the observed effects of such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful +consideration of these scattered hints we shall see that certain +effects were visible, which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples +been allowed to continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had +there been no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa, +would in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or +both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation. + + + + +CHAPTER IX. + +HERESIES IN SPAIN. + + +Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in history. +The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a religion, which may +have been a cross between Judaism, Christianity, and Magianism.[1] But +Mohammedanism itself has furnished the most marked instances of such +amalgamation. In Persia Islam combined with the creed of Zoroaster to +produce Babyism; while in India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused +together by the genius of Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism. + +It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with +Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity with +itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to combine with +it in such a way as to produce a religion like both, and yet different +from either.[2] Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two cardinal +doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if they are to remain +distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity of God, they agree. In +the other they do, and always must, differ. The divinity of Christ on +the one side, and the divine mission of Mohammed on the other, are +totally incompatible doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be +so. Surrender both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem +possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a statement +attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,[3] in recounting the history of the +successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn Yunas, who during the last +quarter of the ninth century, while all Moslem Spain was a prey to the +wildest anarchy, became a leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in +Merida and the neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and +Christians in one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion, +which held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all +we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most important +consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence enough that the +attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt, if it can be called so, +to combine Islam and Christianity has resulted in that curious compound +called the religion of the Druses. + + [1] For an attempted compromise between Christianity and + Brahmanism, see the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic + priest, "Education and Missions," p. 14. + + [2] Cp., however, the Druse religion. + + [3] Dozy, ii. 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the + Galician (el Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but + there is some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii. + 439, and De Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki, + _i.e._, of the stock of the Galicians. + +But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam and +Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could hardly fail to +undergo considerable modifications in themselves by reason of their +close contact for several centuries. + +In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if any) +of such modification in the so-called heresies which may have arisen in +Spain during this period. These will require a somewhat strict +examination to be made to yield up their secret. + +The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for introducing +innovations[1] into the doctrines and practices of the true faith, and +even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way. The very first +Council whose acts have come down to us, held at Elvira in Spain, early +in the fourth century, contains a canon censuring the use of pictures. +The very first heretics, who were punished for their error with death by +the hands of their fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the +Spanish Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the +Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as +well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish Council at +the end of the sixth century, but not universally received in the West +until 600 years later.[2] And as we have seen, the use of pictures was +denounced long before the times of the Iconoclasts. + +We will now take in order the several heresies that made themselves +noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab supremacy, and see +if we can trace any relation between them and the Moslem faith. + +To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having arisen +in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth century.[3] It +was more practical than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the +need of confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men +ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a wholly +laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the worthy abbe who +records it: cette doctrine, _si favorable a libertinage_, trouva un +grand nombre de partisans, et excite encore le zele d'Alcuin.[4] + + [1] Alcuin ad Elipandum, iv. 13---"Audi me, obsecro, patienter, + scholastica Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi + semper aliquid audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta + ecclesiae universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te + invenies, unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo." + + [2] Lateran Council, 1215. + + [3] See, however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the + province, Ep., 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594. + + [4] Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. de l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309. + +That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the Arabs in +the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course impossible to +affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in the spirit of the +verses of the Koran: "O ye who have received[1] the Scripture come to a +just determination between us and you, that we worship not any except +God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one of us take not +the other for lords, beside God." And "They take their priests and monks +for their lords besides God."[2] + + [1] Chap. iii. p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such + terms of agreement as are indisputably consonant to the + doctrine of all the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore + cannot reasonably be rejected." + + [2] Chap. ix. Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with + idolatry both on other grounds and because "they paid too + implicit an obedience to their priests and monks, who took upon + them to pronounce what things were lawful and what unlawful, + and to dispense with the laws of God." See Sale, _Ibid._ + _Cp._-- + + Haughty of heart and brow the warrior came, + In look and language proud as proud might be, + Vaunting his lordship, lineage, fights, and fame, + Yet was that barefoot monk more proud than he. + And as the ivy climbs the tallest tree, + So round the loftiest soul his toils he wound; + And with his spells subdued the fierce and free. + Till ermined age and youth in arms renowned + Honouring his scourge and hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground. + + And thus it chanced that valour, peerless knight, + Who ne'er to king or kaiser veiled his crest, + Victorious still in bull-feast or in fight, + Since first with mail his limbs he did invest, + Stooped ever to that anchoret's behest; + Nor reasoned of the right, nor of the wrong, + But at his bidding laid the lance in rest, + And wrought fell deeds the troubled world along, + For he was fierce as brave, and pitiless as strong. + --SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix. xxx. + +Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed to +Migetius (_circa_ 750). According to the rather obscure account, which +has come down to us,[1] he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of +the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as corporeal, +the Father being personified in David, the Son in Jesus, and the Holy +Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe that the doctrine, thus +crudely stated by Elipandus, was really held by anyone. We may perhaps +infer[2] that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian (itself a form +of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons of the Trinity to one, +acknowledged certain [Greek: energeiai], or powers, emanating from Him, +which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul respectively. As the first +and last of these three recipients of the Divine powers were confessedly +men, it follows that Migetius was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity, +which is the cardinal doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any +other doctrine distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly +he appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,[3] and in +this he made an approach to Mohammedanism.[4] + + [1] Elipandus to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859. + + [2] With Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec. + 29. + + [3] Enhueber, sec. 32. + + [4] Neander, v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the [Greek: + Logos] became personal with the assumption of Christ's + humanity; that the [Greek: Logos] was the power constituting + the personality of Christ. Hence, says Neander, he was accused + of asserting that Christ, the son of David according to the + flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God, was the Second Person of + the Trinity. + +A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by those +who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did not believe +the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the utterances of the +prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned men, and, while they claimed +to take their stand upon the Gospel, pointing to texts like John xx. 17, +'I ascend unto my Father, and your Father, unto my God and your God,' to +prove that Christ was merely man."[1] In his answer to Alvar's letter, +Speraindeo says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;" +he might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according to +the abbot, spoke of three powers (_virtutes_) forming one Person, not, +as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one God.[2] Here we see a +close resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph; but +the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer approach to the +teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John xx. 17 given above, as +will be seen, if we compare with that text the following passages of the +Koran, put into the mouth of Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your +Lord; therefore serve him:"[3] "They are surely infidels who say, +verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since Christ said, O children of +Israel, serve God, my Lord and your Lord:"[4] and, "I have not spoken +unto them any other than what thou didst command me--namely, worship +God, my Lord and your Lord."[5] + + [1] Alvar's letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in + defence of this doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of + that day and that hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of + heaven, but my Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo + refers to Gen. iii. 9, where God the Father seems not to know + where Adam is. + + [2] Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a + happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made + up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple. + + [3] Koran, c. iii. v. 46. + + [4] Kor., c. v. 77. + + [5] Kor., c. v. 118. + +We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most remarkable and +original of those innovations to which Alcuin taunts the Spanish Church +with being addicted. Unfortunately we derive little of our knowledge of +the new doctrine from the originators and supporters of it--our +information on the subject coming chiefly from passages quoted by their +opponents (notably our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the +heresy had an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been +the opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the +Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman Church, +held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by lowering the +character of Christ, to pave the way for a union between Christians and +Mohammedans."[1] Enhueber,[2] also, in his treatise on this subject, +quotes a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the +heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a contact +with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with them.[3] + +Neander[4] thinks that there are some grounds for supposing that Felix, +one of the authors of the heresy, had been employed in defending +Christianity against objections brought against it from the Moslem +standpoint,[5] and in proving the divinity of Christ, so that they might +be induced to accept it. Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace +this particular doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the +Christian view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion. + +There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new theory, the +evidence being of a conflicting character, and pointing now to +Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all Spain, now to Felix, +bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.[6] + + [1] Mariana, vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See + Blunt, "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism; + and Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847--"deceptus uterque contagione + forsan insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium + Mohametanorum commercio." + + [2] Enhueber, sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4. + + [3] "Usus enim frequenti Maurorum commercio."--_Ibid_. + + [4] V. 219. + + [5] This perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which + the Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix. + Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to + Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni + peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem." + + [6] The prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine + arose out of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius. + +The claims of Felix[1] are supported by Eginhard,[2] Saxo, and Jonas of +Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled +"Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the baneful +heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,[3] says that he is +convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also was the +chief offender. + +The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow _a priori_ +considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the author. According to +Neander,[4] he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and he certainly +uses some very strong language in his writings against his opponents, +and stands a good deal on his dignity as head of the Spanish Church. For +instance, speaking of his accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and +Beatus,[5] a priest of Libana, he says of the former that he wallows in +the mire of all lasciviousness;[6] that he is totally unfit to officiate +at God's altar;[7] that he is a false prophet[8] and a heretic; and, +forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in +another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of gross +sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of Astorga,[9] +accusing him of heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which +means that instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the +very opposite.[10] + + [1] See "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305. + + [2] "Annals," 792. + + [3] Alcuin, "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose + in Cordova, and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after + the latter's recantation. + + [4] Neander (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his + writings. An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata + Eccl. Tolet), describes him as "parum accurate in sacris + litteris versatus." + + [5] Died in 798. Fleury v., p. 236. + + [6] Elipand. Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus." + + [7] "Ab altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this + to mean that he was deposed. + + [8] He gave the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and + prophesied the end of the world in the near future. See letter + of Beatus, book i., sec. 23--"Novissima hora est ... nunc + Antichristi multi facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum + est illius Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in + mundo est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops. + + [9] "Elipandus and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1. + + [10] This practice of punning on names is very common in these + writers. "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly + occurs. So Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called + "hostis Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the + bodies of Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very + "Leo vigilans." + +But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging the +venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter to the +bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity," speaks of him as +most blameless,[1] and confesses that he has heard much of his piety and +devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard to Felix, in a +letter to him.[2] Yet in his book against Elipandus, he exclaims, not +without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of wool on your +shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing which you minister to +the people, for all the daily shaving of your beard[3] ... if you +renounce not these doctrines, you will be numbered with the goats!" +Another testimony (of doubtful value, however) in Elipandus' favour is +to be found in the anonymous life of Beatus,[4] where Elipandus is said +to have succeeded Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his +reputation for learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain. + + [1] "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam + bonam religiosae vitae de vobis." + + [2] "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo + Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei + Catholicae fervens." + + [3] Beards were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii., + and probably the distinction was much insisted on because of + the Moslem custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive + dress of the clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern + staminia et lana oviuin religiosum adprobat." + + [4] See Migne, xcvi., 890 ff. + +Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the Migetian +errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude with regard to +the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being dictated to in the +matter of what was, or what was not, sound doctrine, and, in the letter +quoted above, he scornfully remarks that he had never heard that it was +the province of the people of Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in +the defiant attitude taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a +jealousy, felt by the old independent Church of Spain under its own +primate, towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of +the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be +Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but the +bishop of Rome. + +It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by Elipandus +and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that Adoptionism was merely a +revival of the Bonosian errors, which had long taken root in Spain;[1] +others, that it was a revival of the Nestorian[2] heresy, a new phase of +the controversy between the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;[3] or +that it was an attempt to reform Christianity, purging it from later +additions.[4] Alcuin, however, speaks of its followers as a new sect, +unknown to former times.[5] Stated briefly, the new doctrine was that +Jesus, in so far as His manhood was concerned, was son of God by +adoption. This error had been foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril +of Alexandria (348-386):[6] by Hilary of Arles (429-449).[7] The +Eleventh Council of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a +hundred years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God +was His Son by nature, not by adoption. + + [1] Enhueber, Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were + condemned at Capua in 389. For their development in Spain, see + "Isidore of Seville." + + [2] Condemned at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism + with this, see letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?). + + [3] Neander, v., p. 216. + + [4] _Ibid._, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo. + + [5] Alcuin contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it + had anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero + anathematizamus Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum, + adoptivum fuisse adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse + Patrem, quem Filium, quem et Spiritus sanctus (_sic_) et non + ipsud, delirat. Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum + Sanctum creaturas esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum + qui Christum solum Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat. + Anathematizamus Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum, + et onagrum Etherium, doctorem bestialem ...," etc. + + [6] "Lectures on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God + by nature, begotten of the Father, not by adoption." + + [7] De Trinit, v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God--a + God by adoption, or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec + connuncupatus)." + +It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation of +Nestorianism.[1] It agreed with the latter in repudiating the term +"Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,[2] but it differed from +it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in +Christ. What Felix--and on him devolved the chief onus of defence in the +controversy--wished to make clear, was that the predicates of Christ's +two natures could not logically be interchanged.[3] He therefore +reasoned thus: Christ in respect to His Deity is God, and Son of God; +with respect to His Manhood He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in +essence, but by being taken into union with Him, who _is_ in essence +God, and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity +from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that humanity, +be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This relation of Jesus the +Man to God he preferred to describe by the term Adoption--a word not +found in Scripture in this connection, "but," says Felix, "implied +therein,[4] for what is adoption in a son, if it be not election, +assumption _(susceptio)_." The term itself was no doubt found by Elipandus +_in_ the Gothic Liturgy;[5] and he most likely used it at first with no +thought of raising a metaphysical discussion on so knotty a point. Being +brought to task, however, for using the word by those whom he deemed his +ecclesiastical inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike +to acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says +Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief author of +the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from ignorance and +inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a heretic, till, admonished +of his error, he arrogantly and obstinately defended a position which he +had only taken up through ignorance."[6] + +Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix[7] for his opinion on +Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great penetration and +acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine, stating in his answer that +Christ must be considered with regard to His Divinity as truly God and +Son of God, but with regard to His Manhood, as Son of God in name only, +and by adoption. + + [1] See Blunt, "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism. + + [2] Neander, v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary. + + [3] Neander, v. 220. + + [4] Alcuin contra Felicem, iii. c. 8. + + [5] "Elipand. ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio ([Greek: + analepsis]) occurs _(a)_ in the Missa de coena Domini: + _adoptivi hominis passio;_ _(b)_ in the prayer de tertia feria + Pascha: _adoptionis gratia;_ _(c)_ in that de Ascensione: + _adoptionem carnis._ The Council of Frankfurt (794) branded the + authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did Alcuin) and as + the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See Fleury, v. 243. + + [6] Enhueber, "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the + same remark in other words. + + [7] See Blunt, Art. on Adoptionism. + +To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried on, it +will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix, and in +certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:-- + +_(a.)_ "If Christ, as man, is not the _adopted_ Son of God, then must +His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and consequently must be +something different from the manhood of men."[1] To this Alcuin can only +oppose another dilemma, which, however, is more of the nature of a +quibble. "If," he says, "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is +also God, then is God the adopted Son of God?"[2] Here Alcuin confounds +the predicates of Christ's two natures--the very thing Felix protested +against--and uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of +Felix, which was based on this very denial of any interchange of +predicates. + +_(b.)_ Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David, sometimes as Son +of God. One person can only have two fathers, if one of these be an +adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin answers: "As a man (body +and soul) is called the son of his father, so Christ (God and man) is +called Son of God."[3] But to those who deny that a man's soul is +derived from his father, this argument would carry no weight. + +_(c.)_ Christ stood in a position of natural dependence towards God over +and above the voluntary submission which He owed to His Father as +God.[4] This dependence Felix expresses by the term _servus +conditionalis_, applied to Jesus.[5] He may have been thinking of Matt. +xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to +Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him the form of a servant, and was made +in the likeness of men."[6] Or perhaps he had in his mind, if the theory +of the influence of Mohammedanism is true, those passages of the Koran +which speak of Christ as a servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain +to be a servant unto God,"[7] and, "Jesus is no other than a +servant."[8] + +(_d._) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction between Christ +the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke xviii. 19, "Why +callest thou Me good? There is none good, save one, even God;" Mark +xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour, knoweth no one, not even the +angels in heaven, neither the Son, but the Father." Texts such as these +can only be met by a reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16, +where God is said to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death +upon the Cross. + + [1] Alcuin contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12. + + [2] Alcuin (_ibid.,_ i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be + the adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of + God's substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in + respect to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of + God." But this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also + Contra Felic., vii. sec. 2. + + [3] Contra Felic, iii. sec. 2. + + [4] Cp. 1 Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This + position of dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem + beatae Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur." + + [5] Cp. Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei + simul et hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam + adoptivum Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35) + ... quia, si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei + secundum gratiam, profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et + cum advocato advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et _cum servo + servi_." + + [6] Cf. Acts iii. 13. + + [7] Koran, iv. v. 170. + + [8] Koran, xliii. v. 59. + +Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of Christ the +Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that this adoption, +though the same in kind[1] as that which enables _us_ to cry Abba, +Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps specifically +higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not being entered into +at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only the point at which His +adoption was outwardly made manifest by signs of miraculous power, which +continued till the resurrection. Christ's adoption--according to Felix, +was assumed at His conception, "His humanity developing in accordance +with its own laws, but in union with the Logos."[2] It will be seen +that though Felix wished to keep clear the distinction between Christ as +God, and as Man, yet he did not carry this separation so far as to +acknowledge two persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the +unity of Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct +personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be recognised +as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close a manner as to +amount to an absorption of the human personality into the Divine +Person."[3] The two natures of Christ had been asserted by the Church +against the Monophysites, and the two wills against the Monothelites, +but the Church never went on to admit the two Persons.[4] With regard to +the contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion +that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere abstraction, +a metaphysical link joining two essentially incompatible natures,"[5] or +that the dispute was only about names, and that by adopted son Felix and +the others meant nothing really different from the orthodox doctrine.[6] + + [1] See John x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222. + + [2] Neander (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this + differently: "There were (according to Felix) two births in our + Lord's life--(a) the assumption of man at the conception; (_b_) + the adoption of that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii. + 16: "Qui est Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes; + primam quae secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae + per adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem + complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam + suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in + lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo." + + [3] Blunt, article on Adopt. + + [4] Cp. Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina + persona est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia + vero substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est, + substantia res naturae." + + [5] Blunt, _ibid._ Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where + he says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual + personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved + it. + + [6] So Walchius. + +The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of Elipandus to +the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,[1] but it did not attract notice +till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the orthodox +bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of the heresy +having reached him--a heresy, he remarks, never before propounded, +unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he mentions Ascarius,[2] +Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over to his views. The new +doctrine seems to have made its way quickly over a great part of +Spain,[3] while Felix propagated it with considerable success in +Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in Spain were Beatus and +Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and Theudula, Bishop of Seville; +while beyond its borders Alcuin, Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of +Lyons, under the direction of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended +the orthodox position. + + [1] See Migne, 96 p. 848. + + [2] Fleury, v. 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus, + asking the latter's opinion on some doubtful points in the new + doctrine. + + [3] Jonas of Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac + virulenta doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit." + +Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the +overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and suffered +for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living under a +Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters or messages. He +seems even to have received something more than a mere negative support +from the Arabs, if we are right in so interpreting a passage in the +letter of Beatus and Etherius.[1] But it is hard to believe that +Elipandus was on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed, +from passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was +rather the case.[2] Neander suggests that it may have been a Gothic +king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems even more +unlikely than the other supposition. + +The first council called to consider this question was held by the +suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788, when the +heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of Gaul.[3] + +A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in 791, with +the same results.[4] But in the following year the heresy was formally +condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the presidency of +the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was sent to Rome to be +further condemned by the Pope, that the whole Western Church might take +action in the matter. Felix was there induced to write a book condemning +his own errors, but in spite of this he was not restored to his see.[5] +On his return, however, to Spain, Felix relapsed into his old heresy, +which he had never really abjured.[6] + + [1] I. sec. 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae + pari certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter + virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus + auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec. + 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum + potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit." + + [2] Elip. ad. Albinum, sec. 7--"Oppressione gentis afflicti non + possumus tibi rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana + dispendia quibus duramus potius quam vivimus." + + [3] There are some doubts about this council. + + [4] Fleury, v. 236. Hefele dates it 796. + + [5] See letter of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for + Felix's restoration (794). + + [6] Leo III. said of him, at a council held in Rome (799): + "_Fugiens ad paganos consentaneos_ perjuratus effectus est." + See Froben, "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336. + +In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the orthodox +position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter, admonishing him of +his errors, and acknowledging that all his previous utterances on +theology had been sound and true. Felix answered this letter, but his +reply is not preserved. To the same, or following, year belongs the +letter of Elipandus and the bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops +of Gaul, defending their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of +Felix. + +In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and other +English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend, and heard his +heresy again condemned and anathematised, the decree to this effect +being sent to Elipandus.[1] Alcuin's book was read by Charles, and sent +into Septimania by the hands of the abbot Benedict. + +The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at +Frankfurt.[2] In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent by him +first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan clergy, sent +on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with Paulinus and the +Pope as his coadjutors. + +In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin argued +for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for Felix again +recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith discarding the word +adoption, but still preserving the distinction of predicates belonging +to the two natures.[3] Alcuin's book, after being revised by Charles, +was published 800 A.D. Previously to this he had written to Elipandus, +who answered in no measured terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things, +of enormous wealth. This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer, +Alcuin wrote the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which +was the means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic Gaul.[4] +But in spite of Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the +anathemas of the councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up +his new doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts. +Elipandus, though very old[5] at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years +longer, and Felix survived him eight years;[6] and they both died +persisting in their error.[7] + + [1] Fleury, v. 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne, + xcvi. 858, gives us the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac + nefanda haeresis Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix + (_sic_) Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium." + + [2] Neander, v. 228. + + [3] _Ibid._, p. 232. + + [4] Froben, sec, 82. Neander says 10,000. + + [5] Alcuin adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius + tantummodo laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte + praereptum esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem." + + [6] Or perhaps six. + + [7] No reliance can be placed in the statement of the + Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of + Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione + Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium + (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato + publice errore _fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae_ confessus + est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec. + 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of + Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his + error. + +We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy, both from +its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned above, there are +some reasons for thinking that it was the outcome of a wish to +conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as well to recapitulate such +evidence as we have obtained on this point. But we must not expect to +find the traces of Mohammedan influence in the development, so much as +in the origination, of the theory. What we do find is slight enough, +amounting to no more than this:-- + +(_a._) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan from genuine +Christianity--setting aside for a moment the transcendental mystery of +the Trinity--was the Divinity of Christ. Anything, therefore, that +tended to emphasise the humanity of Jesus, or to obscure the great fact +of Christ the Man, being Son of God, which sounded so offensive to +Mohammedan ears, would so far bring the Christian creed nearer to the +Mohammedan's acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of +Christ, to that which appears so often in the Koran.[1] There can be no +doubt that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical +conclusion, did contribute to this result: + +(_b._) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of the secular +arm in disseminating his heretical opinions: + +(_c._) That the application of the term _Servant_ to Christ, besides +being authorised by texts from Scripture, is countenanced in two +passages from the Koran: + +(_d._) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain, and his +relapse into error, implies that it was due to his renewed contact with +infidels who held similar views: + +(_e._) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is said to have +lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his close intercourse with +the Arabs: + +(_f._) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false prophet, that +is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a Mohammedan interpretation to +the Beast in the Revelation of St John. + +Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it did +not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was originated by +a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,[2]--Claudius, Bishop of Turin. Some +have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of Iconoclasm, traces +of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in itself.[3] + +Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct +statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised him, +and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he on his side +highly commended them _and the Saracens_.[4] Yet his tendency seems to +have been against the Judaizing of the Church.[5] + + [1] Fifty years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses + certain Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of + persecution:--"Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (_i.e._ + Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et + Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones + corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes." + + [2] Jonas of Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and + says elsewhere, "Felix resuscitur in Claudio." + + [3] Neander, vi. 119. + + [4] Fleury, v. 398. + + [5] Neander, vi. 125. + +The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East, undoubtedly +received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In 719 the Khalif +destroyed all images in Syria. His example was followed in 730 by the +Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is said to have been persuaded to +this measure by a man named Bezer, who had been some years in captivity +among the Saracens.[1] In 754 the great council of Constantinople +condemned images. Unfortunately neither the great patriarchates nor the +Pope were represented, and so this council never obtained-the sanction +of all Christendom; and its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council +of Nicaea. In 790 appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to +find our English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and +reasonable protest against the worship of images.[2] In 794 this protest +was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and his +militia,[3] the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any reform in this +quarter, and the recognition of images became part and parcel of Roman +Catholic Christianity. + +Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.[4] Though placed over an +Italian diocese, he soon shewed the independence, which he had imbibed +in the free air of Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least +the advantage of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding +that the people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius +set to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in his +bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than other +Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist training.[5] + +These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with the +Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot of Nimes, a +friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal, an Irish priest. +But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was more than a match for +his opponents in argument.[6] + + [1] Fleury, xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham, + Seventh General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv. + + [2] "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut + segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius + infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."--III. c. 24. + + "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in + basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei + Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad + peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium + habere noscantur."--III. c. 21. + + [3] Prescott. + + [4] Neander says 814, Herzog 820. + + [5] Neander, v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from + the charge of adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer + of the Khalif Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his + brother's body at Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my + brother's body to the mercy of those who ring bells and adore + the cross. Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. 446. + + [6] Fleury, v. 398, confesses that the case of the + image-worshippers rests mainly on tradition and the usage of + the Church--meaning that they can draw no support from the + Bible. He might have remembered Matt. xv. 7--"Ye make void the + Word of God because of your tradition." + +Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from his +opponents' quotation of them. + +Briefly expressed, they are as follows:-- + +_(a.)_ Image-worship is really idol-worship: + +_(b.)_ If images are to be adored, much more should those living beings +be adored, whom the images represent. But we are not permitted to adore +God's works, much less may we worship the work of men:[1] + +_(c.)_ The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus was fastened +to it: else must we adore other things with which Jesus was similarly +connected; virgins, for example, for Christ was nine months in a +virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships, thorns, for with all these Jesus +was connected. To adore the cross we have never been told, but to bear +it,[2] that is to deny ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to +adore it, who are least ready to bear it either spiritually or +physically.[3] + +Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal +supremacy.[4] Being summoned before a council, with more wisdom than +Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his cause would be +prejudged, and contented himself with calling the proposed assembly a +congregation of asses. He died in 839 in secure possession of his see, +and with his Iconoclastic belief unshaken. + +Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during the +first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem to have +been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One more there was, +the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one hundred and fifty years +later, and was perhaps the outcome of intercourse with the Mohammedanism +of Spain.[5] + + [1] Jonas of Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326. + + [2] Luke xiv. 27. + + [3] Jonas, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351. + + [4] See Appendix B, pp. 161-173. + + [5] So Blunt. It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2, + from Lucas of Tuy. + + + + +CHAPTER X. + +SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. + + +Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal Christianity +(there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal Mohammedanism), it +will fall within the scope of our inquiry to estimate the extent to +which those influences were reciprocally felt by the two religions in +their social and intellectual aspects; and how far the character of a +Christian or a Mohammedan was altered by contact with a people +professing a creed so like, and yet so unlike.[1] This influence we +shall find more strongly manifested in the action of Christianity on +Islam, than the reverse. + +It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks seems to +have varied[2] from time to time, is reported to have expressly declared +that he would have no monks in his religion.[3] Abubeker, his +successor,--if Gibbon's translation may be trusted,--in his marching +orders to the army, told them to let monks and their monasteries +alone.[4] It was not long, however, before an order of itinerant +monks--the faquirs--arose among the Moslems. In other parts of their +dominions these became a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class; +but in Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,[5] though they +were very numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian +historian,[6] were nothing more than beggars, able but unwilling to +work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be applied to all, +"for there were among them men who, moved by sentiments of piety and +devotion, left the world and its vanities, and either retired to +convents to pass the remainder of their days among brethren of the same +community, or putting on the darwazah, and grasping the faquir's staff, +went through the country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the +faithful to compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That +Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we can +gather from the above passage and from another place,[7] where a convent +called Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On +that passage De Gayangos[8] has an interesting note, in which he quotes +from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment near +Malaga.[9] The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close to this city, a +convent, which was the residence of several religious men living in +community, and conversant with the principles of Sufism: they have a +superior to preside over them, and one or more servants to attend to +their wants. Their internal regulations are really admirable; each +faquir lives separately in a cell of his own, and meets his comrades +only at meals or prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the +community go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he +wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with two +meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock, two being +allowed yearly for each man--one for winter, another for summer. Each +faquir is furnished likewise with a regular allowance of sugar, soap to +wash his clothes, oil for his lamp, and a small sum of money to attend +the bath, all these articles being distributed to them every Friday.... +Most of the faquirs are bachelors, a few only being married. These live +with their wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to +the same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers, +sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted +chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning each +faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then that of +the king;[10] and when the reading is over, a Koran, previously divided +into sections, is brought in for each man to read in turn, until the +whole is completed. On Fridays and other-festivals these faquirs are +obliged to go to the mosque in a body, preceded by their superior.... +They are often visited by guests, whom they entertain for a long time, +supplying them with food and other necessaries. The formalities observed +with them are as follows:--If a stranger present himself at the door of +the convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his +waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his staff in +his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the porter of the +convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what country he comes +from, what convent he has resided in, or entered on the road, who was +the superior of it, and other particulars, to ascertain that the visitor +is not an impostor.... This convent was plentifully endowed with rents +for the support of its inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in +lands which was provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga, +who had been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are +continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by +donations in money." + +The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is +sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though this +particular convent was established at a later time, we cannot doubt that +the influence, which produced such a modification of the very spirit of +Islam, must have made itself felt much earlier. This is apparent in the +analogous case of Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to +shew,[11] where it is said that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar +(1030-1043), was followed to the grave even by the damsels who had +retired into solitude. + + [1] Mohammedanism is even called a _heresy_ by a writer quoted + by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244. + + [2] Kor. v. 85--"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to + entertain friendship for the true believers who say, We are + Christians. This comes to pass, because there are priests and + monks among them." Kor. lvii. 27--"As to the monastic state + (Deus loquitur), the Christians instituted the same (we did not + prescribe it for them) only out of desire to please God, yet + they observed not the same as it ought truly to be observed." + See also Kor. ix. 34--"Verily many of the priests and monks + devour the substance of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of + God;" and Kor. xxiii. 55. + + [3] Kor. v. 89. Sale's note. + + [4] So Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii. + 209. + + [5] See the interesting account, _ibid._, i. 114. + + [6] Al Makkari. + + [7] Al Makkari, i. 115. + + [8] _Ibid._, i. p. 406, note. + + [9] In the fourteenth century. + + [10] ? Chapter 67. + + [11] Conde, ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to + Christian nuns. + +But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity, Islam +shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded with a +Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such things, but the +following anecdotes are more in keeping with the Bible than the Koran. +Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to his son, Hakem I., said: +"Consider well that all empire is in the hand of God, who bestoweth it +on whom He will, and from whom He will He taketh it away.[1] But since +God hath given to us the royal authority and power, which is in our +hands by His goodness only, let us obey His holy will, which is no other +than that we do good to all men,[2] and in especial to those placed +under our protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute +equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or oppression +be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the road to perdition. +Be clement, and do right to all who depend upon thee, for all are the +creatures of God."[3] + +The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the following +story shews, of the most Christian generosity.[4] One of the faquirs who +had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the presence +of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from telling the +Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem answered: "He who +bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me pardon thee. Go, and live in +God's protection."[5] + + [1] Daniel, iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249--"God giveth His + kingdom unto whom He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24. + + [2] Galatians vi. 20--"Let us do good unto all men, especially + unto them that are of the household of faith." + + [3] Conde, i. 240. + + [4] It is fair to state that Hakem I. was not always so + generous. + + [5] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77. + +Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are the +miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories, it must be +acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and believing in +miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in the Middle Ages.[1] + +We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the invader +of Spain;[2] of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the prayer of Akbar +ibn Nafir;[3] of the marvellous cap of Omar;[4] of the wonders that +distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision shewing +the tomb of Abu Ayub;[5] but nothing that will bear a comparison with +the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the clumsy +and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of the +Armada.[6] Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid, from Al +Kusheyri,[7] reminds us forcibly of similar monkish extravagancies. A +woman came to Baki, and said that, her son being a prisoner in the hands +of the Franks, she intended to sell her house and go in search of him; +but before doing so she asked his advice. Leaving her for a moment he +requested her to wait for his answer. He then went out and prayed +fervently for her son's release, and telling the mother what he had +done, dismissed her. Some time after the mother came back with her son +to thank Baki for his pious interference, which had procured her son's +release. The son then told his story:--"I was the king's slave, and used +to go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we were +employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden as if my +fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my feet, when lo! I +saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each side." The inspector +naturally charged him with trying to escape, but he denied on oath, +saying that his fetters had fallen off without his knowing how. They +were then riveted on again with additional nails, but again fell off. +The youth goes on:--"The Christians then consulted their priests on the +miraculous occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I +had a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the +priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her prayers. +Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a set-off to this +there is a remarkable instance of freedom from superstition recorded of +King Almundhir(881-2).[8] On the occasion of an earthquake, the people +being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it as a direct interposition of +God, this enlightened prince did his best to convince them that such +things were natural phenomena, and had no relation to the good or evil +that men did,[9] shewing that the earth trembled for Christian and +Moslem alike, for the most innocent as well as the most injurious of +creatures without distinction. They, however, refused to be convinced. + + [1] See the story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the + bull--Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the + earth--Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and + restored--_Ibid._, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off by + the devil in sight of a large congregation--Isidore of Beja, + sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)--Mar. ix. 3. + + [2] Cardonne, i. p. 72. + + [3] _Ibid_, p. 38. + + [4] See Ockley. + + [5] Gibbon, "for such are the manufacture of every religion," + p. 115. + + [6] See Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics + found at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous + phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of + Christianity. + + [7] Al Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355. + + [8] Conde, i. 317. + + [9] Cp. Matt. v. 45: Luke xiii. 4. + +This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome of that +philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in the reign of +this Sultan's predecessor.[1] The philosophizers were looked upon with +horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at times +they were ready to stone and burn the free-thinkers.[2] The works of +Ibnu Massara, a prominent member of this school, were burnt publicly at +Cordova;[3] and the great Almanzor, though himself, like the great +Caesar, indifferent to such questions,[4] by way of gaining the support +of the masses, was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of +these philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the +man's life at the request of a learned faqui.[5] + +Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"--if the term be allowable--there were +Sceptics and Deists,[6] and others who followed the wild speculations of +Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name was +Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198), who +besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that would almost +constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was not a branch of +knowledge that could be systematised, but an inward personal power:[7] +that science and religion could not be fused together. Owing to his +freedom of thought he was banished to a place near Cordova by Yusuf abu +Yakub in 1196. He was also persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen, +son of Almansur,[8] for studying natural philosophy. Another votary of +the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death by the same +king. + + [1] Dozy, iii. 18. + + [2] Al Makk., i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics + by the pious Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii. + 109. + + [3] Al Makk., ii. 121. + + [4] He was supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden + study of Natural Science and Astrology.--Al Makk., i. 141. Yet + he let the faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be + burnt.--Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur + (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be + burnt. + + [5] Dozy, iii. 261. + + [6] Dozy, iii. 262, 263. + + [7] See article in the "Encyclop. Britann." + + [8] Al Makk., i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that + this was a mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub + Almansur, and could not be the king meant here. He therefore + reads, "Yakub, one of the Beni Abdulmumen." + +Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier freethinkers +lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians originally belonged to +the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai[1] (711-774), whose doctrines were +brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of Damascus. But Hischem I., on +coming to the throne, shewed his preference for the doctrines of Malik +ibn Aus,[2] and contrived that they should supplant the dogmas of Al +Auzai. It may be that Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's +creed, without persuading others to conform to his views, but at all +events the change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor, +Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi, Abu +Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,[3] and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman +Allakhmi, three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a +pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in the +opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a lax +Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the faquis enough +power in the State.[4] + +In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful enough +to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman, Abu +Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise discretion, as +commendable as it was rare, declared that the distinctions of the Ulema +were cavils, and that the expositions of the new traditionist "conveyed +much useful instruction, and inculcated very laudable practices."[5] + +Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly +ascendency, as notably by Ghazali, the "Vivificator," as he was called, +"of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the rebel against +authority was excommunicated.[6] Yet the strictly oxthodox party did not +succeed in arresting--to any appreciable extent--the progress of the +decay which was threatening to attack even the distinctive features of +the Mohammedan religion.[7] It is a slight indication of this, that the +peculiar Moslem dress gradually began to be given up, and the turban was +only worn by faquis,[8] and even they could not induce the people to +return to a habit once thought of great importance.[9] + + [1] Al Makk., i. 403. De Gayangos' note. + + [2] Died 780. Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to + Hakem I.; and an author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to + Abdurrahman I. + + [3] Al Makk., ii. 123. + + [4] Al Makk., i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p. + 59. + + [5] Conde, i. 294. + + [6] Dozy, iv. 255. + + [7] In spite of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says + that all innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by + the people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such, + he would have been torn to pieces. + + [8] Dozy, iii. 271. + + [9] Al Makkari, ii. 109. + +But in other and more important respects we can see the disintegrating +effect which intercourse with Christians had upon the social +institutions of the Koran.[1] + +_(a.)_ Wine, which is expressly forbidden by Mohammed,[2] was much drunk +throughout the country,[3] the example being often set by the king +himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the first of these to drink the +forbidden juice.[4] His namesake, Hakem II. (961-976), however, set his +face against the practice of drinking wine, and even gave orders for all +the vines in his kingdom to be rooted up--an edict which he recalled at +the instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin many +poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be smuggled in +or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem consequently contented +himself with forbidding anew the use of spirituous liquors in the most +stringent terms.[5] Even the faquis had taken to drinking wine, and they +defended the practice by saying that the prohibition might be +disregarded by Moslems, who were engaged in a perpetual war with +infidels. + +_(b.)_ Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying of Mohammed +runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law; to perform music is +to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to be guilty of +infidelity."[6] Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very fond of +music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi a home at his +Court, when the latter was driven from the East by professional +jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested against these violations +of their law. The important sect of Hanbalites in particular, like our +own Puritans, made a crusade against these abuses. They "caused a great +commotion in the tenth century in Baghdad by entering people's houses +and spilling their wine, if they found any, and beating the +singing-girls they met with and breaking their instruments."[7] + +_(c.)_ The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by Mohammed, +became quite common among the richer classes, though the majority do not +seem to have indulged themselves in this way.[8] + +_(d.)_ The prohibition of sculptures, representing living creatures, was +disregarded. We find a statue, raised to Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in +the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built by Abdurrahman III. in honour of +his beloved mistress. Images of animals are mentioned on the +fountains,[9] and a lion on the aqueduct.[10] We also hear of a statue +at the gate of Cordova.[11] + +_(e.)_ The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning towards +Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned by an Arab +historian,[12] that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah as a +distinctive nickname, because he did so turn? + +_(f.)_ A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to persuade his +coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not of pigs or +boars.[13] + + [1] Al Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The + Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit + all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of + nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves, + listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and + mirth." + + [2] Kor. v. 93--"Surely wine, lots, and images are an + abomination of the work of Satan ... avoid them." + + [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 171. + + [4] Cardonne, i. p. 252. + + [5] Al Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171. + + [6] Yonge, "Moors in Spain," p. 71. + + [7] Sale, Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.) + + [8] Al Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was + objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of + silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.) + + [9] Al Makkari, i. p. 236. + + [10] _Ibid._, p. 241. + + [11] Akbar Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272. + + [12] Al Malckari, 1. 149. + + [13] Hamim, a Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis. + Conde, i. 420. + +There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the more +unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact with a +civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to the Arabs, and +partly growing up independently side by side with them. But in nothing +was this shewn more clearly than in the social enfranchisement of the +Moslem women, whom it is the very essence of Mohammed's teaching to +regard rather as the goods and chattels than as the equals of man; and +also in the introduction among the Moslems of a more Christian +conception of the sacred word--Love. + +Consequently we become accustomed to the strange spectacle--strange +among a Mohammedan people--of women making a mark in the society of men, +and being regarded as intellectually and socially their equals. Thus we +hear of an Arabian Sappho, Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of +Almustakfi Billah;[1] of Aysha, daughter of Ahmad of Cordova--"the +purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden of her day;"[2] of Mozna, the +slave and private secretary of Abdurrahman III.[3] + +Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were +admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by Mohammedan +law,[4] the women being obliged to perform their devotions at home; +"if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it must be when the men are +not there; for the Moslems are of opinion that their presence inspires a +different kind of devotion from that which is requisite in a place +dedicated to the service of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a +Moor, censuring the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for +the reason, among others, that women were there. If the evidence of +ballads be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at +festivities and dances.[5] At tournaments they looked on, their bright +smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their fair hands +giving the successful champion the meed of victorious valour.[6] Their +position, in fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of +Christian ladies. + + [1] Murphy, "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232. + + [2] Conde, i. p. 457. + + [3] For others see Conde, i. 483, 484. + + [4] Sale, Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.) + + [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158. + + [6] See a picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish + Antiquities of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad + called "The Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109. + +The effect of this improvement in the social position of women could not +fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among the Spanish +Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross sensuality undergoing a +process of refinement, as the following extract from Said ibn Djoudi,[1] +who wrote at the close of the ninth century, will shew. Addressing his +ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:-- + + "O thou, to whom my prayers are given, + Compassionate and gentle be + To my poor soul, so roughly driven, + To fly from me to thee. + + "I call thy name, my vows outpouring, + I see thine eyes with tear-drops shine: + No monk, his imaged saint adoring, + Knows rapture like to mine!" + +Of these words Dozy[2] says:--"They might be those of a Provencal +troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry." + +This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly seen in +a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who was prime +minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He calls Love[3] a +mixture of moral affection, delicate gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm +modest beauty, full of sweet dignity. Being the great grandson of +Christian parents, perhaps some of their inherited characteristics +reappeared in him:--"Something pure, something delicate, something +spiritual which was not Arab."[4] + + [1] Killed, 897. + + [2] II. 229. + + [3] Quoted by Dozy, iii. 350. + + [4] Dozy, 1.1. + + + + +CHAPTER XI. + +INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY. + + +We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the social +and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now turn to the +analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity under the same +aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no means so marked as in the +reverse case. One striking instance, however, there is, in which such an +influence was shewn, and where we should least have thought to find it. +We have indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be +circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves off on +occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we cannot be certain: +but the fact remains.[1] "Have we not," says Alvar,[2] "the mark of the +beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we follow the +pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the circumcision of the +heart,[3] which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to the corporeal +rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy, and which can only be +complied with at the cost of no small pain to ourselves." + +Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic rite,[4] +whether voluntarily, or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know +that the Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the +intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be circumcised.[5] + +Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the outward +observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought it necessary to +abstain from certain meats,[6] those, namely, forbidden by the +Mohammedan law. + +A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his excuse +that otherwise the Christians could not live with the Saracens.[7] This +was, naturally, not considered a good reason by the stricter or more +bigoted party, who regarded with alarm and suspicion any tendency +towards amalgamation with Mohammedans. If we can credit certain +chroniclers, a council was even held some years before this time by +Basilius, Bishop of Cordova, for considering the best method of +preventing the contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its +contact with Mohammedanism.[8] + + [1] See John of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above, + p. 89. + + [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35. + + [3] Romans ii. 29; Galatians v. 2. + + [4] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123. + + [5] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.," + ii. c. 4. Cp. "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king, + Halihatan (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par + lequel il estait mande a tous Chrestiens habitans es terres et + villes a luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se + faisans circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie." + + [6] See Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. _ad init._--" You are + forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and + swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled." + + [7] "John of Gorz," 1.1. + + [8] "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501. + "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne + Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti, + illorum caeremoniis communicarent." + +Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of contraries, +and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were, would cling to some +habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit of opposition to a reverse +custom among Moslems. Thus we know that the monks in the East became the +more passionately devoted to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm +savoured so much of Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more +objectionable results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the +people with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from +being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths were +the direct invention of the devil.[1] Later on we know that Philip II., +the husband of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish +dominions destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of +infidelity.[2] + +Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a contrast to +the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is mentioned with +horror as having a wife and children, one of whom afterwards succeeded +him, and also married.[3] + +One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the marriage +of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by Fruela I. (757-768) +in the North, yet concubinage became very common among the clergy;[4] +and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state of things that Witiza +wished to compel the clergy to have lawful wives. + + [1] Miss Yonge, p. 67. + + [2] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136. + + [3] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326--"Conventus Episcoporum + pro restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae + ac vepres, nec nominandi proles." + + [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.," + ii. cc. 2, 6, we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the + Moslems in having harems. + +We have left to the last the great and interesting question of the +origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines of +Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not with +justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the present. The +institution known by that name arose in the age of Charles the Great +(768-814),[1] and was therefore nearly synchronous with the invasion of +Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed, referred to the +military service of fiefs, but all its characteristics, which were +personal and individual, such as loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point +to a racial rather than a political source, and these characteristics +are found in an eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and +independent spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,[2] "dwelling as it were +upon a rock, and disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness +of internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is not +unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American Indians." + +Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can be no +doubt that its development was largely influenced by the relative +positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the perpetual war which +went on between them in that country. + +Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps among +our Saxon forefathers,[3] chivalry soon became religious in character, +and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against the +Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be called the +cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even in the first flush +of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be truly chivalrous enemies, +and clearly had nothing to learn from Christians in that respect. The +very earliest days of Moslem triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit +displayed at the capture of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy +contrast to the scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders +under the heroic Godfrey de Bouillon. + + [1] Hallam, "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392. + + [2] _Ibid._ Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of chivalry + have so much resemblance to those which Eastern writers of the + same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect Europe for + having derived some improvement from imitation of Asia." + + [3] Hallam, "Mid. Ages" (1.1.). + +Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of the +tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely paralleled. +The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great victory of Alarcos +(1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners. It cannot, however, be +denied that the action displeased many of the king's followers, who +complained of it "as one of the extravagancies proper to monarchs,"[1] +and Yakub himself repented of it on his deathbed. + +In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities +enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight--such as piety, +courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art of poetry, +skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance, and bow.[2] +Chivalry soon became a recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf +ben Harun, or Abu Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II. +(961-976) on its duties and obligations;[3] nor was it long before the +Moorish kings learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the +Christian fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood +conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.[4] + + [1] Conde, iii. 53. + + [2] Al Makk., ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. + and Isab.," p. 159. + + [3] Conde, i. 477. + + [4] Conde, ii. 173. + +As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or the +Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the Moorish +knight _sans peur et sans reproche;_ and though, if judged by our +standards, he was by no means _sans reproche_, yet many are the stories +told of his magnanimity and justice. On one occasion after a battle +against the Christians, the Count of Garcia being mortally wounded, his +faithful Castilians refused to leave him, and were hemmed in by +Almanzor's men. When the latter was urged to give the word, and have the +knot of Christians put to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He +who slayeth one man, not having met with violence, will be punished like +the murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man, +shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'[1] Make room, sons of +Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of the +clement and merciful God." [2] + +On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for wedding +gifts for an enemy[3] of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he +magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father of the +Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his seven sons.[4] + +It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the romantic +ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather round any but +persons who are noted for that virtue, and though the instances should +be false in letter, yet in spirit they may be eminently true. However +this may be as respects Almanzor's generosity, of his justice we have +unimpeachable evidence. The monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says +that the success of his raids on the Christian territories was due to +the large pay he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice, +"which virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's +lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any Christian."[5] + + [1] Koran, v. 35. + + [2] Yonge, p. 110. + + [3] _Ibid._, p. 80. + + [4] Johannes Vasaeus, 969. + + [5] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 70. + +In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the Christian +Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors--those military orders, +namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The Rabitos, or Moslemah +knights," says Conde,[1] "in charge of the frontier, professed +extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted themselves voluntarily to +the continual exercise of arms. They were all men of high distinction; +and bound themselves by a vow to defend the frontier. They were +forbidden by their rules to fly from the enemy, it being their duty to +fight and die on the spot they held." + +In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived from the +Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it was the Moors who +inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy Wars, as an essential +part of their religion.[2] In this respect Christianity became +Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry became identified with war +against the infidel, and found its apotheosis[3] in St. James of +Compostella, who--a poor fisherman of Galilee--was supposed to have +fought in person against the Moors at Clavijo.[4] In the ballad we hear +of Christian knights coming to engage in fight from exactly that same +belief in the efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated +the Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms and +fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those of Leon +and Astorga,[5] were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de Junqueras +(921).[6] Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle against the +Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes repeated mention of +a right valiant prelate named Hieronymus.[7] + + [1] Conde, ii. p. 119, note--"It seems highly probable that + from these arose the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp. + Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of + Spain were mostly instituted by papal bulls in the last half of + the 12th century. + + [2] Islam made Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii. + pp. 220-2. Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff. + + [3] Presc., "Ferd.," p. 15. + + [4] Mohammed also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor. + iii., ad init. + + [5] "Rodrigo of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they + were the bishops of Tuy and Salamanca. + + [6] Mariana, viii. 5. See also _Ibid._, c. 6. + + [7] "Chronicle of Cid" (Southey), p. 371. + +Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which engendered +and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only common ground on +which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European, could meet. It was in +fact a sort of compromise between two incompatible religions mutually +accepted by two different races. Though perhaps not a spiritual +religion, it was a social one, and served in some measure to mitigate +the horrors of a war of races and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the +Crusades, and Richard I. of England and Saladin were the Achilles and +the Hector of a new Iliad. + +With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as a +compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now conclude. +In discussing the relations between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we +have been naturally led to compare not only the religions but their +adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish between those who profess +a creed, and the creed which they profess; but at least we may have thus +been enabled to avoid missing any point essential to the proper +elucidation of the mutual relations which existed between the two +greatest religions of the world, and the influence they had upon each +other. + + + + +APPENDIX. + +A. + +THE JEWS IN SPAIN. + + +The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally made them +the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very numerous colony +in Spain--for Hadrian had transported thither many thousand +families--the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in conquering the +country, both by betraying places to them, and garrisoning captured +towns while the Arabs went on to fresh conquests. Consequently the +relations between the Jews and Moslems were for a long time very +cordial, though this cordiality wore off in the course of time. Their +numbers seem to have been considerable under the Moslem occupation, and +whole towns were set apart as Jewries.[1] + +In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very strongly +among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith favoured them. +They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves were induced by the +clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became free, as Jews were not +allowed to have Christian slaves.[2] But it must be admitted that the +Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it was well known that they +sold Christian children as slaves to the Moslems of Spain.[3] + + [1] Al Makkari, ii. 452. + + [2] Fleury, v. 408. + + [3] _Ibid._ + +They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from among the +Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind, named Eleazar, to +whom Alvar addressed several letters under the title of "the +transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon. A Christian of German +extraction,[1] he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders. In 838, +while on his way to Rome,[2] he apostatised to Judaism,[3] and opened a +negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as slaves, +stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year he let his hair +and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he married a Jewess, compelling +his grandson at the same time to apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude +became so hostile to the Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to +Charles, praying him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however +does not seem to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that +Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the deaths of +Prefectus and John may have been due to him.