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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+by Charles Reginald Haines
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+
+Author: Charles Reginald Haines
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and
+the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM
+IN SPAIN
+
+A.D. 756-1031
+
+C.R. HAINES, M.A.
+
+AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE"; "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS";
+"VERSIONS IN VERSE."
+
+LONDON
+
+KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE
+
+1889
+
+[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents,
+there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of
+Chapter VIII.]
+
+TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+Invasion of Spain by the barbarians--Its easy conquest--Quarrels among
+the conquerors--Departure of the Vandals--Visigoths gain the
+supremacy--Conflict with Eastern Empire--Reduction of the Suevi--All
+Spain becomes Gothic--Approach of Saracens--Planting of Christianity in
+Spain--St James--Gospel first preached at
+Elvira--Irenaeus--Persecutions--Martyrs--Council of Elvira--Council of
+Nice--Number of Christians--Paganism
+proscribed--Julian--Arianism--Ulphilas--Conversion of
+barbarians--Degeneracy of religion--Priscillian--His heresy
+condemned--Priscillian burnt--Paganism, in Spain--The Gothic
+Government--Church and State--Power of king--Election of
+bishops--Arianism of Goths--Ermenegild--Bigotry in
+Spain--Jews--Influence of clergy--Of the pope 1-11
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+Period of Gothic rule--Degeneracy of Goths--Causes of their
+fall--Battle of Guadalete--Resistance of towns--Theodomir--Remnant in
+the North--Mohammedanism--Its rise and progress--Reduction of
+Africa--Siege of Constantinople--Attacks on Spain--Tarif--Arabs in
+Gaul--Anarchy in Spain--Christians in the North--Clemency of the
+Arabs--Treaties--Conquest easy--Rhapsodies of
+Isidore--Slaves--Jews--Impartiality of Arab governors--Khalifate
+established--Feuds of Arabs and Berbers--Revolt of Berbers--Syrian
+Arabs--Settlement of Arabs--Effect of Berber wars 11-25
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+Landing of Abdurrahman--Khalifate of Cordova--Condition of
+Christians--Proselytism--Apostates--Arabs and Spaniards--Evidence of
+Christian writers--Condition of the people--Serfs--No revolts--No
+solidarity with the Christians in the North--Relations with Arabs at
+first friendly--The jehad in Spain--Martyrs in battle--Fabulous
+martyr--Anambad, first martyr--Peter of Najuma--No other till 824--John
+and Adulphus--Causes of Martyrdoms--Amalgamation of the two
+peoples--Intermarriage--Children of mixed parents--Nunilo and
+Alodia--Mania for martyrdom--Voluntary martyrdoms--The Spanish
+confessors--Threatened deterioration in the Church--Christianity
+infected with Moslem customs--Religious fervour in
+convents--Fanaticism, of monks--Fresh martyrs--Perfectus, John,
+Isaac--Arab inability to understand the motives of these
+martyrs--Causes of fanaticism--Sanctus--Peter--Walabonsus, etc 25-40
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+Flora and Maria--Their adventures--Trial--Meet Eulogius in
+prison--Their execution--Other martyrs--Hidden Christians--Aurelius,
+Sabigotha, etc--Plan for procuring martyrdom--Miracle in
+prison--Execution--Other martyrs--Death of Abdurrahman II.--Mohammed
+I.--Martyrs--Prodigy upon their execution--Outrage in a
+mosque--Punishment of offenders--Apprehension of king--Meditates a
+persecution--Even a massacre--Series of martyrdoms--Cloister of Tabanos
+suppressed--Columba, Pomposa--Abundius a true martyr--Others
+martyred--Censor of Cordova--Persecution and death of
+Ruderic--Eulogius--Parentage and antecedents--Opposes amalgamation of
+Arabs and Christians--Encourages learning of
+Latin--Imprisonment--Elected Bishop of Toledo--Again
+imprisoned--Trial--Execution--His relics 40-54
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+Doubtful martyrs--No persecution raging--The Muzarabes--Churches in
+Cordova--Arab description of a church--Monasteries outside the
+city--Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova--No ferment at