[4] After this we hear no +more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the Arabs +seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged character. +Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity to develop their +natural gifts as they have never had since the capture of Jerusalem by +Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if +indeed they did not outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of +learning in the dark ages.[5] In science generally, and especially in +the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in learning and +civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far ahead of the +Christians.[6] + + [1] "Ann. Bertin.," 839. + + [2] Orationis gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1. + + [3] Florez, xi. p. 20 ff. + + [4] The "Ann. Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to + give his Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism, + or death. See Rohrbacher, xii. 4. + + [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153. + + [6] _Ibid._, p. 134. + +The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the gradual +process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility, and at the +beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to have been a project +formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems on the ground of a promise +made by their forefathers to Mohammed that, if in five centuries their +Messiah had not appeared, they would be converted to Mohammedanism.[1] +Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of the Moslems for extorting +money; at all events the Jews only succeeded in evading the alternative +by paying a large sum of money. Even in the early years of the conquest +they were subject to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the +rumour of the Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish +Jews, leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem governor, +Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to restore it on the +return of the disappointed emigrants. + +From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to have lost +many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth century +Maimonides,[2] the greatest name among the Spanish Jews, wrote against +their errors. One of these seems to have been that the books of Moses +were written before the Creation;[3] another, that there was a series of +hells in the next world.[4] + +Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we hear +of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs to +Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and the king's +confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a few years later. He +was also distinguished as a physician.[5] + + [1] Conde, ii. 326. + + [2] Fleury, v. 409. + + [3] Cp. the Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p. + 50. (Chandos Classics.) + + [4] _Ibid._, p. 72. + + [5] Al Makk., i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos. + +While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest provinces of +Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian territories, was by no +means unendurable. They were sometimes advanced to important and +confidential posts, and it was the murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish +ambassador by the King of Seville which brought about the introduction +of the Almoravides into Spain. + +There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo by the +Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him that they +were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar transported into Spain, +and not the descendants of those Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ. +Their ancestors, they said, were quite free from the guilt of this act, +for when Caiaphas had written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice +respecting the person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews +returned for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be +fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be put to +death. This reply they produced in the original Hebrew.[1] It is +needless to say that the whole thing was a fabrication. + +Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain, the +tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the Jews. They were +accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship, desecration of its +symbols, sacrifice of Christian infants,"[2] and other enormities. +Severe laws were passed against them, as in the old Gothic times, and +their freedom was grievously curtailed in the matters of dress, +residence, and profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear +yellow caps.[3] + + [1] Southey, "Roder.," i. p. 235, note. + + [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135. + + [3] Al Makk., i. 116. + +At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against them, and +15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain. Many were +nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to the credit of a +single saint. These new Christians sometimes attained high +ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the noble families--the +taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards to be regarded with the +greatest horror and aversion. + +It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first +established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In 1492, on +the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a very large number +of Jews were expelled from Castile,[1] the evil example being afterwards +followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the treatment of Jews by +Christians is indeed one of the darkest in the history of Christianity. + + [1] Variously estimated at 160,000 or 800,000. + + + + +B. + +SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER. + + +Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a study +as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from being one of +the most independent of Churches, she has become the most subservient, +and therefore the most degraded, of all. The question of how this was +brought about, apart from its intrinsic interest as illustrating the +development of a great nation, is well worth investigating, from the +momentous influence which it has had upon the religious history of the +world at large. For it is not too much to say that Rome could never have +made good its ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large +a part of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion +of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and unscrupulous +ability of the Italian pontiffs. + +In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a nation, +has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their +entirety--doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from the +first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception of Spain) +the West of Europe--the birthplace and cradle of the mighty Teutonic +races--have agreed with equal disdain to reject and trample under their +feet. + +This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in early +times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its greatness, and +its prosperity, held a position of complete equality with the Roman and +other principal churches. The See of Cordova held so high a rank in the +fourth century that Hosius, its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside +at the important councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347). + +The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made Spain +still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for the Goths, +besides being far more independent in character than the Romanized +Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in consequence, from all +communion with Rome. The orthodox party, however, gradually gained +strength, and in 560 the remnants of the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the +Gothic king's son Ermenegild, with their help, revolted against his +father. He was finally put to death for his treason, but his brother, +Recared, on ascending the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the +orthodox creed, his example being followed by most of his nobles and +prelates. + +The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was the +signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which was the +more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great increase of power +since Spain was cut off from orthodox Christendom by the invasion of the +Arian Goths. + +One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and, saluting him, +ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The papal authority thus +acknowledged was soon exercised in-- + +_(a.)_ Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the laws of the +land; + +_(b.)_ Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such cases; + +_(c.)_ Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the Church; + +_(d.)_ Sending the pall to metropolitans. + +These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the Spanish +Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the papal practice of +sending letters to the chief bishops of the country. They became +invested in consequence with certain important powers, such as those of +convoking provincial councils; of consecrating suffragans; of holding +ecclesiastical courts, and watching over the conduct of bishops.[1] + +But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church _was_ thus +conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of the Spanish +kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very sparing use of his +power. In two points, in especial, the claims of the pope were +strenuously resisted. + +_(a.)_ The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly forbidden. + +_(b.)_ Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted. Thus the +prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth councils of Toledo, +defended the orthodoxy of their fellow-bishop, Julian, against the +strictures of the then pope, Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John +V., confessed that they had been in the right.[2] + +This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find +manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some reason +for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion the king, +Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade appeals to Rome.[3] +One author even goes so far as to say that the Gothic king and his +clergy being at variance with the pope, the latter encouraged and +favoured the Saracen invasion.[4] + + [1] Masdeu, xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham. + + [2] Dunham, i. p. 197. + + [3] See Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He + quotes Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132. + + [4] J.S. Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note. + +However that may have been, and it certainly looks very improbable, the +invasion did not help the pope much directly, though indirectly, and as +events turned out, the Arab domination was undoubtedly the main cause of +the ultimate subjection of Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in +this way:--The Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in +a position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have sought +help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks. But the +selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred extending +their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of Christianity in +defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish Christians to look to +the only Christian ruler who could afford them even moral assistance; +and the popes were not slow to avail themselves of the opportunity thus +offered for establishing their authority in a new province. It was by +the intervention of the popes that the war against the Arabs partook of +the nature of a crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the +advantage of filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of +indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a head, +the pope collected in four years the sum of four million maravedis.[1] + +The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being asked and +obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being miraculously +discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave to move the see of +Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St lago,[2] built on the spot +where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church dates +from this event, which was of ominous import for the future independence +of the Church in that country. What the claims of Rome had come to be +within a quarter of a century of this epoch, we may see from the +controversy which arose between Claudius, Bishop of Turin, and the papal +party. Claudius was himself a Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated +Felix, Bishop of Urgel, one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy. +Among other doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party, +Claudius stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom, +resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains to us +of his writings,[3] on the grounds, first, that Christ did _not_ say to +Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be loosed upon earth;" +meaning by this that the authority vested in Peter was only to be +exercised during his life; secondly, in answer to the supposed efficacy +of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius retorts on his accuser, Theodomir, +abbot of a monastery near Nimes:--"If a doing of penance to be effectual +involves a journey to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your +monastery and prevent them from going--as you say is necessary--to Rome +itself?" As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither +approved nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to +all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal life +could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as to the pope +being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters called him, +apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not belong to one "who +fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils the duties thereof." + + [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n. + + [2] Romey, "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420. + + [3] Jonas of Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff. + Fleury, v. 398. + +Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved +contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage a +congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit Claudius +remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839. + +The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere of his +interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king unable even to +call a council of bishops without a papal bull. This became the +established practice.[1] In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in +confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make the +canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular cases.[2] + +Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had established +their independence, the weakness of the Christian Church under Arab +domination seemed to afford a good opportunity for obtaining from them a +recognition of the authority of the pope. We accordingly find that an +appeal was made to the pope towards the close of the eighth century to +give an authoritative decision with regard to what the appellants deemed +to be certain irregularities which had found their way into the practice +of those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian +readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in accordance +with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the Bishops of Spain he +inveighs against the following errors, countenanced by a certain +Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of Elvira, and sometimes called in +consequence the Migetian errors:-- + +_(a.)_ The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already been noticed +and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a letter to the people of +Seville (750).[3] The error was not the same as that of the +Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to the +twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the following +day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had been held by the +Latin Church itself till the sixth century.[4] The fulminations of the +Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was sufficiently +general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle which took place at +the Easter of that year to be placed in the year of the Hegira 278, +which only began on April 15th, whereas had Easter been observed +according to the usage of the Latin Church, the Paschal feast would have +been already past.[5] + +_(b.)_ The eating of pork and things strangled.[6] With respect to these +innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten anathema +against those who will not abstain from them. It is curious to find the +Christian Church upholding the eating of pork, when brought into contact +with the Moslems, and forbidding it elsewhere. + +_(c.)_ Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become very +common, is denounced and forbidden.[7] + +_(d.)_ The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against consecrating priests +without due preparation, and speaks as if there were many false priests, +wolves in sheep's clothing, dealing havoc in the flock. + +_(e.)_ One doubtful authority,[8] who tells us that Adrian ordered +Cixila, Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not +fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes. + + [1] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was + in Spain holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez, + xiv.), sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV. + sent Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII. + to hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8. + + [2] Mariana, viii. 6. + + [3] Isid. Pac, sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376, + 451. + + [4] See Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali + Latinorum Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne. + + [5] Dozy, ii. p. 355, note. + + [6] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235. + + [7] Adrian's Letter to the Spanish Bishops. + + [8] The Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236--"Ex mandatis litterisque + Adriani papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a + carnibus abstinere" (776 A.D.). + +But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the pretensions +of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed by the venerable +Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly resisted the encroachments +of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote +to Migetius condemning him for certain heresies, and boasts of having +completely refuted and silenced him;[1] but at the same time Elipandus +shewed his independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who +abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant men; +though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with the pope,[2] +and could justify his views by a reference to the decision of the Church +of Jerusalem in the earliest days of Christianity.[3] + +Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one, that it +was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take food touched by +them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as: "Not that which +entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but that which proceedeth out +of the mouth, this defileth the man;" [4] or "to the pure all things are +pure;"[5] and to point out that Christ ate with publicans and sinners. + +But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen, Claudius +of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which regarded the Roman +See as alone constituting the Catholic Church and the power of God.[6] +This he very properly calls a heresy; and indignantly denies that +Christ's words, "Thou art Peter," &c., apply to the Church of Rome +alone, affirming that they were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he +adds, "can the Roman Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God +without spot or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome +(Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of +Christendom." + + [1] Epilandus, Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See + Neander, v. 216 ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud + Migne, vol. ci. + + [2] See Adrian's Letter to Egila. + + [3] Acts xv. 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3. + + [4] St Matt. xv. 11. + + [5] Titus i. 15. + + [6] See also letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's + first book, where he gives us his idea of a _Catholic_ church + founded on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which + Catholic church may even consist of few members. Neander, v. + 230. + +Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and continued to be +established over it, Spain could never have become the priest-ridden +country which it now is; but the gradual advance of the Christian arms +in the North brought in its train a more and more complete subserviency +to the pope. + +As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and provinces +from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist between the +religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of those who had set +them free. This was specially apparent in the old Gothic liturgy, which +the Muzarabic Christians had used all along, and were still using, +whereas the Christians of Leon and the Asturias had imported a newer +recension from Rome. + +Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome, and +accordingly a legate,[1] named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from +John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly into the +ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at Rome that the mass +was incorrectly performed according to the Gothic liturgy, and that +false doctrines were taught. However, Zanclus found that the divergence +was not sufficiently wide to warrant the suppression of the ancient +ritual. It may be that the power of the Roman Church was not established +so securely as to admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient +church. She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness +to the primitive usage[2] of the Church against the innovations of the +Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we find +that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the question of the old +Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again. The Gothic and the Roman +books were subjected, after the absurd fashion of the times, to two +ordeals--by water and by fire; but in spite of the fact that the Gothic +liturgy, thanks to its greater solidity and stronger binding, resisted +both those elements incomparably better than its younger rival, and so, +if the ordeal went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the +old native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the pope, +and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of Leon,[3] and +Sancho IV. of Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up +their customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of +Toledo till late in the fifteenth century. + + [1] Mariana, vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of + Marinus, and says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of + Toledo. + + [2] Cp. the monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman + Catholics, under Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred + books and memorials of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar + coast in India. + + [3] And I. of Castile. + +But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters relating to +the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon the king himself, +and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso IX. and all his kingdom +were laid under an interdict by Celestine III. because he had married +within forbidden limits, and refused to divorce his wife at the bidding +of the pope. He did in the end divorce her, but only to repeat the same +offence with a second wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at +the hands of Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on +apace, and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's +courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices and +bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X. +(1252-1284).[1] But this result was not attained without remonstrances +from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and Isabella, the question +came to an open rupture between the Spanish Court and the reigning pope, +Sixtus IV. Isabella, though so ready to submit herself in matters of +personal religion to the pope and his legates, refused, like her later +namesake of England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and +the pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of +appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if the +sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the barons of +theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry IV. (1454-1474), +the papal legate threw his influence on to the king's side, and +excommunicated the rebellious barons, they firmly answered that "those +who had advised the pope that he had a right to interfere in the +temporal concerns of Castile had deceived him; and that they, the barons +of the kingdom, had a perfect right to depose their sovereign on +sufficient grounds, and meant to exercise it."[2] + +A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213 Pedro +II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the Albigensians, and +down to the time of Charles V., the princes of Aragon were at open +enmity with the Roman See,[3] and the Aragonese strenuously resisted the +establishment of the Inquisition.[4] + + [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15. + + [2] Prescott, p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the + king, if he violated the charter of the realm, might be + deposed, and any other _Pagan_ or Christian substituted. + _Ibid_, p. 23. + + [3] Lockhart, Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos + Classics.) + + [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n. + +That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more unmerited +suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised by man, whereby +more innocent people passed through the fire than were perhaps ever +sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first put into action in +September 1480, during the reign of the pious and noble-minded +Isabella.[1] The festival of Epiphany in the following year was selected +as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the first auto da fe, +when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was against that unfortunate +people that this inhuman persecution was devised, or at least first +used. That one year witnessed the martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the +infliction on 17,000 others of punishments only less than death itself. +During the administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen +years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly 100,000 +were, as the phrase went, reconciled.[2] The confiscation of property +which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning brought in enormous +sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors. + +The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the +Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors under +Christian government were called, who were oppressed and persecuted in +the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from Spain. + +But a more important conquest than these--more important, that is, to +the supremacy of the Roman See--was the undoubted conquest achieved by +the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in the sixteenth +century began to find their way into Spain from Germany and England. +Finding a congenial soil, the reformation began to spread in Spain with +wonderful rapidity. The divines sent by Charles V. into England were +themselves converted, and returned full of zeal for the Protestant +faith--"Their success," says Geddes,[3] "was such that had not a speedy +and full stop been put to their pious labours by the merciless +Inquisition, the whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been +converted to the Protestant religion, in less time than any other +country had ever been before."[4] So untrue is it to say that +persecution always fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the +fetters, which the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of +Leon and Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of +Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent people. +Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility, social, religious, +and political, Spain affords a melancholy but instructive spectacle to +the nations. + + [1] The inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced + into Spain, 1242. Prescott. + + [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146. + + [3] Miscell. Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff. + + [4] Geddes, Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a + Romanist author, who says: "the number of converts was so great + that had the stop which was put to that evil been delayed but + two or three months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had + been put into a flame by them." + + + + +LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED. + + +I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:-- + +A. Arab (in translations): + +(1.) _Ibn abd el Hakem._ "History of the Conquest of Spain." with notes +by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down to 743. + +(2.) _J.A. Conde._ "History of the Domination of the Arabs in Spain," +translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols. Bohn, 1854. The +author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled his work from Arabian +memorials and writings in such sort that those documents may be read as +they were written;" (p. 18), "The student of history may read this book +as written by an Arabic author." + +Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their modern +successors cannot find a good word for it.[1] De Gayangos, the learned +translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though not blind to the +"unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the absence of notes and +citations of authorities, and the numerous errors and +contradictions,"[2] yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the +foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan Spain. It +certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points out[3] the errors of his +predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself, not +only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things faithful to +his authorities, he is found, where those authorities can be identified, +not to be faithful. + + [1] Stanley Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887). + Dozy, Preface to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui + manquait absolumment de sens historique." + + [2] As to these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in + transcribing or extracting the accounts of different historians + some facts are sure to be repeated, and others entirely + contradicted. See Al Makk., i. p. 29. + + [3] Pref., p. 13 ff. + +(3.) _J.C. Murphy._ "History of the Mahometan Empire in Spain," with +additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work is based on +Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly to be found in Al +Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters on the influence, +scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs in Europe, are +exhaustive and interesting. + +(4.) _Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari_. "History of the Mohammedan +Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger work by that author, +translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols. London, 1840. This work, +which Dozy finds fault with for certain inaccuracies, is on the whole +very trustworthy, and its notes form a perfect mine of information for +the student wandering helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al +Makkari, a native of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the +seventeenth century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose +evidence is most valuable. Among these are-- + +[Greek: a.] _Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah_, descended +from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877. + +[Greek: b.] _Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi_, flourished in the +reign of Abdurrahman III. + +[Greek: g.] _Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib_, of Cordova; died, 1044. + +[Greek: d.] _Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm_, born at +Cordova, 994; died, 1064. + +[Greek: e.] _Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,_ born at +Cordova, 1006. + +[Greek: z.] _Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al +Anssari_, Cordova, 1101-1183. + +[Greek: e.] _Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn +Said_ of Granada, 1214-1286. + +[Greek: th.] _Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,_ +born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406. + +B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in-- + +(1.) _Schott's_ "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort, 1603. + +(2.) _Florez,_ "Espana Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most useful +collection of Spanish writers, together with much information about +them, written in Spanish. + +(3.) _Migne's_ "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most invaluable +collection in several score volumes. The following is a list of those +consulted:-- + +([Greek: a].) _Isidore of Beja_, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum +Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation of the +Chronicle of Isidore of Seville. + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280. + +([Greek: b].) Chronicon _Sebastiani_, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866. +(Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.) + Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124. + +([Greek: g].) Chronicon _Albeldense_, 866-976. (Conde, _ibid._, says to +973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was perhaps begun by +Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on by the monk Vigila. + Sidenote: _Ibid._ 1146. + +([Greek: d].) Chronicon _Sampiri_ "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written about +1000), 869-982. + Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457. + +([Greek: e].) _Chronicon regum Legionensium_, 982-1109, by Pelagius, +Bishop of Oviedo--a very doubtful authority, and branded with the +epithet "fabulosus." + Sidenote: _Ibid._, pp. 466-475. + +([Greek: z].) Chronicon _Silensis_ Monachi, written _circa_ 1100. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 270-330. + +([Greek: e].) _Lucas of Tuy_, "Chronicon Mundi," written _circa_ 1236. + Sidenote: Schott, iv. 1-116. + +([Greek: th].) _Alfonso_, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum +Hispanarum," etc. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, i. 246-291. + +([Greek: i].) _Luitprand_, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria +attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years +606-960. The author of these is generally called the Pseudo-Luitprand, +and very little credit can be placed in his statements. + Sidenote: Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179. + +([Greek: k].) _Rodrigo_, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs +from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died in +1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture and to +profane history. He does not even mention the Christian martyrdoms in +the ninth century. + Sidenote: Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246 + +([Greek: l].) _Annales Bertiniani_, from the French point of view. + Sidenote: Florez, x. 570-579. + +([Greek: m].) _Johannes Vasaeus_, "Hispaniae Chronicon." + Sidenote: Schott, i. 700 ff. + +The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some are +valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are nearly +worthless. + +Other authorities there are of a different kind--not historians, but +writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light on the +history of the time. Among these are-- + +(_a._) _Elipandus_, Bishop of Toledo; died 810. Letters-- + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. + + to Migetius. + Sidenote: pp. 859-867. + + to Charles the Great. + Sidenote: pp. 867-869. + + to Albinus (Alcuin). + Sidenote: pp. 870-882. + + to Fidelis, an abbot (783). + Sidenote: pp. 918,919. + +(_b_.) _Felix_, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio fidei (799). + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888. + +(_c_.) _Beatus_, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter to Elipandus. + Sidenote: " 894-1030. + +(_d_.) _Letters of Spanish Bishops_ to Bishops of Gaul. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, ci. 1321-1331. + +(_e_.) _Alcuin_. Letters-- + Sidenote: _Ibid._, c. and ci. + + Ad Felicem haereticum (793). + + Ad Elipandum. + + Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix. + + Epistle XC. (800), + + Epistle CXIII. (800). + + Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800). + +Books-- + + Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos. + + Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books. + + Adversus Elipandum, iv. books. + + Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum. + + Altera ad eosdem. + +(_f._) _Adrian_, Pope. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xcviii. p. 373. + + Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus + directa, maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785). + + Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum + (782). + Sidenote: _Ibid._, p. 336. + + Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv. + +(_g_.) Letter from _Louis the Debonnaire_ to the Christians of Merida +(826). + Sidenote: Florez, xiii. 416. + +(_h_.) _Etdogius_, priest of Cordova, and bishop-designate of Toledo. +Died 859. + Sidenote: Migne, cxv. 703-966. + + Letter to Alvar, sending his book. + + "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins + and Martyrs, Oct. 851. + + Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis + Sanctorum Liber," 3 books. + + "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857). + + "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae." + +(_i_.) _Alvar_, Paulus,[1] of Cordova, and, according to his letters, +both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to the +Pseudo-Luitprand. + Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi. + + [1] Robertson says Peter. + + Confessio. + Sidenote: pp. 62-81. + + Letter to John of Seville, + Sidenote: " 81-88. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 88-91. + + To John of Seville. + Sidenote: " 101-129. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 129-141. + + To Speraindeo. + Sidenote: "Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148. + + To Romanus, a doctor (860). + Sidenote: " 151-156. + + To Saul of Cordova. + Sidenote: " 164-165. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 167-171. + + To Eleazar, a transgressor. + Sidenote: " 171-177. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 178-189. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 189-217. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 218-219. + + To Eulogius. + Sidenote: " 291-292. + + To Eulogius. + Sidenote: " 296-299. + + Life of Eulogius. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, x. 593 ff. + + Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda + sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem + omnis vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit." + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. 219-275.[1] + + [1] Ascribed by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of + Toledo. Morales doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no + mention of Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where _praesul_ is spoken + of. + +(_k_.) _John of Seville_. + + Letter to Alvar. + Sidenote: Florez, xi. pp. 91-101. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, 142-147. + +(_l_.) _Speraindeo_, Abbot, flourished 820. + + Letter to Alvar (853). + Sidenote: _Ibid._, 148-151. + +(_m_.) _Saul_ of Cordova. + + Letter to other Bishops. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. pp. 156-164. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 165-167. + +(_n_.) _Eleazar_, an apostate to Judaism. + + Letter to Alvar. + Sidenote: " 177-178. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 189, 190. + + To the Same. + Sidenote: " 217, 218. + +(_o_.) _Leovigildus_, priest of Cordova, flourished 860. "De habitu +Clericorum." + Sidenote: Migne, cxxi. p. 565. + +(_p_.) _Cyprianus_, arch-priest of Cordova. "Epigrammata." Sidenote: +_Ibid._, p. 567. + +(_q_.) _Samson_, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot of the Monastery +of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or Epitaph of Cyprianus.) +"Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan. 1, 863). + +(_r_.) _Jonas Aurelianensis_. "De cultu imaginum." An Answer to +Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842). + Sidenote: Florez, xi. 300-516. + +(_s_.) _De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii_ Monachi, Aurelii et +Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore _Aimoino_ monacho: from +Usuard and Odilard, monks. + Sidenote: Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff. + +(_t_.) _Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis_ (died 973), by John, Abbot of +St Arnulph. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310. + +(_u_.) _John of Cirita_, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671. + +(_v_.) _Life of St Rudesindus._ + Sidenote: Florez, xviii. 379 ff. + +(_w._) _Passio St Nicholai Alsamae_ regis filii et sociorum martyrum qui +passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous account. + Sidenote: Florez, xiv., 392. + +(_x._) _Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae_ et comitum eius qui passi +sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii. + Sidenote: Florez. + +(_y._) _Life of Beatus_, by an anonymous author. Not very +trustworthy,--_e.g._, death of Elipandus placed in 798 (sec. 8): +mythical council mentioned (sec. 7). + Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. 890-894 + +And the following _Charters_, etc.:-- + + Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826. + Sidenote: Florez, xvii. 244. + + Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xviii. 312. + + Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 397. + +Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de Logio a +parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927. + Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 326 + + +II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:-- + +(1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par _Loys de Mayerne Turguet_. Book +xvi. (1608.) + Sidenote: Schott. + +(2.) _John de Mariana_.[1] "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated +from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.) + + [1] Dr Dunham says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in + oblivion. No one reads it in Spain." + +(3.) _Fleury_, "History of the Church," translated from the French. +(1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff. + +(4.) _Morales_. "Remarks on the State of the Christian Religion under +the Arabs at Cordova." + Sidenote: Migne, cxv. p. 917. + +(5.) _Froben_. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et Felicis." + Sidenote: _Ibid._, 305-336. + +(6.) _Enhueber's_ "Dissertation against Walchius' view of Adoptionism." +Sidenote: _Ibid._, 338-438. + +(7.) _Dunham_. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner), 1832. Buckle, +"Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this history, very +extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history in the English +language of a foreign modern country." It certainly has the merit--no +small one in so confused a period--of being clear and succinct; but he +has a bias against the Moors. + +(8.) _W.H. Prescott_. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent work. The +parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the Introduction and +chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is the want of direct +citations of authorities used. + +(9.) _Hardwicke's_ "History of the Christian Church in the Middle Ages," +1853. + +(10.) The Abbe _Rohrbacher_. "Histoire Universelle de l'Eglise +Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii. + +(11.) _Neander_. "General History of the Christian Religion and Church" +(Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475; vol. vi. 119-132. + +(12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des +Arabes," par _M. Cardonne_. 3 vols., 1765. A history based chiefly on +Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde (Pref., p. 14) and +Murphy (notes, passim) have shown. + +(13.) _Dozy_. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' a la conquete de +l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols., Leyden, 1861. An +invaluable history of the time, being both lucid and thorough. + +(14.) _E.A. Freeman_. "History and Conquests of the Saracens." Six +lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated rather as a [Greek: +parergon] in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate writer, with a +strong bias, however, against chivalry (see Lecture v., p. 182). + +(15.) _Ockley_. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in +the Chandos Classics). + +(16.) _Gibbon_. The parts relating to the Saracens are conveniently +reprinted in the "Chandos Classics." + +(17.) _Robertson's_ "History of the Christian Church." Vol. iii. + +(18.) _Milman's_ "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix. + +(19.) _Stanley_. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect. +viii. + +(20.) _Hallam's_ "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry). + +(21.) _Geddes_. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his Miscellaneous Tracts. +1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found at Granada in 1588; and View +of Court of Inquisition in Portugal. + +(22.) _Lecky's_ "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in Europe." +2 vols. + +(23.) _Buckle_. "History of Civilisation in England," chap. viii. +"Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries." Vol. ii. pp. +425-597. + +(24.) _Carlyle_. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet." + +(25.) _C.M. Yonge_. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden Treasury" +Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate in facts. To give +one instance only out of many--The authoress says (p. 29), that Ali, the +son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled and died in battle. It is well known +(Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that he did neither. + +(26.) _R. Bosworth Smith._ "Mohammed and Mohammedanism." 1874. A +brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity being extolled in +theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too forcibly reminded of +"Brutus is an honourable man." His own accusation of others falls upon +himself. P. 61, he says--"Most other writers have approached the subject +only to prove a thesis. Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor: +they have held a brief for the prosecution or the defence." + +(27.) _S. Lane-Poole._ "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the Nations" +Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De Gayangos' +translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle of the Cid," and +Washington Irving's "Granada." + +(28.) _Blunt._ "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools of Thought." +1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the Adoptionists, and others I have +found very useful. There is, however, nothing said of the +Priscillianists (of Spain), or the Druses. + +(29.) _Hughes._ "Dictionary of Islam." + +(30.) _The Koran._ Sale's edition. + +(31.) _Encyclopaedia Metropolitana._ Vol. xi. + +(32.) _Encyclopaedia Britannica._ Article on Averroes. + + +III. POETRY:-- + +(_a._) _Lockhart's_ "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint, with Introduction, +in the "Chandos Classics." + +(_b._) _Southey's_ "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted, with Introduction, +in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable +translation. + +(_c._) _Southey's_ "Roderic," with many interesting notes. + +(_d._) _Scott's_ "Don Roderic." + + +IV. REFERRED TO:-- + +(_a._) _Romey._ "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols. + +(_b._) _Reinaud._ "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836. + +(_c._) _Moshieim._ "Institutes of Ecclesiastical History." 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031) + +Author: Charles Reginald Haines + +Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM *** + + + + +Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and +the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. + + + + + + +</pre> + + <h1> + <br /> + </h1> + <h1 style="font-weight: normal;"> + CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM + </h1> + <h1 style="font-weight: normal;"> + IN SPAIN + </h1> + <br /> + <br /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + A.D. 756-1031 + </h2> + <br /> + <br /> + <br /> + <br /> + <div style="text-align: center;"> + BY + <br /> + </div> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + C.R. HAINES, M.A. + </h2> + <p style="text-align: center;"> + <font size="-1">AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE"; + "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS";</font> + </p> + <div style="text-align: center;"></div> + <p style="text-align: center;"> + <font size="-1"> "VERSIONS IN VERSE."</font> + </p> + <p style="text-align: center;"> + <font size="-1"><br /> + <br /></font> + </p> + <hr style="height: 2px; width: 50%;" /> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + LONDON + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + 1889 + </h3> + <p>[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents, + there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of + Chapter VIII.]</p> + + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Invasion of Spain by the barbarians—Its easy conquest—Quarrels + among the conquerors—Departure of the Vandals—Visigoths gain the + supremacy—Conflict with Eastern Empire—Reduction of the Suevi—All + Spain becomes Gothic—Approach of Saracens—Planting of + Christianity in Spain—St James—Gospel first preached at + Elvira—Irenaeus—Persecutions—Martyrs —Council of Elvira—Council + of Nice—Number of Christians—Paganism + proscribed—Julian—Arianism—Ulphilas—Conversion of + barbarians—Degeneracy of religion—Priscillian—His heresy + condemned—Priscillian burnt—Paganism, in Spain—The Gothic + Government—Church and State —Power of king—Election of + bishops—Arianism of Goths—Ermenegild—Bigotry in + Spain—Jews—Influence of clergy—Of the pope ......1-11 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Period of Gothic rule—Degeneracy of Goths—Causes of their + fall—Battle of Guadalete—Resistance of towns—Theodomir—Remnant in + the North—Mohammedanism—Its rise and progress—Reduction of + Africa—Siege of Constantinople—Attacks on Spain—Tarif—Arabs in + Gaul—Anarchy in Spain—Christians in the North—Clemency of the + Arabs—Treaties—Conquest easy—Rhapsodies of + Isidore—Slaves—Jews—Impartiality of Arab governors—Khalifate + established—Feuds of Arabs and Berbers—Revolt of Berbers—Syrian + Arabs—Settlement of Arabs—Effect of Berber wars ......11-25 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Landing of Abdurrahman—Khalifate of Cordova—Condition of + Christians —Proselytism—Apostates—Arabs and Spaniards—Evidence of + Christian writers—Condition of the people—Serfs—No revolts—No + solidarity with the Christians in the North—Relations wkh Arabs + at first friendly—The jehad in Spain—Martyrs in battle—Fabulous + martyr—Anambad, first martyr—Peter of Najuma—No other till + 824—John and Adulphus —Causes of Martyrdoms—Amalgamation of the + two peoples—Intermarriage —Children of mixed parents—Nunilo and + Alodia—Mania for martyrdom—Voluntary martyrdoms—The Spanish + confessors—Threatened deterioration in the Church—Christianity + infected with Moslem customs —Religious fervour in + convents—Fanaticism, of monks—Fresh martyrs —Perfectus, John, + Isaac—Arab inability to understand the motives of these + martyrs—Causes of fanaticism—Sanctus—Peter—Walabonsus, etc + ......25-40 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Flora and Maria—Their adventures—Trial—Meet Eulogius in + prison—Their execution—Other martyrs—Hidden Christians—Aurelius, + Sabigotha, etc —Plan for procuring martyrdom—Miracle in + prison—Execution—Other martyrs—Death of Abdurrahman II.—Mohammed + I.—Martyrs—Prodigy upon their execution—Outrage in a + mosque—Punishment of offenders—Apprehension of king—Meditates a + persecution—Even a massacre—Series of martyrdoms—Cloister of + Tabanos suppressed—Columba, Pomposa—Abundius a true martyr—Others + martyred—Censor of Cordova—Persecution and death of + Ruderic—Eulogius—Parentage and antecedents—Opposes amalgamation + of Arabs and Christians—Encourages learning of + Latin—Imprisonment—Elected Bishop of Toledo—Again + imprisoned—Trial—Execution—His relics ......40-54 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Doubtful martyrs—No persecution raging—The Muzarabes—Churches in + Cordova—Arab description of a church—Monasteries outside the + city—Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova—No ferment at + Elvira—Enthusiasts not a large body—Their leaders—The moderate + party—Objections against the martyrs—Voluntary martyrdoms + forbidden by the Church—Answer of apologists—Evidence as to + persecution—Apologists inconsistent—Eulogius and Alvar—Reviling + of Mohammed—Martyrs worked no miracles—Defence of apologists + illogical—Martyrs put to death not by idolaters—Death without + torture—Their bodies corrupted—Moslem taunts—Effect of martyrdoms + on the Moslems—Prohibition of relics—Traffic in relics—They work + miracles—Relics taken from Spain to France —Expedition of monks + for that purpose—St Vincent's body—Relics of George, Aurelius, + etc., carried off—Return to France—Measures of the moderate + party—Of the Moslems—Reccafredus—supported by the majority of + Christians—Fanatics coerced—Anathematized—Action of king—Suspects + political movement—Revolt at Toledo—Grand Council—Measures + against zealots—Meditated persecution—The extreme party broken + up—Apostasies—Reason of these—The exceptor Gomez—The decision of + the Council—Cessation of martyrdoms ......54-73 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a> + </h3> + <p> + National party—Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs—Martyrs in + battle— Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.—Pelagius—Argentea—The + monks of Cardena—Eugenia—No real persecution under the Great + Khalif— General view of Christian Church in Spain under + Abdurrahman II.— Civil position of Christians—Councils—Neglect of + Latin—Arabic compulsory —Protests of Alvar, etc.—Latin + forgotten—Cultivation of Moslem learning—Moslem theology—Church + abuses—Simony—Breach of canons —Unworthy priests—Rival + pastors—Heresy in the Church—Depravity of clergy—Their + apostasy—Their deposition—Muzarabes—Free Christians in the + North—The Church in the North—Its dangerous position—Cut short by + Almanzor—Clergy oppress Christians—Count of Cordova—Ill-treats + the Christians—Councils—Held by Elipandus—By Reccafredus—By + Hostegesis—Jews and Moslems summoned—Council held by Basilius + ...... 73-86 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.—Commander of the Faithful—His + character—Embassy to the Emperor of the West—Return embassy—John + of Gorz—Detained in Cordova—Messengers from the king—Cause of + detention—John of Gorz and John of Cordova—The king's + threats—Dead-lock —Fresh embassy to Otho—A second embassy from + Otho—First embassy received—Condescension of Sultan—Tolerance of + Moslems— Mohammed's injunctions—Tolerant Mohammedan rulers + elsewhere— Alcuin—Arnold of Citeaux—Bernard, Archbishop of + Toledo—Christians tolerated, even encouraged—"Officer of + protection"—Christian courts— Censors—Sclavonian bodyguard—Arab + pride of race—Partial Amalgamation of races—Alliances between + Arabs and Christians—Intermarriages— Offspring of these—The + maiden tribute—Evidence in its favour—No + myth—Conversions—Mohammedan view of apostasy ...... 86-98 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Arab factions—Berbers—Spaniards—Muwallads—Despised by + Arabs—Revolts at Cordova, &c.—Intrigues with the + Franks—Letter of Louis—Revolt of Toledo—Christians and Muwallads + make common cause—Omar —Begins life as a + bandit—Captured—Escapes—Heads the national party— Becomes a + Christian—Utterly defeated—Muwallads desert him—Death of + Omar—Stronghold of Bobastro captured—End of rebellion—Christians + under Abdurrahman III.—Almanzor—Anarchy—End of + Khalifate—<a href="#CHAPTER_VIIIa">Knowledge of Christianity</a> and Mohammedanism slight + among those of the opposite creed—Christian writers on + Islam—Eulogius—Mohammed's relation to Christianity—Alvar—Unfair + to Mohammed—His ignorance of the Koran —Prophecy of + Daniel.—Moslem knowledge of Christianity—Mistaken idea of the + Trinity—Ibn Hazm—St James of Compostella ...... 98-114 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Traces of amalgamation of religions—Instances elsewhere—Essential + differences of Islam and Christianity—Compromise + attempted—Influence of Islam, over Christianity—Innovating spirit + in Spain—Heresy in Septimania—Its possible connection with + Mohammedanism—Migetian heresy as to the Trinity—Its approach to + the Mohammedan doctrine—Other similar heresies—Adoptionism—Our + knowledge of it—Whence derived—Connection with Islam—Its author + or authors—Probably Elipandus—His opponents—His + character—Independence—Jealousy of the Free Church in the + North—Nature of Adoptionism—Not a revival of Nestorianism—Origin + of the name—Arose from inadvertence—Felix—His arguments—Alcuin's + answers—Christ, the Son of God by adoption—Unity of Persons + acknowledged—First mention of theory—Adrian—-Extension of + heresy—Its opponents—Felix amenable to Church + discipline—Elipandus under Arab rule—Councils—Of + Narbonne—Friuli—Ratisbon—Felix abjures his heresy—Alcuin—Council + of Frankfort—Heresy anathematized —Councils of Rome and Aix—Felix + again recants—Alcuin's book—Elipandus and Felix die in their + error—Summary of evidence connecting adoptionism with + Mohammedanism—Heresy of Claudius—-Iconoclasm Libri + Carolini—Claudius, bishop of Turin—Crusade against + image-worship—His opponents—Arguments—Independence—Summoned + before a Council—Refuses to attend—Albigensian heresy ...... + 114-136 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Mutual influences of the two creeds—Socially and + intellectually—"No monks in Islam"—Faquirs—The conventual system + adopted by the Arabs—Arab account of a convent—Moslem nuns—Islam + Christianised—-Christian spirit in Mohammedanism—Arab + magnanimity—Moslem miracles—-like Christian ones—Enlightened + Moslems—Philosophy—Freethinkers—Theologians—Almanzor—Moslem + sceptics—Averroes—The faquis or theologians—Sect of Malik ibn + Ans—Power of theologians—-Decay of Moslem customs—Wine + drunk—Music cultivated—Silk worn—Statues set up—Turning towards + Mecca—Eating of sow's flesh—Enfranchisement of Moslem + women—Love—Distinguished women—-Women in mosques—At + tournaments—Arab love-poem—Treatise on love ...... 136-148 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Influence of Mohammedanism—Circumcision of Christians—-Even of a + bishop —Customs retained for contrast—Cleanliness rejected as + peculiar to Moslems— Celibacy of clergy—Chivalry—Origin—Derived + from Arabs— Favoured by state of Spain—Spain the cradle of + chivalry—Arab chivalry —Qualifications for a knight—Rules of + knighthood—The Cid—Almanzor—His generosity—Justice—Moslem + military orders—Holy wars—Christianity Mohammedanized—The + "Apotheosis of chivalry"—Chivalry a sort of religion—Social + compromise—Culminates in the Crusades ..... 149-156 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + APPENDICES. + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX A.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Jews persecuted by Goths—Help the Saracens—Numbers—Jews in + France—Illtreated—Accusations against—Eleazar, an + apostate—Incites the Spanish Moslems against the + Christians—Intellectual development of Jews in Spain—Come to be + disliked by Arabs—Jews and the Messiah—Judaism + deteriorated—Contact with Islam—Civil position—Jews at + Toledo—Christian persecution of + Jews—Massacre—Expulsion—Conversion—The "Mala Sangre"—The + Inquisition ...... 156-161 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a href="#APPENDIX_B">APPENDIX B.</a> + </h3> + <p> + Spain and the papal power—Early independence—Early importance of + Spanish Church—Arian Spain—Orthodox Spain—Increase of papal + influence—Independent spirit of king and clergy—Quarrel with the + pope—Arab invasion—Papal authority in the North—Crusade + preached—Intervention of the pope—St James' relics—Claudius of + Turin—Rejection of pope's claims—Increase of pope's power in + Spain—Appealed to against Muzarabes—Errors of Migetius—Keeping of + Easter—Eating of pork—Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems—Fasting + on Sundays—Elipandus withstands the papal claims—Upholds + intercourse with Arabs—Rejects papal supremacy—Advance of + Christians in the North—Extension of power of the pope—Gothic + liturgy suspected—Suppressed—Authority of pope over king—Appeals + from the king to the pope—Rupture with the Roman See—Resistance + of sovereign and barons to the pope—Inquisition + established—Victims—Moriscoes persecuted—Reformation stamped + out—Subjection of Spanish Church ...... 161-173 + </p> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + LIST OF AUTHORITIES + </h3> + <p style="margin-right: 40px;"> + ...... 175-182 + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE GOTHS IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain, + leaving so many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi, + Alani, and Vandals, at the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman + governor of Spain, burst into that province over the unguarded + passes of the Pyrenees.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id= + "FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Close on their steps followed the Visigoths; + whose king, taking in marriage Placidia, the sister of Honorius, + was acknowledged by the helpless emperor independent ruler of + such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he could conquer and + keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious provincials + offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No + Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own + island; no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence + against the Roman Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian, + asserts that they preferred the rule of the barbarians. However + this may be, the various tribes that invaded the country found no + serious opposition among the Spaniards: the only fighting was + between themselves—for the spoil. Many years of warfare were + necessary to decide this important question of supremacy. + Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the + fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their + way southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the + Straits of Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had + utterly overthrown their rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis, + and had left an abiding record of their brief stay in the name + Andalusia. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Inter + barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam + sollicitudinem sustinere."—Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i. + </p> + </div> + <p> + For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their + late crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of + Spain, but under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths + definitely asserted their superiority. Under the latter king the + Gothic domination in Spain may be said to have begun about ten + years before the fall of the Western Empire. But the Goths were + as yet by no means in possession of the whole of Spain. A large + part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for, though the + Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern emperor + had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces, which + had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these + was some portion of Spain. + </p> + <p> + It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a + king came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi + and to reduce the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was + not till 622, the very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a + Gothic king, Swintila, finally drove out all the Emperor's + troops, and became king in reality of all Spain. + </p> + <p> + Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first + indications of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours + of whose irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread, + which the Arabs aroused even in distant Spain as early as a + century after the birth of Mohammed, may be appreciated from the + despairing lines of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id= + "FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Toledo:— + </p> + <p> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos + malus implicet error,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Demur et infandis gentibus + opprobrio!</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Africa plena viris bellacibus + arma minatur,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Inque dies victrix gens Agarena + furit."</span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results, + it will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of + Christianity in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous + to the advent of the Moslems. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Migne's + "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early + into Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself, + who is said to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia, + Valencia, and Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds + whatever for supposing that James, the brother of John, ever set + foot in Spain. The "invention" of his remains at Ira Flavia in + the 9th century, together with the story framed to account for + their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far from the scene + of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to need + refutation. + </p> + <p> + The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed + (but, it seems, against probability) for Illiberis.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However that may be, the early + establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenæus, + who appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive + doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The long roll of Spanish + martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian (95 A.D.) with the + name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the succeeding + persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but she + suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's + reign that nearly all the inhabitants of Cæsar Augusta were + treacherously slaughtered on the sole ground of their being + Christians; thus earning for their native city from the Christian + poet Prudentius,<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id= + "FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> the proud title of "patria sanctorum + martyrum." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Florez, + "España Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Irenæus, Bk. + I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> 348-402 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the + same time the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman + Empire. Diocletian indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the + very name of Christian and abolished their hateful superstition. + This even to the Romans must have seemed an empty boast, and the + result of Diocletian's efforts only proved the truth of the old + maxim—"the blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church." + </p> + <p> + The Spanish Christians about this time<a name="FNanchor_1_6" id= + "FNanchor_1_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_6" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> held the first ecclesiastical council whose + acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or Elvira, + was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who + passed eighty canons. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_6" id="Footnote_1_6"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_6"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The date is + doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209, places it + between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner. Other dates + given are 300 and 305. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325 + was held the first General Council of the Church under the + presidency of the emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed + Christian. Within a quarter of a century of the time when + Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated the Christian name, + it has been computed that nearly one half of the inhabitants of + his empire were Christians. + </p> + <p> + The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in + 341 put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan + sacrifices were prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a + church militant and a church triumphant! In 388, after a brief + eclipse under Julian, Christianity was formally declared by the + Senate to be the established religion of the Roman Empire. + </p> + <p> + But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired + by the church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and + court intrigue, did not tend to the spiritual advancement of + Christianity. Almost coincident with the Edict of Milan was the + appearance of Arianism, which, after dividing the Church against + itself for upwards of half-a-century, and almost succeeding at + one time in imposing itself on the whole Church,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_7" id="FNanchor_1_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_7" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> finally under the missionary zeal of + Ulphilas found a new life among the barbarian nations that were + pressing in upon all the northern boundaries of the Empire, + ready, like eagles, to swoop down and feast upon her mighty + carcase. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_7" id="Footnote_1_7"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_7"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> At the + Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis," says Jerome, + "et Arianum se esse miratus est." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals, + adopted the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by + Ulphilas towards the close of the fourth century. Consequently + the nations that forced their way into Southern Gaul, and over + the Pyrenees into Spain, were, nominally at least, Christians of + the Arian persuasion. The extreme importance to Spain of the fact + of their being Christians at all will be readily apprehended by + contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials with that which + befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands of our + own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later. + </p> + <p> + Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed + from the quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had + lost much of its ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and + lascivious dances on the stage began to be tolerated even by + Christians, though they were denounced by the more devout as + incompatible with the profession of the Christian faith. + </p> + <p> + Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of + Christian blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of + Avila, was led into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian + gnostic. What his error exactly was is not very clear, but it + seems to have comprised some of the erroneous doctrines + attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the new heresy, with + which two other bishops besides Priscillian became infected, was + condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another held five + years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other + persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of + Ithacius,<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Sossuba, and + Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the protests of Martin of + Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was not thus + stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic + conquest. + </p> + <p> + There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic + invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it + continued to be so during the whole period of Gothic + domination.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Some Pagans undoubtedly + lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_10" id="FNanchor_3_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_10" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but that there were any large numbers of + them as late as the eighth century is improbable. + </p> + <p> + Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the + Gothic government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever + existed in Europe."<a name="FNanchor_4_11" id= + "FNanchor_4_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_11" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> This is too sweeping a statement, though it + must be allowed that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic + nobles rendered their yoke peculiarly galling, while the position + of their slaves was wretched beyond all example. However, it is + not to their civil administration that we wish now to draw + attention, but rather to the relations of Church and State under + a Gothic administration which was at first Arian and subsequently + orthodox. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Milman, + "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of the Sixteenth + Council of Toledo. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_10" id="Footnote_3_10"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_10"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mason, a + bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a Pagan as late as + this. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_11" id="Footnote_4_11"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_11"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dunham's + "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military + character, gradually tended to become a theocracy—a result due in + great measure to the institution of national councils, which were + called by the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics + of the realm. Many of the nobles and high dignitaries of the + State also took part in these assemblies, though they might not + vote on purely ecclesiastical matters. These councils, of which + there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at Toledo, the Gothic + capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the power of + ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his + religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon + three) it was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer + the exercise of any other religion than the Catholic, and to + vigorously enforce the law against all dissentients, especially + against that accursed people the Jews." The fact of the monarchy + becoming elective<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id= + "FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> no doubt contributed a good deal to throwing + the power into the hands of the clergy. + </p> + <p> + Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops + subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the + other way. On the whole it was the king that lost power, though + no doubt as a compensation he gained somewhat more authority over + Church matters. He could, for instance, issue temporary + regulations with regard to Church discipline. Witiza, one of the + last of the Gothic kings, seems even to have authorized, or at + least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The king could preside in cases of + appeal in purely ecclesiastical affairs; and we know that Recared + I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621) did in fact exercise this + right. He also gained the power of nominating and translating + bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was first + conceded to the king.<a name="FNanchor_3_14" id= + "FNanchor_3_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_14" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The Fourth Council of Toledo (633) enacted + that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his + city, and that his election should be approved by the + metropolitan and synod of his province: while the Twelfth + Council, held forty-eight years later, evidently recognizes the + validity of their appointment by royal warrant alone. Some have + referred this innovation back to the despotic rule of Theodoric + the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century; others to + the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism in + Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of + convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> In 531 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Monk of + Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca; Robertson, + iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27, that Fruela + (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these accounts of + Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_14" id="Footnote_3_14"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_14"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Robertson, + "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and + nobles is a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that + invaded Spain at the beginning of the fifth century were + inoculated with the Arian heresy. Of these the Vandals carried + their Arianism, which proved to be of a very persecuting type, + into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation the Alani, under the + pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed, gave up their + Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths, + however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period—until 589 + namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national + council and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his + example being followed by many of his nobles and bishops. + </p> + <p> + The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole + remarkably tolerant<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id= + "FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> towards both Jews and Catholics, though we + have instances to the contrary in the cases of Euric and + Leovigild, who are said to have persecuted the orthodox party. + The latter king, indeed, who was naturally of a mild and + forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures by the unfilial + and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the latter had + been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without entering + into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and + Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every + reason to think that Leovigild would have taken no measures + against him. Even after a second rebellion the king offered to + spare his son's life—which was forfeit to the State—on condition + that he renounced his newly-adopted creed, and returned to the + Arian fold. His reason—a very intelligible one—no doubt was that + he might put an end to the risk of a third rebellion by + separating his son effectually from the intriguing party of + Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to + death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lecky, + "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says that the Arian + Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be insufficient + grounds for the assertion. + </p> + </div> + <p> + With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to + the Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above + quoted from the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was + even passed forbidding anyone under pain of confiscation of his + property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in question the Holy + Catholic and Apostolic Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the + definitions of the Fathers; the decrees of the Church; and the + Sacraments. In the spirit of these enactments, severe measures + were taken against the Jews, of whom there were great numbers in + Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the first systematic + persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was "not + according to knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_1_16" id= + "FNanchor_1_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_16" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> A cruel choice was given the Jews between + baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the + other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were + enforced against them. Those who under the pressure of + persecution consented to be baptised, were forced to swear by the + most solemn of oaths that they had in very truth renounced their + Jewish faith and abhorred its rites. Those who still refused to + conform were subjected to every indignity and outrage. They were + obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe Sunday and + Easter. They were denied the <i>ius connubii</i> and the <i>ius + honorum</i>. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a + Christian vouched for their character. Some who still held out + were even driven into exile. But this punishment could not have + been systematically carried out, for the Saracen invasion found + great numbers of Jews still in Spain. As Dozy<a name= + "FNanchor_2_17" id="FNanchor_2_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_17" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> well says of the persecutors—"On le + voulut bien, mais on ne le pouvait pas." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_16" id="Footnote_1_16"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_16"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud + Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by Southey, + Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni Judaeos ad + fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem habuit, sed + non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit, quos provocare + fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum, sive per + occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in hoc + gaudeo et gaudebo." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_17" id="Footnote_2_17"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_17"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "History of + Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain + turned their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the + secret negotiations between them being discovered, the + persecution blazed out afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of + Toledo<a name="FNanchor_1_18" id="FNanchor_1_18"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_18" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> decreed that relapsed + Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be + forcibly taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to + marry among themselves.<a name="FNanchor_2_19" id= + "FNanchor_2_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_19" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_18" id="Footnote_1_18"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_18"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Canon 8, de + damnatione Judaeorum. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_19" id="Footnote_2_19"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_19"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> For the + further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix A. + </p> + </div> + <p> + These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the + dominant influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus + received from the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema + and excommunication against the political enemies of the + king.<a name="FNanchor_1_20" id="FNanchor_1_20"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_20" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover the cordial + relations which subsisted between the Church and the State, + animated as they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled + the Spanish kings to resist the dangerous encroachments of the + Papal power, a subject which has been more fully treated in an + Appendix.<a name="FNanchor_2_21" id="FNanchor_2_21"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_21" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_20" id="Footnote_1_20"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_20"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels against + the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the deposed + Swintila was excommunicated. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_21" id="Footnote_2_21"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_21"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Appendix B. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE SARACENS IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively + short period we are asked by some writers to believe that the + invaders quite lost their national characteristics, and became, + like the Spaniards, luxurious and effeminate.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Their haughty exclusiveness, and the + fact of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them + for a time separate from, and superior to, the subject + population, whom they despised as slaves, and hated as heretics. + But when the religious barrier was removed, the social one soon + followed, and so completely did the conquerors lose their + ascendency, that they even surrendered their own Teutonic tongue + for the corrupt Latin of their subjects. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne's + "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien différens des leurs + ancêtres étoient alors énervés par les plaisirs, la douceur du + climat; le luxe et les richesses avoient amolli leur courage et + corrompu les moeurs." Cp. Dunham, vol. i. 157. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is + generally supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue + them. Musa ibn Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into + Spain, and the first governor of that country under Arab rule, + when asked by the Khalif Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths, + answered that "they were lords living in luxury and abundance, + but champions who did not turn their backs to the enemy."<a name= + "FNanchor_1_23" id="FNanchor_1_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_23" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt that this praise + was well deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the + country was overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be + attributed to wholesale treachery from one end of the country to + the other. But for this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to + blame. Their treatment of the Jews and of their slaves made the + defection of these two classes of their subjects inevitable. + </p> + <p> + The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic + kingdom as the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of + successive kings;<a name="FNanchor_2_24" id= + "FNanchor_2_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_24" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> but on the heads of the clergy, even more than + of the king, rests the guilt of their iniquitous and suicidal + policy towards the Arians<a name="FNanchor_3_25" id= + "FNanchor_3_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_25" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Jews. The treachery of Julian,<a + name="FNanchor_4_26" id= "FNanchor_4_26"></a><a + href="#Footnote_4_26" class= "fnanchor">[4]</a> whatever its + cause, opened a way for the Arabs into the country by betraying + into their hands Ceuta, the key of the Straits. Success in their + first serious battle was secured to them by the opportune + desertion from the enemy's ranks of the disaffected political + party under the sons of the late king Witiza,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_27" id="FNanchor_5_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_27" + class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards + apostatized; while the rapid subjugation of the whole country was + aided and assured by the hosts of ill-used slaves who flocked to + the Saracen standards, and by the Jews<a name="FNanchor_6_28" id= + "FNanchor_6_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_28" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and + deliverers from the hated yoke of the uncircumcised Goths. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_23" id="Footnote_1_23"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_23"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari, + vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_24" id="Footnote_2_24"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_24"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron. + Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus Domini ob + inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_25" id="Footnote_3_25"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_25"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Arianism + lingered on till the middle of the eighth century at least, + since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of Alfonso I., that + he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_26" id="Footnote_4_26"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_26"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> For Julian, + or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De Gayangos' note to Al Makkari, + i. p. 537, etc. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_27" id="Footnote_5_27"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_27"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Called + Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see "Sebast. + Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter of Witiza + married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King, under the + name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of the eighth + century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius to + Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen + <i>Witizani</i>, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_28" id="Footnote_6_28"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_28"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The Jews + garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp. 280, 282, and De + Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852 we find the Jews + betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew nearly all the + Christians. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave + stand—as brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the + Normans. The first decisive battle in the South<a name= + "FNanchor_1_29" id="FNanchor_1_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_29" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> lasted, as some writers have declared, + six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of + being driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address + to his soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of + Africa, whither would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe + in front. There is no help for you save in your own right + hands<a name="FNanchor_2_30" id="FNanchor_2_30"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_30" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the favour of God." + Nor must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either + side, amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of + Roderic's army was disaffected. It is probable that only the + Goths made a determined stand; and even after such a crushing + defeat as they received at Guadalete, and after the loss of their + king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn resistance in + Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_3_31" id= + "FNanchor_3_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_31" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of them, Theodomir, after defending + himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at last by his valour + and address contrived to secure for himself, and even to hand + down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over + that part of Spain. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_29" id="Footnote_1_29"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_29"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Generally + called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De Gayangos on Al + Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres or Medina + Sidonia. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_30" id="Footnote_2_30"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_30"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Una salus + victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i. p. 271; Conde + i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_31" id="Footnote_3_31"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_31"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> We must not + forget also that the mild and politic conduct of the Saracens + towards the towns that surrendered, even after resistance, + marvellously facilitated their conquest. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient + hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they + had been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they + seem to have begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against + the invaders. The thirty<a name="FNanchor_1_32" id= + "FNanchor_1_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_32" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it + unnecessary to pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed + that they had power to sting; and the handful of patriots, who in + the cave of Covadonga gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old + Gothic line, soon swelled into an army, and the army into a + nation. Within six years of the death of Roderic had begun that + onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which, with the + exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the + tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to + halt, until it had regained every foot of ground that had once + belonged to the Gothic kings. + </p> + <p> + Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders. + History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or + political point of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and + the wonderful conquests which it made. "The electric + spark<a name="FNanchor_2_33" id="FNanchor_2_33"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_33" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had indeed fallen on + what seemed black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved + explosive powder and blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!" + Mohammed began his preaching in 609, and confined himself to + persuasion till 622, the year of the Flight from Mecca. After + this a change seems to have come over his conduct, if not over + his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the peaceful and more + glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed to the + human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success, + however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the + defeat of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being + mostly pacified, the first expedition beyond its boundaries was + undertaken under Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive + attempt gave no indications of the astonishing successes to be + achieved in the near future. Mohammed himself died in the + following year, yet, in spite of this and the consequent revolt + of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was overrun and + Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on + equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In + 637 Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under + the yoke of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the + rich valley of the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The + conquest of Egypt only formed the stepping-stone to the reduction + of Africa, and the victorious Moslems did not pause in their + career until they reached the Atlantic Ocean, and Akbah,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_34" id="FNanchor_3_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_34" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> riding his horse into the sea, sighed + for more worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for + thinking that it had been well for the inhabitants of the New + World, if Fortune had delivered them into the hands of the + generous Arabs rather than to the cruel soldiery of Cortes and + Pizarro. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_32" id="Footnote_1_32"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_32"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon a rock? They + must inevitably die." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_33" id="Footnote_2_33"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_33"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Carlyle's + "Hero Worship" ad finem. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_34" id="Footnote_3_34"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_34"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the + death of Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of + Constantinople. Fortunately for the cause of civilisation and of + Christendom, this long siege of several years proved + unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717. But by the + latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the + Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition + into Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the + crossing of the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the + East the passage of the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam. + </p> + <p> + There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had + attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or + only one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said + to have been made into that country under Abdullah ibn + Sa'd,<a name="FNanchor_1_35" id="FNanchor_1_35"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_35" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which resulted in the + temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad + is mentioned by Abulfeda<a name="FNanchor_2_36" id= + "FNanchor_2_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_36" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> as having taken place in Othman's reign + (644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680) + we have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja + and Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that + the Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded + Wamba on the throne—a story which seems likely enough when read + in the light of the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier + attacks, however, seem to have been mere raids, undertaken + without an immediate view to permanent conquest. + </p> + <p> + By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths + sent help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and, + while Julian their general still remained true to his allegiance, + they beat off the Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of + that fortress the Arabs were enabled to send across the Straits a + small reconnoitring detachment of five hundred men under Tarif + abu Zarah,<a name="FNanchor_3_37" id="FNanchor_3_37"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_37" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> a Berber. This took + place in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till + April 30, 711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad. + There seems to have been a preliminary engagement before the + decisive one of Gaudalete (July 19th-26th)—the Gothic general in + the former being stated variously to have been Theodomir,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_38" id="FNanchor_4_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_38" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Sancho,<a name="FNanchor_5_39" id= + "FNanchor_5_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_39" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> or Edeco.<a name="FNanchor_6_40" id= + "FNanchor_6_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_40" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_35" id="Footnote_1_35"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_35"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See De + Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_36" id="Footnote_2_36"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_36"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annales + Moslemici," i. p. 262. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_37" id="Footnote_3_37"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_37"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The names + of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad have been + confused by all the careless writers on Spanish + history—<i>e.g.</i>, Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but + Gibbon, Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error. + For Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519; + and for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation, + note 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_38" id="Footnote_4_38"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_38"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_39" id="Footnote_5_39"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_39"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. 75. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_40" id="Footnote_6_40"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_40"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dr Dunham. + </p> + </div> + <p> + It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in + detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain + and part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But + the Arabs made the fatal mistake<a name="FNanchor_1_41" id= + "FNanchor_1_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_41" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> of leaving a remnant of their enemies + unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave + of conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but + surely to recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of + Arab extension in the West, and Christian Gaul was never + afterwards seriously threatened with the calamity of a Mohammedan + domination. + </p> + <p> + The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest + and the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of + disorder, almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This + state of things was one eminently favourable to the growth and + consolidation of the infant state which was arising among the + mountains of the Northwest. In that corner of the land, which + alone<a name="FNanchor_2_42" id="FNanchor_2_42"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_42" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not polluted by the + presence of Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits + who could not brook subjection and valued freedom above all + earthly possessions.<a name="FNanchor_3_43" id= + "FNanchor_3_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_43" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Here all the various nationalities that had + from time to time borne rule in Spain, + </p> + <div class="blockquot"> + <p> + "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," <a name= + "FNanchor_4_44" id="FNanchor_4_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_44" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + </div> + <p> + all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were + gradually welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into + one compact and homogeneous whole.<a name="FNanchor_5_45" id= + "FNanchor_5_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_45" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Meanwhile what was the condition of those + Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under + the Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared + much worse; and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no + doubt contributed largely to the facility of the conquest. The + first conqueror, Tarik ibn Zeyad, was a man of remarkable + generosity and clemency, and his conduct fully justified the + proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false charges + before the Sultan Suleiman.<a name="FNanchor_6_46" id= + "FNanchor_6_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_46" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> "Ask the true believers," he said, "ask also + the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in Africa and + in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly, + covetous, or cruel." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_41" id="Footnote_1_41"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_41"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. 34. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_42" id="Footnote_2_42"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_42"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> According + to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never been admitted + into any town of Biscay before 870. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_43" id="Footnote_3_43"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_43"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that only the lower + orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note he mentions a + remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_44" id="Footnote_4_44"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_44"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Southey, + "Roderick," Canto IV. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_45" id="Footnote_5_45"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_45"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Thierry, + "Dix Ans d'Études Historiques," p. 346. "Reserrés dans ce coin + de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths et Romains, + vainqueurs et vaincus, étrangers et indigènes, maîtres et + esclaves, tous unis dans le même malheur ... furent égaux dans + cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign. Fruela I. + (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio (768-774), + revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.," vi. sec. + 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem redacti + sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in reigns + of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_46" id="Footnote_6_46"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_46"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or his + predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally + contained the following provisions: that the citizens should give + up all their horses and arms; that they might, if they chose, + depart, leaving their property; that those who remained should, + on payment of a small tribute, be permitted to follow their own + religion, for which purposes certain churches were to be left + standing; that they should have their own judges, and enjoy + (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the riches of the + churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_47" id="FNanchor_1_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_47" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and hostages given. But conditions even + better than these were obtained from Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by + Theodomir in Murcia. The original document has been preserved by + the Arab historians, and is well worthy of transcription: + </p> + <p> + "In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and + Tadmir make this treaty of peace—may God confirm and protect it! + Tadmir shall retain the command over his own people, but over no + other people among those of his faith. There shall be no wars + between his subjects and those of the Arabs, nor shall the + children or women of his people be led captive. They shall not be + disturbed in the exercise of their religion: their churches shall + not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded from them, or + obligations be laid upon them—those expressed in this treaty + alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail + in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile + purposes he may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself + shall pay a tribute of a dinar<a name="FNanchor_2_48" id= + "FNanchor_2_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_48" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> each year, with four measures of wheat and + four of barley; of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four + measures. All the vassals of Tadmir, and every man subject to + tax, shall pay the half of these imposts."<a name="FNanchor_3_49" + id="FNanchor_3_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_49" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + These favourable terms were due in part to the address of + Theodomir,<a name="FNanchor_4_50" id="FNanchor_4_50"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_50" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and partly perhaps to + Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians, which was also + manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of King + Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This + predilection for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill + favour with the Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_51" id="FNanchor_5_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_51" + class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_47" id="Footnote_1_47"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_47"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde i. p. + 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious avarice. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_48" id="Footnote_2_48"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_48"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Somewhat + less than ten shillings. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_49" id="Footnote_3_49"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_49"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari, + i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_50" id="Footnote_4_50"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_50"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Isidore, + sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator, eloquentia + mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir Almumenin + prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est honoratus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_51" id="Footnote_5_51"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_51"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into treasonable + correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of forming a + project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself a + Christian, etc. + </p> + </div> + <p> + On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was + accomplished with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or + none of those atrocities which generally characterize the + subjugation of a whole people by men of an alien race and an + alien creed. It cannot, however, be denied that the only + contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance on this point + with all the Arab accounts. + </p> + <p> + "Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every + limb in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature + fail in depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless + and immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the + whole story of sorrow—not to speak of all the disastrous ills + which in innumerable ages past from Adam even till now in various + states and regions of the earth a cruel and foul foe has caused + to a fair world—whatever Troy in Homer's tale endured, whatever + Jerusalem suffered that the prophets' words might come to pass, + whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture might be + fulfilled—all this, and more, has Spain experienced—Spain once + full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory, + but now brought low in shame and dishonour."<a name= + "FNanchor_1_52" id="FNanchor_1_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_52" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_52" id="Footnote_1_52"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_52"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cp. also + Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note, curiously remarks: + "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate, but the exaggeration + proves the fact." + </p> + </div> + <p> + This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the + ravings of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as + it seems by the actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following + Isidore after an interval of 500 years, improves upon him by + entering into details, which being in many particulars + demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked upon with + suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words + are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their + fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women + reserved for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or + destroyed, the national substance plundered, oaths and treaties + uniformly broken.<a name="FNanchor_1_53" id= + "FNanchor_1_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_53" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need + only compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England + by the Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The + comparison will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not + impossible that, if the invaders had been Franks instead of + Moors, the country would have suffered even more, as we can see + from the actual results effected by the invasion of Charles the + Great in 777. Placed as they were between the devil and the deep + sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred (had the choice + been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than to the + Franks.<a name="FNanchor_2_54" id="FNanchor_2_54"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_54" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_53" id="Footnote_1_53"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_53"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dunham, ii. + p. 121, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_54" id="Footnote_2_54"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_54"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona: + </p> + <p> + + </p> + <div class="blockquot"> + <p> + "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis, Maurorum votis + adsociata magis." + </p> + </div> + </div> + <p> + To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through + Spain, the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave + had only to pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but + God, and Mohammed is his Prophet": and he was immediately free. + To the Jews the Moslems brought toleration, nay, even influence + and power. In fact, since the fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the + Jews had never enjoyed such independence and influence as in + Spain during the domination of the Arabs. Their genius being thus + allowed free scope, they disputed the supremacy in literature and + the arts with the Arabs themselves. + </p> + <p> + Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel + in their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians + alike.<a name="FNanchor_1_55" id="FNanchor_1_55"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_55" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Some indeed increased + the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must be remembered + that this tribute<a name="FNanchor_2_56" id= + "FNanchor_2_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_56" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> was in the first instance very light, and + therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression. + Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause + of the Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was + Abdurrahman al Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an + Arab writer says:<a name="FNanchor_3_57" id= + "FNanchor_3_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_57" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> "He did equal justice to Moslem and Christian + ... he restored to the Christians such churches as had been taken + from them in contravention of the stipulated treaties; but on the + other hand he caused all those to be demolished, which had been + erected by the connivance of interested governors." Similarly of + his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi (721-726), we find it + recorded<a name="FNanchor_4_58" id="FNanchor_4_58"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_58" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> that "he rendered equal + justice to every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and + Christian, or between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by + Yahya ibn Salmah (March-Sept. 726), who is described as + injudiciously severe, and dreaded for his extreme rigour by + Moslems as well as Christians.<a name="FNanchor_5_59" id= + "FNanchor_5_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_59" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Isidore says that he made the Arabs give back + to the Christians the property unlawfully taken from + them.<a name="FNanchor_6_60" id="FNanchor_6_60"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_60" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Similar praise is + awarded to Okbah ibn ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).<a name= + "FNanchor_7_61" id="FNanchor_7_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_61" + class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain + were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried + out with regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians, + while the Ameers were so constantly changing, being sometimes + elected by the army, but oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by + his lieutenant, the governor of Africa for the time being. This + perpetual shifting of rulers would in itself have been fatal to + the settlement of the country, had it not been brought to an end + by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the Khalif of + Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in May + 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes + which threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in + Spain. Chief among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and + the jealousy between Berbers and Arabs. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_55" id="Footnote_1_55"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_55"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>E.g.</i>, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore, + sec. 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the + Christians, those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest + of the Moslemah families." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_56" id="Footnote_2_56"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_56"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Merely a + small poll-tax (jizyah) at first. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_57" id="Footnote_3_57"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_57"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 105. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_58" id="Footnote_4_58"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_58"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i. + p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says: "Vectigalia Christianis + duplicata exagitat." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_59" id="Footnote_5_59"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_59"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i. + 102. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_60" id="Footnote_6_60"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_60"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Isidore, + sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio crudelis + exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et Mauros + pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque Christianis + plura restaurat. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_61" id="Footnote_7_61"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_61"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Conde, i. + 114, 115. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while + such Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or + Beladi faction.<a name="FNanchor_1_62" id= + "FNanchor_1_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_62" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as + new converts, were also regarded as Nonconformists<a name= + "FNanchor_2_63" id="FNanchor_2_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_63" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> by the pure Arabs, and consequently a + quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two parties. + </p> + <p> + As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against + the Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the + following year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who + had conquered the country alone had claims to the spoil.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_64" id="FNanchor_3_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_64" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> This formidable rising was only put down + by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the continual + disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in + Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in + Africa was a signal for a similar determined attempt in + Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_65" id="FNanchor_4_65"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_65" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The reinforcements + which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa under + Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief + named Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_62" id="Footnote_1_62"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_62"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The two + chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of Modhar, son of + Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan belonged the + Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family. They were also + called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2) Descendants of + Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the Kelbites and the + Yemenites. These were most numerous in Andalus; see Al Makkari, + ii. 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_63" id="Footnote_2_63"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_63"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note. Though nominally + Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan rites. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_64" id="Footnote_3_64"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_64"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See De + Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's "Karta," + xiv. <i>sq.</i> Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p. 55, + says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a leader + of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was the + leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in 728. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_65" id="Footnote_4_65"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_65"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. 40. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan<a name="FNanchor_1_66" + id="FNanchor_1_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_66" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Alfehri taking up the cause of the Berbers, + procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own favour, + but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled + to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta, + though previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties + that they might cross over into Spain. + </p> + <p> + The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn + Besher, nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising + at the same time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers + were overcome. This desirable end accomplished, however, they + refused to keep to their agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found + himself driven to seek anew the alliance of the Berbers and also + of the Andalusian Arabs against his late allies.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_67" id="FNanchor_2_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_67" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But the latter proved too strong for the + Ameer, who was defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of + Balj. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_66" id="Footnote_1_66"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_66"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 135. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_67" id="Footnote_2_67"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_67"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The Syrian + Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away from home. The + Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered for the worse + when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens." + </p> + </div> + <p> + These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the + accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued + without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova, + Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain. + </p> + <p> + The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to + break up the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those + of Damascus in Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen; + of Alurdan<a name="FNanchor_1_68" id="FNanchor_1_68"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_68" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in Malaga and Regio; of + Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia; of Wasit in + Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of Andalusian + Arabs. + </p> + <p> + These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of + Spain; for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and + Western marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many + of the survivors compelled to return to Africa,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_69" id="FNanchor_2_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_69" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> owing to the famine which afflicted the + country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab dominion were + left practically denuded of defenders,<a name="FNanchor_3_70" id= + "FNanchor_3_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_70" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Christians at once advanced their + boundaries to the Douro, leaving however a strip of desert land + as a barrier between them and the Moslems. This debateable land + they did not occupy till fifty years later.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_71" id="FNanchor_4_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_71" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_68" id="Footnote_1_68"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_68"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>I.e.</i>, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_69" id="Footnote_2_69"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_69"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_70" id="Footnote_3_70"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_70"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari, + ii. 69. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_71" id="Footnote_4_71"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_71"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> When they + built a series of fortresses as Zarnora, Simancas, San Estevan. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA. + </h3> + <p> + Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen + in May 756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with + this date, though it was many years before the new sultan had + settled his power on a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by + the whole of Moslem Spain. + </p> + <p> + During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened + between the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we + have very little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The + Arab historians are too busy recounting the feuds of their own + tribes to pay any particular attention to the subject Christians. + But we may gather that the latter were, on the whole, fairly + content with their new servitude.<a name="FNanchor_1_72" id= + "FNanchor_1_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_72" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Moslems were not very anxious to + proselytize, as the conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious + diminution of the tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_73" id= + "FNanchor_2_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_73" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Those Christians who did apostatize—and we may + believe that they were chiefly slaves—at once took up a position + of legal, though not social, equality with the other Moslems. It + is no wonder that the slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from + their hatred for their masters, and the obvious temporal + advantage of embracing Islam, the majority of them knew nothing + at all about Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_74" id= + "FNanchor_3_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_74" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The ranks of the converts were recruited from + time to time by those who went over to Islam to avoid paying the + poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of some penalty inflicted + by the Christian courts.<a name="FNanchor_4_75" id= + "FNanchor_4_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_75" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> One thing is noticeable. In the early years of + the conquest there was none of that bitterness displayed between + the adherents of the rival creeds, to which we are so accustomed + in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only contemporary Christian + authority, though he rhapsodizes about the devastations committed + by the conquerors, and complains of enormous tributes exacted, + yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems<a name="FNanchor_5_76" + id="FNanchor_5_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_76" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> than any other Spanish writer before the + fourteenth century. "If he hates the conquerors," says + Dozy,<a name="FNanchor_6_77" id="FNanchor_6_77"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_77" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> "he hates them rather + as men of another race than of another creed;" and the marriage + of Abdulaziz and Egilona awakens in his mind no sentiment of + horror. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_72" id="Footnote_1_72"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_72"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This was + not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer Almohades + overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. See + Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_73" id="Footnote_2_73"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_73"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As happened + in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168, and Gibbon, vi. + p. 370. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_74" id="Footnote_3_74"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_74"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor. Eccles. of Granada" + (1638), in which the author points out that even in his day the + "old Christians" of Central Spain were so wholly ignorant of + all Christian doctrines that they might be expected to renounce + Christianity with the utmost ease if again subjected to the + Moors. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_75" id="Footnote_4_75"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_75"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson, + "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_76" id="Footnote_5_76"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_76"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Speaking of + Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore, sec. 46, says, + "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli unquam ex Arabum + gente." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_77" id="Footnote_6_77"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_77"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + p. 42. + </p> + </div> + <p> + On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian + or renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the + conquest.<a name="FNanchor_1_78" id="FNanchor_1_78"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_78" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Those serfs who + remained Christian, if they worked on State lands, payed + one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands, + four-fifths to their Arab owners.<a name="FNanchor_2_79" id= + "FNanchor_2_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_79" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The free Christians retained their goods, and + could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax + varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_80" id="FNanchor_3_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_80" + class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In all probability the Christians under + Moslem rule were not worse off than their coreligionists in + Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded by the fact + that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which + would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no + attempts at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the + eighth century, except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have + been led away by the ambition of an Arab chief.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_81" id="FNanchor_4_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_81" + class="fnanchor">[4]</a> They were even somewhat indifferent to + the cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts + which Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in + concert with their brethren met with but scant success.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_82" id="FNanchor_5_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_82" + class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_78" id="Footnote_1_78"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_78"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See + especially Conde, Pref. p. vi. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_79" id="Footnote_2_79"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_79"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 39. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_80" id="Footnote_3_80"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_80"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 40. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_81" id="Footnote_4_81"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_81"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 42. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_82" id="Footnote_5_82"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_82"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. 106. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding, + which at first existed between the Moslems and their Christian + subjects, gradually gave place to a very different state of + things, owing in no small degree to the free Christians in the + North, whose presence on their borders was a continual menace to + the Moslem dominion, and a perpetual incentive to the subject + Christians to rise and assert their freedom. + </p> + <p> + Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications + scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations + that existed between the two religions during the 275 years of + the Khalifate, and the influence which these relations had upon + the development of the one and the other. It will be agreeable to + the natural arrangement to take the former question first. + </p> + <p> + With a view to the better understanding of the position of + Christianity and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our + inquiry, we have thought it advisable to point out in a + preliminary sketch the development of Christianity in Spain + previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh from their native + deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one hand and + the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the + fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done, + we can at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of + Christianity and Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of + the Khalifate of Cordova. + </p> + <p> + It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in + obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs, + having overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain, + and the war from the very first took the character of a jehad, or + religious war—a character which it retained with the + ever-increasing fanaticism of the combatants until every + Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed, or been driven + out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself was + singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of + course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their + lives in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in + defence of their wives and their children, their homes and their + country, their religion and their honour. One such instance at + least has been recorded by the Arab historians,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_83" id="FNanchor_1_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_83" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> when the Governor, and 400 of the + garrison, of Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of + St George, chose rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender + upon condition either of embracing Islam, or paying tribute. + </p> + <p> + Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a + tissue of errors and absurdities,<a name="FNanchor_2_84" id= + "FNanchor_2_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_84" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> the first martyr properly so called was a + certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn + abi Nesah (727-728)—a governor guilty of shedding much Christian + blood, if Isidore is to be believed.<a name="FNanchor_3_85" id= + "FNanchor_3_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_85" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_83" id="Footnote_1_83"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_83"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari, + i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot being called ever + since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of the burnt), as + likewise of the great veneration in which it has always been + held by the Christians, on account of the courage and endurance + displayed in the cause of their religion by those who died in + it." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_84" id="Footnote_2_84"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_84"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez, + "España Sagr," xiv. 392. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_85" id="Footnote_3_85"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_85"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isidore, + sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum, quen ibidem + innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et Anabadi, + illustris episcopi,.... quem ipse cremaverat, valde exhaustus," + etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but probably Othman + ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much + the same tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century, + brought about his own condemnation and death. He held a + responsible post under Government, that of receiver of public + imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of friendship with many + of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax in his + religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from + motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his + life was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and + thanking them for showing their concern for him by coming, he + proceeded, "But I desire you to be witnesses of this my last + will. Whosoever believeth not on the Father, the Son, and the + Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity, is blind in heart, and + deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth Mohammed, your false + prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce, therefore, these + fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and earth witness + between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the hearers + resolved to take no notice of these and other like words, + charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter, + having unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation + of Mohammed, cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon + he was executed, and we cannot be altogether surprised at + it.<a name="FNanchor_1_86" id="FNanchor_1_86"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_86" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any + more recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug. + 852). In the second year of this king's reign, two Christians, + John and Adulphus, making public profession of their faith, and + denouncing Mohammed, were put to death on Sept 17, 824.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_87" id="FNanchor_2_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_87" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_86" id="Footnote_1_86"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_86"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We give the + account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it, but with great + doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer that we have seen + mentioning it. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_87" id="Footnote_2_87"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_87"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez, x. + 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St Cyprian's Church, + Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum Georgii etc.," sec. 7. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration + shown by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their + Christian subjects; and there can be no reasonable doubt that + this ill-advised conduct on the part of the latter was the main + cause of the so-called persecution which followed. But besides + this fanaticism on the part of a small section of the subject + Christians, there were other causes at work calculated to produce + friction between the two peoples. During the century which had + elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and Mohammedans, + living side by side under the same government, and one which, + considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less + for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and + magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together. + Intermarriages had become frequent among them;<a name= + "FNanchor_1_88" id="FNanchor_1_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_88" + class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and these proved the fruitful cause of + religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious + troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed + I. (852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed + parents. Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father + and a Christian mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and, + apparently, while he lived, permitted his children to profess the + faith of their mother. On his death, the mother married again, + and the new husband, being a bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as + we may suppose, by the <i>odio vitrici</i>, immediately set about + reclaiming his step-children to the true faith of Islam, his + efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat, even to + torture,<a name="FNanchor_2_89" id="FNanchor_2_89"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_89" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the young confessors. + His utmost endeavour to effect their conversion failing, he + delivered them over to the judge on the charge of apostasy, and + the judge to the executioner, by whom they were beheaded on Oct. + 21, 840.<a name="FNanchor_3_90" id="FNanchor_3_90"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_90" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_88" id="Footnote_1_88"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_88"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Due in part + no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also below for "the + maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_89" id="Footnote_2_89"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_89"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So Miss + Yonge. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_90" id="Footnote_3_90"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_90"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This date + is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p. 886, and by + Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 10, + of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The + Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an + eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon, + etc." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character, + where the sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,—and we + may believe that all such cases have not been recorded—yet the + vast majority of those which followed in the years 851-860 were + of a different type. They were due to an outbreak of fanatical + zeal on the part of a certain section of the Christians such as + to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the Moslem + authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian + subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the + less enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the + Mohammedans. The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested + itself at this time is certainly the most remarkable phenomenon + of the kind that has been recorded in the annals of the Christian + Church. There had been occasional instances before of Christians + voluntarily offering themselves to undergo the penalty of the + laws for the crime of being Christians. One such instance in the + case of a Phrygian, named Quintus, had caused grave scandal to + the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone before the proconsul and + professed himself ready to die for the faith, when the reality of + the death, which he courted, had been brought home to him by the + sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of the + Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods. + Africa also had had her self-accused martyrs. + </p> + <p> + But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these, + both by reason of their number and the constancy which they + displayed in their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is + recorded, though there may have been some such, where the + would-be martyr from fear or any other cause forwent his crown. + Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing the Church on the question + of their merit, whether, that is, the victims were to be ranked + as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a written controversy + on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if rather one-sided, + materials for estimating the provocation given, and received, on + either side. + </p> + <p> + As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more + closely together in political and social life, the Church no + doubt suffered some deterioration. Every interested motive was + enlisted in favour of dropping as far as possible out of + sight<a name="FNanchor_1_91" id="FNanchor_1_91"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_91" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those distinctive + features of Christianity which might be calculated to give + offence to the Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan + customs, which are not in the Bible expressly forbidden to a + Christian;<a name="FNanchor_2_92" id="FNanchor_2_92"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_92" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and, generally, of + emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with + Mohammedanism, and ignoring those (far more important ones) in + which they differ. The Moslems had no such reason for dissembling + their convictions, or modifying their tenets. Consequently a + spiritual paralysis was creeping upon the Church, which + threatened in the course of time, if not checked, to destroy the + very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The case of + Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed that + this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over + Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never + passed under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in + danger of being swept away by the devouring flames of + Mohammedanism, might be nursed and cherished, till it could again + blaze forth with its former brilliancy. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_91" id="Footnote_1_91"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_91"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See below, + p. 72, note 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_92" id="Footnote_2_92"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_92"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>E.g.,</i> circumcision. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly + vanished: it was still to be found among the clergy, and + specially among the dwellers in convents. Monks and nuns, severed + from all worldly influences, in the silence of their cloisters, + would read the lives of the Saints<a name="FNanchor_1_93" id= + "FNanchor_1_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_93" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> of old, and meditate upon their glorious + deeds, and the miracles which their faith had wrought. They would + brood over such texts as, "Ye shall be brought before rulers and + kings for My sake;"<a name="FNanchor_2_94" id= + "FNanchor_2_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_94" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, "Every one who shall confess Me before + men, him will I also confess before My Father, which is in + Heaven;"<a name="FNanchor_3_95" id="FNanchor_3_95"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_95" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> till they brought + themselves to believe that it was their imperative duty to bring + themselves before rulers and kings, and not only to confess + Christ, but to revile Mohammed. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_93" id="Footnote_1_93"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_93"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. 112. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_94" id="Footnote_2_94"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_94"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> St Mark + xiii. 9. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_95" id="Footnote_3_95"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_95"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> St Matt. x. + 32. + </p> + </div> + <p> + However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not + apply, as the apologists of their doings have not failed to point + out, to the first two victims that suffered in this persecution. + </p> + <p> + Perfectus,<a name="FNanchor_1_96" id="FNanchor_1_96"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_96" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest of Cordova, + who had been brought up in the school attached to the church of + St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase some necessaries for + domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in the street, + and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led them to + make this strange request, we are not told,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_97" id="FNanchor_2_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_97" + class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but stated thus barely it certainly + gives us the impression that it was intended to bring the priest + into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem countries + that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be + scourged,<a name="FNanchor_3_98" id="FNanchor_3_98"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_98" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> if he struck him, + killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who spoke evil + of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he heard + the blasphemy without taking notice of it.<a name="FNanchor_4_99" + id="FNanchor_4_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_99" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Perfectus, therefore, being aware of this law, + gave a cautious<a name="FNanchor_5_100" id= + "FNanchor_5_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_100" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> answer, declining to comply with their request + until they swore that he should receive no hurt in consequence of + what he might say. On their giving the required stipulation, he + quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs and false + prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch that + if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"<a name= + "FNanchor_6_101" id="FNanchor_6_101"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_101" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and proceeded to speak + of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor and a + dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he, + the encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own + filthy lusts, delivered you all over to the indulgence of an + everlasting sensuality." This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the + Moslems revere as we revere Christ, and the ungenerous advantage + taken of the oath, which they had made, naturally incensed his + hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree. They respected their + promise, however, and refrained from laying hands on him at that + time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging themselves + on a future occasion.<a name="FNanchor_7_102" id= + "FNanchor_7_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_102" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_96" id="Footnote_1_96"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_96"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius, + "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar, "Indic. Lum.," + sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_97" id="Footnote_2_97"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_97"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See, + however, Appendix A, p. 158. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_98" id="Footnote_3_98"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_98"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet, et legalis + iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui blasphematur, + flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur." Neander V., p. 464, + note, points out that "blasphemaverit" refers to cursing + Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, + "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti debere in eos qui + talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On hearing of Isaac's + death the king published a reminder on this law. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_99" id="Footnote_4_99"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_99"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 91. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_100" id="Footnote_5_100"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_100"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_101" id="Footnote_6_101"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_101"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Matt. + xxiv. 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_102" id="Footnote_7_102"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_102"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Accensum + ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius reponunt." + Eulogius, 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <p> + If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and + Perfectus, being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one, + was met<a name="FNanchor_1_103" id="FNanchor_1_103"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_103" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by his former + interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing + despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being + questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his + words. He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the + end of the month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast + month. In prison the priest repented his weakness, and when + brought again before the judge on the Mohammedan Easter, he + recanted his recantation, adding, "I have cursed and do curse + your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan, a dealer in + witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately led off + for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the King's + minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on + April 18, 850.<a name="FNanchor_2_104" id= + "FNanchor_2_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_104" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The apologists, on insufficient evidence, + describe the death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day + in the river, as a manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of + Perfectus.<a name="FNanchor_3_105" id= + "FNanchor_3_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_105" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_103" id="Footnote_1_103"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_103"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Dolo + circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_104" id="Footnote_2_104"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_104"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Johannes + Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest error) in 950, + under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time that some + writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him, wrongly: + "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam + persecutionem in Christianos." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_105" id="Footnote_3_105"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_105"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no + doubt the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative + painlessness, with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was + not lost upon the brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary + retreats and trying by a life of religious devotion to cut + themselves off from the seductive pleasures of an active life. + </p> + <p> + The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty + tradesman, named John,<a name="FNanchor_1_106" id= + "FNanchor_1_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_106" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> who does not seem to have courted his own + fate. He had aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a + habit which he had contracted of pronouncing the name of the + Prophet in his market transactions, taking his name, as they + thought, in vain, and with a view to attracting buyers.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_107" id="FNanchor_2_107"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_107" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> John, being taxed with + this, with ill-timed pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who + wishes to name your Prophet." He was haled before the Kadi, and, + after receiving 400 stripes,<a name="FNanchor_3_108" id= + "FNanchor_3_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_108" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> was thrown into prison. Subsequently he was + taken thence and driven through the city riding backwards on an + ass, while a crier was sent before him through the Christian + quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the punishment of those, + that speak evil of the Prophet of God." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_106" id="Footnote_1_106"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_106"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eugolius, + "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_107" id="Footnote_2_107"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_107"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So + Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1. 1.) is + not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam, semper + eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum per + iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa auribus te + ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_108" id="Footnote_3_108"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_108"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Or, + according to Eulogius, 500. + </p> + </div> + <p> + So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution, + brought by the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can + be more or less sustained, but the next instance is of a + different character. Isaac,<a name="FNanchor_1_109" id= + "FNanchor_1_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_109" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble + and wealthy ancestors, was born in 824, and by his knowledge of + Arabic, attained in early life to the position of an exceptor, or + scribe,<a name="FNanchor_2_110" id="FNanchor_2_110"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_110" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but gave up his + appointment at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery + of Tabanos, which his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had + founded near Cordova. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_109" id="Footnote_1_109"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_109"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref., secs. 2 ff. + After his death Isaac was credited with having performed + miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have spoken + three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable about + Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child, to + have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_110" id="Footnote_2_110"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_110"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Not, as + Florez, a tax-gatherer. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he + voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an + "enquirer," begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam. + The Kadi, congratulating himself on the prospect of such a + promising convert, gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in + fluent Arabic, said: "He has lied unto you—may the curse of + Heaven consume him!—who full of all wickedness has led astray so + many men, and doomed them with himself to the lowest deep of + hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts, he hath + given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without + doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing + these, and other like <i>chaste</i><a name="FNanchor_1_111" id= + "FNanchor_1_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_111" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> utterances, the judge listened in a sort of + stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent + in tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck + the monk in the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which + is made in the image of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_112" id= + "FNanchor_2_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_112" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him + for striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy + of death should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having + now recovered his self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac, + whether drunk or mad, had committed a crime which, by an express + law of Mohammed's, merited condign punishment. He was accordingly + beheaded, and, his body being burnt, his ashes were cast into the + river (June 3, 851). This was done to prevent the Christians from + carrying off his body, and preserving it for the purpose of + working miracles.<a name="FNanchor_3_113" id= + "FNanchor_3_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_113" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the + people, who were amazed at the <i>newness</i> of the + thing.<a name="FNanchor_4_114" id="FNanchor_4_114"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_114" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was at this point + that Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these + fanatical doings by encouraging and helping others to follow + Isaac's example. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_111" id="Footnote_1_111"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_111"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius, + "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "<i>Ore pudico</i> summisque + reverentiae ausibus viribusque." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_112" id="Footnote_2_112"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_112"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. Acts + xxiii. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_113" id="Footnote_3_113"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_113"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict of the + authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer + penalties. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_114" id="Footnote_4_114"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_114"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and + threw their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have + struck the Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs + themselves were as brave men as the world has ever seen, and, by + the very ordinances of their faith, were bound to adventure their + lives for their religion in actual human conflict with infidel + foes, yet they were unable to conceive how any man in his senses + could willingly deprive himself of life in such a way as could do + no service to the cause, religious or other, which he had at + heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense + antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which + Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the + vanities, nay, even of the duties of life, which prompted men and + women to immure themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from + all spheres of human usefulness. Life under these circumstances + had naturally little to make it worth the living, and became all + the more easy to relinquish, when death, in itself a thing to be + desired, was further invested with the glories of martyrdom. + </p> + <p> + The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a + monk named Sanctius<a name="FNanchor_1_115" id= + "FNanchor_1_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_115" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three + days later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a + deacon of Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus; + Habentius, a monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while + Jeremiah,<a name="FNanchor_2_116" id= + "FNanchor_2_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_116" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> uncle of Isaac, was scourged to death. Their + bodies were burned, and the ashes cast into the river. + </p> + <p> + Sisenandus of Badajos<a name="FNanchor_3_117" id= + "FNanchor_3_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_117" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> found a similar fate on July 16th: four days + subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and + the same number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all + of whom were beheaded. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_115" id="Footnote_1_115"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_115"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_116" id="Footnote_2_116"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_116"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. iv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_117" id="Footnote_3_117"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_117"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> After his + martyrdom he procured the release from prison of Tiberias, + priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS. + </h3> + <p> + The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful + girls, whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who + seems to have regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a + Platonic love mingled with a sort of religious devotion. + </p> + <p> + Flora,<a name="FNanchor_1_118" id="FNanchor_1_118"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_118" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the daughter of a + Moslem father and a Christian mother, was born at Cordova. She is + said to have practised abstinence even in her cradle. At first + she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity with that + faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight years + before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and + her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her + brother, in his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted + many Christian families, whom he suspected of conniving at her + escape, she voluntarily surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here + am I whom you seek, and for whose sake you persecute the people + of God. I am a Christian. Do your best to annul that confession: + none of your torments will be able to overcome my faith." Her + brother, after trying in vain, by alternate threats and + blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally dragged + her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation, + and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and + then given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however, + to recover, and escaped under angelic guidance.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_119" id="FNanchor_2_119"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_119" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Shortly afterwards, + while praying in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of + Walabonsus above-mentioned,<a name="FNanchor_3_120" id= + "FNanchor_3_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_120" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> who had been martyred a few months previously. + Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife. + They came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter + was educated at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under + the care of the abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's + martyrdom, and perhaps, as was so often the case, seeing his + glorified spirit in a vision, she left the cloister, determining + to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on her way to give + herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and found + Flora there. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_118" id="Footnote_1_118"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_118"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of + Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_119" id="Footnote_2_119"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_119"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_120" id="Footnote_3_120"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_120"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Life of + Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in Spain," says, + "Sister of Isaac." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth<a name= + "FNanchor_1_121" id="FNanchor_1_121"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_121" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to curse Mohammed, of + whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own + lives. The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely + imprisoned them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought + to Flora's brother, he induced the judge to make a further + examination of her, and she was brought out of prison before the + Kadi, who, pointing to her brother, asked her if she knew him. + Flora answered that she did—as her brother according to the + flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge, "that he remains a + good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She answered that God + had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready to repeat + her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again remanded + to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown + upon the streets as prostitutes<a name="FNanchor_2_122" id= + "FNanchor_2_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_122" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a>—a punishment far worse than the easy death + they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they find an + unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned + for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It + is strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the + prison itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The + support of Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm + through another examination, and the judge, proving too merciful, + or too good a Moslem, to carry out the above-mentioned threat, + they were led forth to die (November 24, 851). Before their death + they had promised Eulogius to intercede before the throne of God + for his release, which accordingly is brought to pass six days + after their own execution.<a name="FNanchor_3_123" id= + "FNanchor_3_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_123" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before + Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near + Cordova, and Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way + (January 13, 852).<a name="FNanchor_4_124" id= + "FNanchor_4_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_124" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_121" id="Footnote_1_121"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_121"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog. to + Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulog., sec. + 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_122" id="Footnote_2_122"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_122"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4. + Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing + out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat + propria delectatis,"—a poor consolation, but the only one! He + does not seem to have known—or surely he would have quoted + it—the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse + 35):—"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves, if + they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall compel + them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful unto + such women after their compulsion." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_123" id="Footnote_3_123"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_123"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_124" id="Footnote_4_124"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_124"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulogius, + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom, + and it seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon + this subject. This, however, was far from being the case. + Hitherto the victims had been almost without exception priests, + monks, and nuns; but the next martyrs afford us instances of + married couples claiming a share in this doubtful honour. These + were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, and + his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of Moslem parents, + whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and was + converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_125" id="FNanchor_1_125"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_125" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It would seem that + with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism, + some good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded + adherents of Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which + they were sinking; for these new martyrs were of the class of + hidden<a name="FNanchor_2_126" id="FNanchor_2_126"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_126" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Christians, who were + now shamed into avowing their real creed.