+Elvira--Enthusiasts not a large body--Their leaders--The moderate
+party--Objections against the martyrs--Voluntary martyrdoms forbidden by
+the Church--Answer of apologists--Evidence as to persecution--Apologists
+inconsistent--Eulogius and Alvar--Reviling of Mohammed--Martyrs worked
+no miracles--Defence of apologists illogical--Martyrs put to death not
+by idolaters--Death without torture--Their bodies corrupted--Moslem
+taunts--Effect of martyrdoms on the Moslems--Prohibition of
+relics--Traffic in relics--They work miracles--Relics taken from Spain
+to France--Expedition of monks for that purpose--St Vincent's
+body--Relics of George, Aurelius, etc., carried off--Return to
+France--Measures of the moderate party--Of the
+Moslems--Reccafredus--supported by the majority of Christians--Fanatics
+coerced--Anathematized--Action of king--Suspects political
+movement--Revolt at Toledo--Grand Council--Measures against
+zealots--Meditated persecution--The extreme party broken
+up--Apostasies--Reason of these--The exceptor Gomez--The decision of the
+Council--Cessation of martyrdoms 54-73
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+National party--Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs--Martyrs in
+battle--Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.--Pelagius--Argentea--The
+monks of Cardena--Eugenia--No real persecution under the Great
+Khalif--General view of Christian Church in Spain under Abdurrahman
+II.--Civil position of Christians--Councils--Neglect of Latin--Arabic
+compulsory--Protests of Alvar, etc.--Latin forgotten--Cultivation of
+Moslem learning--Moslem theology--Church abuses--Simony--Breach of
+canons--Unworthy priests--Rival pastors--Heresy in the
+Church--Depravity of clergy--Their apostasy--Their
+deposition--Muzarabes--Free Christians in the North--The Church in the
+North--Its dangerous position--Cut short by Almanzor--Clergy oppress
+Christians--Count of Cordova--Ill-treats the Christians--Councils--Held
+by Elipandus--By Reccafredus--By Hostegesis--Jews and Moslems
+summoned--Council held by Basilius 73-86
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.--Commander of the Faithful--His
+character--Embassy to the Emperor of the West--Return embassy--John of
+Gorz--Detained in Cordova--Messengers from the king--Cause of
+detention--John of Gorz and John of Cordova--The king's
+threats--Dead-lock--Fresh embassy to Otho--A second embassy from
+Otho--First embassy received--Condescension of Sultan--Tolerance of
+Moslems--Mohammed's injunctions--Tolerant Mohammedan rulers
+elsewhere--Alcuin--Arnold of Citeaux--Bernard, Archbishop of
+Toledo--Christians tolerated, even encouraged--"Officer of
+protection"--Christian courts--Censors--Sclavonian bodyguard--Arab
+pride of race--Partial Amalgamation of races--Alliances between Arabs
+and Christians--Intermarriages--Offspring of these--The maiden
+tribute--Evidence in its favour--No myth--Conversions--Mohammedan view
+of apostasy 86-98
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+Arab factions--Berbers--Spaniards--Muwallads--Despised by
+Arabs--Revolts at Cordova, &c.--Intrigues with the Franks--Letter of
+Louis--Revolt of Toledo--Christians and Muwallads make common
+cause--Omar--Begins life as a bandit--Captured--Escapes--Heads the
+national party--Becomes a Christian--Utterly defeated--Muwallads desert
+him--Death of Omar--Stronghold of Bobastro captured--End of
+rebellion--Christians under Abdurrahman III.--Almanzor--Anarchy--End of
+Khalifate--Knowledge of Christianity and Mohammedanism slight among
+those of the opposite creed--Christian writers on
+Islam--Eulogius--Mohammed's relation to Christianity--Alvar--Unfair to
+Mohammed--His ignorance of the Koran--Prophecy of Daniel.--Moslem
+knowledge of Christianity--Mistaken idea of the Trinity--Ibn Hazm--St
+James of Compostella 98-114
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+Traces of amalgamation of religions--Instances elsewhere--Essential
+differences of Islam and Christianity--Compromise attempted--Influence
+of Islam, over Christianity--Innovating spirit in Spain--Heresy in
+Septimania--Its possible connection with Mohammedanism--Migetian heresy