<a name="FNanchor_3_127" + id="FNanchor_3_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_127" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet surely it had been far better if they had + been content to live like Christians instead of dying like + suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible + impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured + conviction that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties, + to give themselves up to death. In this resolution they were + fortified by the advice and encouragement of Eulogius and + Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_128" id="FNanchor_4_128"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_128" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> the latter of whom + prudently warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is + sufficient to stand the trial.<a name="FNanchor_5_129" id= + "FNanchor_5_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_129" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her + husband in his self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave + her children being overcome by Eulogius,<a name="FNanchor_6_130" + id="FNanchor_6_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_130" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> who recommends that they should be given over + to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora + and Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_125" id="Footnote_1_125"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_125"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_126" id="Footnote_2_126"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_126"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See below, + p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_127" id="Footnote_3_127"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_127"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Aurelius + was roused from his religious dissimulation by seeing the + sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. x. sec. + 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_128" id="Footnote_4_128"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_128"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 18. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_129" id="Footnote_5_129"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_129"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This would + lead us to suppose that the courage of some <i>had</i> failed. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_130" id="Footnote_6_130"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_130"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulogius + comments:—"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo filiorum affectus + respuitur!" The parents not only desert their children, but + give away most of their goods to the poor, thereby making their + own children of the number. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on + business connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over + in Spain, impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing, + determined to offer himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the + four persons above mentioned. + </p> + <p> + They then take counsel together how they may best effect their + purpose, there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring + martyrdom for themselves to shew the statements of the + apologists, that there was a fierce persecution raging, to be at + least much exaggerated, if not entirely without foundation. The + plan decided upon, which the devisers audaciously attributed to + the suggestion of God,<a name="FNanchor_1_131" id= + "FNanchor_1_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_131" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> was that the women should go forth unveiled + and with hurried steps to the church, in the hope that such an + unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and occasion the + arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and they were + all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual + result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them + with scornful anger.<a name="FNanchor_2_132" id= + "FNanchor_2_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_132" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> But George, disappointed at his untoward + clemency, as they were being led away broke out with,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_133" id="FNanchor_3_133"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_133" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Can you not go down + to hell without seeking to drag us also thither as your + companions?" + </p> + <p> + This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was + no doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were + dragged again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of + remonstrance, why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_134" id="FNanchor_4_134"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_134" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and refused to live, + promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would + become Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two + days, which seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die. + They pass the time with singing hymns, and are blessed with + visits of angels and miraculous signs. Their chains drop off, and + the gaolers dare not again bind those whom Christ Himself had + loosed.<a name="FNanchor_5_135" id="FNanchor_5_135"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_135" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The authorities, now + as ever, anxious if possible to avoid extreme penalties, + determine to release George, because they had not + themselves<a name="FNanchor_6_136" id= + "FNanchor_6_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_136" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> heard his blasphemy. He baulks their merciful + intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is + accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27, + 852). + </p> + <p> + Within a month Christopher,<a name="FNanchor_7_137" id= + "FNanchor_7_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_137" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage, and + Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are + executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead + bodies being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his + palace,<a name="FNanchor_8_138" id="FNanchor_8_138"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_138" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the king saw these bodies, and ordered them to + be burnt, and the ashes scattered in the river. The same night + Abdurrahman II. was struck down with apoplexy, and the martyrs' + friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from Heaven. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_131" id="Footnote_1_131"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_131"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni coepimus + <i>cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus coronam:</i> et + ita <i>Domino disfiensante</i> visum est nobis ut fugerent + sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si forte nos + alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_132" id="Footnote_2_132"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_132"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est, + et mors pro gloria computatur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_133" id="Footnote_3_133"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_133"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia + claustra adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis + aeterna vos cruciamina non adurent?" + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_134" id="Footnote_4_134"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_134"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 31. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_135" id="Footnote_5_135"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_135"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_136" id="Footnote_6_136"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_136"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii." + George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy + like the others. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_137" id="Footnote_7_137"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_137"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_138" id="Footnote_8_138"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_138"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> On a + "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec. 2. See + Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442, note.) "En + lo mas cruel de los tormentos subió Abderramen un dia á las + azutens ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde alli los + cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y + atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos paraque no + quedase reliquia cumplióse luego la órdsa; pero aquel impio + probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volviá + por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le + pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerróssle la boca, y no + pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle, + sus criados á la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de + apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró + la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del + infierno." + </p> + </div> + <p> + He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and + more bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the + throne than Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St + Cyprian's church, near Cordova, following in the footsteps of so + many predecessors, came before the Kadi, and reviled + Mohammed,—the former being enabled to do this with the more point + and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree master of the Arabic + language.<a name="FNanchor_1_139" id= + "FNanchor_1_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_139" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they coveted, + and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary prodigy + occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious + Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios + elementa fatentur." + </p> + <p> + On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted + partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two + eunuchs, Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo, + a eunuch of foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque, + and by way of preaching—as they said—to the assembled + worshippers, they reviled their Prophet and their religion. + <a name="FNanchor_2_140" id="FNanchor_2_140"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_140" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Being set upon and + nearly torn in pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were + rescued by the Kadi, who imprisoned them till such time as their + sentence should be declared. They were condemned to have their + hands and feet cut off, and be beheaded; which sentence was + carried into effect.<a name="FNanchor_3_141" id= + "FNanchor_3_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_141" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_139" id="Footnote_1_139"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_139"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger vocabulary of + abuse than most languages: see the account of Prof. Palmer's + death in his Life by Besant. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_140" id="Footnote_2_140"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_140"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_141" id="Footnote_3_141"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_141"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul. + (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo stupefacta + nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius sentiebat." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king + knew no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this + defiance of the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a + widespread disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule. + In fact, as we shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the + banner of revolt in favour of their Cordovan brethren at this + very time. Mohammed therefore seems to have meditated a real + persecution, such as should extirpate Christianity in his + dominions.<a name="FNanchor_1_142" id= + "FNanchor_1_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_142" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> He is said even to have given orders for a + general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the + slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not + apostatize.<a name="FNanchor_2_143" id= + "FNanchor_2_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_143" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> But the dispassionate advice of his + councillors saved the king from this crime. They pointed out that + no men of any intelligence, education, or rank among the + Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and that + the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their + actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other + advisers seem to have diverted the king from his project of a + wholesale massacre by encouraging him to proceed legally against + the Christians with the utmost rigour, and by this means to cow + them into submission.<a name="FNanchor_3_144" id= + "FNanchor_3_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_144" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no + other executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when + Fandila, a priest of Tabanos,<a name="FNanchor_4_145" id= + "FNanchor_4_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_145" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's + monastery to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward + and reviled the Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and + subsequently beheaded (June 13, 853). His fate awakened the + dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,<a name="FNanchor_5_146" id= + "FNanchor_5_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_146" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a + Gaetulian monk of Alcala de Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St + Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos (the latter being strengthened in + her resolve by a celestial vision), who, pursuing the usual plan, + are beheaded the following day; their example being followed by + Benildis, a matron (June 15).<a name="FNanchor_6_147" id= + "FNanchor_6_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_147" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_142" id="Footnote_1_142"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_142"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de mortibus + resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam totam + extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot + hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui + arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos + virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed + (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_143" id="Footnote_2_143"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_143"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes + Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico + distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12. + "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia + Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_144" id="Footnote_3_144"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_144"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem + voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus + gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_145" id="Footnote_4_145"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_145"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he + was a monk of Guadix. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_146" id="Footnote_5_146"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_146"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_147" id="Footnote_6_147"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_147"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the + Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and + shutting them up to prevent others giving themselves up.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_148" id="FNanchor_1_148"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_148" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> One of these however, + Columba,<a name="FNanchor_2_149" id="FNanchor_2_149"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_149" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sister of Elizabeth + and of the abbot Martin, contrived to escape. This Columba had + persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of her mother's efforts + to make her marry, which only ceased when the mother died. She + now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17). + </p> + <p> + Just one month later Pomposa,<a name="FNanchor_3_150" id= + "FNanchor_3_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_150" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> from the monastery of St Salvator, + Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in + these executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the + following year, when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems + to have really deserved the name of martyr, for he was given up + to the authorities by the treachery of others,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_151" id="FNanchor_4_151"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_151" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and did not seek + martyrdom. + </p> + <p> + Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci + (Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of + Paul, the deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same + fate (April 30, 855).<a name="FNanchor_5_152" id= + "FNanchor_5_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_152" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an + old priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave + themselves up to execution<a name="FNanchor_6_153" id= + "FNanchor_6_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_153" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> (April 17, 856.) In June of that + year a more venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his + destruction. This was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of + Cordova (June 28).<a name="FNanchor_7_154" id= + "FNanchor_7_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_154" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> Exactly one month later Aurea, a virgin and + sister of the brothers John and Adulphus, whose martyrdom has + been already mentioned, was brought before the magistrate. + Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,<a name= + "FNanchor_8_155" id="FNanchor_8_155"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_155" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> she had long been left + unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was well known. + She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon + repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a + Christian, she gained a martyr's crown (July 29). + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_148" id="Footnote_1_148"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_148"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> So Miss + Yonge. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_149" id="Footnote_2_149"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_149"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_150" id="Footnote_3_150"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_150"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xi. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_151" id="Footnote_4_151"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_151"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium + ad martyrium furore pertractum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_152" id="Footnote_5_152"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_152"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xiii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_153" id="Footnote_6_153"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_153"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cc. xiv. xv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_154" id="Footnote_7_154"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_154"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum dolo vel odio + circumventus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_155" id="Footnote_8_155"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_155"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis + exornabatur." + </p> + </div> + <p> + The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution. + Ruderic,<a name="FNanchor_1_156" id="FNanchor_1_156"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_156" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest, whose + brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened as a peacemaker, in + a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With the usual fate + of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and nearly + killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and + had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his + brother had become a Mussulman before his death.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_157" id="FNanchor_2_157"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_157" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> However, Ruderic + recovered, and made his escape, but being obliged to return to + Cordova, met his brother, who immediately brought him before the + Kadi on a charge of apostasy. His life and liberty were promised + to him if he would only acknowledge that Christ was merely man, + and that Mohammed was the messenger of God. On refusing, he is + imprisoned, and finds in prison a certain Salomon, also charged + with apostasy from Islam. The two fellow-prisoners contract a + great friendship and are consequently separated. After a third + exhortation, they are condemned to death, but not before the + judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their purpose by + offers of honour and rewards.<a name="FNanchor_3_158" id= + "FNanchor_3_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_158" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> They were executed March 13, 857, and their + bodies thrown into the river—even the stones sprinkled with their + blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the Christians + should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on + shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally + fortunate, informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his + body lay in a tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself + contrived to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to + brave. Whether this was due to any unworthy fear of death on his + part is not clear, but it may have been owing to the respect in + which he was held by the Moslem authorities. To these he was well + known as a man of irreproachable character and unaffected piety, + and several Arabs of high rank, who were his personal friends, + shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the effects of his + folly. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_4_159" id= + "FNanchor_4_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_159" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> was descended from a Senatorial family of + Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he + devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his + contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the + feet of Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica. + Besides a sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in + trade, and another brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in + government employ.<a name="FNanchor_5_160" id= + "FNanchor_5_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_160" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_156" id="Footnote_1_156"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_156"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_157" id="Footnote_2_157"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_157"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So the + Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their victims had + abjured their errors before being burnt. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_158" id="Footnote_3_158"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_158"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_159" id="Footnote_4_159"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_159"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Life by + Alvar, c. i. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_160" id="Footnote_5_160"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_160"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul. ad + Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni indignatio eo + tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a metaphorical + allusion to Joseph in Egypt. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and + his desire for the life of a monk,<a name="FNanchor_1_161" id= + "FNanchor_1_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_161" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and for the glory of martyrdom. When strong + measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with + Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for + martyrdom by threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were + frightened into submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_162" id="FNanchor_2_162"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_162" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> remained firm, in + spite of his being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a + certain Gomez, who was a temporising Christian in the king's + service.<a name="FNanchor_3_163" id="FNanchor_3_163"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_163" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_161" id="Footnote_1_161"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_161"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Life by + Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus enervaretur, + quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea sarcina + gravabatur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_162" id="Footnote_2_162"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_162"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Hic + inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est visus + susurro."—Life by Alvar, sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_163" id="Footnote_3_163"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_163"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This man, + says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost his hold on the + Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to attack. See + below, p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere + with and check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs + which he saw going on round him. Believing that such close + relations between the peoples tended to the spiritual degradation + of Christianity, he set himself deliberately to embitter those + relations, and, as far as he could, to make a good understanding + impossible. To discourage the learning of Arabic by the + Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to Pampluna + the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal, and + Augustine's "De Civitate Dei." + </p> + <p> + At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a + priest, but for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating + at the mass on the ground that he was himself a great + sinner.<a name="FNanchor_1_164" id="FNanchor_1_164"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_164" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However, his + ecclesiastical superior<a name="FNanchor_2_165" id= + "FNanchor_2_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_165" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him + take a different view of the question by threatening him with + anathema if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a + prominent champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was + imprisoned in 851, where he wrote treatises in favour of the + martyrs, and was released, as we have seen, by the intercession + of Flora and Maria on November 29th of that year. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_164" id="Footnote_1_164"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_164"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> He pleads + his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he was infected + with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous century, + which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop of + Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez, xi. + 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who + held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum + sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine + and Isidore against the error. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_165" id="Footnote_2_165"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_165"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Pontifex + proprius. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 858,<a name="FNanchor_1_166" id="FNanchor_1_166"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_166" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on the death of + Wistremirus, he was chosen by the votes of the people<a name= + "FNanchor_2_167" id="FNanchor_2_167"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_167" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> to succeed him as + Bishop of Toledo; but from some cause, perhaps by the + intervention of the Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his + see. The people then determined to have no bishop, if they might + not have him.<a name="FNanchor_3_168" id= + "FNanchor_3_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_168" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his + bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though not + all bishops holy men." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_166" id="Footnote_1_166"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_166"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of + Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_167" id="Footnote_2_167"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_167"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Communis + electio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_168" id="Footnote_3_168"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_168"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 547, says another bishop was elected in Eulogius' lifetime; but + Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo vivente interdixerunt + eligere." + </p> + </div> + <p> + In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a + disturber of the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had + been allowed to support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was + he permitted to finish in prison a book in defence of the + martyrs,<a name="FNanchor_1_169" id="FNanchor_1_169"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_169" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which had the direct + tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion + of Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:—Leocritia, a + maiden of Arab extraction and of noble birth,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_170" id="FNanchor_2_170"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_170" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had been secretly + baptised by Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her + apostasy, cruelly ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to + make her renounce Christ. She naturally turned to Eulogius and + his sister Anulo for advice in her afflictions, expressing a wish + to escape to a part of Spain where the Christian worship was + free. As a first step to this, she leaves her parents under + pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with Eulogius. + Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people + imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last + betrayed and surprised at the house of her protector. They are + both dragged before the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he + persists in defying the laws in this way.<a name="FNanchor_3_171" + id="FNanchor_3_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_171" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The bishop defends himself by pleading that + Christian clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their + religion, if asked, as he had been by Leocritia.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_172" id="FNanchor_4_172"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_172" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The judge then + threatens to have him scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to + so painful and degrading a punishment, repeats the lesson which + he had taught to so many others, and reviles Mohammed. Even so + the judge shows a disposition to treat him with leniency, and he + is remanded to prison with Leocritia. + </p> + <p> + When brought up again before the royal Council,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_173" id="FNanchor_5_173"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_173" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> an influential friend + makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush + on their own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved + wisdom and blameless character, in defiance of all natural + instincts, to throw away your life in this manner?" He urges + Eulogius to say but one word of concession in the hour of peril, + promising that he should afterwards be free to exercise his + religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance. But the bishop + could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such offers with + the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us on + high!" + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_169" id="Footnote_1_169"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_169"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See + Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_170" id="Footnote_2_170"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_170"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_171" id="Footnote_3_171"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_171"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar, + "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_172" id="Footnote_4_172"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_172"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This kind + of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime by the + Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_173" id="Footnote_5_173"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_173"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar, + "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548. + </p> + </div> + <p> + On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on + one cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was + beheaded on March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later. + Miraculous appearances honoured the body of the martyred bishop, + which was buried in the Church of St Genesius, whence it was + translated in the next year to his own church of St Zoilus, and + in 883 was given up, together with that of Leocritia, to Alphonso + III. (866-910) by express stipulation. + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS. + </h3> + <p> + With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms + comes to an end, and it will be convenient at this point to + consider the whole question of the relation of the Church to the + civil power, and how far those "confessors," who were put to + death under the circumstances already related, were entitled to + the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the evidence we have on the + subject is drawn almost entirely from the apologists of their + doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of some bias. Yet + even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no real + persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as + to justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots. + </p> + <p> + If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and + Alodia, the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single + recorded instance of a Christian being put to death for his + religion by the Arabs in Spain before the middle of the ninth + century. The Muzarabes,<a name="FNanchor_1_174" id= + "FNanchor_1_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_174" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> as the Christians living under the Arabs were + called, enjoyed a remarkable degree of freedom in the exercise of + their religion—the services and rites of the Church being + conducted as heretofore.<a name="FNanchor_2_175" id= + "FNanchor_2_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_175" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> In Cordova alone we find mention of the + following churches:<a name="FNanchor_3_176" id= + "FNanchor_3_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_176" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> the Church of St Acislus, a former martyr of + Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three Martyrs—Faustus, Januarius, + Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius and Eulalia; and of the + Virgin Mary. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_174" id="Footnote_1_174"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_174"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De + Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means "those who + try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_175" id="Footnote_2_175"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_175"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog. + Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he spent the + ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis, vespertinum, + matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad honorem (Dei) et + gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_176" id="Footnote_3_176"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_176"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, x. + 245. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab + writer, who died in 1034.<a name="FNanchor_1_177" id= + "FNanchor_1_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_177" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "I once entered at night," he says, "into the + principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green + branches of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of + the thundering bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the + innumerable lamps dazzled my eyes; the priests, decked in rich + silken robes of gay and fanciful colours, and girt with girdle + cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone of those present had + banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled from his mind + all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps towards the + marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the hollow + of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and + taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he + applied to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky + lips of a beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents + captivated his senses, but when he had tasted the delicious + liquor, the sweetness and flavour seemed to overpower him." On + leaving the church, the Arab, with true Arabian facility, + extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By the Lord of + mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of + unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a + girl that their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they + put on their gay tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before + the Almighty." Ahmed also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay + long among them, began to sing round us with their books in their + hands; every wretch presented us the palm of his withered hand + (with the holy water), but they were even like the bat, whose + safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us every + attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of + swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects + very characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the + incongruity of an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the + lips of a maid," or the irrelevancy of a reference to swine's + flesh. But the account merits attention on other grounds, for it + shews how little even the more intelligent Moslems understood the + ceremonies of the religion which they had conquered, though they + might be pardoned for thinking that the Christians worshipped the + Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself fell into the same + error, and because probably the Roman Church and its adherents + had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship. + </p> + <p> + The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been + the church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_178" id="FNanchor_2_178"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_178" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the Christians had to + give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one + enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were + induced, or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and + it was pulled down to make room for the Great Mosque.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_179" id="FNanchor_3_179"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_179" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In 894 we find that + the Cordovans were allowed to build a new church. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_177" id="Footnote_1_177"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_177"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ahmed ibn + Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote De Gayangos' + translation. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_178" id="Footnote_2_178"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_178"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> De + Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at first + guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750 they had + to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to sell the + other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the destroyed + churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p. 29, note + 1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_179" id="Footnote_3_179"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_179"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This was + not finished till 793. The original structure cost 80,000 + dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II. (961-976) + alone spent on it 160,000 dinars. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve + monasteries and churches in the immediate neighbourhood of + Cordova: among them the monastery of St Christopher, the famous + one of Tabanos, suppressed as above mentioned, in 854;<a name= + "FNanchor_1_180" id="FNanchor_1_180"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_180" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those of St Felix at + Froniano, of St Martin at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at + Cuteclara, of St Salvator at Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS. + Justus and Pastor, and of St Sebastian. + </p> + <p> + We have given the names of these churches and monasteries<a name= + "FNanchor_2_181" id="FNanchor_2_181"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_181" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> at or near Cordova, + both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one or + other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom + we are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that + above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new + churches,<a name="FNanchor_3_182" id= + "FNanchor_3_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_182" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> but considering the diminution in the numbers + of the Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a + great many, this could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover + the Christian churches, it was ordained, should be open to + Moslems as well as Christians, though during the performance of + mass it seems that they had to be kept closed. The Mosques were + never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_183" id="FNanchor_4_183"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_183" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_180" id="Footnote_1_180"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_180"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 162. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_181" id="Footnote_2_181"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_181"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the + Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the + Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see + Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra + received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but + Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_182" id="Footnote_3_182"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_182"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the + stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_183" id="Footnote_4_183"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_183"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at + Cordova, did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at + Elvira, the cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after + the Cordovan martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the + year of the conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally + finished. What we hear about the Christians at Elvira at this + time is not to their credit, their bishop, Samuel, being + notorious as an evil liver.<a name="FNanchor_1_184" id= + "FNanchor_1_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_184" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> It is in Cordova that the main interest at + this period centres; and to Cordova we will for the present + confine our attention. + </p> + <p> + There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts, + both those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who + aided and abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a + comparatively small body in the Church of Spain; and that their + proceedings awakened little short of dismay in the minds of the + more sensible portion of the Christian community, both in the + Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree in the free + North.<a name="FNanchor_2_185" id="FNanchor_2_185"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_185" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The chief leaders of + the party of zealots—as far as we find mention of them—were Saul, + bishop of Cordova (850-861), Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the + monastery of Pegnamellar; while Reccafredus, bishop of Seville, + and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the prominent ecclesiastics on the + other side. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_184" id="Footnote_1_184"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_184"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ibn + Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_185" id="Footnote_2_185"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_185"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p. + 63. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with + the Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of + fanaticism, it will be interesting to note what was the attitude + of the different sections of the Church towards the misguided men + who gave themselves up to death, and their claims to the crown of + martyrdom. Those who denied the validity of these claims, rested + their contention on the grounds, that the so-called martyrs had + compassed their own destruction, there being no persecution at + the time; that they had worked no miracles in proof of their high + claims; that they had been slain by men who believed in the true + God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and that + their bodies had corrupted like those of other men. + </p> + <p> + It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call + these suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in + high places had forced them to deny their faith,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_186" id="FNanchor_1_186"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_186" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> or interfered with + their due observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of + ostentatious pride—and pride was the root of all evil—to court + danger. Such conduct had never been enjoined by Christ, and was + quite alien from the meekness and humility of His + character.<a name="FNanchor_2_187" id= + "FNanchor_2_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_187" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been + expressly condemned, + </p> + <p> + (<i>a.</i>) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the + other churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms: + "We commend not those who offer themselves of their own accord, + for that is not what the gospel teacheth us:"<a name= + "FNanchor_3_188" id="FNanchor_3_188"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_188" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + (<i>b.</i>) By St Cyprian,<a name="FNanchor_4_189" id= + "FNanchor_4_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_189" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> who, when brought before the consul and + questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer + themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says: + "Let none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if + he speak when apprehended:" + </p> + <p> + (<i>c.</i>) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who + rush to death, for there are some, not of us, but only bearing + the same name, who give themselves up:"<a name="FNanchor_5_190" + id="FNanchor_5_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_190" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + (<i>d.</i>) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis + (<i>circa</i> 305), one of the canons of which forbade him to be + ranked as a martyr, who was killed on the spot for breaking + idols: + </p> + <p> + (<i>e.</i>) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted + on the question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged + martyrs, gave it as his opinion that those should be first + excluded who had courted martyrdom.<a name="FNanchor_6_191" id= + "FNanchor_6_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_191" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict + XIV. of Rome,<a name="FNanchor_7_192" id= + "FNanchor_7_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_192" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> has ventured to approve what the Church has + condemned. Nor is this the only instance in which the Roman + Church has set aside the decisions of an earlier Christendom. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_186" id="Footnote_1_186"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_186"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis violentia + fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae piaeque + religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis suum + incolere iusserat Christianismum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_187" id="Footnote_2_187"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_187"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Quoting + such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse you, and pray + for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23, "Submit + yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_188" id="Footnote_3_188"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_188"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eusebius + iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_189" id="Footnote_4_189"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_189"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Martyred + 258. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_190" id="Footnote_5_190"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_190"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Long's + "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_191" id="Footnote_6_191"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_191"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Burton's + "History of the Christian Church," p. 336. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_192" id="Footnote_7_192"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_192"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> 1740-1748: + in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum + canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been + no persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their + doings, and that those doings themselves were contrary to the + teaching and spirit of Christianity. The latter part of the + charge has already been dealt with, and may be considered + sustained. As to the other part, the apologists, it must be + confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes, indeed, + they deny it point-blank:<a name="FNanchor_1_193" id= + "FNanchor_1_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_193" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "as if," says Eulogius, "the destruction of + our churches,<a name="FNanchor_2_194" id= + "FNanchor_2_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_194" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> the insults heaped upon our clergy, the + monthly tax<a name="FNanchor_3_195" id= + "FNanchor_3_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_195" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived + on sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are + continually referred to. "No one," says the same author,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_196" id="FNanchor_4_196"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_196" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "can go out or come in + amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the + street without being treated with contumely. They mock at the + marks<a name="FNanchor_5_197" id="FNanchor_5_197"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_197" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> of our order. They + hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children jeer at + us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The sound + of the church-going bell<a name="FNanchor_6_198" id= + "FNanchor_6_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_198" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> never fails to evoke from Moslem hearers the + foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a + pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the + Moslems would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;<a name= + "FNanchor_7_199" id="FNanchor_7_199"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_199" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and when they + witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud, + "Shew them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's + people, and defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.<a name= + "FNanchor_8_200" id="FNanchor_8_200"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_200" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> "Yet," he indignantly + exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is + it, I answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a + deadly time<a name="FNanchor_9_201" id= + "FNanchor_9_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_201" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> ... are we not bowed beneath the yoke of + slavery, burdened with intolerable taxes, spoiled of our goods, + lashed with the scourges of their abuse, made a byword and a + proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"<a name= + "FNanchor_10_202" id="FNanchor_10_202"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_202" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_193" id="Footnote_1_193"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_193"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_194" id="Footnote_2_194"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_194"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_195" id="Footnote_3_195"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_195"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild, + "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_196" id="Footnote_4_196"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_196"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eul., l.l. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_197" id="Footnote_5_197"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_197"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Stigmata. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_198" id="Footnote_6_198"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_198"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui inhiantes capita + moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He adds: "Daily and + nightly from their minarets they revile the Lord by their + invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib. Ap.," sec. 19, + confesses that hearing their call to prayer always moved him to + quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all they that worship + carved images"—a very irrelevant malediction, as applied to the + Moslems. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_199" id="Footnote_7_199"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_199"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Alvar, + l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_200" id="Footnote_8_200"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_200"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + "Spurcitiarum fimo."—<i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_201" id="Footnote_9_201"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_201"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> + "Mortiferum."—"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_202" id="Footnote_10_202"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_202"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage picture of the + Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in tumore cordis + elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi, in comestione + superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine iustitia + invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis nescientes + affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes, castitatem + velut spurcitiam respuentes." + </p> + </div> + <p> + That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that + the lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal + their dislike and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as + were at variance with their own creed, and moreover regarded + priests and monks with especial aversion, there can be no doubt. + But, on the other hand, there is no want of evidence to show that + the condition of the Christians was by no means so bad as the + apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances could not fail + to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were actually to + be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the + Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that + humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances. + Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can + itself be called such, there was none, till it was called into + being by the action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from + all the other facts which point to this conclusion, we can call + the apologists themselves in evidence that there was no real + persecution going on at the time of the first martyrdoms. + </p> + <p> + Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_203" id="FNanchor_1_203"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_203" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> admits that the + Christians were not let or hindered in the free exercise of their + religion by saying that this state of things<a name= + "FNanchor_2_204" id="FNanchor_2_204"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_204" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not due to the + forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the Divine mercy. + Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the whole + position which he is trying to defend, says<a name= + "FNanchor_3_205" id="FNanchor_3_205"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_205" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>:—"Though many were the + victims of persecution, very many others—and you cannot deny + it—offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it + not clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we + who began preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will + see that they rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the + bidding of persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye, + and—what is made so strong a charge against them—that they tired + out the forbearance of their rulers and princes by insult upon + insult."<a name="FNanchor_4_206" id="FNanchor_4_206"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_206" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_203" id="Footnote_1_203"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_203"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 29. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_204" id="Footnote_2_204"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_204"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Viz., + "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_205" id="Footnote_3_205"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_205"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_206" id="Footnote_4_206"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_206"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Fatigasse + praesides et principes multis contumeliis."—<i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <p> + As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs + were no martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the + Scriptures quoted by his opponents,<a name="FNanchor_1_207" id= + "FNanchor_1_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_207" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and refer to the morally blind, who make evil + their good, and take darkness to be their light;<a name= + "FNanchor_2_208" id="FNanchor_2_208"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_208" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> while he brought + forward a saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will + hold the first rank in the heavenly companies who have gone to + their death unsummoned."<a name="FNanchor_3_209" id= + "FNanchor_3_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_209" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the + plea that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is + sufficiently ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly + assures us that these insults and revilings of the prophet were + merely a form of preaching<a name="FNanchor_4_210" id= + "FNanchor_4_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_210" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> to the poor benighted Moslems, naïvely + remarking that the Scriptures affirm that the Gospel of Christ + must be preached to all nations. Whereas, then, the Moslems had + not been preached to, these martyred saints had taken upon + themselves the sacred duty of rendering them "debtors to the + faith." + </p> + <p> + The second count<a name="FNanchor_5_211" id= + "FNanchor_5_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_211" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> against the martyrs was that they had worked + no miracles—a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were + almost the test of sanctity. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_6_212" id= + "FNanchor_6_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_212" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> could only meet the charge by admitting the + fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages, + in order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the + constancy of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true, + but not to the point). Had he been content with this, he had done + wisely; but he goes on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth, + as even the unbelievers can work them."<a name="FNanchor_7_213" + id="FNanchor_7_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_213" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did + not perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were + deficient in this particular;<a name="FNanchor_8_214" id= + "FNanchor_8_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_214" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> and yet in other parts of his work he mentions + miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by + Isaac, and by Flora, and Maria.<a name="FNanchor_9_215" id= + "FNanchor_9_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_215" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> So that the worthy priest is placed in this + dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute + them to the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were + unable to work them? if, on the other hand, they did perform + these miracles, why not adduce them in evidence against the + detractors? + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_207" id="Footnote_1_207"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_207"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_208" id="Footnote_2_208"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_208"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Isaiah v. + 20. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_209" id="Footnote_3_209"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_209"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of the + Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius—a book + obviously of no authority. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_210" id="Footnote_4_210"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_210"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus hactenus + exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei tenerentur. Isti + enim (<i>i.e.</i>, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem in eosdem et + evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque fidei debitores + reddiderunt." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_211" id="Footnote_5_211"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_211"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_212" id="Footnote_6_212"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_212"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lib. + Apol.," sec 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_213" id="Footnote_7_213"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_213"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Lib. + Apol.," sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_214" id="Footnote_8_214"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_214"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Cp. "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_215" id="Footnote_9_215"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_215"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not + put to death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and + acknowledging a divine law,<a name="FNanchor_1_216" id= + "FNanchor_1_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_216" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius + misses the true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully + exclaims:—"As if they could be said to believe in God, who + persecute His Church, and deem it hateful to believe in a Christ + who was very God and very man."<a name="FNanchor_2_217" id= + "FNanchor_2_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_217" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as + Eulogius points out,<a name="FNanchor_3_218" id= + "FNanchor_3_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_218" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> pain and torture give no additional claim to + the martyr's crown. + </p> + <p> + Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as + indeed was to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some + cases, devoured by dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_219" id="FNanchor_4_219"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_219" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "since their souls are + borne away to celestial mansions." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_216" id="Footnote_1_216"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_216"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul. "Lib. + Apol.," sec. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_217" id="Footnote_2_217"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_217"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_218" id="Footnote_3_218"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_218"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_219" id="Footnote_4_219"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_219"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 17. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that + Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and + scoffs of the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true + God, does He not strike terror into the executioners of his + saints by some great prodigy? and why do not the martyrs + themselves flash forth into miracles while the crowd is round + them? You rush upon your own destruction, and yet you work no + wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of your creed, + thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."<a name= + "FNanchor_1_220" id="FNanchor_1_220"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_220" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than + they cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled + at the Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians, + from fear of death, even apostatized. "Whither," they + triumphantly asked,<a name="FNanchor_2_221" id= + "FNanchor_2_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_221" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> "has that bravery of your martyrs vanished? + What has become of the rash frenzy with which they courted + death?" Yet though they affected to consider the martyrs as fools + or madmen, they could not be blind to the effect that their + constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld their death, + and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded by the + Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of + martyrs to be preserved<a name="FNanchor_3_222" id= + "FNanchor_3_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_222" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and worshipped, and did their best to make + this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and + scattering the ashes on the river, though sometimes they + contented themselves with throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the + stream. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_220" id="Footnote_1_220"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_220"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem. + Sanct.," i. sec. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_221" id="Footnote_2_221"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_221"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_222" id="Footnote_3_222"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_222"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See "De + Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc., sec. 11. "Non + enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni permittunt." See + above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs were more freely + given up at the request of the Christians. See "Chron. Silen.," + secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender of the body of + Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9, where Eulogius + mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints Zoilus and + Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave up the body + of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request. Mariana, viii. 5. + </p> + </div> + <p> + However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly + carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon + as the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the + admission of their admirers themselves, had never worked any + miracles when living, were enabled, when dead, to perform a + series of extraordinary ones, which did not finally cease till + modern enlightenment had dissipated the darkness of the Middle + Ages. + </p> + <p> + We happen to possess a very interesting account of the + circumstances under which the relics of three of these Cordovan + martyrs were transferred from the troubled scene of their passion + to the more peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of + France.<a name="FNanchor_1_223" id="FNanchor_1_223"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_223" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St + Vincent and the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of + their patron saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks, + Usuard and Odilard, with the king's<a name="FNanchor_2_224" id= + "FNanchor_2_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_224" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> permission, to procure the precious relics for + their own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the + monks learnt that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had + been, in fact, carried<a name="FNanchor_3_225" id= + "FNanchor_3_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_225" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior, + the bishop of that city, had seized it, and it was still held in + veneration there, but under the name of St Marinus, whose body + the monk had stoutly asserted it to be. Senior apparently doubted + the statement, and tortured Andaldus to get the truth out of him, + but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St Vincent had been + deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never surrender + the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard + knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_223" id="Footnote_1_223"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_223"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De + Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae ex + urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.—"Migne," vol. 115, pp. + 939 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_224" id="Footnote_2_224"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_224"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Charles + the Bald. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_225" id="Footnote_3_225"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_225"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Under a + divine impulse," as usual. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at + Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend, + holding a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name, + mentioned the persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem + to have travelled beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to + Cordova, relying on a friend there, named Leovigild, to help them + to obtain what they wished. Travelling in Spain, however, seems + to have been by no means safe<a name="FNanchor_1_226" id= + "FNanchor_1_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_226" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> at this period, and their bold resolution is + regarded with fear and admiration by their friends. The lord of + the Gothic marches, Hunifrid, being on friendly terms with the + Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on their behalf, and he entrusts + them to the care of a caravan which chanced to be just starting + for Cordova. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_226" id="Footnote_1_226"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_226"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See sec. + 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of the road to + Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as "perturbata + funeroso Wilihelmi incursu." + </p> + </div> + <p> + On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's + Church, where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of + their arrival brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves + a very useful friend, and Samson, who just at this juncture is + made abbot of the monastery at Pegnamellar, where the bodies of + George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were buried—the very relics which + they had decided to try and obtain. + </p> + <p> + The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such + precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's + permission to give up the bodies. + </p> + <p> + This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them + of returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which + Mohammed I. was on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had + been given that all the inhabitants, strangers as well as + citizens, except the city guard, should go out with the King. + However, the Frankish monks were met by an unexpected difficulty. + In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks of Pegnamellar + refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much + difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former + permission to remove them. + </p> + <p> + The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems, + and sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose. + George's body was found whole, but of the other two, only the + head of Nathalia, and the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter + are united to form one corpse, as it is written, "they two shall + be one flesh." After a stay in Cordova of eight weeks, they set + out under the protection of some Christians serving in the army. + Leovigild, who had been away on the King's business, now returns, + and escorts them to Toledo. The approach of the army having + cleared away the brigands who infested those parts, the monks + with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and + returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked + numbers of astonishing miracles. + </p> + <p> + Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the + moderate party among the Christians, and by the Moslem + authorities, to put an end to what seemed so dangerous an + agitation. That Reccafredus was not the only ecclesiastic of high + position who took exception to the new movement we learn clearly + enough from Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_1_227" id= + "FNanchor_1_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_227" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> who tells us that "bishops, priests, deacons, + and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in inveighing against the new + martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear wellnigh denying the faith + of Christ, if not in words, yet by their acts." We may, + therefore, conclude that the greater part of the ecclesiastical + authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of Seville, while + the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively small one. + However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did not + hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_228" id="FNanchor_2_228"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_228" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Eulogius complains + that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the + customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove + her web in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful + silence." In this passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his + imagination, yet there must have been a certain amount of truth + in the main assertion, for he repeats it again and again.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_229" id="FNanchor_3_229"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_229" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who + seemed to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is + founded, who were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say, + in the presence of these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans, + under no compulsion, but of their own free will, spoken evil of + the martyrs of God? Have not the shepherds of Christ, the + teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots, priests, the chiefs of + our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly denounced the martyrs + of our Church as heretics?"<a name="FNanchor_4_230" id= + "FNanchor_4_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_230" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_227" id="Footnote_1_227"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_227"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of + Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_228" id="Footnote_2_228"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_228"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4—"Omnes sacerdotes quos potuit + carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. + 11*—"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis, + viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ... + privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind. + Lum.," secs. 14, 18—"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et + loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_229" id="Footnote_3_229"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_229"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16—"Eremitatem ecclesiarum, compeditionem + sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc tempore sacrificium + nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_230" id="Footnote_4_230"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_230"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order + forced them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's + palm by speaking evil of the Prophet.<a name="FNanchor_1_231" id= + "FNanchor_1_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_231" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Those who disobeyed were threatened with + unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless + scourgings.<a name="FNanchor_2_232" id= + "FNanchor_2_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_232" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> This last statement must be taken with + reservation, at least if put into the mouth of the Christian + party under Reccafredus. It is extremely unlikely that Christian + bishops and priests should have had recourse to such treatment of + their coreligionists: yet they had a spiritual weapon ready to + their hands, and they were not slow to use it. They + anathematised<a name="FNanchor_3_233" id= + "FNanchor_3_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_233" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> those who aided and abetted the zealots; and + Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of + excommunication.<a name="FNanchor_4_234" id= + "FNanchor_4_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_234" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_231" id="Footnote_1_231"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_231"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 15—"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam, + iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus + impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter + fecimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_232" id="Footnote_2_232"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_232"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12—"Duris + tormentis agitati, commoti sunt." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_233" id="Footnote_3_233"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_233"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28—"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi palaestram + discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia damnari + iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31—"Plerosque patres + anathematizantes talia patientes." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_234" id="Footnote_4_234"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_234"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if + not at the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close + concert with them. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_235" id= + "FNanchor_1_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_235" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> attributes all the evils which had befallen + the Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots, + and deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly + states that the King was urged, even bribed, to take measures + against the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_2_236" id= + "FNanchor_2_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_236" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> It is not likely that the King required much + persuading. Mohammed at least seems to have been thoroughly + frightened by the continued agitation against Mohammedanism. He + naturally suspected some political plot at the bottom of it; a + supposition which receives some countenance from the various + references in Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_237" id= + "FNanchor_3_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_237" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> to the martyrs as "Soldiers of God" bound to + war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted fact that + the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their + coreligionists at Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_4_238" id= + "FNanchor_4_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_238" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> However that may be, the King in 852 certainly + took counsel<a name="FNanchor_5_239" id= + "FNanchor_5_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_239" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> with his ministers, how the agitation should + be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand + council<a name="FNanchor_6_240" id="FNanchor_6_240"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_240" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of the Church, when + the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were in + consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to. + But Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts + all Christians, who held offices in the palace,<a name= + "FNanchor_7_241" id="FNanchor_7_241"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_241" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> or in connection with + the Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"<a name= + "FNanchor_8_242" id="FNanchor_8_242"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_242" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the royal bounty + usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all + churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to + those previously existing. He made a severe enactment against + those who reviled Mohammed.<a name="FNanchor_9_243" id= + "FNanchor_9_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_243" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> He even had in mind to banish all Christians + from his dominions.<a name="FNanchor_10_244" id= + "FNanchor_10_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_244" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> This intention, together with the order + respecting the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to + the opportune revolt at Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_11_245" id= + "FNanchor_11_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_245" class= + "fnanchor">[11]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_235" id="Footnote_1_235"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_235"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ep. ad + Wilies, sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_236" id="Footnote_2_236"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_236"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_237" id="Footnote_3_237"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_237"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. 136. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_238" id="Footnote_4_238"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_238"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i. + 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority, that he + incited them to revolt under Sindila. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_239" id="Footnote_5_239"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_239"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_240" id="Footnote_6_240"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_240"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Robertson + calls it a Conciliabulum. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_241" id="Footnote_7_241"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_241"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. § 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_242" id="Footnote_8_242"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_242"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Militares + pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_243" id="Footnote_9_243"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_243"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Eulog. + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv—"Tunc iam procul dubio enecandi nos + difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui temerarius + exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean that + Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice any + who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_244" id="Footnote_10_244"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_244"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eulog., + "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"Moslemi ... omne regni sui, sicuti + cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur Christicolarum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_245" id="Footnote_11_245"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_245"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear + lest the intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the + Church in Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did + much at first to aggravate the hardships of the + Israelites.<a name="FNanchor_1_246" id= + "FNanchor_1_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_246" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> He ought not, therefore, to have been + surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor ought he + to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians + observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate; + and that the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and + exactions.<a name="FNanchor_2_247" id= + "FNanchor_2_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_247" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the + Bishop of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party + were broken up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding, + and only venturing abroad in disguise and at night—not, as + Eulogius is careful to add, from fear of death, but because the + high prize of martyrdom is not reserved for the unworthy many, + but for the worthy few.<a name="FNanchor_3_248" id= + "FNanchor_3_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_248" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_246" id="Footnote_1_246"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_246"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xvi. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_247" id="Footnote_2_247"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_247"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"<i>Nunc</i> pro suo libito tantummodo + exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... <i>nunc</i> publicum + imponentes censum, <i>nunc</i> rebus nos abdicantes detrimentis + atterunt rerum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_248" id="Footnote_3_248"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_248"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14—"Quia indigni sumus martyrio, quod + quibusdam et non omnibus datum est." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Some even apostatized,<a name="FNanchor_1_249" id= + "FNanchor_1_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_249" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> while many of those who had applauded the + proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and + blamed them for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the + suffering Church for an early mansion in the skies.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_250" id="FNanchor_2_250"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_250" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Others, in order to + retain posts under Government, or to court favour with the King, + dissembled their religion, taking care not to pray, or make the + sign of the cross in public.<a name="FNanchor_3_251" id= + "FNanchor_3_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_251" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Eulogius himself was singled out at the + meeting of the King's Council by one of the royal secretaries, + Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_4_252" + id="FNanchor_4_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_252" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> as the ringleader of the new seditious + movement. This man was a very worldly-minded Christian,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_253" id="FNanchor_5_253"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_253" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and was, no doubt, at + this time, in fear of losing his lucrative office at Court, which + he had obtained by his remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in + fact, lose his post with all the other Christian officers of the + Court, but regained it by becoming a Moslem;<a name= + "FNanchor_6_254" id="FNanchor_6_254"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_254" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and such was the + ardour of the new proselyte that he was called "the dove of the + mosque."<a name="FNanchor_7_255" id="FNanchor_7_255"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_255" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <p> + The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the + party of which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former + writer, mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends + that it was merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken + figuratively; and he acknowledges that such hypocrisy was + unworthy of the prelates and officers assembled.<a name= + "FNanchor_8_256" id="FNanchor_8_256"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_256" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Is it not more + reasonable to suppose that Eulogius and his supporters voted for + it—as they seem to have done—with a mental reservation, while + their opponents honestly considered such a step necessary? + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_249" id="Footnote_1_249"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_249"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1—"Fidem praevaricantur, abdicant + religionem, Crucifixum detestantur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_250" id="Footnote_2_250"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_250"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his letter to Alvar + sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few remained firm to + their principles. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_251" id="Footnote_3_251"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_251"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9—"Cum palam coram ethnicis orationem non + faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non muniunt ... + Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis gratia, pro + vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia praeliantes." + Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta iussum Domini + tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae, caligosasque turres + crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium Deo offerens + vespertinum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_252" id="Footnote_4_252"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_252"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 18. + See above, p. 51. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_253" id="Footnote_5_253"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_253"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Ibn al + Kuttiya—apud Dozy, ii. 137. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_254" id="Footnote_6_254"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_254"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog., + "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_255" id="Footnote_7_255"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_255"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 137. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_256" id="Footnote_8_256"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_256"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3—"Aliquid commentaremur, quod + ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet aures." The "praemissum + pontificate decretum" he calls "allegorice editum." + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2> + <a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a> + </h2> + <h3> + THE MUZARABES. + </h3> + <p> + The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the + dubious martyrdoms which had for some years become so common, + though the spirit, which prompted the self-deluded victims, was + by no means stifled either in Spain or the adjoining + countries.<a name="FNanchor_1_257" id= + "FNanchor_1_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_257" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Yet the measures taken to put down the mania + for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for some + time. + </p> + <p> + Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians, + determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the + hands of the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related + hereafter, in several parts of Spain. After the battle of + Aguilar, or Polei, in 891, between the Arab and Spanish factions, + 1000 of the defeated Christians were given the choice of Islam or + death, and all, save one, chose the latter alternative.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_258" id="FNanchor_2_258"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_258" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a + few isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned + now. After the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_259" id="FNanchor_3_259"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_259" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> where Abdurrahman + defeated the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting + bishops, who were taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a + hostage for his own release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius. + The king, it is said, smitten with his beauty, wished to work his + abominable will upon the boy, but his advances being rejected + with disdain, the unhappy youth was put to death with great + barbarity, refusing to save his life by apostasy.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_260" id="FNanchor_4_260"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_260" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> A different version of + the story is given by a Saxon nun of Gaudersheim, named + Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty years later. She + tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who thereupon + struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by + decapitation (June 26, 925).<a name="FNanchor_5_261" id= + "FNanchor_5_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_261" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_257" id="Footnote_1_257"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_257"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Life + of Argentea," secs. 3, 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_258" id="Footnote_2_258"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_258"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 287. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_259" id="Footnote_3_259"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_259"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Val du + Junqueras, 920 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_260" id="Footnote_4_260"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_260"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes + Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257, disbelieves + this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii. 154, is + referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the king's + liking for a handsome Christian page. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_261" id="Footnote_5_261"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_261"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Sampiro, + secs. 26-28. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance + in Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter + of the great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,<a name="FNanchor_1_262" id= + "FNanchor_1_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_262" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and his wife Columba, and was born at that + chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar + wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar + had become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking + only for a quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for + martyrdom; and she wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes + inclined him in the same direction, suggesting that they should + seek the crown of martyrdom together.<a name="FNanchor_2_263" id= + "FNanchor_2_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_263" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman + in 928, she went to Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_3_264" id= + "FNanchor_3_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_264" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who + had been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a + virgin, with whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object + becoming known, Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of + the city. Argentea goes to visit him there, and is stopped by the + guards, who, finding she is a Christian, take her before the + judge as a renegade, and she is imprisoned with Vulfura. The + alternative of Islam instead of death being refused, they are + both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens rebellis," is + first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out. Her + body was buried at the church of the three saints. + </p> + <p> + In the year 934<a name="FNanchor_4_265" id= + "FNanchor_4_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_265" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being + massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense + they can be regarded as martyrs to their faith. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_262" id="Footnote_1_262"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_262"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Who on + becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel. Florez, x. p. + 564, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_263" id="Footnote_2_263"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_263"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See "Life + of Argentea," by an anonymous author. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_264" id="Footnote_3_264"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_264"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_265" id="Footnote_4_265"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_265"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may have occurred + in 893. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;<a name= + "FNanchor_1_266" id="FNanchor_1_266"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_266" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and thirty years + later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab + rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken + prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and + a-half in prison.<a name="FNanchor_2_267" id= + "FNanchor_2_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_267" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> They were then brought out and put to death, + just when Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom + them.<a name="FNanchor_3_268" id="FNanchor_3_268"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_268" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a + persecution of the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and + the statements of those writers who intimate the contrary may be + set aside as unsupported by evidence.<a name="FNanchor_4_269" id= + "FNanchor_4_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_269" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian + Church and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially—for + our information is greatest as to those periods—under the two + kings Abdurrahman II. and III. + </p> + <p> + Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the + Christians, until the persecution, which they themselves + provoked, began, was very tolerable, and the majority of the + Christians were quite content with their lot. They served in the + army, both free men and slaves; they held lucrative posts at + Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as government + officials. But though the lay community was well off, the clergy + and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the + Church<a name="FNanchor_5_270" id="FNanchor_5_270"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_270" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> could not be said to + be free, though the worship was, since the power of summoning + councils had now passed to the Arab executive, who, as we have + seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils. Sees were + also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not + unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing + the emoluments, of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_6_271" id= + "FNanchor_6_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_271" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_266" id="Footnote_1_266"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_266"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Schott., + iv. 246. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_267" id="Footnote_2_267"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_267"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Rohrbacher, xii. 192. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_268" id="Footnote_3_268"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_268"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Charter, + apud Florez, xiv. 397. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_269" id="Footnote_4_269"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_269"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See above, + p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of John Servus Dei, + Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard to the late + martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been written in + 937. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_270" id="Footnote_5_270"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_270"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 47. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_271" id="Footnote_6_271"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_271"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv. + </p> + </div> + <p> + As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin + throughout the country, and even before the ninth century the + Scriptures were translated into the tongue of the conquerors + <a name="FNanchor_1_272" id="FNanchor_1_272"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_272" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by Odoarius, Bishop of + Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use + of any language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to + use Arabic Gospels;<a name="FNanchor_2_273" id= + "FNanchor_2_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_273" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted + to write in Latin.<a name="FNanchor_3_274" id= + "FNanchor_3_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_274" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Even if this statement be doubtful, we know + that Latin came gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar + utters an eloquent protest against this: "Alas, the Christians + are ignorant of their own tongue, and Latins neglect their + language, so that in all the College of Christ<a name= + "FNanchor_4_275" id="FNanchor_4_275"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_275" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> there is scarcely to + be found one who can write an address of welcome to his brother + intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found competent to + mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."<a name= + "FNanchor_5_276" id="FNanchor_5_276"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_276" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In the department of + poetry—the peculiar boast of the Arabs—the Christians seem even + to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two + nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance + of native ballads of which Spain can boast. + </p> + <p> + We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of + Latin, by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that + language; but it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result. + We can see from the remains of the Spanish writers which we + possess that the structure of that language had considerably + degenerated in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_6_277" id= + "FNanchor_6_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_277" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_272" id="Footnote_1_272"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_272"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy, + "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_273" id="Footnote_2_273"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_273"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p. + 60. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_274" id="Footnote_3_274"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_274"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 239. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_275" id="Footnote_4_275"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_275"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Omni + Christi collegio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_276" id="Footnote_5_276"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_276"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_277" id="Footnote_6_277"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_277"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See + Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand, writes + wonderfully good Latin. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely + intelligible. Moreover, we find Samson<a name="FNanchor_1_278" + id="FNanchor_1_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_278" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of + Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of + Orleans (839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself + a Spaniard, of the same defect. + </p> + <p> + The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing + indifference to the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated + Christians being led to devote their time, which might have been + more profitably spent on their own Scriptures, to becoming + acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and even to unravelling + the intricacies of the controversial theology which had grown up + round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the + Koran.<a name="FNanchor_2_279" id="FNanchor_2_279"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_279" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The great Fathers of + the Church were laid aside unread, and even the Prophets and + Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to study them. While + the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the lower were + sunk in poverty<a name="FNanchor_3_280" id= + "FNanchor_3_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_280" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_4_281" id= + "FNanchor_4_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_281" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> The inevitable result of this indifference, + ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration in the + character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too + many proofs. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_278" id="Footnote_1_278"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_278"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," c. vii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_279" id="Footnote_2_279"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_279"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35—"Ac dum illorum sacramenta inquirimus, et + philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum convincendis + erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione luculenter + diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus laicis + invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina + quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis + Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur + amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae + diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione + praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum + avidissime tractunt?" + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_280" id="Footnote_3_280"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_280"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, + xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31; and for the + condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle, "Hist. of + Civiliz.," i. 443. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_281" id="Footnote_4_281"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_281"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy + (l.l.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop + of Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to + low and unworthy people;<a name="FNanchor_1_282" id= + "FNanchor_1_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_282" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova, + with obtaining his bishopric by bribery.<a name="FNanchor_2_283" + id="FNanchor_2_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_283" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Other irregularities imputed to Hostegesis + were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary to + the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to + extort money from them, till they died under his hands. + </p> + <p> + Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of + unworthy men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had + to endure in silence,<a name="FNanchor_3_284" id= + "FNanchor_3_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_284" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> many were informally ordained without vouchers + for character being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy + and flocks being obtained.<a name="FNanchor_4_285" id= + "FNanchor_4_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_285" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle + of two rival pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from + the Fathers.<a name="FNanchor_5_286" id= + "FNanchor_5_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_286" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no + authority could be alleged, in contravention of established + custom and the teaching of the Church. So far was this carried + that Samson was accused by his opponents of being a heretic and + an idolator because he permitted the marriage of cousins; + dissented from the view that God was ever enclosed in the + chambers of the Virgin's heart;<a name="FNanchor_6_287" id= + "FNanchor_6_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_287" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> asserted the omnipresence of God, even in + idols and the Devil, and this in an actual, not a metaphysical, + sense;<a name="FNanchor_7_288" id="FNanchor_7_288"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_288" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and denied that God + sat upon an exalted throne above his creatures. From this it is + clear that Hostegesis and those who thought with him<a name= + "FNanchor_8_289" id="FNanchor_8_289"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_289" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> were infected with the + anthropomorphite heresy. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_282" id="Footnote_1_282"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_282"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_283" id="Footnote_2_283"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_283"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See + "Letter to Saul," sec. 3—"Poterant enim quovis asserente + canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari, si + quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis + exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on + the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_284" id="Footnote_3_284"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_284"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_285" id="Footnote_4_285"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_285"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar ad + Saulum, sec. 3—"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia clericorum." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_286" id="Footnote_5_286"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_286"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_287" id="Footnote_6_287"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_287"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.—"Cubiculum cordis Virginei." + This appears to be a quotation from the Gothic liturgy. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_288" id="Footnote_7_288"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_288"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Per + substantiam, non per subtilitatem."—<i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_289" id="Footnote_8_289"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_289"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Romanus + and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their + depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the + produce of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with + difficulty extorted from his flock,<a name="FNanchor_1_290" id= + "FNanchor_1_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_290" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> in bribing the court officials and the king's + sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was + indulged in.<a name="FNanchor_2_291" id= + "FNanchor_2_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_291" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The clergy were not above pretending illness + in order to avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem + rulers.<a name="FNanchor_3_292" id="FNanchor_3_292"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_292" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Some, even in the + highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and + apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel, + Bishop of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a + pervert's zeal, persecuted the Church he had deserted, + imprisoning the clergy, taxing his former flock, and even forcing + some to embrace Islam.<a name="FNanchor_4_293" id= + "FNanchor_4_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_293" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were + sometimes deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the + hands of a hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his + pretended heresy; and, similarly, Valentius,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_294" id="FNanchor_5_294"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_294" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Bishop of Cordova, was + deprived of his see because he was a supporter of Samson. But + these instances reflect more discredit on the deposers than on + their victims. Instances of deposition are not wanting, in the + free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh Bishop of Compostella + (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute living, and + malversation of Church moneys.<a name="FNanchor_6_295" id= + "FNanchor_6_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_295" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> On the king's death he recovered his see, + driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of Compostella, + suffered the same punishment.<a name="FNanchor_7_296" id= + "FNanchor_7_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_296" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_290" id="Footnote_1_290"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_290"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + offering of one-third for the Church was refused to Hostegesis + as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it, "suis + codicibus institutis."—Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2 + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_291" id="Footnote_2_291"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_291"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> The state of the Church in the North was not much + better. See Yonge, p. 86. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_292" id="Footnote_3_292"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_292"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild + de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_293" id="Footnote_4_293"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_293"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson, + Pref. ii. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_294" id="Footnote_5_294"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_294"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Succeeded + Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_295" id="Footnote_6_295"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_295"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana, + viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey, "Chronicle of + the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_296" id="Footnote_7_296"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_296"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Mariana + (1.1.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and + when Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of + Burgundy, and her spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were + horrified at the laxity in morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic + Christians. Their addiction to poetry and natural science was + regarded with suspicious aversion, and the pork-eating, + circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_297" id="FNanchor_1_297"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_297" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> contracted from an + intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many marks of + the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars in + Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor + Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet + we are told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring + churches in the territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up + again the ordinances of the Goths, as formerly observed at + Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_2_298" id="FNanchor_2_298"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_298" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of + extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002) + swept yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating + tempest.<a name="FNanchor_3_299" id="FNanchor_3_299"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_299" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Fifty-two victorious + campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead against the + infidels.<a name="FNanchor_4_300" id= + "FNanchor_4_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_300" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his + arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a + time left desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried + off to Cordova to serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not, + therefore, surprised to find that there were many bishops in the + North who had lost their sees; and this was the case even before + the tenth century, for a bishop named Sabaricus, being driven + from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of Mindumetum by + Alfonso III. in 867,<a name="FNanchor_5_301" id= + "FNanchor_5_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_301" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> and twenty years later a bishop named + Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_302" id="FNanchor_6_302"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_302" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <p> + It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the + Christian Church should be hostile to one another, but it is + surprising to find—as we do find in some cases—the latter making + common cause with the Arabs in ill-treating their + fellow-countrymen and coreligionists. Thus, as we have seen, + Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular arm,<a name= + "FNanchor_7_303" id="FNanchor_7_303"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_303" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> beat and imprisoned + the clergy for withholding from him the Church tithes, dragging + them through the city naked, with a crier crying before + them:—"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their + tithes to their bishop."<a name="FNanchor_8_304" id= + "FNanchor_8_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_304" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> Bishops were even found to make episcopal + visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the + intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in + their names to the civil power for the purpose of + taxation.<a name="FNanchor_9_305" id= + "FNanchor_9_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_305" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> Others obtained from the Arabs the privilege + of farming the revenues derived from Christian taxation, and + cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.<a name="FNanchor_10_306" + id="FNanchor_10_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_306" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_297" id="Footnote_1_297"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_297"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the Arabs not + to wash. See Conde, i. 203—"It is related of these people of + Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild beasts, and + never wash either their persons or their garments." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_298" id="Footnote_2_298"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_298"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron. + Albeld.," sec. 58—"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto fuerat + statuit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_299" id="Footnote_3_299"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_299"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Chron. + Silense," sec. 72—"Eadem tempestate in Hispania omnis divinus + cultus periit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_300" id="Footnote_4_300"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_300"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was not + defeated in his last battle, as is generally stated in + histories.—See Al Makkari, ii. 197. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_301" id="Footnote_5_301"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_301"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Florez, + "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_302" id="Footnote_6_302"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_302"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 244. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_303" id="Footnote_7_303"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_303"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> + "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_304" id="Footnote_8_304"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_304"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_305" id="Footnote_9_305"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_305"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_306" id="Footnote_10_306"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_306"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eul., + 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <p> + These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not + instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was + the son of a serf of the Church,<a name="FNanchor_1_307" id= + "FNanchor_1_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_307" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and married a cousin of Hostegesis.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_308" id="FNanchor_2_308"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_308" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instead of championing + the cause of the Christians, as his position should have impelled + him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction as to call + them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to + Christianity—a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those + who held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied + blackmail on the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the + bodies of martyrs from under the altars of churches, and, showing + them to the king, to remind him that it had been forbidden to + Christians to bury their martyrs.<a name="FNanchor_3_309" id= + "FNanchor_3_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_309" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis + against Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of + inciting the fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should + be tested with this dilemma. They should be asked whether what + the revilers said were true or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let + them be punished as well as the reviler; if 'false,' bid them + slay the man themselves; refusing which, you will know that they + have aided and abetted him to abuse your Prophet. In that case, + give me permission, and I will slay the three myself."<a name= + "FNanchor_4_310" id="FNanchor_4_310"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_310" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_307" id="Footnote_1_307"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_307"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 268. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_308" id="Footnote_2_308"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_308"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_309" id="Footnote_3_309"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_309"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson, + 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_310" id="Footnote_4_310"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_310"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of + timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing, + deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was + killed at Polei(?)—Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab + name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the + Arabs.—See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and + national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be + worth while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded, + that we may contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was + one of the most characteristic features of the Old Church in + Spain that it was united so closely with the civil power as + almost to render the Government of Spain a theocracy. This + intimate connection of Church and State was naturally overthrown + by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing how useful + such institutions as general councils were likely to be in + adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both + allowed purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their + jurisdiction, and also summoned others in which they took part + themselves, together with Jews, to the great scandal of the + stricter Christians.<a name="FNanchor_1_311" id= + "FNanchor_1_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_311" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at + Seville by Elipandus<a name="FNanchor_2_312" id= + "FNanchor_2_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_312" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> to condemn the errors of Migetius; and + another, held by Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of + Egila, bishop of Elvira.<a name="FNanchor_3_313" id= + "FNanchor_3_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_313" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Whether Egila abjured his error is not known, + but it is certain that he remained bishop. + </p> + <p> + Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have + held a council, whereat he renounced his own error of + Adoptionism.<a name="FNanchor_4_314" id= + "FNanchor_4_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_314" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_311" id="Footnote_1_311"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_311"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We even + find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova had Moslem + names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii. 162), and + Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_312" id="Footnote_2_312"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_312"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The exact + date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_313" id="Footnote_3_313"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_313"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo + Luitprand," sec. 236, says—"Ad concilium ex omnibus Hispaniae + partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian I.'s Letter to the + bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is known of this Egila, + nor is it certain of what see he was the bishop. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_314" id="Footnote_4_314"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_314"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See below, + p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly + political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen + how Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the + Moslem authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the + fanatical party among the Christians; and we have a more + particular account of another, which was held by Hostegesis, + Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of Cordova.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_315" id="FNanchor_1_315"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_315" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> This council seems to + have had some connection with the preceding one under + Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and unscrupulous opponent + of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was their devoted + supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as to + suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of + heresy<a name="FNanchor_2_316" id="FNanchor_2_316"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_316" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and sacrilege, as has + been already mentioned. Hostegesis forced his views on the + assembled bishops by the help of the secular arm, and a sentence + of anathema and deposition was accordingly pronounced against the + unfortunate Abbot.<a name="FNanchor_3_317" id= + "FNanchor_3_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_317" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of the apparently consenting bishops was + Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement had evidently + been coerced, for after the close of the council he sounded the + other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as to + their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm + Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect + This action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of + deposition, and he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,<a name= + "FNanchor_4_318" id="FNanchor_4_318"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_318" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>—the election of the + latter being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted + thereat,<a name="FNanchor_5_319" id="FNanchor_5_319"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_319" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and neither the clergy + nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his favour. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_315" id="Footnote_1_315"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_315"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson, + "Apol.," ii. Pref. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_316" id="Footnote_2_316"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_316"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> On the + ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio quam + similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed + creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely + qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_317" id="Footnote_3_317"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_317"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae fascibus + sedentium."—<i>Ibid</i>. Samson was rendered incapable of + holding office, or even of belonging to the + Church.—<i>Ibid</i>. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_318" id="Footnote_4_318"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_318"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In 864. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_319" id="Footnote_5_319"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_319"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See above, + p. 8. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council, + held at the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who + had sided with Valentius, but were now terrified into submission, + being in attendance; while the places of those who refused to + come were taken by Jews and Moslems.<a name="FNanchor_1_320" id= + "FNanchor_1_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_320" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an + open rupture in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_2_321" id= + "FNanchor_2_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_321" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful + authority) by Orontius of Toledo,<a name="FNanchor_3_322" id= + "FNanchor_3_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_322" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova. + These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade + Khalifs of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_323" id= + "FNanchor_4_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_323" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_320" id="Footnote_1_320"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_320"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sayones + (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_321" id="Footnote_2_321"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_321"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_322" id="Footnote_3_322"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_322"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo + Luit," sec. 328. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_323" id="Footnote_4_323"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_323"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> sec. 341. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III. + </h3> + <p> + Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked + upon as the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the + throne when quite a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the + sons of the late Sultan, he found the country torn by innumerable + factions, and the king's power openly defied by rebels, Arab, + Berber, and Christian. In person, and through his generals, he + put down all these rebels, and though not uniformly successful + against the Christians in the North, yet he defeated them in a + series of great engagements.<a name="FNanchor_1_324" id= + "FNanchor_1_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_324" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> He welded all the discordant elements under + his rule into one great whole,<a name="FNanchor_2_325" id= + "FNanchor_2_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_325" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> thereby giving the Arab domination in Spain + another lease of life. In 929 he took the title of Amir al + Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His alliance was sought by + the Emperor of the East,<a name="FNanchor_3_326" id= + "FNanchor_3_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_326" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and he treated on equal terms with the Emperor + of Germany and the King of France. To this great king, with more + truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be applied the + words of Miss Yonge:—<a name="FNanchor_4_327" id= + "FNanchor_4_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_327" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + "He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on + the character of Solomon—large-hearted, wise, magnificent, + tolerant, and peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern, + ascetic, narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were + the exquisite horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices, + inlaid jewellery of marble pavements, and slender minarets, to + their dark vault-like, low-browed churches, and solid castles + built out of hard unmanageable granite." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_324" id="Footnote_1_324"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_324"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mutonia + (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_325" id="Footnote_2_325"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_325"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 351, from an Arab writer. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_326" id="Footnote_3_326"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_326"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> A very + interesting account of this embassy from Constantine VII. (947) + is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn Khaldun.—-See Conde, + i. 442. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_327" id="Footnote_4_327"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_327"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> P. 57. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we + saw in Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian + renegade, still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the + throne; and his treatment of Christians was, throughout his + reign, tolerant and politic. + </p> + <p> + But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very + interesting fragment that has come down to our own times, + describing the embassy of a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an + abbey near Metz, who carried letters from Otho, emperor of + Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.<a name="FNanchor_1_328" id= + "FNanchor_1_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_328" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop + who had been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to + have caused a delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter + contained blasphemies against Christ, it was determined to write + a reply in the king's name, such as might perhaps convince + Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A certain bishop, Adalbero, + was appointed to be at the head of the return embassy,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_329" id="FNanchor_2_329"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_329" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and he asks the abbot + of the monastery of Gorz to give him two assistants. Two are + chosen, but one of these quarrels with his superior, and is + expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself as a + substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with + great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent + longing to be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_328" id="Footnote_1_328"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_328"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Vita + Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot of Arnulph. + "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_329" id="Footnote_2_329"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_329"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 953. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors + reached the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova, + where they were assigned a house two miles from the palace, and, + though well entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as + the Moorish ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an + answer, Otho's messengers would have to wait nine years. + Moreover, they now discovered that the king had been already + apprised of the contents of the letter, which Otho had sent, by a + comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom John and his + companions had taken with them to Barcelona. + </p> + <p> + The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them + not to divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them + liable to punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would + consider blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John, + the Bishop of Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they + should carry their gifts to the king, and say nothing of the + letter. But John of Gorz stoutly refused to do this, saying that + the delivery of the letter was his chief duty, and that as + Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not be + surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John + of Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the + Christians stood, viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he + said, "by the apostle to resist the powers that be. In our + calamity, we have this one consolation, we are allowed to observe + our own laws and rites, and our rulers, if they see us diligent + in our religion, honour us, cherish us, and delight in our + society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion, then, + suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other + things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter + should be suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian + community, and no good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf + ears. The monk of Gorz was resolved on doing what he deemed his + plain duty; nor was he content to forego his chance of martyrdom, + though his action might entail disastrous consequences on the + Christians subject to the Moors. He taunted the bishop with + giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better die of hunger than + eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at the fact + that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from certain + meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the + bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the + Saracens. + </p> + <p> + John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter + forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience, + leaving them to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955, + however, the king sent to them, and asked if they held firm to + their previous resolve, and on receiving an answer in the + affirmative, he threatened all the Christians in his dominions + with loss of privileges and even death. John of Gorz merely + answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but the + latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who + remind him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would + interfere in favour of his ambassadors. + </p> + <p> + John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that + Abdurrahman should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for + instructions for his ambassadors under the circumstances. + Recemundus,<a name="FNanchor_1_330" id= + "FNanchor_1_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_330" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> a Christian, offers to go as ambassador, if a + vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He sets out and + reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh letter, with + instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an alliance + with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting + down the brigands who infested the marches. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_330" id="Footnote_1_330"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_330"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De + Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with Rabi, + a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III. in Al + Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the bishop who + died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De Gayangos + (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he + reached Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive + the second comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So, + after three years semi-captivity, John is released, and told to + prepare himself for the king's presence by shaving, washing, and + putting on new apparel. He declines to go in any otherwise than + he is; and even when the king, thinking his refusal due to + poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk accepts the gift and + distributes it to the poor, but says he will only see the king as + a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come as he + likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the + king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps + of the palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour + lined both sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king, + as a great mark of distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss, + and beckoned him to a seat near his own couch. After a silence + Abdurrahman apologised to the monk for the long delay which he + had been obliged to impose on the embassy, and which was in no + sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose virtue and wisdom + he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was no mere + empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him + whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words, + and they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to + depart Abdurrahman says:—"After waiting so long to see one + another, shall we part so soon?" He suggests that they should + have at least three interviews. At their next meeting they + discourse on the respective power of the empires of Otho and the + Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by the experience of + Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal subjects to + become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them. + </p> + <p> + So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so + pleasant a light on the character and the Court of the greatest + of Spanish Sultans, and proves that the Christians at that time + enjoyed considerable freedom, and even honour, at the hands of + the Moslem Government. + </p> + <p> + The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter + brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read + words against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render + himself liable to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law + to any Moslem—king or slave—who listened to abuse of the Prophet + without exacting summary vengeance from the blasphemer. But—and + here was the king's dilemma—he could not punish the ambassadors + without incurring the enmity of Otho. The only possible + alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho should be asked + to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan having + officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation + of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the + threat against the Christians as merely a threat, never really + intended to be put into execution. + </p> + <p> + In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the + Spanish khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions + of Islam; but, as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been + very inconsistent in his views with regard to Christians and Jews + at different times of his career, and while he enjoined the + necessity of Holy Wars,<a name="FNanchor_1_331" id= + "FNanchor_1_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_331" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> he permitted the people of the book to be + admitted to tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_332" id= + "FNanchor_2_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_332" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> In one passage he even seems to allow the + possibility of salvation to Jews, Christians, and Sabians: + "Verily they who believe, and those who Judaize, and the Sabians, + and the Christians—whoever of these believeth in God and the last + day, and doeth that which is right—there shall come no fear on + them, neither shall they be grieved."<a name="FNanchor_3_333" id= + "FNanchor_3_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_333" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> And there is one remarkable text to find in + the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no violence in religion." + <a name="FNanchor_4_334" id="FNanchor_4_334"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_334" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived + upheld the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the + Persian Sufis, is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for + me, to judge of men's consciences, and I will never interfere + with what belongs to the tribunal of the great Creator and Lord + of the Universe."<a name="FNanchor_5_335" id= + "FNanchor_5_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_335" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> Again, Akbar, one of the greatest kings that + ever lived, followed in practice the principle thus expressed by + his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution after all defeats its own + ends; it obliges men to conceal their opinions, but produces no + change in them."<a name="FNanchor_6_336" id= + "FNanchor_6_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_336" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Noble sentiments surely, and such as we should + expect from followers of Christ rather than of Mohammed! + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_331" id="Footnote_1_331"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_331"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Tradition + attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to Mohammed than + can be found in the Koran,—<i>e.g.</i>, "The sword is the key + of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause of God, + a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two months of + fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against the + infidel, his sins are forgiven him." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_332" id="Footnote_2_332"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_332"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Koran, + xlvii., ad init. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_333" id="Footnote_3_333"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_333"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, v., + v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of Acts x. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_334" id="Footnote_4_334"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_334"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, + ii., v. 258. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_335" id="Footnote_5_335"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_335"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See + Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia," i. p + 583. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_336" id="Footnote_6_336"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_336"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been + conspicuous for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin, + indeed, does say in his letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester, + that he does not approve of punishing heresy with death, because + God, by the mouth of His prophet, had said: "I have no pleasure + in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way + and live;"<a name="FNanchor_1_337" id= + "FNanchor_1_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_337" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> but Alcuin was a man of unusual mildness and + sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus + testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in + the Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in + connection with the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to + be forgotten—"Slay all; God will know His own." + </p> + <p> + In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the + Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a + principal argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of + Valencia in his memorial to Philip III. at the end of the + sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_2_338" id= + "FNanchor_2_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_338" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded + by Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by + Alfonso, on the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of + capitulation certain mosques had been expressly reserved to the + Moslems, just in the same way as certain churches had been + reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712. But Bernard, by way + of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance of the + king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque. + Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's + proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing + that the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct, + came forward of their own accord and begged him to pardon the + act, and even voluntarily surrendered their mosque.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_339" id="FNanchor_3_339"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_339" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion, + but even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_340" id="FNanchor_4_340"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_340" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Almanzor, the champion + of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays. + Christians in every reign held high posts at court<a name= + "FNanchor_5_341" id="FNanchor_5_341"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_341" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and throughout the + land, and not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and + Leovigild, who were known to sympathise with the party of + zealots, were employed by the king to write letters to, and + negotiate with, the neighbouring kings. This was no doubt due to + their general trustworthiness, their quickness, and their + knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_337" id="Footnote_1_337"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_337"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ezekiel + xxxiii. 11. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_338" id="Footnote_2_338"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_338"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_339" id="Footnote_3_339"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_339"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mariana, + ix. 10. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_340" id="Footnote_4_340"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_340"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 57. + Recent history affords a similar instance from the Christian + side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54—"I have made them + make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 249, "I + had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship, and + endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at the + opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha who + took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the Mussulman + worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable, if sincere, + as any Christian." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_341" id="Footnote_5_341"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_341"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Such as + secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the + office of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the + office of protection." The Christians and Jews were under his + general jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the + protection."<a name="FNanchor_1_342" id= + "FNanchor_1_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_342" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But besides this Arab "Secretary of State for + the Christians," the latter had their own counts—a relic of the + Gothic system—who, however, did not always stand up for their + interests.<a name="FNanchor_2_343" id= + "FNanchor_2_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_343" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> There were also Christian censors,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_344" id="FNanchor_3_344"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_344" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but it is not known + what position they held in the State. + </p> + <p> + The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at + Court, and numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's + bodyguard, of whom under Hakem I. (796-822) there were + 2000.<a name="FNanchor_4_345" id="FNanchor_4_345"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_345" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_342" id="Footnote_1_342"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_342"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_343" id="Footnote_2_343"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_343"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>E.g.</i>. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_344" id="Footnote_3_344"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_344"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See above, + p. 49. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_345" id="Footnote_4_345"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_345"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i. + p. 260. + </p> + </div> + <p> + All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two + peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion, + lived so comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a + perpetual state of warfare between the Arabs and the Christians + in the North, which tended to keep alive the animosities of the + two races in that part of Spain which was under Mohammedan + rule.<a name="FNanchor_1_346" id="FNanchor_1_346"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_346" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover, the pride of + race was very strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet + Said ibn Djoud, in a poem called the "battle of the town" + (Polei), boasts that the conquerors are of the pure race of Adnan + and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture; while he calls the + defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false + faith,<a name="FNanchor_2_347" id="FNanchor_2_347"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_347" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sons of the + pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too prone to look + upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as mere + canaille.<a name="FNanchor_3_348" id= + "FNanchor_3_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_348" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated; + and Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of + fanaticism in the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation + would have had serious results for Christianity in Spain.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_349" id="FNanchor_4_349"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_349" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free + Christian States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same, + when political occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of + the frontier cities sought to make themselves independent by what + the Arab writer describes as "vile policy and unworthy acts," + <i>i.e.</i>, by seeking the friendship of the Christian + kings;<a name="FNanchor_5_350" id="FNanchor_5_350"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_350" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and there are many + instances of these kings asking aid, even servilely, from Arab + princes.<a name="FNanchor_6_351" id="FNanchor_6_351"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_351" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_346" id="Footnote_1_346"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_346"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 108, puts the distinction between the races very forcibly:—"Ce + peuple qui joignait à une gaité franche et vive une sensualité + raffinée devait inspirer aux prêtres, qui aimaient les + retraites éternelles et profondes, les grands renoncéments et + les terribles expiations, une répugnance extrême et + invincible." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_347" id="Footnote_2_347"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_347"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 223. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_348" id="Footnote_3_348"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_348"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "C'était + leur terme consacrée." Dozy, ii. 211. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_349" id="Footnote_4_349"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_349"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Heu pro + dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus, iugumque cum + infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex cotidiano usu + illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis ipsorum + contubernia affectamus."—Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_350" id="Footnote_5_350"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_350"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i. + 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.," sec. 30. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_351" id="Footnote_6_351"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_351"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case, + intermarriages were common between the two races. The example was + early set by the widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying + Abdulaziz, son of Musa. The sons of Witiza also married Arab + women, and Sarah, the daughter of one of these princes, was the + progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs, one of her descendants + being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means son of the + Gothic princess.<a name="FNanchor_1_352" id= + "FNanchor_1_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_352" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all the + Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named + Maria,<a name="FNanchor_2_353" id="FNanchor_2_353"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_353" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the mighty + Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade + Christian.<a name="FNanchor_3_354" id= + "FNanchor_3_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_354" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> These are some instances, but it is not + necessary to dwell on what was so common an occurrence as + intermarriage between the peoples, and is forbidden neither by + the Koran,<a name="FNanchor_4_355" id= + "FNanchor_4_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_355" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> nor by the Bible. + </p> + <p> + However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a + more particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been + supposed to have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute + of 100 maidens paid by the northern kings to the earlier Arab + Sultans. Modern historians mostly throw doubt upon the story, + saying that of the early historians none mention it, and that the + Arabs do not even allude to it.<a name="FNanchor_5_356" id= + "FNanchor_5_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_356" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> But if Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer + does speak of it, as of a thing well known. In a letter of + Omar<a name="FNanchor_6_357" id="FNanchor_6_357"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_357" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> ibn Alaftas Almudafar, + King of Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:—"Do + thou remember the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy + mind those treaties wherein thy forefathers offered him the + homage even of their own daughters, and sent him those damsels in + tribute even to the land of our rule." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_352" id="Footnote_1_352"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_352"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_353" id="Footnote_2_353"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_353"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i. + 364. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_354" id="Footnote_3_354"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_354"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 124. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_355" id="Footnote_4_355"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_355"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, v. + 5:—"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those that have + received the Scriptures before you." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_356" id="Footnote_5_356"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_356"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dunham, + ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_357" id="Footnote_6_357"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_357"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Conde, ii. + 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn Mohammed etc ibn + Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient ballads by + the Christian Spaniards. The following are two verses from one of + these:— + </p> + <p> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"For he who gives the Moorish + king a hundred maids of Spain</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Each year when in the season the + day comes round again;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">If he be not a heathen he swells + the heathen's train—</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">'Twere better burn a kingdom than + suffer such disdain!</span> + <br /> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"If the Moslems must have + tribute, make men your tribute-money,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Send idle drones to tease them + within their hives of honey;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For, when 'tis paid with maidens, + from every maid there spring</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Some five or six strong soldiers + to serve the Moorish king."<a name="FNanchor_1_358" id= + "FNanchor_1_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_358" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a></span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to + him was on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is + strong for a fact of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much + against the writers of the ballads.<a name="FNanchor_2_359" id= + "FNanchor_2_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_359" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no + mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca + and the Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to + it in a document included in the collection of Florez.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_360" id="FNanchor_3_360"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_360" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Our ancestors," says + Ramiro, "the kings of the land—we blush to record it—to free + themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them + yearly a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for + their beauty, fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people." + It was to put an end to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now + ordered a levy <i>en masse</i>. This, if the document is genuine + (and Florez gives no hint to the contrary), is good evidence for + the fact. Many succeeding writers mention it. Lucas of + Tuy<a name="FNanchor_4_361" id="FNanchor_4_361"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_361" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> says that Ramiro was + asked for the tribute in 842. Johannes Vasaeus<a name= + "FNanchor_5_362" id="FNanchor_5_362"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_362" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> speaks of it, as also + Alfonso, Bishop of Burgos;<a name="FNanchor_6_363" id= + "FNanchor_6_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_363" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo<a name= + "FNanchor_7_364" id="FNanchor_7_364"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_364" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> says that Mauregatus + (783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help, + agreed to send this tribute yearly. + </p> + <p> + On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden + tribute being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for + more than fifty years. Most of these Christian maidens probably + embraced the religion of their husbands, but in some cases they + no doubt converted them to their own faith. + </p> + <p> + From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere, + conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives + of worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall + very much against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power + declined the opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy + was, and is, unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances + for those who apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his + followers, Ammar ibn Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish, + renounced his belief in God and in Mohammed's mission, but + afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed received him + kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of thine, + if they forced thee?"<a name="FNanchor_8_365" id= + "FNanchor_8_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_365" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_358" id="Footnote_1_358"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_358"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lockhart. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_359" id="Footnote_2_359"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_359"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Unless the + ballads were written later than 1250—<i>i.e.</i>, after Rodrigo + of Toledo had made the story known by his history. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_360" id="Footnote_3_360"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_360"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Espana + Sagrada," xix. 329—"Privilegiam quod dicitur votoram, anno 844 + a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi concessae." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_361" id="Footnote_4_361"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_361"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Lucas + Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_362" id="Footnote_5_362"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_362"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Hispaniae + Chronicon," 783 A.D. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_363" id="Footnote_6_363"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_363"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_364" id="Footnote_7_364"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_364"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> III. c. 