+as to the Trinity--Its approach to the Mohammedan doctrine--Other
+similar heresies--Adoptionism--Our knowledge of it--Whence
+derived--Connection with Islam--Its author or authors--Probably
+Elipandus--His opponents--His character--Independence--Jealousy of the
+Free Church in the North--Nature of Adoptionism--Not a revival of
+Nestorianism---Origin of the name--Arose from inadvertence--Felix--His
+arguments--Alcuin's answers--Christ, the Son of God by adoption--Unity
+of Persons acknowledged--First mention of theory--Adrian---Extension of
+heresy--Its opponents--Felix amenable to Church discipline--Elipandus
+under Arab rule--Councils--Of Narbonne--Friuli--Ratisbon--Felix abjures
+his heresy--Alcuin--Council of Frankfort--Heresy
+anathematized--Councils of Rome and Aix--Felix again recants--Alcuin's
+book--Elipandus and Felix die in their error--Summary of evidence
+connecting adoptionism with Mohammedanism--Heresy of
+Claudius---Iconoclasm Libri Carolini--Claudius, bishop of
+Turin--Crusade against image-worship--His
+opponents--Arguments--Independence--Summoned before a Council--Refuses
+to attend--Albigensian heresy 114-136
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+Mutual influences of the two creeds--Socially and intellectually--"No
+monks in Islam"--Faquirs--The conventual system adopted by the
+Arabs--Arab account of a convent--Moslem nuns--Islam
+Christianised---Christian spirit in Mohammedanism--Arab
+magnanimity--Moslem miracles---like Christian ones--Enlightened
+Moslems--Philosophy--Freethinkers--Theologians--Almanzor--Moslem
+sceptics--Averroes--The faquis or theologians--Sect of Malik ibn
+Ans--Power of theologians---Decay of Moslem customs--Wine drunk--Music
+cultivated--Silk worn--Statues set up--Turning towards Mecca--Eating of
+sow's flesh--Enfranchisement of Moslem women--Love--Distinguished
+women---Women in mosques--At tournaments--Arab love-poem--Treatise on
+love 136-149
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+Influence of Mohammedanism--Circumcision of Christians--Even of a
+bishop--Customs retained for contrast--Cleanliness rejected as peculiar
+to Moslems--Celibacy of clergy--Chivalry--Origin--Derived from
+Arabs--Favoured by state of Spain--Spain the cradle of chivalry--Arab
+chivalry--Qualifications for a knight--Rules of knighthood--The
+Cid--Almanzor--His generosity--Justice--Moslem military orders--Holy
+wars--Christianity Mohammedanized--The "Apotheosis of
+chivalry"--Chivalry a sort of religion--Social compromise--Culminates
+in the Crusades 149-156
+
+
+
+
+APPENDICES.
+
+
+APPENDIX A.
+
+Jews persecuted by Goths--Help the Saracens--Numbers--Jews in
+France--Illtreated--Accusations against--Eleazar, an apostate--Incites
+the Spanish Moslems against the Christians--Intellectual development of
+Jews in Spain--Come to be disliked by Arabs--Jews and the
+Messiah--Judaism deteriorated--Contact with Islam--Civil position--Jews
+at Toledo--Christian persecution of
+Jews--Massacre--Expulsion--Conversion--The "Mala Sangre"--The
+Inquisition 156-161
+
+
+APPENDIX B.
+
+Spain and the papal power--Early independence--Early importance of
+Spanish Church--Arian Spain--Orthodox Spain--Increase of papal
+influence--Independent spirit of king and clergy--Quarrel with the
+pope--Arab invasion--Papal authority in the North--Crusade
+preached--Intervention of the pope--St James' relics--Claudius of
+Turin--Rejection of pope's claims--Increase of pope's power in
+Spain--Appealed to against Muzarabes--Errors of Migetius--Keeping of
+Easter--Eating of pork--Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems--Fasting on
+Sundays--Elipandus withstands the papal claims--Upholds intercourse
+with Arabs--Rejects papal supremacy--Advance of Christians in the
+North--Extension of power of the pope--Gothic liturgy
+suspected--Suppressed--Authority of pope over king--Appeals from the
+king to the pope--Rupture with the Roman See--Resistance of sovereign
+and barons to the pope--Inquisition established--Victims--Moriscoes
+persecuted--Reformation stamped out--Subjection of Spanish Church 161-173
+
+
+LIST OF AUTHORITIES 175-182
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+THE GOTHS IN SPAIN.