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_365" id="Footnote_8_365"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_365"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran, + xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE MUWALLADS. + </h3> + <p> + That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very + numerous at first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that + the new converts formed a large and important party in the State, + and almost succeeded in wresting the government of Spain from the + Arabs. The disorder and civil war which may almost be said to + have been chronic in Spain during the Arab dominion were due to + the fact that three distinct races settled in that country were + striving for the mastery, each of these races being itself + divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split + up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the + descendants of Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and + Medina, who claimed descent from Adnan.<a name="FNanchor_1_366" + id="FNanchor_1_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_366" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> To the latter section belonged the reigning + family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as + the real conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently + reinforced by fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile + tribes of Botar and Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards, + part Christian, part Mohammedan; the latter being either + renegades themselves or the descendants of renegades. These + apostates were called by the Arabs Mosalimah, or New + Moslems,<a name="FNanchor_2_367" id="FNanchor_2_367"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_367" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and their descendants + Muwallads,<a name="FNanchor_3_368" id= + "FNanchor_3_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_368" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> or those not of Arabic origin. The Christians + were either tribute-paying Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or + free Christians, under Moslem supremacy, called Ajemi;<a name= + "FNanchor_4_369" id="FNanchor_4_369"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_369" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or apostates from + Islam,<a name="FNanchor_5_370" id="FNanchor_5_370"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_370" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> called Muraddin. The + Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the equality + and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the utmost + contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.<a name="FNanchor_6_371" id= + "FNanchor_6_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_371" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Their condition was even worse than that of + the Christians, for they were, generally speaking, excluded from + lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs—a + dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the + population.<a name="FNanchor_7_372" id= + "FNanchor_7_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_372" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> Stronger and more humane than the Berbers, + they were friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they + were even superior to the conquering Arabs.<a name= + "FNanchor_8_373" id="FNanchor_8_373"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_373" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <p> + The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by + religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with + another, and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were + the mainstay of the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After + breaking with the Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining + possession of the whole kingdom, and carried fire and desolation + to the very gates of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_9_374" id= + "FNanchor_9_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_374" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_366" id="Footnote_1_366"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_366"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See above, + p. 23, note 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_367" id="Footnote_2_367"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_367"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. "New + Christians." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_368" id="Footnote_3_368"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_368"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pronounced + Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_369" id="Footnote_4_369"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_369"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_370" id="Footnote_5_370"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_370"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 458. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_371" id="Footnote_6_371"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_371"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cp. + "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only regret is + that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to despise + me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet calls + them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_372" id="Footnote_7_372"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_372"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> So Dozy, + ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab population." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_373" id="Footnote_8_373"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_373"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 261. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_374" id="Footnote_9_374"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_374"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <p> + As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain + theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was + suppressed. In 814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion + being put down with great severity by the help of the Berbers, + the Cordovan Muwallads were exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and + 8000 to Fez.<a name="FNanchor_1_375" id= + "FNanchor_1_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_375" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But though exterminated in Cordova, the + renegades still mustered strong in Spain. At Elvira they rose in + Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and threw off the + Arab yoke;<a name="FNanchor_2_376" id= + "FNanchor_2_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_376" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn + Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos + and Merida.<a name="FNanchor_3_377" id= + "FNanchor_3_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_377" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> At Seville the Muwallad element was specially + strong, as we see from the many family names, such as Beni + Angelino, Beni Sabarico, which betray a Spanish origin. The + majority of the inhabitants embraced Islam early, and had their + mosque by the middle of the ninth century, but they retained many + Spanish customs and characteristics. When the Arabs of Seville + revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined the + latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic + family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently + with all their neighbours. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_375" id="Footnote_1_375"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_375"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, App. + B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he of the suburb) + from this. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_376" id="Footnote_2_376"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_376"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ihn + Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_377" id="Footnote_3_377"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_377"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 875. + "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184. + </p> + </div> + <p> + It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out + the history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers + against the Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of + the Muwallads and Christians are a necessary part of our subject. + The latter, though well treated on the whole, naturally looked + back with regret to the days of their own supremacy, and were + ready to intrigue with anyone able to assist them against their + Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them communicating with the + kings of France; and there is still extant a letter from Louis + the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in 826, which is + as follows:— "We have heard of your tribulation, which you suffer + from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take + away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz + did. He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to + pay, turned you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to + disobedient vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But + you, like brave men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we + write now to condole with you, and to exhort you to continue your + resistance, and since your king is our enemy as well as yours, + let us join in opposing him. + </p> + <p> + "We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait + there till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if + you will desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be + secured to you, and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes, + and shall live under your own laws."<a name="FNanchor_1_378" id= + "FNanchor_1_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_378" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to + have effected nothing. + </p> + <p> + During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the + voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of + Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we + may suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted + in favour of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that + Mohammed imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was + but the signal for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As + we have already seen, the king set out with an army against the + Toledans, who appealed to Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough + to get such an opportunity for weakening the Arab government, + Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but the Toledans and + Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the Sultan's + troops.<a name="FNanchor_2_379" id="FNanchor_2_379"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_379" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Within twenty years, + however, Toledo became practically independent, except for the + payment of tribute.<a name="FNanchor_3_380" id= + "FNanchor_3_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_380" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_378" id="Footnote_1_378"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_378"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud + Florez, "Españo Sagrada." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_379" id="Footnote_2_379"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_379"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 162. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_380" id="Footnote_3_380"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_380"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid</i>, p. 182. + </p> + </div> + <p> + From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the + population, whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the + exclusiveness of the old Arabs, and ready to make common cause + against them. The unity of race prevailed over the difference of + creed, as it did in the case of the English Roman Catholics in + the war with Spain, and as it usually will under such + circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to find + an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn + Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from + the hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count + Alfonso,<a name="FNanchor_1_381" id="FNanchor_1_381"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_381" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and his family had + been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather Djaffar. + Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative and + honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at + Bobastro or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and + Ronda, in the sierra stretching from Granada to + Gibraltar.<a name="FNanchor_2_382" id= + "FNanchor_2_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_382" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> After a brief sojourn in Africa, where his + ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great future, he + returned to Spain, and at once began business again as brigand at + Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.<a name="FNanchor_3_383" id= + "FNanchor_3_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_383" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Being captured, he was brought to Cordova, but + spared on condition of enlisting in the king's forces. But he + soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the Spaniards + in the South, Moslem and Christian,<a name="FNanchor_4_384" id= + "FNanchor_4_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_384" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> whose ardour he aroused by such words as + these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan, who + spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will + you let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you + as their slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but + a desire to avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he + made alliances at different times with the Muwallads in Elvira, + Seville, and Saragoza, and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman + ibn Merwan, in Badajos. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_381" id="Footnote_1_381"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_381"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 190. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_382" id="Footnote_2_382"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_382"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_383" id="Footnote_3_383"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_383"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 880 or + 881. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_384" id="Footnote_4_384"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_384"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See a + description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole ("Moors in + Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee, Cordova! + when the captain with the great nose and ugly face—he who is + guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters—when Ibn + Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate be + accomplished." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by + Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar + was further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil, + the Count of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_1_385" id= + "FNanchor_1_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_385" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from + Omar's path his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak + reign, the rebel leader was virtual king of the south and east of + Spain. The district of Regio<a name="FNanchor_2_386" id= + "FNanchor_2_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_386" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> was made over to him by the king, and Omar's + lieutenant, Ibn Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo. + </p> + <p> + This protracted war, which was really one for national + independence, was carried on year after year with varying + success. At one time Omar conceived the intention of proclaiming + the Abasside Khalifs,<a name="FNanchor_3_387" id= + "FNanchor_3_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_387" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> at another he grasped at the royal power + himself; and Abdallah's empire was only saved by a seasonable + victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).<a name="FNanchor_4_388" + id="FNanchor_4_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_388" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> The battle was fought on the eve of the + Passover, and the Moslems taunted their enemies with having such + a joyful feast, and so many victims to commemorate it with. This + shows that a large, perhaps the largest, part of Omar's army was + Christian. Another indication of this is found in a poem of + Tarikh ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_5_389" id= + "FNanchor_5_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_389" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> where, speaking of the coming destruction of + Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill of Abu + Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian + soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it + is certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before + this battle,<a name="FNanchor_6_390" id= + "FNanchor_6_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_390" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> as his father had done before him. He took the + name of Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen, + suffered martyrdom. This change of creed on Omar's part changed + the character of the war, and gave it more of a + religious,<a name="FNanchor_7_391" id= + "FNanchor_7_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_391" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> and perhaps less of a national, character, for + the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became Christian + and built churches. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_385" id="Footnote_1_385"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_385"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Servandus. + Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_386" id="Footnote_2_386"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_386"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Where + Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_387" id="Footnote_3_387"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_387"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_388" id="Footnote_4_388"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_388"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Ibn + Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the same + victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or Aguilar. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_389" id="Footnote_5_389"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_389"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. p. 275. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_390" id="Footnote_6_390"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_390"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ibn + Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_391" id="Footnote_7_391"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_391"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In 896, on + the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn as Khalia, all + the Christians were massacred.—Dozy, ii. p. 327. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his + supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar + himself did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death. + The king's successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of + man from Abdallah, and the reduction of Omar became only a + question of time, though, in fact, the apostasy of Omar from + Islam had made the ultimate success of the national party very + doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death, his son, + Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems by + embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the + Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs + surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great + rebellion was finally extinguished. + </p> + <p> + So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under + the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to + shake off the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the + tenth century the strong administration of Abdurrahman III., + Hakem II., and the great Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance + of raising the cry of "Spain for the Spanish." The danger of a + renewal of the rebellion once removed, the position of the + Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in + consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself + the son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt + with great leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the + more devout Moslems. Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and + even liked, by his Christian subjects, and there is no doubt that + his victories over the Christian States in the North<a name= + "FNanchor_1_392" id="FNanchor_1_392"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_392" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> were won very largely + with the aid of Christian soldiers. His death was the signal for + the disruption of the Spanish Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when + the khalifate was finally extinguished, complete anarchy + prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers made a determined effort + to regain their ascendency, and their forces, seconded by the + Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne in 1013. + A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different + factions—Arab, Berber, and Slave—followed, until Hischem III. was + forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an + end, after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the + North had gathered themselves together for a combined advance + against the Saracen provinces, never again to retrograde, + scarcely even to be checked, till in 1492 fell Granada, the last + stronghold of the Moors in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_2_393" id= + "FNanchor_2_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_393" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_392" id="Footnote_1_392"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_392"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 214. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_393" id="Footnote_2_393"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_393"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 1630 + there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.—Al Makk., i. p. + 74. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_VIIIa" id="CHAPTER_VIIIa"><ins class="correction" + title="Transcriber's Note: This chapter should be part of VIII">CHAPTER IX.</ins></a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + ANOTHER'S CREED. + </h3> + <p> + In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and + Mohammedans were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions + and frequent intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough + knowledge seems to have existed, on either side, of the creed of + the other party. Such, at least, is the conclusion to which we + are driven, on reading the only direct records which remain on + the subject among Arab and Christian writers. These on the + Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from a book on + Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his disciple, + Eulogius;<a name="FNanchor_1_394" id= + "FNanchor_1_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_394" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and some rather incoherent denunciations of + Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_2_395" id= + "FNanchor_2_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_395" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> another pupil of the abbot's. In these, as + might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of + Mohammed's paradise,<a name="FNanchor_3_396" id= + "FNanchor_3_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_396" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to + the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest + on good authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But + among other blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is + one of which we find no mention in the Koran—the assertion, + namely, that he would in the next world be wedded to the Virgin + Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is equally incorrect when, in a + letter to Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_397" id= + "FNanchor_4_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_397" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> he alleges a promise on the part of Mohammed + that he would, like Christ, rise again from the dead; whereas his + body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured by dogs. The + Christian bishop does not hesitate to add—sepultus est in + infernum—he was buried in hell.<a name="FNanchor_5_398" id= + "FNanchor_5_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_398" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_394" id="Footnote_1_394"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_394"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul., + "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_395" id="Footnote_2_395"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_395"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_396" id="Footnote_3_396"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_396"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means + wholly sensual.—Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_397" id="Footnote_4_397"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_397"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sec 9. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_398" id="Footnote_5_398"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_398"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This shows + the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom, says Eulogius + ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every Christian's duty + to kill, were he alive on earth. + </p> + </div> + <p> + It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor + write, and this appears to have been the opinion of + Alvar;<a name="FNanchor_1_399" id="FNanchor_1_399"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_399" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but the same witness + acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and + beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading + and admiring it.<a name="FNanchor_2_400" id= + "FNanchor_2_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_400" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to + Christianity, Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_401" id= + "FNanchor_3_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_401" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed, + he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of + God,<a name="FNanchor_4_402" id="FNanchor_4_402"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_402" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and His + Spirit;<a name="FNanchor_5_403" id="FNanchor_5_403"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_403" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a great + prophet,<a name="FNanchor_6_404" id="FNanchor_6_404"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_404" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> endowed with much + power from God;<a name="FNanchor_7_405" id= + "FNanchor_7_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_405" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> like Adam in His creation,<a name= + "FNanchor_8_406" id="FNanchor_8_406"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_406" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> but not equal to God + (the Creator);<a name="FNanchor_9_407" id= + "FNanchor_9_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_407" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> and that by reason of His blameless<a name= + "FNanchor_10_408" id="FNanchor_10_408"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_408" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> life, being filled + with the Holy Spirit,<a name="FNanchor_11_409" id= + "FNanchor_11_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_409" class= + "fnanchor">[11]</a> He showed marvellous signs and wonders + through the power of God,<a name="FNanchor_12_410" id= + "FNanchor_12_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_410" class= + "fnanchor">[12]</a> not working by His own Godhead, but as a + righteous Man, and an obedient servant,<a name="FNanchor_13_411" + id="FNanchor_13_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_411" class= + "fnanchor">[13]</a> obtaining much power and might from the + Almighty God through prayer." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_399" id="Footnote_1_399"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_399"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_400" id="Footnote_2_400"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_400"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the + present day. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_401" id="Footnote_3_401"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_401"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul., + "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_402" id="Footnote_4_402"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_402"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, ch. + iii. 40. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_403" id="Footnote_5_403"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_403"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Koran, ch. + ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_404" id="Footnote_6_404"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_404"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. 59. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_405" id="Footnote_7_405"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_405"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. 45. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_406" id="Footnote_8_406"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_406"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. 50. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_407" id="Footnote_9_407"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_407"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Kor., c. + ix. 33. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_408" id="Footnote_10_408"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_408"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Kor., c. + iii. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_409" id="Footnote_11_409"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_409"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> This is + a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran, ch. ii. 81, + note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_12_410" id="Footnote_12_410"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_12_410"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Kor., + ch. v. 110 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_13_411" id="Footnote_13_411"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_13_411"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Koran, + cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius, + and he even seems to have had a prejudiced idea<a name= + "FNanchor_1_412" id="FNanchor_1_412"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_412" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that the Prophet set + himself deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those + taught by Christ. It would be nearer to the truth to say that the + divergence between the two codes of morals was due to the natural + ignorance of an illiterate Arabian, brought into contact only + with an heretical form of Christianity, the real doctrines of + which he was therefore not likely to know. + </p> + <p> + According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the + Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We + shall realise the absurdity of this when we consider the + reverence in which Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going + so far even as to deny that Christ Himself was crucified at + all.<a name="FNanchor_2_413" id="FNanchor_2_413"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_413" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The true reason for + selecting Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because + the work of creation ended on that day.<a name="FNanchor_3_414" + id="FNanchor_3_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_414" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ + preached chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have + preached sensuality, though his private life in this respect was + by no means pure. + </p> + <p> + Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge + was never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity + enjoins fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of + such texts as Matthew ix. 14,<a name="FNanchor_4_415" id= + "FNanchor_4_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_415" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> and Isaiah lviii. 6—"Is not this the fast that + I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the + heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one + hand; and on the other the express injunction of the + Koran<a name="FNanchor_5_416" id="FNanchor_5_416"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_416" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>:—"O true believers, a + fast is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ... + if ye fast, it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month + of Ramadan shall ye fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more + astonishing statement still:—"Christ ordained that men should + abstain from their wives during a fast, while Mohammed + consecrated those days to carnal pleasure." Christ surely gives + us no such injunction, though St Paul does say something of the + kind. The Koran<a name="FNanchor_6_417" id= + "FNanchor_6_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_417" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> explicitly says—"It is lawful for you on the + night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a garment + unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an + incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya, + the famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on + Abdurrahman II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance, + that wives should be abstained from during the fasting + month.<a name="FNanchor_7_418" id="FNanchor_7_418"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_418" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Alvar, being a layman, + may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism + critically, and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is + perhaps the best explanation of the matter. In one place<a name= + "FNanchor_8_419" id="FNanchor_8_419"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_419" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> he informs us of his + intention of writing a book on the Cobar,<a name="FNanchor_9_420" + id="FNanchor_9_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_420" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> but the work, if ever written, has not + survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may judge by + the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere<a name= + "FNanchor_10_421" id="FNanchor_10_421"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_421" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> on this theme. In + that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of + Daniel<a name="FNanchor_11_422" id="FNanchor_11_422"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_11_422" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> to Mohammed, + forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not the + desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of + Mohammed. He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our + revised version (v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with + the Mohammedan Cobar;<a name="FNanchor_12_423" id= + "FNanchor_12_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_423" class= + "fnanchor">[12]</a> and the strange god, whom he shall + acknowledge, Alvar identifies with the devil which inspired the + Prophet in the guise of the angel Gabriel. All this, as the + writer himself allows, is very enigmatical. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_412" id="Footnote_1_412"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_412"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy, + ii. 107. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_413" id="Footnote_2_413"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_413"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See Koran, + cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_414" id="Footnote_3_414"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_414"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Sale's + note on Koran, c. lxii. 9. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_415" id="Footnote_4_415"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_415"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cf. also + Matt. xi. 19—"The Son of Man came eating and drinking, and they + say, Behold a gluttonous man and a wine-bibber." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_416" id="Footnote_5_416"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_416"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Chapter + ii. 180. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_417" id="Footnote_6_417"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_417"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Chapter + ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day time. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_418" id="Footnote_7_418"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_418"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> From Ibn + Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_419" id="Footnote_8_419"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_419"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 25. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_420" id="Footnote_9_420"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_420"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> + <i>I.e.</i>, the Caaba apparently. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_421" id="Footnote_10_421"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_421"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> "Ind. + Lum.," sec. 25, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_422" id="Footnote_11_422"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_422"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> C. xi. + vv. 21, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_12_423" id="Footnote_12_423"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_12_423"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> ? Caaba. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry, + asserting that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba + black stone<a name="FNanchor_1_424" id= + "FNanchor_1_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_424" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a>) as they used to do of yore, and that they set + apart a holy month, Al Mozem, in honour of this idol.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_425" id="FNanchor_2_425"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_425" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of + Antichrist,<a name="FNanchor_3_426" id= + "FNanchor_3_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_426" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> or as Antichrist himself.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_427" id="FNanchor_4_427"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_427" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated + Moslems with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find + these to be no less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of + Christians as to Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse + the Moslems, for the Koran itself, the very foundation and guide + of all their religious dogmas, is full of incorrect and + inconsistent notions on the subject. + </p> + <p> + The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians + worshipped a Trinity of Deities—God, Christ, Mary.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_428" id="FNanchor_5_428"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_428" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The inclusion of the + Virgin Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that + worship was paid to her even at that early date, as it certainly + is among the Roman Catholics at this day. As will have been seen + from a passage quoted above,<a name="FNanchor_6_429" id= + "FNanchor_6_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_429" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> something very like adoration was already paid + to the Virgin in the churches of Spain. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_424" id="Footnote_1_424"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_424"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sale, + Introduction to Koran, p. 91. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_425" id="Footnote_2_425"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_425"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_426" id="Footnote_3_426"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_426"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 21. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_427" id="Footnote_4_427"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_427"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 53. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_428" id="Footnote_5_428"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_428"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Koran, + v. ad fin.:—"And when God shall say unto Jesus at the last day: + O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men, Take me and my + mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall answer, Praise be + unto thee! it is not for me to say that which I ought not." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_429" id="Footnote_6_429"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_429"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> P. 56. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali + ibn Hazm,<a name="FNanchor_1_430" id= + "FNanchor_1_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_430" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec. + 1023-March 1024), will show that some educated Moslems knew + enough of the Christian creed to appreciate its difficulties:—"We + need not be astonished," says Ibn Hazm, "at the superstition of + men. Look at the Christians! They are so numerous that God only + knows their numbers. They have among them men of great + intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they + believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the + three is the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that + the Father is, and is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not, + God; that the Messiah is God in every respect, and yet not the + same as God; that He who has existed from all eternity has been + created. + </p> + <p> + "One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites, + and which number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the + Creator Himself was scourged, crucified, and put to death; so + that the Universe for three days was deprived of its Governor." + </p> + <p> + Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the + Moslems thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of + Spain, round whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the + north of the Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,<a name="FNanchor_2_431" + id="FNanchor_2_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_431" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> who, in his account of Almanzor's fiftieth + expedition against the Christians, says:—"Shant Yakoh + (Santiago)<a name="FNanchor_3_432" id= + "FNanchor_3_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_432" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not + only by the Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring + continent, who look upon its church with a veneration such as + Moslems entertain for the Caaba of Mecca; for their Caaba is a + colossal idol (statue) which stands in the middle of the church. + They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage from the most + distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries beyond Rome, + pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that of + Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved + by Isa (Jesus).—May the blessing of God be on him, and on our + Prophet!—The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus, + because, while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he + was Bishop of Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth + preaching the religion [of Christ], and calling upon the + inhabitants to embrace it, till he came to that remote corner of + Andalus; that he then returned to Syria, where he died at the age + of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that, after the death + of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it in that + church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of his + preaching]." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_430" id="Footnote_1_430"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_430"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> II. 227, + apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a strict Moslem, + <i>averse to judging divine questions by human reasoning</i>." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_431" id="Footnote_2_431"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_431"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 293. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_432" id="Footnote_3_432"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_432"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miss + Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub, but what + authority has this statement? + </p> + </div> + <p> + In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly + cultivated, as they were in Spain during the time of Arab + domination, and where the rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem + produced a sustained period of intellectual activity such as the + world has rarely seen, controversial theology could not fail to + have been largely developed. But the books, if any were written, + from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all perished, and + we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left to us as + those already quoted. + </p> + <p> + In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of + Spain had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences + as we can from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of + the period; from our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain, + and Mohammedanism in Africa, before they were brought into + contact in Andalusia, compared with what they became after that + contact had made itself felt; and from the observed effects of + such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful consideration of these + scattered hints we shall see that certain effects were visible, + which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples been allowed to + continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had there been + no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa, would + in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or + both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation. + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + HERESIES IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in + history. The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a + religion, which may have been a cross between Judaism, + Christianity, and Magianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_433" id= + "FNanchor_1_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_433" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But Mohammedanism itself has furnished the + most marked instances of such amalgamation. In Persia Islam + combined with the creed of Zoroaster to produce Babyism; while in + India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused together by the genius of + Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism. + </p> + <p> + It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with + Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity + with itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to + combine with it in such a way as to produce a religion like both, + and yet different from either.<a name="FNanchor_2_434" id= + "FNanchor_2_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_434" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two + cardinal doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if + they are to remain distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity + of God, they agree. In the other they do, and always must, + differ. The divinity of Christ on the one side, and the divine + mission of Mohammed on the other, are totally incompatible + doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be so. Surrender + both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem + possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a + statement attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_435" id="FNanchor_3_435"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_435" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in recounting the + history of the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn + Yunas, who during the last quarter of the ninth century, while + all Moslem Spain was a prey to the wildest anarchy, became a + leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in Merida and the + neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and Christians in + one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion, which + held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all + we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most + important consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence + enough that the attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt, + if it can be called so, to combine Islam and Christianity has + resulted in that curious compound called the religion of the + Druses. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_433" id="Footnote_1_433"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_433"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> For an + attempted compromise between Christianity and Brahmanism, see + the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic priest, "Education + and Missions," p. 14. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_434" id="Footnote_2_434"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_434"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp., + however, the Druse religion. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_435" id="Footnote_3_435"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_435"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the Galician (el + Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but there is + some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii. 439, and De + Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki, <i>i.e.</i>, + of the stock of the Galicians. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam + and Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could + hardly fail to undergo considerable modifications in themselves + by reason of their close contact for several centuries. + </p> + <p> + In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if + any) of such modification in the so-called heresies which may + have arisen in Spain during this period. These will require a + somewhat strict examination to be made to yield up their secret. + </p> + <p> + The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for + introducing innovations<a name="FNanchor_1_436" id= + "FNanchor_1_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_436" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> into the doctrines and practices of the true + faith, and even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way. + The very first Council whose acts have come down to us, held at + Elvira in Spain, early in the fourth century, contains a canon + censuring the use of pictures. The very first heretics, who were + punished for their error with death by the hands of their + fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the Spanish + Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the + Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the + Son as well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish + Council at the end of the sixth century, but not universally + received in the West until 600 years later.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_437" id="FNanchor_2_437"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_437" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> And as we have seen, + the use of pictures was denounced long before the times of the + Iconoclasts. + </p> + <p> + We will now take in order the several heresies that made + themselves noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab + supremacy, and see if we can trace any relation between them and + the Moslem faith. + </p> + <p> + To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having + arisen in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth + century.<a name="FNanchor_3_438" id="FNanchor_3_438"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_438" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> It was more practical + than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the need of + confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men + ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a + wholly laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the + worthy abbé who records it: cette doctrine, <i>si favorable à + libertinage</i>, trouva un grand nombre de partisans, et excite + encore le zèle d'Alcuin.<a name="FNanchor_4_439" id= + "FNanchor_4_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_439" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_436" id="Footnote_1_436"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_436"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin ad + Elipandum, iv. 13—"Audi me, obsecro, patienter, scholastica + Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi semper aliquid + audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta ecclesiae + universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te invenies, + unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_437" id="Footnote_2_437"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_437"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Lateran + Council, 1215. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_438" id="Footnote_3_438"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_438"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See, + however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the province, Ep., + 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_439" id="Footnote_4_439"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_439"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. dé l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309. + </p> + </div> + <p> + That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the + Arabs in the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course + impossible to affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in + the spirit of the verses of the Koran: "O ye who have + received<a name="FNanchor_1_440" id="FNanchor_1_440"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_440" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the Scripture come to + a just determination between us and you, that we worship not any + except God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one + of us take not the other for lords, beside God." And "They take + their priests and monks for their lords besides God."<a name= + "FNanchor_2_441" id="FNanchor_2_441"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_441" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_440" id="Footnote_1_440"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_440"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Chap. iii. + p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such terms of + agreement as are indisputably consonant to the doctrine of all + the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore cannot reasonably be + rejected." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_441" id="Footnote_2_441"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_441"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Chap. ix. + Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with idolatry both on + other grounds and because "they paid too implicit an obedience + to their priests and monks, who took upon them to pronounce + what things were lawful and what unlawful, and to dispense with + the laws of God." See Sale, <i>Ibid.</i> <i>Cp.</i>— + </p> + <p> + + </p> + <p> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Haughty of heart and brow the + warrior came,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">In look and language proud as + proud might be,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Vaunting his lordship, lineage, + fights, and fame,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Yet was that barefoot monk more + proud than he.</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And as the ivy climbs the + tallest tree,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">So round the loftiest soul his + toils he wound;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And with his spells subdued the + fierce and free.</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Till ermined age and youth in + arms renowned</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Honouring his scourge and + hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground.</span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And thus it chanced that + valour, peerless knight,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Who ne'er to king or kaiser + veiled his crest,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Victorious still in bull-feast + or in fight,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Since first with mail his limbs + he did invest,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Stooped ever to that anchoret's + behest;</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Nor reasoned of the right, nor + of the wrong,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">But at his bidding laid the + lance in rest,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And wrought fell deeds the + troubled world along,</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For he was fierce as brave, and + pitiless as strong.</span> + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 15em;">—SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix. + xxx.</span> + <br /> + </p> + </div> + <p> + Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed + to Migetius (<i>circa</i> 750). According to the rather obscure + account, which has come down to us,<a name="FNanchor_1_442" id= + "FNanchor_1_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_442" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of + the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as + corporeal, the Father being personified in David, the Son in + Jesus, and the Holy Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe + that the doctrine, thus crudely stated by Elipandus, was really + held by anyone. We may perhaps infer<a name="FNanchor_2_443" id= + "FNanchor_2_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_443" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian + (itself a form of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons + of the Trinity to one, acknowledged certain ÎνεÏγειαι or powers, + emanating from Him, which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul + respectively. As the first and last of these three recipients of + the Divine powers were confessedly men, it follows that Migetius + was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity, which is the cardinal + doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any other doctrine + distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly he + appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_444" id="FNanchor_3_444"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_444" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and in this he made an + approach to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_4_445" id= + "FNanchor_4_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_445" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_442" id="Footnote_1_442"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_442"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Elipandus + to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_443" id="Footnote_2_443"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_443"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> With + Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec. 29. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_444" id="Footnote_3_444"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_444"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Enhueber, + sec. 32. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_445" id="Footnote_4_445"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_445"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander, + v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the Λογος became personal + with the assumption of Christ's humanity; that the Λογος was + the power constituting the personality of Christ. Hence, says + Neander, he was accused of asserting that Christ, the son of + David according to the flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God, + was the Second Person of the Trinity. + </p> + </div> + <p> + A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by + those who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did + not believe the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the + utterances of the prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned + men, and, while they claimed to take their stand upon the Gospel, + pointing to texts like John xx. 17, 'I ascend unto my Father, and + your Father, unto my God and your God,' to prove that Christ was + merely man."<a name="FNanchor_1_446" id= + "FNanchor_1_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_446" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> In his answer to Alvar's letter, Speraindeo + says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;" he + might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according + to the abbot, spoke of three powers (<i>virtutes</i>) forming one + Person, not, as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one + God.<a name="FNanchor_2_447" id="FNanchor_2_447"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_447" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Here we see a close + resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph; + but the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer + approach to the teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John + xx. 17 given above, as will be seen, if we compare with that text + the following passages of the Koran, put into the mouth of + Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your Lord; therefore serve + him:"<a name="FNanchor_3_448" id="FNanchor_3_448"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_448" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "They are surely + infidels who say, verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since + Christ said, O children of Israel, serve God, my Lord and your + Lord:"<a name="FNanchor_4_449" id="FNanchor_4_449"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_449" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and, "I have not + spoken unto them any other than what thou didst command + me—namely, worship God, my Lord and your Lord."<a name= + "FNanchor_5_450" id="FNanchor_5_450"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_450" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_446" id="Footnote_1_446"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_446"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar's + letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in defence of this + doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of that day and that + hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of heaven, but my + Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo refers to Gen. iii. + 9, where God the Father seems not to know where Adam is. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_447" id="Footnote_2_447"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_447"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a + happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made + up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_448" id="Footnote_3_448"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_448"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, c. + iii. v. 46. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_449" id="Footnote_4_449"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_449"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Kor., c. + v. 77. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_450" id="Footnote_5_450"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_450"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Kor., c. + v. 118. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most + remarkable and original of those innovations to which Alcuin + taunts the Spanish Church with being addicted. Unfortunately we + derive little of our knowledge of the new doctrine from the + originators and supporters of it—our information on the subject + coming chiefly from passages quoted by their opponents (notably + our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the heresy had + an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been the + opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the + Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman + Church, held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by + lowering the character of Christ, to pave the way for a union + between Christians and Mohammedans."<a name="FNanchor_1_451" id= + "FNanchor_1_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_451" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Enhueber,<a name="FNanchor_2_452" id= + "FNanchor_2_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_452" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> also, in his treatise on this subject, quotes + a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the + heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a + contact with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with + them.<a name="FNanchor_3_453" id="FNanchor_3_453"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_453" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Neander<a name="FNanchor_4_454" id="FNanchor_4_454"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_454" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> thinks that there are + some grounds for supposing that Felix, one of the authors of the + heresy, had been employed in defending Christianity against + objections brought against it from the Moslem standpoint,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_455" id="FNanchor_5_455"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_455" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and in proving the + divinity of Christ, so that they might be induced to accept it. + Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace this particular + doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the Christian + view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion. + </p> + <p> + There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new + theory, the evidence being of a conflicting character, and + pointing now to Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all + Spain, now to Felix, bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_456" id="FNanchor_6_456"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_456" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_451" id="Footnote_1_451"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_451"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana, + vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See Blunt, + "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism; and + Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847—"deceptus uterque contagione forsan + insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium + Mohametanorum commercio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_452" id="Footnote_2_452"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_452"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Enhueber, + sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_453" id="Footnote_3_453"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_453"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Usus enim + frequenti Maurorum commercio."—<i>Ibid</i>, + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_454" id="Footnote_4_454"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_454"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> V. 219. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_455" id="Footnote_5_455"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_455"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This + perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which the + Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix. + Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to + Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni + peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_456" id="Footnote_6_456"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_456"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The + prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine arose out + of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The claims of Felix<a name="FNanchor_1_457" id= + "FNanchor_1_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_457" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> are supported by Eginhard,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_458" id="FNanchor_2_458"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_458" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Saxo, and Jonas of + Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled + "Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the + baneful heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_459" id="FNanchor_3_459"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_459" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> says that he is + convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also + was the chief offender. + </p> + <p> + The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow <i>à + priori</i> considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the + author. According to Neander,<a name="FNanchor_4_460" id= + "FNanchor_4_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_460" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and + he certainly uses some very strong language in his writings + against his opponents, and stands a good deal on his dignity as + head of the Spanish Church. For instance, speaking of his + accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and Beatus,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_461" id="FNanchor_5_461"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_461" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of Libana, he + says of the former that he wallows in the mire of all + lasciviousness;<a name="FNanchor_6_462" id= + "FNanchor_6_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_462" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> that he is totally unfit to officiate at God's + altar;<a name="FNanchor_7_463" id="FNanchor_7_463"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_463" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> that he is a false + prophet<a name="FNanchor_8_464" id="FNanchor_8_464"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_464" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and a heretic; and, + forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in + another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of + gross sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of + Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_9_465" id="FNanchor_9_465"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_9_465" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> accusing him of + heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which means that + instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the + very opposite.<a name="FNanchor_10_466" id= + "FNanchor_10_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_466" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_457" id="Footnote_1_457"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_457"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See + "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_458" id="Footnote_2_458"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_458"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annals," + 792. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_459" id="Footnote_3_459"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_459"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alcuin, + "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose in Cordova, + and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after the latter's + recantation. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_460" id="Footnote_4_460"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_460"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander + (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his writings. + An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata Eccl. Tolet), + describes him as "parum accurate in sacris litteris versatus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_461" id="Footnote_5_461"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_461"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Died in + 798. Fleury v., p. 236. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_462" id="Footnote_6_462"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_462"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Elipand. + Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_463" id="Footnote_7_463"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_463"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Ab + altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this to mean + that he was deposed. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_464" id="Footnote_8_464"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_464"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> He gave + the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and prophesied + the end of the world in the near future. See letter of Beatus, + book i., sec. 23—"Novissima hora est ... nunc Antichristi multi + facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum est illius + Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in mundo + est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_465" id="Footnote_9_465"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_465"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Elipandus + and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_466" id="Footnote_10_466"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_466"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> This + practice of punning on names is very common in these writers. + "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly occurs. So + Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called "hostis + Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the bodies of + Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very "Leo + vigilans." + </p> + </div> + <p> + But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging + the venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter + to the bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity," + speaks of him as most blameless,<a name="FNanchor_1_467" id= + "FNanchor_1_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_467" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and confesses that he has heard much of his + piety and devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard + to Felix, in a letter to him.<a name="FNanchor_2_468" id= + "FNanchor_2_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_468" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Yet in his book against Elipandus, he + exclaims, not without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of + wool on your shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing + which you minister to the people, for all the daily shaving of + your beard<a name="FNanchor_3_469" id= + "FNanchor_3_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_469" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> ... if you renounce not these doctrines, you + will be numbered with the goats!" Another testimony (of doubtful + value, however) in Elipandus' favour is to be found in the + anonymous life of Beatus,<a name="FNanchor_4_470" id= + "FNanchor_4_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_470" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> where Elipandus is said to have succeeded + Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his reputation for + learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_467" id="Footnote_1_467"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_467"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam bonam + religiosae vitae de vobis." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_468" id="Footnote_2_468"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_468"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo + Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei + Catholicae fervens." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_469" id="Footnote_3_469"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_469"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Beards + were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii., and probably + the distinction was much insisted on because of the Moslem + custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive dress of the + clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern staminia et + lana oviuin religiosum adprobat." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_470" id="Footnote_4_470"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_470"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See Migne, + xcvi., 890 ff. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the + Migetian errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude + with regard to the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being + dictated to in the matter of what was, or what was not, sound + doctrine, and, in the letter quoted above, he scornfully remarks + that he had never heard that it was the province of the people of + Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in the defiant attitude + taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a jealousy, felt by + the old independent Church of Spain under its own primate, + towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of + the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be + Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but + the bishop of Rome. + </p> + <p> + It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by + Elipandus and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that + Adoptionism was merely a revival of the Bonosian errors, which + had long taken root in Spain;<a name="FNanchor_1_471" id= + "FNanchor_1_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_471" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> others, that it was a revival of + the Nestorian<a name="FNanchor_2_472" id= + "FNanchor_2_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_472" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> heresy, a new phase of the controversy between + the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;<a name="FNanchor_3_473" + id="FNanchor_3_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_473" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> or that it was an attempt to reform + Christianity, purging it from later additions.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_474" id="FNanchor_4_474"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_474" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Alcuin, however, + speaks of its followers as a new sect, unknown to former + times.<a name="FNanchor_5_475" id="FNanchor_5_475"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_475" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Stated briefly, the + new doctrine was that Jesus, in so far as His manhood was + concerned, was son of God by adoption. This error had been + foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril of Alexandria + (348-386):<a name="FNanchor_6_476" id= + "FNanchor_6_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_476" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> by Hilary of Arles (429-449).<a name= + "FNanchor_7_477" id="FNanchor_7_477"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_477" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The Eleventh Council + of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a hundred + years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God was + His Son by nature, not by adoption. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_471" id="Footnote_1_471"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_471"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Enhueber, + Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were condemned at Capua + in 389. For their development in Spain, see "Isidore of + Seville." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_472" id="Footnote_2_472"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_472"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Condemned + at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism with this, see + letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_473" id="Footnote_3_473"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_473"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander, + v., p. 216. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_474" id="Footnote_4_474"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_474"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_475" id="Footnote_5_475"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_475"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin + contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it had + anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero anathematizamus + Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum, adoptivum fuisse + adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse Patrem, quem Filium, + quem et Spiritus sanctus (<i>sic</i>) et non ipsud, delirat. + Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum Sanctum creaturas + esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum qui Christum solum + Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat. Anathematizamus + Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum, et onagrum + Etherium, doctorem bestialem + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">...," etc.</span> + <br /> + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_476" id="Footnote_6_476"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_476"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lectures + on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God by nature, + begotten of the Father, not by adoption." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_477" id="Footnote_7_477"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_477"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> De Trinit, + v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God—a God by adoption, + or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec connuncupatus)." + </p> + </div> + <p> + It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation + of Nestorianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_478" id= + "FNanchor_1_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_478" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> It agreed with the latter in repudiating the + term "Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_479" id="FNanchor_2_479"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_479" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but it differed from + it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in + Christ. What Felix—and on him devolved the chief onus of defence + in the controversy—wished to make clear, was that the predicates + of Christ's two natures could not logically be + interchanged.<a name="FNanchor_3_480" id= + "FNanchor_3_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_480" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> He therefore reasoned thus: Christ in respect + to His Deity is God, and Son of God; with respect to His Manhood + He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in essence, but by + being taken into union with Him, who <i>is</i> in essence God, + and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity + from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that + humanity, be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This + relation of Jesus the Man to God he preferred to describe by the + term Adoption—a word not found in Scripture in this connection, + "but," says Felix, "implied therein,<a name="FNanchor_4_481" id= + "FNanchor_4_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_481" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> for what is adoption in a son, if it be not + election, assumption <i>(susceptio)</i>." The term itself was no + doubt found by Elipandus <i>in</i> the Gothic Liturgy;<a name= + "FNanchor_5_482" id="FNanchor_5_482"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_482" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and he most likely + used it at first with no thought of raising a metaphysical + discussion on so knotty a point. Being brought to task, however, + for using the word by those whom he deemed his ecclesiastical + inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike to + acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says + Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief + author of the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from + ignorance and inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a + heretic, till, admonished of his error, he arrogantly and + obstinately defended a position which he had only taken up + through ignorance."<a name="FNanchor_6_483" id= + "FNanchor_6_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_483" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <p> + Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix<a name= + "FNanchor_7_484" id="FNanchor_7_484"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_484" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> for his opinion on + Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great + penetration and acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine, + stating in his answer that Christ must be considered with regard + to His Divinity as truly God and Son of God, but with regard to + His Manhood, as Son of God in name only, and by adoption. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_478" id="Footnote_1_478"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_478"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Blunt, + "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_479" id="Footnote_2_479"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_479"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander, + v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_480" id="Footnote_3_480"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_480"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander, + v. 220. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_481" id="Footnote_4_481"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_481"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alcuin + contra Felicem, iii. c. 8. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_482" id="Footnote_5_482"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_482"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Elipand. + ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio (άνάληψις) occurs + <i>(a)</i> in the Missa de coena Domini: <i>adoptivi hominis + passio;</i> <i>(b)</i> in the prayer de tertia feria Pascha: + <i>adoptionis gratia;</i> <i>(c)</i> in that de Ascensione: + <i>adoptionem carnis.</i> The Council of Frankfurt (794) + branded the authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did + Alcuin) and as the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See + Fleury, v. 243. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_483" id="Footnote_6_483"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_483"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Enhueber, + "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the same remark in + other words. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_484" id="Footnote_7_484"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_484"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See Blunt, + Art. on Adoptionism. + </p> + </div> + <p> + To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried + on, it will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix, + and in certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> "If Christ, as man, is not the <i>adopted</i> Son of + God, then must His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and + consequently must be something different from the manhood of + men."<a name="FNanchor_1_485" id= + "FNanchor_1_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_485" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> To this Alcuin can only oppose another dilemma, which, + however, is more of the nature of a quibble. "If," he says, + "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is also God, then is + God the adopted Son of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_486" id= + "FNanchor_2_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_486" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Here Alcuin confounds the predicates of + Christ's two natures—the very thing Felix protested against—and + uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of Felix, + which was based on this very denial of any interchange of + predicates. + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David, + sometimes as Son of God. One person can only have two fathers, if + one of these be an adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin + answers: "As a man (body and soul) is called the son of his + father, so Christ (God and man) is called Son of God."<a name= + "FNanchor_3_487" id="FNanchor_3_487"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_487" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> But to those who deny + that a man's soul is derived from his father, this argument would + carry no weight. + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> Christ stood in a position of natural dependence + towards God over and above the voluntary submission which He owed + to His Father as God.<a name="FNanchor_4_488" id= + "FNanchor_4_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_488" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> This dependence Felix expresses by the term + <i>servus conditionalis</i>, applied to Jesus.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_489" id="FNanchor_5_489"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_489" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> He may have been + thinking of Matt. xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have + chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him + the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of + men."<a name="FNanchor_6_490" id="FNanchor_6_490"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_490" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Or perhaps he had in + his mind, if the theory of the influence of Mohammedanism is + true, those passages of the Koran which speak of Christ as a + servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain to be a servant + unto God,"<a name="FNanchor_7_491" id= + "FNanchor_7_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_491" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> and, "Jesus is no other than a + servant."<a name="FNanchor_8_492" id= + "FNanchor_8_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_492" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <p> + (<i>d.</i>) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction + between Christ the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke + xviii. 19, "Why callest thou Me good? There is none good, save + one, even God;" Mark xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour, + knoweth no one, not even the angels in heaven, neither the Son, + but the Father." Texts such as these can only be met by a + reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16, where God is said + to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death upon the + Cross. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_485" id="Footnote_1_485"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_485"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin + contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_486" id="Footnote_2_486"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_486"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alcuin + (<i>ibid.,</i> i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be the + adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of God's + substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in respect + to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of God." But + this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also Contra + Felic., vii. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_487" id="Footnote_3_487"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_487"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Contra + Felic, iii. sec. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_488" id="Footnote_4_488"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_488"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp. 1 + Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This position of + dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem beatae + Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_489" id="Footnote_5_489"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_489"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cp. + Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei simul et + hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam adoptivum + Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35) ... quia, + si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei secundum gratiam, + profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et cum advocato + advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et <i>cum servo servi</i>." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_490" id="Footnote_6_490"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_490"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cf. Acts + iii. 13. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_491" id="Footnote_7_491"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_491"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Koran, iv. + v. 170. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_492" id="Footnote_8_492"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_492"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran, + xliii. v. 59. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of + Christ the Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that + this adoption, though the same in kind<a name="FNanchor_1_493" + id="FNanchor_1_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_493" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> as that which enables <i>us</i> to cry Abba, + Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps + specifically higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not + being entered into at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only + the point at which His adoption was outwardly made manifest by + signs of miraculous power, which continued till the resurrection. + Christ's adoption—according to Felix, was assumed at His + conception, "His humanity developing in accordance with its own + laws, but in union with the Logos."<a name="FNanchor_2_494" id= + "FNanchor_2_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_494" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> It will be seen that though Felix wished to + keep clear the distinction between Christ as God, and as Man, yet + he did not carry this separation so far as to acknowledge two + persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the unity of + Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct + personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be + recognised as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close + a manner as to amount to an absorption of the human personality + into the Divine Person."<a name="FNanchor_3_495" id= + "FNanchor_3_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_495" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The two natures of Christ had been asserted by + the Church against the Monophysites, and the two wills against + the Monothelites, but the Church never went on to admit the two + Persons.<a name="FNanchor_4_496" id="FNanchor_4_496"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_496" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> With regard to the + contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion + that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere + abstraction, a metaphysical link joining two essentially + incompatible natures,"<a name="FNanchor_5_497" id= + "FNanchor_5_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_497" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> or that the dispute was only about names, and + that by adopted son Felix and the others meant nothing really + different from the orthodox doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_6_498" id= + "FNanchor_6_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_498" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_493" id="Footnote_1_493"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_493"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John + x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_494" id="Footnote_2_494"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_494"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander + (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this differently: "There + were (according to Felix) two births in our Lord's life—(a) the + assumption of man at the conception; (<i>b</i>) the adoption of + that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii. 16: "Qui est + Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes; primam quae + secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae per + adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem + complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam + suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in + lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_495" id="Footnote_3_495"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_495"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Blunt, + article on Adopt. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_496" id="Footnote_4_496"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_496"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp. + Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina persona + est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia vero + substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est, + substantia res naturae." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_497" id="Footnote_5_497"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_497"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Blunt, + <i>ibid.</i> Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where he + says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual + personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved + it. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_498" id="Footnote_6_498"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_498"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> So + Walchius. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of + Elipandus to the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_499" id="FNanchor_1_499"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_499" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but it did not attract + notice till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the + orthodox bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of + the heresy having reached him—a heresy, he remarks, never before + propounded, unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he + mentions Ascarius,<a name="FNanchor_2_500" id= + "FNanchor_2_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_500" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over + to his views. The new doctrine seems to have made its way quickly + over a great part of Spain,<a name="FNanchor_3_501" id= + "FNanchor_3_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_501" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> while Felix propagated it with considerable + success in Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in + Spain were Beatus and Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and + Theudula, Bishop of Seville; while beyond its borders Alcuin, + Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of Lyons, under the direction + of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended the orthodox + position. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_499" id="Footnote_1_499"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_499"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Migne, + 96 p. 848. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_500" id="Footnote_2_500"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_500"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus, asking the latter's + opinion on some doubtful points in the new doctrine. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_501" id="Footnote_3_501"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_501"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac virulenta + doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the + overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and + suffered for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living + under a Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters + or messages. He seems even to have received something more than a + mere negative support from the Arabs, if we are right in so + interpreting a passage in the letter of Beatus and + Etherius.<a name="FNanchor_1_502" id= + "FNanchor_1_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_502" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But it is hard to believe that Elipandus was + on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed, from + passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was + rather the case.<a name="FNanchor_2_503" id= + "FNanchor_2_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_503" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> Neander suggests that it may have been a + Gothic king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems + even more unlikely than the other supposition. + </p> + <p> + The first council called to consider this question was held by + the suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788, + when the heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of + Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_3_504" id="FNanchor_3_504"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_504" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in + 791, with the same results.<a name="FNanchor_4_505" id= + "FNanchor_4_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_505" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> But in the following year the heresy was + formally condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the + presidency of the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was + sent to Rome to be further condemned by the Pope, that the whole + Western Church might take action in the matter. Felix was there + induced to write a book condemning his own errors, but in spite + of this he was not restored to his see.<a name="FNanchor_5_506" + id="FNanchor_5_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_506" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> On his return, however, to Spain, Felix + relapsed into his old heresy, which he had never really + abjured.<a name="FNanchor_6_507" id="FNanchor_6_507"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_507" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_502" id="Footnote_1_502"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_502"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I. sec. + 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae pari + certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter + virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus + auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec. + 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum + potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_503" id="Footnote_2_503"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_503"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Elip. ad. + Albinum, sec. 7—"Oppressione gentis afflicti non possumus tibi + rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana dispendia + quibus duramus potius quam vivimus." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_504" id="Footnote_3_504"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_504"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> There are + some doubts about this council. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_505" id="Footnote_4_505"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_505"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 236. Hefele dates it 796. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_506" id="Footnote_5_506"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_506"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See letter + of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for Felix's restoration + (794). + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_507" id="Footnote_6_507"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_507"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Leo III. + said of him, at a council held in Rome (799): "<i>Fugiens ad + paganos consentaneos</i> perjuratus effectus est." See Froben, + "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the + orthodox position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter, + admonishing him of his errors, and acknowledging that all his + previous utterances on theology had been sound and true. Felix + answered this letter, but his reply is not preserved. To the + same, or following, year belongs the letter of Elipandus and the + bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops of Gaul, defending + their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of Felix. + </p> + <p> + In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and + other English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend, + and heard his heresy again condemned and anathematised, the + decree to this effect being sent to Elipandus.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_508" id="FNanchor_1_508"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_508" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Alcuin's book was read + by Charles, and sent into Septimania by the hands of the abbot + Benedict. + </p> + <p> + The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at + Frankfurt.<a name="FNanchor_2_509" id= + "FNanchor_2_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_509" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent + by him first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan + clergy, sent on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with + Paulinus and the Pope as his coadjutors. + </p> + <p> + In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin + argued for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for + Felix again recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith + discarding the word adoption, but still preserving the + distinction of predicates belonging to the two natures.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_510" id="FNanchor_3_510"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_510" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Alcuin's book, after + being revised by Charles, was published 800 A.D. Previously to + this he had written to Elipandus, who answered in no measured + terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things, of enormous wealth. + This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer, Alcuin wrote + the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which was the + means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic + Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_4_511" id="FNanchor_4_511"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_511" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But in spite of + Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the anathemas of the + councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up his new + doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts. + Elipandus, though very old<a name="FNanchor_5_512" id= + "FNanchor_5_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_512" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years + longer, and Felix survived him eight years;<a name= + "FNanchor_6_513" id="FNanchor_6_513"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_513" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and they both died + persisting in their error.<a name="FNanchor_7_514" id= + "FNanchor_7_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_514" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_508" id="Footnote_1_508"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_508"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne, xcvi. 858, gives us + the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac nefanda haeresis + Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix (<i>sic</i>) + Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_509" id="Footnote_2_509"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_509"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander, + v. 228. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_510" id="Footnote_3_510"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_510"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 232. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_511" id="Footnote_4_511"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_511"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Froben, + sec, 82. Neander says 10,000. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_512" id="Footnote_5_512"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_512"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin + adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius tantummodo + laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte praereptum + esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_513" id="Footnote_6_513"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_513"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or perhaps + six. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_514" id="Footnote_7_514"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_514"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> No + reliance can be placed in the statement of the + Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of + Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione + Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium + (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato + publice errore <i>fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae</i> confessus + est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec. + 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of + Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his + error. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy, + both from its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned + above, there are some reasons for thinking that it was the + outcome of a wish to conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as + well to recapitulate such evidence as we have obtained on this + point. But we must not expect to find the traces of Mohammedan + influence in the development, so much as in the origination, of + the theory. What we do find is slight enough, amounting to no + more than this:— + </p> + <p> + (<i>a.</i>) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan + from genuine Christianity—setting aside for a moment the + transcendental mystery of the Trinity—was the Divinity of Christ. + Anything, therefore, that tended to emphasise the humanity of + Jesus, or to obscure the great fact of Christ the Man, being Son + of God, which sounded so offensive to Mohammedan ears, would so + far bring the Christian creed nearer to the Mohammedan's + acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of Christ, + to that which appears so often in the Koran.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_515" id="FNanchor_1_515"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_515" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt + that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical + conclusion, did contribute to this result: + </p> + <p> + (<i>b.</i>) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of + the secular arm in disseminating his heretical opinions: + </p> + <p> + (<i>c.</i>) That the application of the term <i>Servant</i> to + Christ, besides being authorised by texts from Scripture, is + countenanced in two passages from the Koran: + </p> + <p> + (<i>d.</i>) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain, + and his relapse into error, implies that it was due to his + renewed contact with infidels who held similar views: + </p> + <p> + (<i>e.</i>) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is + said to have lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his + close intercourse with the Arabs: + </p> + <p> + (<i>f.</i>) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false + prophet, that is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a + Mohammedan interpretation to the Beast in the Revelation of St + John. + </p> + <p> + Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it + did not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was + originated by a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_516" id="FNanchor_2_516"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_516" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>—Claudius, Bishop of + Turin. Some have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of + Iconoclasm, traces of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in + itself.<a name="FNanchor_3_517" id="FNanchor_3_517"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_517" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct + statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised + him, and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he + on his side highly commended them <i>and the + Saracens</i>.<a name="FNanchor_4_518" id= + "FNanchor_4_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_518" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Yet his tendency seems to have been against + the Judaizing of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_5_519" id= + "FNanchor_5_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_519" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_515" id="Footnote_1_515"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_515"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fifty + years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses certain + Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of + persecution:— "Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (<i>i.e.</i> + Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et + Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones + corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_516" id="Footnote_2_516"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_516"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and says elsewhere, + "Felix resuscitur in Claudio." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_517" id="Footnote_3_517"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_517"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander, + vi. 119. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_518" id="Footnote_4_518"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_518"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 398. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_519" id="Footnote_5_519"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_519"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander, + vi. 125. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East, + undoubtedly received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In + 719 the Khalif destroyed all images in Syria. His example was + followed in 730 by the Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is + said to have been persuaded to this measure by a man named Bezer, + who had been some years in captivity among the Saracens.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_520" id="FNanchor_1_520"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_520" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In 754 the great + council of Constantinople condemned images. Unfortunately neither + the great patriarchates nor the Pope were represented, and so + this council never obtained-the sanction of all Christendom; and + its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council of Nicæa. In 790 + appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to find our + English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and + reasonable protest against the worship of images.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_521" id="FNanchor_2_521"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_521" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In 794 this protest + was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and + his militia,<a name="FNanchor_3_522" id= + "FNanchor_3_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_522" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any + reform in this quarter, and the recognition of images became part + and parcel of Roman Catholic Christianity. + </p> + <p> + Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.<a name="FNanchor_4_523" + id="FNanchor_4_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_523" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Though placed over an Italian diocese, he soon + shewed the independence, which he had imbibed in the free air of + Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least the advantage + of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding that the + people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius set + to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in + his bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than + other Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist + training.<a name="FNanchor_5_524" id= + "FNanchor_5_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_524" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with + the Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot + of Nîmes, a friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal, + an Irish priest. But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was + more than a match for his opponents in argument.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_525" id="FNanchor_6_525"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_525" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_520" id="Footnote_1_520"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_520"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury, + xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham, Seventh + General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_521" id="Footnote_2_521"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_521"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut + segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius + infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."—III. c. 24. + </p> + <p> + "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in + basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei + Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad + peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium + habere noscantur."—III. c. 21. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_522" id="Footnote_3_522"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_522"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_523" id="Footnote_4_523"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_523"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander + says 814, Herzog 820. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_524" id="Footnote_5_524"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_524"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander, + v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from the charge of + adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer of the Khalif + Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his brother's body at + Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my brother's body to the + mercy of those who ring bells and adore the cross. Ibn Hayyan, + apud Al Makk., ii. 446. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_525" id="Footnote_6_525"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_525"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 398, confesses that the case of the image-worshippers rests + mainly on tradition and the usage of the Church—meaning that + they can draw no support from the Bible. He might have + remembered Matt. xv. 7—"Ye make void the Word of God because of + your tradition." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from + his opponents' quotation of them. + </p> + <p> + Briefly expressed, they are as follows:— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> Image-worship is really idol-worship: + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> If images are to be adored, much more should those + living beings be adored, whom the images represent. But we are + not permitted to adore God's works, much less may we worship the + work of men:<a name="FNanchor_1_526" id= + "FNanchor_1_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_526" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus + was fastened to it: else must we adore other things with which + Jesus was similarly connected; virgins, for example, for Christ + was nine months in a virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships, + thorns, for with all these Jesus was connected. To adore the + cross we have never been told, but to bear it,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_527" id="FNanchor_2_527"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_527" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> that is to deny + ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to adore it, who are + least ready to bear it either spiritually or physically.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_528" id="FNanchor_3_528"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_528" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal + supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_4_529" id= + "FNanchor_4_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_529" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> Being summoned before a council, with more + wisdom than Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his + cause would be prejudged, and contented himself with calling the + proposed assembly a congregation of asses. He died in 839 in + secure possession of his see, and with his Iconoclastic belief + unshaken. + </p> + <p> + Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during + the first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem + to have been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One + more there was, the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one + hundred and fifty years later, and was perhaps the outcome of + intercourse with the Mohammedanism of Spain.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_530" id="FNanchor_5_530"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_530" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_526" id="Footnote_1_526"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_526"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_527" id="Footnote_2_527"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_527"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Luke xiv. + 27. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_528" id="Footnote_3_528"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_528"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas, + apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_529" id="Footnote_4_529"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_529"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Appendix B, pp. 161-173. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_530" id="Footnote_5_530"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_530"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> So Blunt. + It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2, from Lucas of + Tuy. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. + </h3> + <p> + Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal + Christianity (there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal + Mohammedanism), it will fall within the scope of our inquiry to + estimate the extent to which those influences were reciprocally + felt by the two religions in their social and intellectual + aspects; and how far the character of a Christian or a Mohammedan + was altered by contact with a people professing a creed so like, + and yet so unlike.<a name="FNanchor_1_531" id= + "FNanchor_1_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_531" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> This influence we shall find more strongly + manifested in the action of Christianity on Islam, than the + reverse. + </p> + <p> + It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks + seems to have varied<a name="FNanchor_2_532" id= + "FNanchor_2_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_532" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> from time to time, is reported to have + expressly declared that he would have no monks in his + religion.<a name="FNanchor_3_533" id= + "FNanchor_3_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_533" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> Abubeker, his successor,—if Gibbon's + translation may be trusted,—in his marching orders to the army, + told them to let monks and their monasteries alone.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_534" id="FNanchor_4_534"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_534" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was not long, + however, before an order of itinerant monks—the faquirs—arose + among the Moslems. In other parts of their dominions these became + a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class; but in + Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,<a name= + "FNanchor_5_535" id="FNanchor_5_535"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_535" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> though they were very + numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian + historian,<a name="FNanchor_6_536" id= + "FNanchor_6_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_536" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> were nothing more than beggars, able but + unwilling to work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be + applied to all, "for there were among them men who, moved by + sentiments of piety and devotion, left the world and its + vanities, and either retired to convents to pass the remainder of + their days among brethren of the same community, or putting on + the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff, went through the + country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the faithful to + compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That + Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we + can gather from the above passage and from another place,<a name= + "FNanchor_7_537" id="FNanchor_7_537"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_537" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> where a convent called + Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On + that passage De Gayangos<a name="FNanchor_8_538" id= + "FNanchor_8_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_538" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> has an interesting note, in which he quotes + from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment + near Malaga.<a name="FNanchor_9_539" id= + "FNanchor_9_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_539" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close + to this city, a convent, which was the residence of several + religious men living in community, and conversant with the + principles of Sufism: they have a superior to preside over them, + and one or more servants to attend to their wants. Their internal + regulations are really admirable; each faquir lives separately in + a cell of his own, and meets his comrades only at meals or + prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the community + go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he + wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with + two meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock, + two being allowed yearly for each man—one for winter, another for + summer. Each faquir is furnished likewise with a regular + allowance of sugar, soap to wash his clothes, oil for his lamp, + and a small sum of money to attend the bath, all these articles + being distributed to them every Friday.... Most of the faquirs + are bachelors, a few only being married. These live with their + wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to the + same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers, + sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted + chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning + each faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then + that of the king;<a name="FNanchor_10_540" id= + "FNanchor_10_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_540" class= + "fnanchor">[10]</a> and when the reading is over, a Koran, + previously divided into sections, is brought in for each man to + read in turn, until the whole is completed. On Fridays and + other-festivals these faquirs are obliged to go to the mosque in + a body, preceded by their superior.... They are often visited by + guests, whom they entertain for a long time, supplying them with + food and other necessaries. The formalities observed with them + are as follows:—If a stranger present himself at the door of the + convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his + waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his + staff in his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the + porter of the convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what + country he comes from, what convent he has resided in, or entered + on the road, who was the superior of it, and other particulars, + to ascertain that the visitor is not an impostor.... This convent + was plentifully endowed with rents for the support of its + inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in lands which was + provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga, who had + been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are + continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by + donations in money." + </p> + <p> + The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is + sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though + this particular convent was established at a later time, we + cannot doubt that the influence, which produced such a + modification of the very spirit of Islam, must have made itself + felt much earlier. This is apparent in the analogous case of + Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to + shew,<a name="FNanchor_11_541" id="FNanchor_11_541"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_11_541" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> where it is said + that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar (1030-1043), was + followed to the grave even by the damsels who had retired into + solitude. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_531" id="Footnote_1_531"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_531"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> + Mohammedanism is even called a <i>heresy</i> by a writer quoted + by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_532" id="Footnote_2_532"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_532"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v. + 85—"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to entertain + friendship for the true believers who say, We are Christians. + This comes to pass, because there are priests and monks among + them." Kor. lvii. 27—"As to the monastic state (Deus loquitur), + the Christians instituted the same (we did not prescribe it for + them) only out of desire to please God, yet they observed not + the same as it ought truly to be observed." See also Kor. ix. + 34—"Verily many of the priests and monks devour the substance + of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of God;" and Kor. xxiii. + 55. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_533" id="Footnote_3_533"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_533"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Kor. v. + 89. Sale's note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_534" id="Footnote_4_534"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_534"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> So + Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii. 209. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_535" id="Footnote_5_535"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_535"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See the + interesting account, <i>ibid.</i>, i. 114. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_536" id="Footnote_6_536"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_536"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al + Makkari. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_537" id="Footnote_7_537"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_537"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al + Makkari, i. 115. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_538" id="Footnote_8_538"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_538"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, i. p. 406, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_539" id="Footnote_9_539"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_539"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> In the + fourteenth century. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_540" id="Footnote_10_540"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_540"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> ? + Chapter 67. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_541" id="Footnote_11_541"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_541"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Conde, + ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to Christian nuns. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity, + Islam shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded + with a Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such + things, but the following anecdotes are more in keeping with the + Bible than the Koran. Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to + his son, Hakem I., said: "Consider well that all empire is in the + hand of God, who bestoweth it on whom He will, and from whom He + will He taketh it away.<a name="FNanchor_1_542" id= + "FNanchor_1_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_542" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But since God hath given to us the royal + authority and power, which is in our hands by His goodness only, + let us obey His holy will, which is no other than that we do good + to all men,<a name="FNanchor_2_543" id= + "FNanchor_2_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_543" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and in especial to those placed under our + protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute + equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or + oppression be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the + road to perdition. Be clement, and do right to all who depend + upon thee, for all are the creatures of God."<a name= + "FNanchor_3_544" id="FNanchor_3_544"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_544" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the + following story shews, of the most Christian generosity.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_545" id="FNanchor_4_545"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_545" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> One of the faquirs who + had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the + presence of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from + telling the Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem + answered: "He who bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me + pardon thee. Go, and live in God's protection."<a name= + "FNanchor_5_546" id="FNanchor_5_546"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_546" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_542" id="Footnote_1_542"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_542"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Daniel, + iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249—"God giveth His kingdom unto whom + He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_543" id="Footnote_2_543"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_543"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Galatians + vi. 20—"Let us do good unto all men, especially unto them that + are of the household of faith." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_544" id="Footnote_3_544"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_544"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 240. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_545" id="Footnote_4_545"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_545"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> It is fair + to state that Hakem I. was not always so generous. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_546" id="Footnote_5_546"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_546"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> + Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are + the miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories, + it must be acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and + believing in miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in + the Middle Ages.<a name="FNanchor_1_547" id= + "FNanchor_1_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_547" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the + invader of Spain;<a name="FNanchor_2_548" id= + "FNanchor_2_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_548" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the + prayer of Akbar ibn Nafir;<a name="FNanchor_3_549" id= + "FNanchor_3_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_549" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the marvellous cap of Omar;<a name= + "FNanchor_4_550" id="FNanchor_4_550"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_550" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of the wonders that + distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision + shewing the tomb of Abu Ayub;<a name="FNanchor_5_551" id= + "FNanchor_5_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_551" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> but nothing that will bear a comparison with + the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the + clumsy and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of + the Armada.<a name="FNanchor_6_552" id= + "FNanchor_6_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_552" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid, + from Al Kusheyri,<a name="FNanchor_7_553" id= + "FNanchor_7_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_553" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> reminds us forcibly of similar monkish + extravagancies. A woman came to Baki, and said that, her son + being a prisoner in the hands of the Franks, she intended to sell + her house and go in search of him; but before doing so she asked + his advice. Leaving her for a moment he requested her to wait for + his answer. He then went out and prayed fervently for her son's + release, and telling the mother what he had done, dismissed her. + Some time after the mother came back with her son to thank Baki + for his pious interference, which had procured her son's release. + The son then told his story:—"I was the king's slave, and used to + go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we + were employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden + as if my fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my + feet, when lo! I saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each + side." The inspector naturally charged him with trying to escape, + but he denied on oath, saying that his fetters had fallen off + without his knowing how. They were then riveted on again with + additional nails, but again fell off. The youth goes on:—"The + Christians then consulted their priests on the miraculous + occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I had + a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the + priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her + prayers. Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a + set-off to this there is a remarkable instance of freedom from + superstition recorded of King Almundhir(881-2).<a name= + "FNanchor_8_554" id="FNanchor_8_554"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_554" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> On the occasion of an + earthquake, the people being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it + as a direct interposition of God, this enlightened prince did his + best to convince them that such things were natural phenomena, + and had no relation to the good or evil that men did,<a name= + "FNanchor_9_555" id="FNanchor_9_555"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_9_555" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> shewing that the earth + trembled for Christian and Moslem alike, for the most innocent as + well as the most injurious of creatures without distinction. + They, however, refused to be convinced. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_547" id="Footnote_1_547"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_547"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See the + story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the + bull—Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the + earth—Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and + restored—<i>Ibid.</i>, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off + by the devil in sight of a large congregation—Isidore of Beja, + sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)—Mar. ix. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_548" id="Footnote_2_548"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_548"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_549" id="Footnote_3_549"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_549"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid</i>, p. 38. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_550" id="Footnote_4_550"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_550"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Ockley. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_551" id="Footnote_5_551"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_551"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Gibbon, + "for such are the manufacture of every religion," p. 115. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_552" id="Footnote_6_552"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_552"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See + Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics found + at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous + phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of + Christianity. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_553" id="Footnote_7_553"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_553"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_554" id="Footnote_8_554"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_554"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Conde, i. + 317. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_555" id="Footnote_9_555"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_555"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Cp. Matt. + v. 45: Luke xiii. 4. + </p> + </div> + <p> + This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome + of that philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in + the reign of this Sultan's predecessor.<a name="FNanchor_1_556" + id="FNanchor_1_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_556" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The philosophizers were looked upon with + horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at + times they were ready to stone and burn the + free-thinkers.<a name="FNanchor_2_557" id= + "FNanchor_2_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_557" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> The works of Ibnu Massara, a prominent member + of this school, were burnt publicly at Cordova;<a name= + "FNanchor_3_558" id="FNanchor_3_558"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_558" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the great + Almanzor, though himself, like the great Caesar, indifferent to + such questions,<a name="FNanchor_4_559" id= + "FNanchor_4_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_559" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> by way of gaining the support of the masses, + was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of these + philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the + man's life at the request of a learned faqui.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_560" id="FNanchor_5_560"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_560" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"—if the term be allowable—there + were Sceptics and Deists,<a name="FNanchor_6_561" id= + "FNanchor_6_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_561" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> and others who followed the wild speculations + of Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name + was Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198), + who besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that + would almost constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was + not a branch of knowledge that could be systematised, but an + inward personal power:<a name="FNanchor_7_562" id= + "FNanchor_7_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_562" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> that science and religion could not be fused + together. Owing to his freedom of thought he was banished to a + place near Cordova by Yusuf abu Yakub in 1196. He was also + persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen, son of + Almansur,<a name="FNanchor_8_563" id= + "FNanchor_8_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_563" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> for studying natural philosophy. Another + votary of the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death + by the same king. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_556" id="Footnote_1_556"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_556"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 18. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_557" id="Footnote_2_557"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_557"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics by the pious + Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii. 109. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_558" id="Footnote_3_558"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_558"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 121. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_559" id="Footnote_4_559"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_559"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was + supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden study of + Natural Science and Astrology.—Al Makk., i. 141. Yet he let the + faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be + burnt.—Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur + (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be + burnt. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_560" id="Footnote_5_560"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_560"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 261. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_561" id="Footnote_6_561"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_561"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 262, 263. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_562" id="Footnote_7_562"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_562"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See + article in the "Encyclop. Britann." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_563" id="Footnote_8_563"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_563"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that this was a + mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub Almansur, and + could not be the king meant here. He therefore reads, "Yakub, + one of the Beni Abdulmumen." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier + freethinkers lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians + originally belonged to the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai<a name= + "FNanchor_1_564" id="FNanchor_1_564"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_564" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> (711-774), whose + doctrines were brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of + Damascus. But Hischem I., on coming to the throne, shewed his + preference for the doctrines of Malik ibn Aus,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_565" id="FNanchor_2_565"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_565" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and contrived that + they should supplant the dogmas of Al Auzai. It may be that + Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's creed, without + persuading others to conform to his views, but at all events the + change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor, + Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi, + Abu Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_3_566" id= + "FNanchor_3_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_566" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman Allakhmi, + three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a + pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in + the opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a + lax Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the + faquis enough power in the State.<a name="FNanchor_4_567" id= + "FNanchor_4_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_567" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful + enough to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman, + Abu Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise + discretion, as commendable as it was rare, declared that the + distinctions of the Ulema were cavils, and that the expositions + of the new traditionist "conveyed much useful instruction, and + inculcated very laudable practices."<a name="FNanchor_5_568" id= + "FNanchor_5_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_568" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly + ascendency, as notably by Ghà zali, the "Vivificator," as he was + called, "of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the + rebel against authority was excommunicated.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_569" id="FNanchor_6_569"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_569" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the strictly + oxthodox party did not succeed in arresting—to any appreciable + extent—the progress of the decay which was threatening to attack + even the distinctive features of the Mohammedan religion.<a name= + "FNanchor_7_570" id="FNanchor_7_570"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_7_570" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It is a slight + indication of this, that the peculiar Moslem dress gradually + began to be given up, and the turban was only worn by + faquis,<a name="FNanchor_8_571" id="FNanchor_8_571"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_571" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and even they could + not induce the people to return to a habit once thought of great + importance.<a name="FNanchor_9_572" id= + "FNanchor_9_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_572" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_564" id="Footnote_1_564"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_564"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 403. De Gayangos' note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_565" id="Footnote_2_565"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_565"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Died 780. + Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to Hakem I.; and an + author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to Abdurrahman I. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_566" id="Footnote_3_566"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_566"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 123. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_567" id="Footnote_4_567"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_567"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p. 59. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_568" id="Footnote_5_568"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_568"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i. + 294. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_569" id="Footnote_6_569"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_569"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iv. + 255. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_570" id="Footnote_7_570"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_570"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In spite + of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says that all + innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by the + people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such, he + would have been torn to pieces. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_571" id="Footnote_8_571"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_571"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, iii. + 271. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_572" id="Footnote_9_572"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_572"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 109. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But in other and more important respects we can see the + disintegrating effect which intercourse with Christians had upon + the social institutions of the Koran.<a name="FNanchor_1_573" id= + "FNanchor_1_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_573" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> Wine, which is expressly forbidden by + Mohammed,<a name="FNanchor_2_574" id= + "FNanchor_2_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_574" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> was much drunk throughout the country,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_575" id="FNanchor_3_575"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_575" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the example being + often set by the king himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the + first of these to drink the forbidden juice.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_576" id="FNanchor_4_576"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_576" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> His namesake, Hakem + II. (961-976), however, set his face against the practice of + drinking wine, and even gave orders for all the vines in his + kingdom to be rooted up—an edict which he recalled at the + instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin + many poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be + smuggled in or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem + consequently contented himself with forbidding anew the use of + spirituous liquors in the most stringent terms.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_577" id="FNanchor_5_577"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_577" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Even the faquis had + taken to drinking wine, and they defended the practice by saying + that the prohibition might be disregarded by Moslems, who were + engaged in a perpetual war with infidels. + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying + of Mohammed runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law; + to perform music is to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to + be guilty of infidelity."<a name="FNanchor_6_578" id= + "FNanchor_6_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_578" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very + fond of music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi + a home at his Court, when the latter was driven from the East by + professional jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested + against these violations of their law. The important sect of + Hanbalites in particular, like our own Puritans, made a crusade + against these abuses. They "caused a great commotion in the tenth + century in Baghdad by entering people's houses and spilling their + wine, if they found any, and beating the singing-girls they met + with and breaking their instruments."<a name="FNanchor_7_579" id= + "FNanchor_7_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_579" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by + Mohammed, became quite common among the richer classes, though + the majority do not seem to have indulged themselves in this + way.<a name="FNanchor_8_580" id="FNanchor_8_580"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_8_580" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(d.)</i> The prohibition of sculptures, representing living + creatures, was disregarded. We find a statue, raised to + Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built + by Abdurrahman III. in honour of his beloved mistress. Images of + animals are mentioned on the fountains,<a name="FNanchor_9_581" + id="FNanchor_9_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_581" class= + "fnanchor">[9]</a> and a lion on the aqueduct.<a name= + "FNanchor_10_582" id="FNanchor_10_582"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_10_582" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> We also hear of a + statue at the gate of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_11_583" id= + "FNanchor_11_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_583" class= + "fnanchor">[11]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(e.)</i> The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning + towards Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned + by an Arab historian,<a name="FNanchor_12_584" id= + "FNanchor_12_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_584" class= + "fnanchor">[12]</a> that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah + as a distinctive nickname, because he did so turn? + </p> + <p> + <i>(f.)</i> A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to + persuade his coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not + of pigs or boars.<a name="FNanchor_13_585" id= + "FNanchor_13_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_585" class= + "fnanchor">[13]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_573" id="Footnote_1_573"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_573"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The + Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit + all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of + nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves, + listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and + mirth." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_574" id="Footnote_2_574"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_574"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v. + 93—"Surely wine, lots, and images are an abomination of the + work of Satan ... avoid them." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_575" id="Footnote_3_575"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_575"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 171. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_576" id="Footnote_4_576"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_576"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cardonne, + i. p. 252. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_577" id="Footnote_5_577"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_577"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al + Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_578" id="Footnote_6_578"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_578"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Yonge, + "Moors in Spain," p. 71. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_579" id="Footnote_7_579"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_579"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Sale, + Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_580" id="Footnote_8_580"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_580"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was + objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of + silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_9_581" id="Footnote_9_581"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_9_581"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al + Makkari, i. p. 236. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_10_582" id="Footnote_10_582"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_10_582"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 241. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_11_583" id="Footnote_11_583"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_11_583"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Akbar + Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_12_584" id="Footnote_12_584"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_12_584"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Al + Malckari, 1. 149. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_13_585" id="Footnote_13_585"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_13_585"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Hamim, a + Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis. Conde, i. 420. + </p> + </div> + <p> + There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the + more unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact + with a civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to + the Arabs, and partly growing up independently side by side with + them. But in nothing was this shewn more clearly than in the + social enfranchisement of the Moslem women, whom it is the very + essence of Mohammed's teaching to regard rather as the goods and + chattels than as the equals of man; and also in the introduction + among the Moslems of a more Christian conception of the sacred + word—Love. + </p> + <p> + Consequently we become accustomed to the strange + spectacle—strange among a Mohammedan people—of women making a + mark in the society of men, and being regarded as intellectually + and socially their equals. Thus we hear of an Arabian Sappho, + Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of Almustakfi + Billah;<a name="FNanchor_1_586" id="FNanchor_1_586"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_586" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> of Aysha, daughter of + Ahmad of Cordova—"the purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden + of her day;"<a name="FNanchor_2_587" id= + "FNanchor_2_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_587" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> of Mozna, the slave and private secretary of + Abdurrahman III.<a name="FNanchor_3_588" id= + "FNanchor_3_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_588" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were + admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by + Mohammedan law,<a name="FNanchor_4_589" id= + "FNanchor_4_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_589" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> the women being obliged to perform their + devotions at home; "if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it + must be when the men are not there; for the Moslems are of + opinion that their presence inspires a different kind of devotion + from that which is requisite in a place dedicated to the service + of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a Moor, censuring + the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for the reason, + among others, that women were there. If the evidence of ballads + be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at + festivities and dances.<a name="FNanchor_5_590" id= + "FNanchor_5_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_590" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> At tournaments they looked on, their bright + smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their + fair hands giving the successful champion the meed of victorious + valour.<a name="FNanchor_6_591" id="FNanchor_6_591"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_591" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Their position, in + fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of + Christian ladies. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_586" id="Footnote_1_586"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_586"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy, + "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_587" id="Footnote_2_587"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_587"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i. + p. 457. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_588" id="Footnote_3_588"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_588"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> For others + see Conde, i. 483, 484. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_589" id="Footnote_4_589"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_589"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sale, + Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_590" id="Footnote_5_590"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_590"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_591" id="Footnote_6_591"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_591"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See a + picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish Antiquities + of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad called "The + Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The effect of this improvement in the social position of women + could not fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among + the Spanish Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross + sensuality undergoing a process of refinement, as the following + extract from Said ibn Djoudi,<a name="FNanchor_1_592" id= + "FNanchor_1_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_592" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> who wrote at the close of the ninth century, + will shew. Addressing his ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 80px;"> + "O thou, to whom my prayers are given, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compassionate and gentle + be</span> + <br /> + To my poor soul, so roughly driven, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">To fly from me to thee.</span> + <br /> + <br /> + "I call thy name, my vows outpouring, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">I see thine eyes with tear-drops + shine:</span> + <br /> + No monk, his imaged saint adoring, + <br /> + <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Knows rapture like to + mine!"</span> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Of these words Dozy<a name="FNanchor_2_593" id= + "FNanchor_2_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_593" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> says:—"They might be those of a Provençal + troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry." + </p> + <p> + This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly + seen in a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who + was prime minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He + calls Love<a name="FNanchor_3_594" id= + "FNanchor_3_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_594" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> a mixture of moral affection, delicate + gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm modest beauty, full of sweet + dignity. Being the great grandson of Christian parents, perhaps + some of their inherited characteristics reappeared in + him:—"Something pure, something delicate, something spiritual + which was not Arab."<a name="FNanchor_4_595" id= + "FNanchor_4_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_595" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_592" id="Footnote_1_592"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_592"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Killed, + 897. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_593" id="Footnote_2_593"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_593"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> II. 229. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_594" id="Footnote_3_594"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_594"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Quoted by + Dozy, iii. 350. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_595" id="Footnote_4_595"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_595"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY. + </h3> + <p> + We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the + social and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now + turn to the analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity + under the same aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no + means so marked as in the reverse case. One striking instance, + however, there is, in which such an influence was shewn, and + where we should least have thought to find it. We have + indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be + circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves + off on occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we + cannot be certain: but the fact remains.<a name="FNanchor_1_596" + id="FNanchor_1_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_596" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "Have we not," says Alvar,<a name= + "FNanchor_2_597" id="FNanchor_2_597"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_597" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> "the mark of the + beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we + follow the pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the + circumcision of the heart,<a name="FNanchor_3_598" id= + "FNanchor_3_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_598" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to + the corporeal rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy, + and which can only be complied with at the cost of no small pain + to ourselves." + </p> + <p> + Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic + rite,<a name="FNanchor_4_599" id="FNanchor_4_599"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_599" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> whether voluntarily, + or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know that the + Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the + intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be + circumcised.<a name="FNanchor_5_600" id= + "FNanchor_5_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_600" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the + outward observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought + it necessary to abstain from certain meats,<a name= + "FNanchor_6_601" id="FNanchor_6_601"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_601" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> those, namely, + forbidden by the Mohammedan law. + </p> + <p> + A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his + excuse that otherwise the Christians could not live with the + Saracens.<a name="FNanchor_7_602" id= + "FNanchor_7_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_602" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> This was, naturally, not considered a good + reason by the stricter or more bigoted party, who regarded with + alarm and suspicion any tendency towards amalgamation with + Mohammedans. If we can credit certain chroniclers, a council was + even held some years before this time by Basilius, Bishop of + Cordova, for considering the best method of preventing the + contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its contact + with Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_8_603" id= + "FNanchor_8_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_603" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_596" id="Footnote_1_596"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_596"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John + of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above, p. 89. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_597" id="Footnote_2_597"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_597"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar, + "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_598" id="Footnote_3_598"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_598"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Romans ii. + 29; Galatians v. 2. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_599" id="Footnote_4_599"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_599"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See "Life + of John of Gorz," sec. 123. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_600" id="Footnote_5_600"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_600"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See "Life + of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.," ii. c. 4. Cp. + "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king, Halihatan + (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par lequel il + estait mandé a tous Chrestiens habitans és terres et villes a + luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se faisans + circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_601" id="Footnote_6_601"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_601"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See + Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. <i>ad init.</i>—" You are + forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and + swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_602" id="Footnote_7_602"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_602"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "John of + Gorz," 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_603" id="Footnote_8_603"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_603"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> + "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501. + "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne + Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti, + illorum caeremoniis communicarent." + </p> + </div> + <p> + Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of + contraries, and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were, + would cling to some habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit + of opposition to a reverse custom among Moslems. Thus we know + that the monks in the East became the more passionately devoted + to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm savoured so much of + Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more objectionable + results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the people + with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from + being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths + were the direct invention of the devil.<a name="FNanchor_1_604" + id="FNanchor_1_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_604" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Later on we know that Philip II., the husband + of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish dominions + destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of + infidelity.<a name="FNanchor_2_605" id= + "FNanchor_2_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_605" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a + contrast to the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is + mentioned with horror as having a wife and children, one of whom + afterwards succeeded him, and also married.<a name= + "FNanchor_3_606" id="FNanchor_3_606"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_606" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the + marriage of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by + Fruela I. (757-768) in the North, yet concubinage became very + common among the clergy;<a name="FNanchor_4_607" id= + "FNanchor_4_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_607" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state + of things that Witiza wished to compel the clergy to have lawful + wives. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_604" id="Footnote_1_604"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_604"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Miss + Yonge, p. 67. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_605" id="Footnote_2_605"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_605"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_606" id="Footnote_3_606"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_606"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, + "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326—"Conventus Episcoporum pro + restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae ac + vepres, nec nominandi proles." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_607" id="Footnote_4_607"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_607"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. 