+
+
+Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain, leaving so
+many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi, Alani, and Vandals, at
+the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman governor of Spain, burst into
+that province over the unguarded passes of the Pyrenees.[1] Close on
+their steps followed the Visigoths; whose king, taking in marriage
+Placidia, the sister of Honorius, was acknowledged by the helpless
+emperor independent ruler of such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he
+could conquer and keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious
+provincials offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No
+Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own island;
+no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence against the Roman
+Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian, asserts that they
+preferred the rule of the barbarians. However this may be, the various
+tribes that invaded the country found no serious opposition among the
+Spaniards: the only fighting was between themselves--for the spoil. Many
+years of warfare were necessary to decide this important question of
+supremacy. Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the
+fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their way
+southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the Straits of
+Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had utterly overthrown their
+rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis, and had left an abiding record
+of their brief stay in the name Andalusia.
+
+ [1] "Inter barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam
+ sollicitudinem sustinere."--Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i.
+
+For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their late
+crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of Spain, but
+under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths definitely asserted their
+superiority. Under the latter king the Gothic domination in Spain may be
+said to have begun about ten years before the fall of the Western
+Empire. But the Goths were as yet by no means in possession of the whole
+of Spain. A large part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for,
+though the Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern
+emperor had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces,
+which had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these
+was some portion of Spain.
+
+It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a king
+came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi and to reduce
+the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was not till 622, the
+very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a Gothic king, Swintila,
+finally drove out all the Emperor's troops, and became king in reality
+of all Spain.
+
+Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first indications
+of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours of whose
+irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread, which the Arabs
+aroused even in distant Spain as early as a century after the birth of
+Mohammed, may be appreciated from the despairing lines of Julian,[1]
+bishop of Toledo:--
+
+ "Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos malus implicet error,
+ Demur et infandis gentibus opprobrio!
+ Africa plena viris bellacibus arma minatur,
+ Inque dies victrix gens Agarena furit."
+
+Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results, it
+will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of Christianity
+in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous to the advent of the
+Moslems.
+
+ [1] Migne's "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814.
+
+There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early into
+Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself, who is said
+to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia, Valencia, and
+Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds whatever for supposing
+that James, the brother of John, ever set foot in Spain. The "invention"
+of his remains at Ira Flavia in the 9th century, together with the story
+framed to account for their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far
+from the scene of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to
+need refutation.
+
+The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed (but, it
+seems, against probability) for Illiberis.[1] However that may be, the
+early establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenæus, who
+appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive doctrine.[2]
+The long roll of Spanish martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian
+(95 A.D.) with the name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the
+succeeding persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but
+she suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's reign
+that nearly all the inhabitants of Cæsar Augusta were treacherously
+slaughtered on the sole ground of their being Christians; thus earning
+for their native city from the Christian poet Prudentius,[3] the proud
+title of "patria sanctorum martyrum."
+
+ [1] Florez, "España Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff.
+
+ [2] Bk. I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186).
+
+ [3] 348-402 A.D.
+
+The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the same time
+the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman Empire. Diocletian
+indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the very name of Christian and
+abolished their hateful superstition. This even to the Romans must have
+seemed an empty boast, and the result of Diocletian's efforts only
+proved the truth of the old maxim--"the blood of martyrs is the seed of
+the Church."
+
+The Spanish Christians about this time[1] held the first ecclesiastical
+council whose acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or
+Elvira, was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who
+passed eighty canons.
+
+ [1] The date is doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209,
+ places it between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner.
+ Other dates given are 300 and 305.
+
+The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325 was held
+the first General Council of the Church under the presidency of the
+emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed Christian. Within a quarter of a
+century of the time when Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated
+the Christian name, it has been computed that nearly one half of the
+inhabitants of his empire were Christians.
+
+The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in 341
+put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan sacrifices were
+prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a church militant and a
+church triumphant! In 388, after a brief eclipse under Julian,
+Christianity was formally declared by the Senate to be the established
+religion of the Roman Empire.
+
+But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired by the
+church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and court intrigue,
+did not tend to the spiritual advancement of Christianity. Almost
+coincident with the Edict of Milan was the appearance of Arianism,
+which, after dividing the Church against itself for upwards of
+half-a-century, and almost succeeding at one time in imposing itself on
+the whole Church,[1] finally under the missionary zeal of Ulphilas found
+a new life among the barbarian nations that were pressing in upon all
+the northern boundaries of the Empire, ready, like eagles, to swoop down
+and feast upon her mighty carcase.