2, 6, + we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the Moslems in + having harems. + </p> + </div> + <p> + We have left to the last the great and interesting question of + the origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines + of Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not + with justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the + present. The institution known by that name arose in the age of + Charles the Great (768-814),<a name="FNanchor_1_608" id= + "FNanchor_1_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_608" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and was therefore nearly synchronous with the + invasion of Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed, + referred to the military service of fiefs, but all its + characteristics, which were personal and individual, such as + loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point to a racial rather than a + political source, and these characteristics are found in an + eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and independent + spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,<a name="FNanchor_2_609" id= + "FNanchor_2_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_609" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> "dwelling as it were upon a rock, and + disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness of + internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is + not unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American + Indians." + </p> + <p> + Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can + be no doubt that its development was largely influenced by the + relative positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the + perpetual war which went on between them in that country. + </p> + <p> + Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps + among our Saxon forefathers,<a name="FNanchor_3_610" id= + "FNanchor_3_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_610" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> chivalry soon became religious in character, + and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against + the Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be + called the cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even + in the first flush of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be + truly chivalrous enemies, and clearly had nothing to learn from + Christians in that respect. The very earliest days of Moslem + triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit displayed at the capture + of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy contrast to the + scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders under the + heroic Godfrey de Bouillon. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_608" id="Footnote_1_608"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_608"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Hallam, + "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_609" id="Footnote_2_609"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_609"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of + chivalry have so much resemblance to those which Eastern + writers of the same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect + Europe for having derived some improvement from imitation of + Asia." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_610" id="Footnote_3_610"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_610"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Hallam, + "Mid. Ages" (1.1.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of + the tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely + paralleled. The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great + victory of Alarcos (1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners. + It cannot, however, be denied that the action displeased many of + the king's followers, who complained of it "as one of the + extravagancies proper to monarchs,"<a name="FNanchor_1_611" id= + "FNanchor_1_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_611" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> and Yakub himself repented of it on his + deathbed. + </p> + <p> + In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities + enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight—such as + piety, courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art + of poetry, skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance, + and bow.<a name="FNanchor_2_612" id="FNanchor_2_612"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_612" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Chivalry soon became a + recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf ben Harun, or Abu + Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II. (961-976) on its + duties and obligations;<a name="FNanchor_3_613" id= + "FNanchor_3_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_613" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> nor was it long before the Moorish kings + learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the Christian + fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood + conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.<a name="FNanchor_4_614" + id="FNanchor_4_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_614" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_611" id="Footnote_1_611"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_611"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, + iii. 53. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_612" id="Footnote_2_612"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_612"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk., + ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. + 159. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_613" id="Footnote_3_613"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_613"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i. + 477. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_614" id="Footnote_4_614"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_614"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, ii. + 173. + </p> + </div> + <p> + As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or + the Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the + Moorish knight <i>sans peur et sans reproche;</i> and though, if + judged by our standards, he was by no means <i>sans reproche</i>, + yet many are the stories told of his magnanimity and justice. On + one occasion after a battle against the Christians, the Count of + Garcia being mortally wounded, his faithful Castilians refused to + leave him, and were hemmed in by Almanzor's men. When the latter + was urged to give the word, and have the knot of Christians put + to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He who slayeth one + man, not having met with violence, will be punished like the + murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man, + shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'<a name= + "FNanchor_1_615" id="FNanchor_1_615"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_615" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Make room, sons of + Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of + the clement and merciful God." <a name="FNanchor_2_616" id= + "FNanchor_2_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_616" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for + wedding gifts for an enemy<a name="FNanchor_3_617" id= + "FNanchor_3_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_617" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he + magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father + of the Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his + seven sons.<a name="FNanchor_4_618" id= + "FNanchor_4_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_618" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the + romantic ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather + round any but persons who are noted for that virtue, and though + the instances should be false in letter, yet in spirit they may + be eminently true. However this may be as respects Almanzor's + generosity, of his justice we have unimpeachable evidence. The + monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says that the success of + his raids on the Christian territories was due to the large pay + he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice, "which + virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's + lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any + Christian."<a name="FNanchor_5_619" id= + "FNanchor_5_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_619" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_615" id="Footnote_1_615"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_615"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Koran, v. + 35. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_616" id="Footnote_2_616"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_616"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p. + 110. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_617" id="Footnote_3_617"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_617"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 80. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_618" id="Footnote_4_618"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_618"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes + Vasaeus, 969. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_619" id="Footnote_5_619"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_619"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Chron. + Sil.," sec. 70. + </p> + </div> + <p> + In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the + Christian Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors—those + military orders, namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The + Rabitos, or Moslemah knights," says Conde,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_620" id="FNanchor_1_620"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_620" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> "in charge of the + frontier, professed extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted + themselves voluntarily to the continual exercise of arms. They + were all men of high distinction; and bound themselves by a vow + to defend the frontier. They were forbidden by their rules to fly + from the enemy, it being their duty to fight and die on the spot + they held." + </p> + <p> + In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived + from the Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it + was the Moors who inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy + Wars, as an essential part of their religion.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_621" id="FNanchor_2_621"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_621" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In this respect + Christianity became Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry + became identified with war against the infidel, and found its + apotheosis<a name="FNanchor_3_622" id= + "FNanchor_3_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_622" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> in St. James of Compostella, who—a poor + fisherman of Galilee—was supposed to have fought in person + against the Moors at Clavijo.<a name="FNanchor_4_623" id= + "FNanchor_4_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_623" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> In the ballad we hear of Christian knights + coming to engage in fight from exactly that same belief in the + efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated the + Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms + and fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those + of Leon and Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_5_624" id= + "FNanchor_5_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_624" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de + Junqueras (921).<a name="FNanchor_6_625" id= + "FNanchor_6_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_625" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle + against the Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes + repeated mention of a right valiant prelate named + Hieronymus.<a name="FNanchor_7_626" id= + "FNanchor_7_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_626" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_620" id="Footnote_1_620"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_620"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii. + p. 119, note—"It seems highly probable that from these arose + the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. + and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of Spain were mostly + instituted by papal bulls in the last half of the 12th century. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_621" id="Footnote_2_621"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_621"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Islam made + Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii. pp. 220-2. + Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_622" id="Footnote_3_622"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_622"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Presc., + "Ferd.," p. 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_623" id="Footnote_4_623"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_623"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Mohammed + also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor. iii., ad init. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_624" id="Footnote_5_624"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_624"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Rodrigo + of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they were the + bishops of Tuy and Salamanca. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_625" id="Footnote_6_625"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_625"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana, + viii. 5. See also <i>Ibid.</i>, c. 6. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_626" id="Footnote_7_626"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_626"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Chronicle + of Cid" (Southey), p. 371. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which + engendered and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only + common ground on which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European, + could meet. It was in fact a sort of compromise between two + incompatible religions mutually accepted by two different races. + Though perhaps not a spiritual religion, it was a social one, and + served in some measure to mitigate the horrors of a war of races + and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the Crusades, and Richard I. + of England and Saladin were the Achilles and the Hector of a new + Iliad. + </p> + <p> + With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as + a compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now + conclude. In discussing the relations between Christianity and + Mohammedanism, we have been naturally led to compare not only the + religions but their adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish + between those who profess a creed, and the creed which they + profess; but at least we may have thus been enabled to avoid + missing any point essential to the proper elucidation of the + mutual relations which existed between the two greatest religions + of the world, and the influence they had upon each other. + </p> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="APPENDIX_A" id="APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX.</a> + </h2> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + A. + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + THE JEWS IN SPAIN. + </h3> + <p> + The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally + made them the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very + numerous colony in Spain—for Hadrian had transported thither many + thousand families—the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in + conquering the country, both by betraying places to them, and + garrisoning captured towns while the Arabs went on to fresh + conquests. Consequently the relations between the Jews and + Moslems were for a long time very cordial, though this cordiality + wore off in the course of time. Their numbers seem to have been + considerable under the Moslem occupation, and whole towns were + set apart as Jewries.<a name="FNanchor_1_627" id= + "FNanchor_1_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_627" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very + strongly among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith + favoured them. They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves + were induced by the clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became + free, as Jews were not allowed to have Christian slaves.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_628" id="FNanchor_2_628"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_628" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But it must be + admitted that the Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it + was well known that they sold Christian children as slaves to the + Moslems of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_3_629" id= + "FNanchor_3_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_629" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_627" id="Footnote_1_627"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_627"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al + Makkari, ii. 452. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_628" id="Footnote_2_628"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_628"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 408. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_629" id="Footnote_3_629"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_629"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i> + </p> + </div> + <p> + They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from + among the Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind, + named Eleazar, to whom Alvar addressed several letters under the + title of "the transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon. + A Christian of German extraction,<a name="FNanchor_1_630" id= + "FNanchor_1_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_630" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders. + In 838, while on his way to Rome,<a name="FNanchor_2_631" id= + "FNanchor_2_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_631" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> he apostatised to Judaism,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_632" id="FNanchor_3_632"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_632" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and opened a + negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as + slaves, stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year + he let his hair and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he + married a Jewess, compelling his grandson at the same time to + apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude became so hostile to the + Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to Charles, praying + him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however does not seem + to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that + Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the + deaths of Prefectus and John may have been due to him.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_633" id="FNanchor_4_633"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_633" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> After this we hear no + more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the + Arabs seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged + character. Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity + to develop their natural gifts as they have never had since the + capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed + themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if indeed they did not + outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of learning in the dark + ages.<a name="FNanchor_5_634" id="FNanchor_5_634"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_634" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In science generally, + and especially in the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in + learning and civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far + ahead of the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_6_635" id= + "FNanchor_6_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_635" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_630" id="Footnote_1_630"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_630"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Ann. + Bertin.," 839. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_631" id="Footnote_2_631"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_631"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Orationis + gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_632" id="Footnote_3_632"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_632"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, + xi. p. 20 ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_633" id="Footnote_4_633"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_633"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The "Ann. + Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to give his + Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism, or death. + See Rohrbacher, xii. 4. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_634" id="Footnote_5_634"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_634"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_635" id="Footnote_6_635"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_635"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 134. + </p> + </div> + <p> + The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the + gradual process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility, + and at the beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to + have been a project formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems + on the ground of a promise made by their forefathers to Mohammed + that, if in five centuries their Messiah had not appeared, they + would be converted to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_1_636" id= + "FNanchor_1_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_636" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of + the Moslems for extorting money; at all events the Jews only + succeeded in evading the alternative by paying a large sum of + money. Even in the early years of the conquest they were subject + to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the rumour of the + Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish Jews, + leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem + governor, Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to + restore it on the return of the disappointed emigrants. + </p> + <p> + From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to + have lost many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth + century Maimonides,<a name="FNanchor_2_637" id= + "FNanchor_2_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_637" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> the greatest name among the Spanish Jews, + wrote against their errors. One of these seems to have been that + the books of Moses were written before the Creation;<a name= + "FNanchor_3_638" id="FNanchor_3_638"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_638" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> another, that there + was a series of hells in the next world.<a name="FNanchor_4_639" + id="FNanchor_4_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_639" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <p> + Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we + hear of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs + to Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and + the king's confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a + few years later. He was also distinguished as a + physician.<a name="FNanchor_5_640" id= + "FNanchor_5_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_640" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_636" id="Footnote_1_636"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_636"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii. + 326. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_637" id="Footnote_2_637"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_637"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v. + 409. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_638" id="Footnote_3_638"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_638"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the + Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p. 50. (Chandos + Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_639" id="Footnote_4_639"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_639"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 72. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_640" id="Footnote_5_640"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_640"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makk., + i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos. + </p> + </div> + <p> + While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest + provinces of Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian + territories, was by no means unendurable. They were sometimes + advanced to important and confidential posts, and it was the + murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish ambassador by the King of Seville + which brought about the introduction of the Almoravides into + Spain. + </p> + <p> + There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo + by the Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him + that they were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar + transported into Spain, and not the descendants of those + Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ. Their ancestors, they said, + were quite free from the guilt of this act, for when Caiaphas had + written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice respecting the + person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews returned + for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be + fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be + put to death. This reply they produced in the original + Hebrew.<a name="FNanchor_1_641" id="FNanchor_1_641"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_641" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is needless to say + that the whole thing was a fabrication. + </p> + <p> + Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain, + the tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the + Jews. They were accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship, + desecration of its symbols, sacrifice of Christian + infants,"<a name="FNanchor_2_642" id= + "FNanchor_2_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_642" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and other enormities. Severe laws were passed + against them, as in the old Gothic times, and their freedom was + grievously curtailed in the matters of dress, residence, and + profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear yellow + caps.<a name="FNanchor_3_643" id="FNanchor_3_643"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_643" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_641" id="Footnote_1_641"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_641"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Southey, + "Roder.," i. p. 235, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_642" id="Footnote_2_642"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_642"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_643" id="Footnote_3_643"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_643"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk., + i. 116. + </p> + </div> + <p> + At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against + them, and 15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain. + Many were nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to + the credit of a single saint. These new Christians sometimes + attained high ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the + noble families—the taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards + to be regarded with the greatest horror and aversion. + </p> + <p> + It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first + established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In + 1492, on the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a + very large number of Jews were expelled from Castile,<a name= + "FNanchor_1_644" id="FNanchor_1_644"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_644" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the evil example being + afterwards followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the + treatment of Jews by Christians is indeed one of the darkest in + the history of Christianity. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_644" id="Footnote_1_644"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_644"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Variously + estimated at 160,000 or 800,000. + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 45%;" /> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="APPENDIX_B" id="APPENDIX_B">B.</a> + </h3> + <h3 style="font-weight: normal;"> + SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER. + </h3> + <p> + Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a + study as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from + being one of the most independent of Churches, she has become the + most subservient, and therefore the most degraded, of all. The + question of how this was brought about, apart from its intrinsic + interest as illustrating the development of a great nation, is + well worth investigating, from the momentous influence which it + has had upon the religious history of the world at large. For it + is not too much to say that Rome could never have made good its + ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large a part + of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion + of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and + unscrupulous ability of the Italian pontiffs. + </p> + <p> + In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a + nation, has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their + entirety—doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from + the first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception + of Spain) the West of Europe—the birthplace and cradle of the + mighty Teutonic races—have agreed with equal disdain to reject + and trample under their feet. + </p> + <p> + This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in + early times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its + greatness, and its prosperity, held a position of complete + equality with the Roman and other principal churches. The See of + Cordova held so high a rank in the fourth century that Hosius, + its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside at the important + councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347). + </p> + <p> + The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made + Spain still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for + the Goths, besides being far more independent in character than + the Romanized Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in + consequence, from all communion with Rome. The orthodox party, + however, gradually gained strength, and in 560 the remnants of + the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the Gothic king's son Ermenegild, + with their help, revolted against his father. He was finally put + to death for his treason, but his brother, Recared, on ascending + the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the orthodox creed, + his example being followed by most of his nobles and prelates. + </p> + <p> + The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was + the signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which + was the more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great + increase of power since Spain was cut off from orthodox + Christendom by the invasion of the Arian Goths. + </p> + <p> + One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and, + saluting him, ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The + papal authority thus acknowledged was soon exercised in— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the + laws of the land; + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such + cases; + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the + Church; + </p> + <p> + <i>(d.)</i> Sending the pall to metropolitans. + </p> + <p> + These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the + Spanish Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the + papal practice of sending letters to the chief bishops of the + country. They became invested in consequence with certain + important powers, such as those of convoking provincial councils; + of consecrating suffragans; of holding ecclesiastical courts, and + watching over the conduct of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_1_645" id= + "FNanchor_1_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_645" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church <i>was</i> + thus conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of + the Spanish kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very + sparing use of his power. In two points, in especial, the claims + of the pope were strenuously resisted. + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly + forbidden. + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted. + Thus the prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth + councils of Toledo, defended the orthodoxy of their + fellow-bishop, Julian, against the strictures of the then pope, + Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John V., confessed that + they had been in the right.<a name="FNanchor_2_646" id= + "FNanchor_2_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_646" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find + manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some + reason for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion + the king, Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade + appeals to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_3_647" id= + "FNanchor_3_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_647" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> One author even goes so far as to say that the + Gothic king and his clergy being at variance with the pope, the + latter encouraged and favoured the Saracen invasion.<a name= + "FNanchor_4_648" id="FNanchor_4_648"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_648" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_645" id="Footnote_1_645"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_645"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Masdeu, + xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_646" id="Footnote_2_646"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_646"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dunham, i. + p. 197. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_647" id="Footnote_3_647"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_647"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See + Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He quotes + Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_648" id="Footnote_4_648"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_648"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> J.S. + Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note. + </p> + </div> + <p> + However that may have been, and it certainly looks very + improbable, the invasion did not help the pope much directly, + though indirectly, and as events turned out, the Arab domination + was undoubtedly the main cause of the ultimate subjection of + Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in this way:—The + Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in a + position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have + sought help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks. + But the selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred + extending their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of + Christianity in defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish + Christians to look to the only Christian ruler who could afford + them even moral assistance; and the popes were not slow to avail + themselves of the opportunity thus offered for establishing their + authority in a new province. It was by the intervention of the + popes that the war against the Arabs partook of the nature of a + crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the advantage of + filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of + indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a + head, the pope collected in four years the sum of four million + maravedis.<a name="FNanchor_1_649" id= + "FNanchor_1_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_649" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </p> + <p> + The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being + asked and obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being + miraculously discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave + to move the see of Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St + lago,<a name="FNanchor_2_650" id="FNanchor_2_650"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_650" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> built on the spot + where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church + dates from this event, which was of ominous import for the future + independence of the Church in that country. What the claims of + Rome had come to be within a quarter of a century of this epoch, + we may see from the controversy which arose between Claudius, + Bishop of Turin, and the papal party. Claudius was himself a + Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated Felix, Bishop of Urgel, + one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy. Among other + doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party, Claudius + stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom, + resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains + to us of his writings,<a name="FNanchor_3_651" id= + "FNanchor_3_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_651" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> on the grounds, first, that Christ did + <i>not</i> say to Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be + loosed upon earth;" meaning by this that the authority vested in + Peter was only to be exercised during his life; secondly, in + answer to the supposed efficacy of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius + retorts on his accuser, Theodomir, abbot of a monastery near + Nîmes:—"If a doing of penance to be effectual involves a journey + to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your monastery and + prevent them from going—as you say is necessary—to Rome itself?" + As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither approved + nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to + all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal + life could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as + to the pope being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters + called him, apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not + belong to one "who fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils + the duties thereof." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_649" id="Footnote_1_649"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_649"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_650" id="Footnote_2_650"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_650"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Romey, + "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_651" id="Footnote_3_651"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_651"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of + Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff. Fleury, v. 398. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved + contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage + a congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit + Claudius remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839. + </p> + <p> + The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere + of his interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king + unable even to call a council of bishops without a papal bull. + This became the established practice.<a name="FNanchor_1_652" id= + "FNanchor_1_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_652" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in + confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make + the canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular + cases.<a name="FNanchor_2_653" id="FNanchor_2_653"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_653" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had + established their independence, the weakness of the Christian + Church under Arab domination seemed to afford a good opportunity + for obtaining from them a recognition of the authority of the + pope. We accordingly find that an appeal was made to the pope + towards the close of the eighth century to give an authoritative + decision with regard to what the appellants deemed to be certain + irregularities which had found their way into the practice of + those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian + readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in + accordance with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the + Bishops of Spain he inveighs against the following errors, + countenanced by a certain Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of + Elvira, and sometimes called in consequence the Migetian errors:— + </p> + <p> + <i>(a.)</i> The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already + been noticed and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a + letter to the people of Seville (750).<a name="FNanchor_3_654" + id="FNanchor_3_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_654" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> The error was not the same as that of the + Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to + the twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the + following day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had + been held by the Latin Church itself till the sixth + century.<a name="FNanchor_4_655" id="FNanchor_4_655"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_655" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The fulminations of + the Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was + sufficiently general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle + which took place at the Easter of that year to be placed in the + year of the Hegira 278, which only began on April 15th, whereas + had Easter been observed according to the usage of the Latin + Church, the Paschal feast would have been already past.<a name= + "FNanchor_5_656" id="FNanchor_5_656"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_5_656" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(b.)</i> The eating of pork and things strangled.<a name= + "FNanchor_6_657" id="FNanchor_6_657"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_6_657" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> With respect to these + innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten + anathema against those who will not abstain from them. It is + curious to find the Christian Church upholding the eating of + pork, when brought into contact with the Moslems, and forbidding + it elsewhere. + </p> + <p> + <i>(c.)</i> Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become + very common, is denounced and forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_7_658" + id="FNanchor_7_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_658" class= + "fnanchor">[7]</a> + </p> + <p> + <i>(d.)</i> The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against + consecrating priests without due preparation, and speaks as if + there were many false priests, wolves in sheep's clothing, + dealing havoc in the flock. + </p> + <p> + <i>(e.)</i> One doubtful authority,<a name="FNanchor_8_659" id= + "FNanchor_8_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_659" class= + "fnanchor">[8]</a> who tells us that Adrian ordered Cixila, + Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not + fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_652" id="Footnote_1_652"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_652"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Chron. + Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was in Spain + holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez, xiv.), + sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV. sent + Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII. to + hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_653" id="Footnote_2_653"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_653"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Mariana, + viii. 6. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_654" id="Footnote_3_654"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_654"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isid. Pac, + sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376, 451. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_655" id="Footnote_4_655"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_655"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali Latinorum + Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_656" id="Footnote_5_656"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_656"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii. + p. 355, note. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_657" id="Footnote_6_657"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_657"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Florez, + "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_7_658" id="Footnote_7_658"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_7_658"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Adrian's + Letter to the Spanish Bishops. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_8_659" id="Footnote_8_659"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_8_659"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The + Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236—"Ex mandatis litterisque Adriani + papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a carnibus + abstinere" (776 A.D.). + </p> + </div> + <p> + But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the + pretensions of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed + by the venerable Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly + resisted the encroachments of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus + himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote to Migetius condemning + him for certain heresies, and boasts of having completely refuted + and silenced him;<a name="FNanchor_1_660" id= + "FNanchor_1_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_660" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> but at the same time Elipandus shewed his + independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who + abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant + men; though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with + the pope,<a name="FNanchor_2_661" id= + "FNanchor_2_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_661" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> and could justify his views by a reference to + the decision of the Church of Jerusalem in the earliest days of + Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_662" id= + "FNanchor_3_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_662" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> + </p> + <p> + Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one, + that it was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take + food touched by them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as: + "Not that which entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but + that which proceedeth out of the mouth, this defileth the man;" + <a name="FNanchor_4_663" id="FNanchor_4_663"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_4_663" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or "to the pure all + things are pure;"<a name="FNanchor_5_664" id= + "FNanchor_5_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_664" class= + "fnanchor">[5]</a> and to point out that Christ ate with + publicans and sinners. + </p> + <p> + But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen, + Claudius of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which + regarded the Roman See as alone constituting the Catholic Church + and the power of God.<a name="FNanchor_6_665" id= + "FNanchor_6_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_665" class= + "fnanchor">[6]</a> This he very properly calls a heresy; and + indignantly denies that Christ's words, "Thou art Peter," + &c., apply to the Church of Rome alone, affirming that they + were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he adds, "can the Roman + Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God without spot + or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome + (Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of + Christendom." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_660" id="Footnote_1_660"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_660"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Epilandus, + Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See Neander, v. 216 + ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud Migne, vol. ci. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_661" id="Footnote_2_661"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_661"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See + Adrian's Letter to Egila. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_662" id="Footnote_3_662"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_662"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Acts xv. + 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_663" id="Footnote_4_663"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_663"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> St Matt. + xv. 11. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_5_664" id="Footnote_5_664"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_5_664"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Titus i. + 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_6_665" id="Footnote_6_665"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_6_665"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See also + letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's first book, + where he gives us his idea of a <i>Catholic</i> church founded + on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which Catholic + church may even consist of few members. Neander, v. 230. + </p> + </div> + <p> + Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and + continued to be established over it, Spain could never have + become the priest-ridden country which it now is; but the gradual + advance of the Christian arms in the North brought in its train a + more and more complete subserviency to the pope. + </p> + <p> + As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and + provinces from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist + between the religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of + those who had set them free. This was specially apparent in the + old Gothic liturgy, which the Muzarabic Christians had used all + along, and were still using, whereas the Christians of Leon and + the Asturias had imported a newer recension from Rome. + </p> + <p> + Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome, + and accordingly a legate,<a name="FNanchor_1_666" id= + "FNanchor_1_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_666" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from + John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly + into the ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at + Rome that the mass was incorrectly performed according to the + Gothic liturgy, and that false doctrines were taught. However, + Zanclus found that the divergence was not sufficiently wide to + warrant the suppression of the ancient ritual. It may be that the + power of the Roman Church was not established so securely as to + admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient church. + She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness to + the primitive usage<a name="FNanchor_2_667" id= + "FNanchor_2_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_667" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> of the Church against the innovations of the + Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we + find that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the + question of the old Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again. + The Gothic and the Roman books were subjected, after the absurd + fashion of the times, to two ordeals—by water and by fire; but in + spite of the fact that the Gothic liturgy, thanks to its greater + solidity and stronger binding, resisted both those elements + incomparably better than its younger rival, and so, if the ordeal + went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the old + native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the + pope, and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of + Leon,<a name="FNanchor_3_668" id="FNanchor_3_668"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_668" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and Sancho IV. of + Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up their + customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of + Toledo till late in the fifteenth century. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_666" id="Footnote_1_666"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_666"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana, + vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of Marinus, and + says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of Toledo. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_667" id="Footnote_2_667"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_667"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. the + monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman Catholics, under + Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred books and memorials + of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar coast in India. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_668" id="Footnote_3_668"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_668"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> And I. of + Castile. + </p> + </div> + <p> + But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters + relating to the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon + the king himself, and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso + IX. and all his kingdom were laid under an interdict by Celestine + III. because he had married within forbidden limits, and refused + to divorce his wife at the bidding of the pope. He did in the end + divorce her, but only to repeat the same offence with a second + wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at the hands of + Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on apace, + and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's + courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices + and bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X. + (1252-1284).<a name="FNanchor_1_669" id= + "FNanchor_1_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_669" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> But this result was not attained without + remonstrances from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and + Isabella, the question came to an open rupture between the + Spanish Court and the reigning pope, Sixtus IV. Isabella, though + so ready to submit herself in matters of personal religion to the + pope and his legates, refused, like her later namesake of + England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and the + pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of + appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if + the sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the + barons of theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry + IV. (1454-1474), the papal legate threw his influence on to the + king's side, and excommunicated the rebellious barons, they + firmly answered that "those who had advised the pope that he had + a right to interfere in the temporal concerns of Castile had + deceived him; and that they, the barons of the kingdom, had a + perfect right to depose their sovereign on sufficient grounds, + and meant to exercise it."<a name="FNanchor_2_670" id= + "FNanchor_2_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_670" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> + </p> + <p> + A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213 + Pedro II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the + Albigensians, and down to the time of Charles V., the princes of + Aragon were at open enmity with the Roman See,<a name= + "FNanchor_3_671" id="FNanchor_3_671"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_671" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Aragonese + strenuously resisted the establishment of the + Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_4_672" id= + "FNanchor_4_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_672" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_669" id="Footnote_1_669"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_669"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_670" id="Footnote_2_670"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_670"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the king, if he + violated the charter of the realm, might be deposed, and any + other <i>Pagan</i> or Christian substituted. <i>Ibid</i>, p. + 23. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_671" id="Footnote_3_671"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_671"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lockhart, + Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos Classics.) + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_672" id="Footnote_4_672"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_672"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n. + </p> + </div> + <p> + That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more + unmerited suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised + by man, whereby more innocent people passed through the fire than + were perhaps ever sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first + put into action in September 1480, during the reign of the pious + and noble-minded Isabella.<a name="FNanchor_1_673" id= + "FNanchor_1_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_673" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> The festival of Epiphany in the following year + was selected as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the + first auto da fé, when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was + against that unfortunate people that this inhuman persecution was + devised, or at least first used. That one year witnessed the + martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the infliction on 17,000 others of + punishments only less than death itself. During the + administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen + years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly + 100,000 were, as the phrase went, reconciled.<a name= + "FNanchor_2_674" id="FNanchor_2_674"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_2_674" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The confiscation of + property which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning + brought in enormous sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors. + </p> + <p> + The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the + Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors + under Christian government were called, who were oppressed and + persecuted in the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from + Spain. + </p> + <p> + But a more important conquest than these—more important, that is, + to the supremacy of the Roman See—was the undoubted conquest + achieved by the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in + the sixteenth century began to find their way into Spain from + Germany and England. Finding a congenial soil, the reformation + began to spread in Spain with wonderful rapidity. The divines + sent by Charles V. into England were themselves converted, and + returned full of zeal for the Protestant faith—"Their success," + says Geddes,<a name="FNanchor_3_675" id= + "FNanchor_3_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_675" class= + "fnanchor">[3]</a> "was such that had not a speedy and full stop + been put to their pious labours by the merciless Inquisition, the + whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been converted to + the Protestant religion, in less time than any other country had + ever been before."<a name="FNanchor_4_676" id= + "FNanchor_4_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_676" class= + "fnanchor">[4]</a> So untrue is it to say that persecution always + fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the fetters, which + the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of Leon and + Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of + Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent + people. Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility, + social, religious, and political, Spain affords a melancholy but + instructive spectacle to the nations. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_673" id="Footnote_1_673"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_673"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The + inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced into + Spain, 1242. Prescott. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_674" id="Footnote_2_674"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_674"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott, + "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_675" id="Footnote_3_675"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_675"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miscell. + Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_4_676" id="Footnote_4_676"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_4_676"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Geddes, + Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a Romanist author, + who says: "the number of converts was so great that had the + stop which was put to that evil been delayed but two or three + months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had been put into + a flame by them." + </p> + </div> + <hr style="width: 65%;" /> + <h2 style="font-weight: normal;"> + <a name="LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED" id= + "LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED">LIST OF AUTHORITIES + CONSULTED.</a> + </h2> + <p> + I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 10px;"> + A. Arab (in translations): + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (1.) <i>Ibn abd el Hakem.</i> "History of the Conquest of Spain." + with notes by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down + to 743. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (2.) <i>J.A. Conde.</i> "History of the Domination of the Arabs + in Spain," translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols. + Bohn, 1854. The author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled + his work from Arabian memorials and writings in such sort that + those documents may be read as they were written;" (p. 18), "The + student of history may read this book as written by an Arabic + author." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their + modern successors cannot find a good word for it.<a name= + "FNanchor_1_677" id="FNanchor_1_677"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_1_677" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> De Gayangos, the + learned translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though + not blind to the "unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the + absence of notes and citations of authorities, and the numerous + errors and contradictions,"<a name="FNanchor_2_678" id= + "FNanchor_2_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_678" class= + "fnanchor">[2]</a> yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the + foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan + Spain. It certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points + out<a name="FNanchor_3_679" id="FNanchor_3_679"></a><a href= + "#Footnote_3_679" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the errors of his + predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself, + not only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things + faithful to his authorities, he is found, where those authorities + can be identified, not to be faithful. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_677" id="Footnote_1_677"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_677"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Stanley + Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887). Dozy, Preface + to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui manquait + absolumment de sens historique." + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_2_678" id="Footnote_2_678"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_2_678"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As to + these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in transcribing + or extracting the accounts of different historians some facts + are sure to be repeated, and others entirely contradicted. See + Al Makk., i. p. 29. + </p> + </div> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_3_679" id="Footnote_3_679"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_3_679"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pref., p. + 13 ff. + </p> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (3.) <i>J.C. Murphy.</i> "History of the Mahometan Empire in + Spain," with additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work + is based on Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly + to be found in Al Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters + on the influence, scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs + in Europe, are exhaustive and interesting. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (4.) <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari</i>. "History of the + Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger + work by that author, translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols. + London, 1840. This work, which Dozy finds fault with for certain + inaccuracies, is on the whole very trustworthy, and its notes + form a perfect mine of information for the student wandering + helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al Makkari, a native + of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the seventeenth + century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose + evidence is most valuable. Among these are— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + α. <i>Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah</i>, descended + from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + β. <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi</i>, flourished in the + reign of Abdurrahman III. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + γ. <i>Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib</i>, of Cordova; died, 1044. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + δ. <i>Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm</i>, born at + Cordova, 994; died, 1064. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + ε. <i>Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,</i> born + at Cordova, 1006. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + ζ. <i>Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al + Anssari</i>, Cordova, 1101-1183. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + η. <i>Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn + Said</i> of Granada, 1214-1286. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 25px;"> + θ. <i>Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,</i> + born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 10px;"> + B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (1.) <i>Schott's</i> "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort, + 1603. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (2.) <i>Florez,</i> "España Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most + useful collection of Spanish writers, together with much + information about them, written in Spanish. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (3.) <i>Migne's</i> "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most + invaluable collection in several score volumes. The following is + a list of those consulted:— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (α.) <i>Isidore of Beja</i>, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum + Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation + of the Chronicle of Isidore of Seville. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (β.) Chronicon <i>Sebastiani</i>, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866. + (Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.) + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i> 1146. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (γ.) Chronicon <i>Albeldense</i>, 866-976. (Conde, <i>ibid.</i>, + says to 973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was + perhaps begun by Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on + by the monk Vigila. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (δ.) Chronicon <i>Sampiri</i> "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written + about 1000), 869-9S2. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 466-475. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (ε.) <i>Chronicon regum Legionensium</i>, 982-1109, by Pelagius, + Bishop of Oviedo—a very doubtful authority, and branded with the + epithet "fabulosus." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 270-330. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (ζ.) Chronicon <i>Silensis</i> Monachi, written <i>circa</i> + 1100. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott, iv. 1-116. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (η.) <i>Lucas of Tuy</i>, "Chronicon Mundi," written <i>circa</i> + 1236. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, i. 246-291. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (θ.) <i>Alfonso</i>, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum + Hispanarum," etc. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (ι.) <i>Luitprand</i>, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria + attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years + 606-960. The author of these is generally called the + Pseudo-Luitprand, and very little credit can be placed in his + statements. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (κ.) <i>Rodrigo</i>, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs + from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died + in 1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture + and to profane history. He does not even mention the Christian + martyrdoms in the ninth century. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, x. 570-579. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (λ.) <i>Annales Bertiniani</i>, from the French point of view. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott, i. 700 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 24px;"> + (μ.) <i>Johannes Vasaeus</i>, "Hispaniae Chronicon." + </p> + <p> + The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some + are valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are + nearly worthless. + </p> + <p> + Other authorities there are of a different kind—not historians, + but writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light + on the history of the time. Among these are— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>a.</i>) <i>Elipandus</i>, Bishop of Toledo; died 810. + Letters— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 859-867. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Migetius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 867-869 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Charles the Great. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 870-882. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Albinus (Alcuin). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 918,919 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + to Fidelis, an abbot (783). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>b</i>.) <i>Felix</i>, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio + fidei (799). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 894-1030. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>c</i>.) <i>Beatus</i>, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter + to Elipandus. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, ci. 1321-1331. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>d</i>.) <i>Letters of Spanish Bishops</i> to Bishops of Gaul. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, c. and ci. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>e</i>.) <i>Alcuin</i>. Letters— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Felicem haereticum (793). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Elipandum. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistle XC. (800), + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistle CXIII. (800). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + Books— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Adversus Elipandum, iv. books. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Altera ad eosdem. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xcviii. p. 373. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>f.</i>) <i>Adrian</i>, Pope. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus directa, + maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 336. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum (782). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xiii. 416. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>g</i>.) Letter from <i>Louis the Débonnaire</i> to the + Christians of Merida (826). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxv. 703-966. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>h</i>.) <i>Eulogius</i>, priest of Cordova, and + bishop-designate of Toledo. Died 859. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar, sending his book. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins and + Martyrs, Oct. 851. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis + Sanctorum Liber," 3 books. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>i</i>.) <i>Alvar</i>, Paulus,<a name="FNanchor_1_680" id= + "FNanchor_1_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_680" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> of Cordova, and, according to his letters, + both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to + the Pseudo-Luitprand. + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + <a name="Footnote_1_680" id="Footnote_1_680"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_680"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Robertson + says Peter. + </p> + </div> + <div class="sidenote"> + pp. 62-81. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Confessio. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 81-88. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to John of Seville, + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 88-91. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 101-129. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To John of Seville. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 129-141. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Speraindeo. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 151-156. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Romanus, a doctor (860). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 164-165. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Saul of Cordova. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 167-171. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 171-177. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Eleazar, a transgressor. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 178-189. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 189-217. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 218-219. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 291-292. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Eulogius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 296-299. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To Eulogius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, x. 593 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Life of Eulogius. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. 219-275.<a name="FNanchor_1_681" id= + "FNanchor_1_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_681" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda + sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem omnis + vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit." + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_681" id="Footnote_1_681"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_681"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ascribed + by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of Toledo. Morales + doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no mention of + Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where <i>praesul</i> is spoken of. + </p> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>k</i>.) <i>John of Seville</i>. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xi. pp. 91-101. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 142-147. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>l</i>.) <i>Speraindeo</i>, Abbot, flourished 820. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 148-151. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar (853). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>m</i>.) <i>Saul</i> of Cordova. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. pp. 156-164. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to other Bishops. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 165-167. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>n</i>.) <i>Eleazar</i>, an apostate to Judaism. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 177-178. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Letter to Alvar. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 189, 190. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + " 217, 218. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + To the Same. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxxi. p. 565. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>o</i>.) <i>Leovigildus</i>, priest of Cordova, flourished + 860. "De habitu Clericorum." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 567. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>p</i>.) <i>Cyprianus</i>, arch-priest of Cordova. + "Epigrammata." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>q</i>.) <i>Samson</i>, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot + of the Monastery of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or + Epitaph of Cyprianus.) "Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan. + 1, 863). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xi. 300-516. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>r</i>.) <i>Jonas Aurelianensis</i>. "De cultu imaginum." An + Answer to Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842). + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>s</i>.) <i>De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii</i> Monachi, + Aurelii et Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore + <i>Aimoino</i> monacho: from Usuard and Odilard, monks. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>t</i>.) <i>Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis</i> (died 973), + by John, Abbot of St Arnulph. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>u</i>.) <i>John of Cirita</i>, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xviii. 379 ff. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>v</i>.) <i>Life of St Rudesindus.</i> + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xiv., 392. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>w.</i>) <i>Passio St Nicholai Alsamae</i> regis filii et + sociorum martyrum qui passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous + account. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>x.</i>) <i>Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae</i> et + comitum eius qui passi sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, xcvi. 890-894 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>y.</i>) <i>Life of Beatus</i>, by an anonymous author. Not + very trustworthy, —<i>e.g.</i>, death of Elipandus placed in 798 + (sec. 8): mythical council mentioned (sec. 7). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + And the following <i>Charters</i>, etc.:— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Florez, xvii. 244. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xviii. 312. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 397. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 326 + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 40px;"> + Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de + Logio a parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927. + </p> + <p> + II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:— + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Schott. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par <i>Loys de Mayerne + Turguet</i>. Book xvi. (1608.) + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (2.) <i>John de Mariana</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1_682" id= + "FNanchor_1_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_682" class= + "fnanchor">[1]</a> "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated + from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.) + </p> + <div class="footnote"> + <p> + <a name="Footnote_1_682" id="Footnote_1_682"></a><a href= + "#FNanchor_1_682"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dr Dunham + says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in oblivion. No + one reads it in Spain." + </p> + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (3.) <i>Fleury</i>, "History of the Church," translated from the + French. (1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff. + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + Migne, cxv. p. 917. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (4.) <i>Morales</i>. "Remarks on the State of the Christian + Religion under the Arabs at Cordova." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 305-336. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (5.) <i>Froben</i>. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et + Felicis." + </p> + <div class="sidenote"> + <i>Ibid.</i>, 338-438. + </div> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (6.) <i>Enhueber's</i> "Dissertation against Walchius' view of + Adoptionism." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (7.) <i>Dunham</i>. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner), + 1832. Buckle, "Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this + history, very extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history + in the English language of a foreign modern country." It + certainly has the merit—no small one in so confused a period—of + being clear and succinct; but he has a bias against the Moors. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (8.) <i>W.H. Prescott</i>. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent + work. The parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the + Introduction and chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is + the want of direct citations of authorities used. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (9.) <i>Hardwicke's</i> "History of the Christian Church in the + Middle Ages," 1853. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (10.) The Abbé <i>Rohrbacher</i>. "Histoire Universelle de + l'Eglise Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (11.) <i>Neander</i>. "General History of the Christian Religion + and Church" (Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475; + vol. vi. 119-132. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des + Arabes," par <i>M. Cardonne</i>. 3 vols., 1765. A history based + chiefly on Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde + (Pref., p. 14) and Murphy (notes, passim) have shown. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (13.) <i>Dozy</i>. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' à la + conquête de l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols., + Leyden, 1861. An invaluable history of the time, being both lucid + and thorough. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (14.) <i>E.A. Freeman</i>. "History and Conquests of the + Saracens." Six lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated + rather as a πάÏεÏγον in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate + writer, with a strong bias, however, against chivalry (see + Lecture v., p. 182). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (15.) <i>Ockley</i>. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in + the Chandos Classics). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (16.) <i>Gibbon</i>. The parts relating to the Saracens are + conveniently reprinted in the "Chandos Classics." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (17.) <i>Robertson's</i> "History of the Christian Church." Vol. + iii. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (18.) <i>Milman's</i> "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (19.) <i>Stanley</i>. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect. + viii. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (20.) <i>Hallam's</i> "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry). + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (21.) <i>Geddes</i>. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his + Miscellaneous Tracts. 1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found + at Granada in 1588; and View of Court of Inquisition in Portugal. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (22.) <i>Lecky's</i> "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in + Europe." 2 vols. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (23.) <i>Buckle</i>. "History of Civilisation in England," chap. + viii. "Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries." + Vol. ii. pp. 425-597. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (24.) <i>Carlyle</i>. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (25.) <i>C.M. Yonge</i>. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden + Treasury" Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate + in facts. To give one instance only out of many—The authoress + says (p. 29), that Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled + and died in battle. It is well known (Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that + he did neither. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (26.) <i>R. Bosworth Smith.</i> "Mohammed and Mohammedanism." + 1874. A brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity + being extolled in theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too + forcibly reminded of "Brutus is an honourable man." His own + accusation of others falls upon himself. P. 61, he says—"Most + other writers have approached the subject only to prove a thesis. + Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor: they have held a + brief for the prosecution or the defence." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (27.) <i>S. Lane-Poole.</i> "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the + Nations" Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De + Gayangos' translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle + of the Cid," and Washington Irving's "Granada." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (28.) <i>Blunt.</i> "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools + of Thought." 1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the + Adoptionists, and others I have found very useful. There is, + however, nothing said of the Priscillianists (of Spain), or the + Druses. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (29.) <i>Hughes.</i> "Dictionary of Islam." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (30.) <i>The Koran.</i> Sale's edition. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (31.) <i>Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.</i> Vol. xi. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (32.) <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica.</i> Article on Averroes. + </p> + <p> + III. POETRY:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>a.</i>) <i>Lockhart's</i> "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint, + with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics." + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>b.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted, + with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable + translation. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>c.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Roderic," with many interesting + notes. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>d.</i>) <i>Scott's</i> "Don Roderic." + </p> + <p> + IV. REFERRED TO:— + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>a.</i>) <i>Romey.</i> "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>b.</i>) <i>Reinaud.</i> "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836. + </p> + <p style="margin-left: 20px;"> + (<i>c.</i>) <i>Moshieim.</i> "Institutes of Ecclesiastical + History." Translated by Murdoch. 1845. + </p> + <p> + PRINTED BY + </p> + <p> + TURNBULL AND SPEARS, + </p> + <p> + EDINBURGH. + </p> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain +(756-1031), by Charles Reginald Haines + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM *** + +***** This file should be named 15262-h.htm or 15262-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/2/6/15262/ + +Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and +the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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