+
+ [1] At the Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis,"
+ says Jerome, "et Arianum se esse miratus est."
+
+Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals, adopted
+the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by Ulphilas towards
+the close of the fourth century. Consequently the nations that forced
+their way into Southern Gaul, and over the Pyrenees into Spain, were,
+nominally at least, Christians of the Arian persuasion. The extreme
+importance to Spain of the fact of their being Christians at all will be
+readily apprehended by contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials
+with that which befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands
+of our own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later.
+
+Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed from the
+quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had lost much of its
+ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and lascivious dances on the stage
+began to be tolerated even by Christians, though they were denounced by
+the more devout as incompatible with the profession of the Christian
+faith.
+
+Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of Christian
+blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of Avila, was led
+into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian gnostic. What his error
+exactly was is not very clear, but it seems to have comprised some of
+the erroneous doctrines attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the
+new heresy, with which two other bishops besides Priscillian became
+infected, was condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another
+held five years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other
+persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of Ithacius,[1]
+bishop of Sossuba, and Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the
+protests of Martin of Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was
+not thus stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic
+conquest.
+
+There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic
+invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it continued to
+be so during the whole period of Gothic domination.[2] Some Pagans
+undoubtedly lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,[3]
+but that there were any large numbers of them as late as the eighth
+century is improbable.
+
+Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the Gothic
+government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever existed in
+Europe."[4] This is too sweeping a statement, though it must be allowed
+that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic nobles rendered their yoke
+peculiarly galling, while the position of their slaves was wretched
+beyond all example. However, it is not to their civil administration
+that we wish now to draw attention, but rather to the relations of
+Church and State under a Gothic administration which was at first Arian
+and subsequently orthodox.
+
+ [1] See Milman, "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of
+ the Sixteenth Council of Toledo.
+
+ [3] Mason, a bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a
+ Pagan as late as this.
+
+ [4] Dunham's "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210.
+
+The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military
+character, gradually tended to become a theocracy--a result due in great
+measure to the institution of national councils, which were called by
+the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics of the realm. Many
+of the nobles and high dignitaries of the State also took part in these
+assemblies, though they might not vote on purely ecclesiastical matters.
+These councils, of which there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at
+Toledo, the Gothic capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the
+power of ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his
+religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon three) it
+was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer the exercise of
+any other religion than the Catholic, and to vigorously enforce the law
+against all dissentients, especially against that accursed people the
+Jews." The fact of the monarchy becoming elective[1] no doubt
+contributed a good deal to throwing the power into the hands of the
+clergy.
+
+Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops
+subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the other way.
+On the whole it was the king that lost power, though no doubt as a
+compensation he gained somewhat more authority over Church matters. He
+could, for instance, issue temporary regulations with regard to Church
+discipline. Witiza, one of the last of the Gothic kings, seems even to
+have authorized, or at least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.[2]
+The king could preside in cases of appeal in purely ecclesiastical
+affairs; and we know that Recared I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621)
+did in fact exercise this right. He also gained the power of nominating
+and translating bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was
+first conceded to the king.[3] The Fourth Council of Toledo (633)
+enacted that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his
+city, and that his election should be approved by the metropolitan and
+synod of his province: while the Twelfth Council, held forty-eight years
+later, evidently recognizes the validity of their appointment by royal
+warrant alone. Some have referred this innovation back to the despotic
+rule of Theodoric the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century;
+others to the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism
+in Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of
+convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts.
+
+ [1] In 531 A.D.
+
+ [2] Monk of Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca;
+ Robertson, iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27,
+ that Fruela (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these
+ accounts of Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion.
+
+ [3] Robertson, "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183.
+
+The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and nobles is
+a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that invaded Spain at
+the beginning of the fifth century were inoculated with the Arian
+heresy. Of these the Vandals carried their Arianism, which proved to be
+of a very persecuting type, into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation
+the Alani, under the pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed,
+gave up their Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths,
+however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period--until 589
+namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national council
+and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his example being
+followed by many of his nobles and bishops.
+
+The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole remarkably
+tolerant[1] towards both Jews and Catholics, though we have instances
+to the contrary in the cases of Euric and Leovigild, who are said to
+have persecuted the orthodox party. The latter king, indeed, who was
+naturally of a mild and forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures
+by the unfilial and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the
+latter had been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without
+entering into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and
+Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every reason to
+think that Leovigild would have taken no measures against him. Even
+after a second rebellion the king offered to spare his son's life--which
+was forfeit to the State--on condition that he renounced his
+newly-adopted creed, and returned to the Arian fold. His reason--a very
+intelligible one--no doubt was that he might put an end to the risk of a
+third rebellion by separating his son effectually from the intriguing
+party of Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to
+death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words.
+
+ [1] Lecky, "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says
+ that the Arian Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be
+ insufficient grounds for the assertion.
+
+With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to the
+Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above quoted from
+the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was even passed forbidding
+anyone under pain of confiscation of his property and perpetual
+imprisonment, to call in question the Holy Catholic and Apostolic
+Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the definitions of the Fathers;
+the decrees of the Church; and the Sacraments. In the spirit of these
+enactments, severe measures were taken against the Jews, of whom there
+were great numbers in Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the
+first systematic persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was
+"not according to knowledge."[1] A cruel choice was given the Jews
+between baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the
+other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were enforced
+against them. Those who under the pressure of persecution consented to
+be baptised, were forced to swear by the most solemn of oaths that they
+had in very truth renounced their Jewish faith and abhorred its rites.
+Those who still refused to conform were subjected to every indignity and
+outrage. They were obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe
+Sunday and Easter. They were denied the _s connubii_ and the _ius
+honorum_. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a Christian
+vouched for their character. Some who still held out were even driven
+into exile. But this punishment could not have been systematically
+carried out, for the Saracen invasion found great numbers of Jews still
+in Spain. As Dozy[2] well says of the persecutors--"On le voulut bien,
+mais on ne le pouvait pas."
+
+ [1] Apud Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by
+ Southey, Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni
+ Judaeos ad fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem
+ habuit, sed non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit,
+ quos provocare fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum,
+ sive per occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in
+ hoc gaudeo et gaudebo."
+
+ [2] "History of Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26.
+
+Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain turned
+their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the secret
+negotiations between them being discovered, the persecution blazed out
+afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of Toledo[1] decreed that relapsed
+Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be forcibly
+taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to marry among
+themselves.[2]
+
+ [1] Canon 8, de damnatione Judaeorum.
+
+ [2] For the further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix
+ A.
+
+These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the dominant
+influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus received from
+the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema and excommunication
+against the political enemies of the king.[1] Moreover the cordial
+relations which subsisted between the Church and the State, animated as
+they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled the Spanish kings
+to resist the dangerous encroachments of the Papal power, a subject
+which has been more fully treated in an Appendix.[2]
+
+ [1] The councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels
+ against the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the
+ deposed Swintila was excommunicated.
+
+ [2] Appendix B.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+THE SARACENS IN SPAIN.
+
+
+The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively short
+period we are asked by some writers to believe that the invaders quite
+lost their national characteristics, and became, like the Spaniards,
+luxurious and effeminate.[1] Their haughty exclusiveness, and the fact
+of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them for a time
+separate from, and superior to, the subject population, whom they
+despised as slaves, and hated as heretics. But when the religious
+barrier was removed, the social one soon followed, and so completely did
+the conquerors lose their ascendency, that they even surrendered their
+own Teutonic tongue for the corrupt Latin of their subjects.
+
+ [1] Cardonne's "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien
+ différens des leurs ancêtres étoient alors énervés par les
+ plaisirs, la douceur du climat; le luxe et les richesses
+ avoient amolli leur courage et corrompu les moeurs." Cp.
+ Dunham, vol. i. 157.
+
+But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is generally
+supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue them. Musa ibn
+Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into Spain, and the first
+governor of that country under Arab rule, when asked by the Khalif
+Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths, answered that "they were lords
+living in luxury and abundance, but champions who did not turn their
+backs to the enemy."[1] There can be no doubt that this praise was well
+deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the country was
+overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be attributed to
+wholesale treachery from one end of the country to the other. But for
+this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to blame. Their treatment of
+the Jews and of their slaves made the defection of these two classes of
+their subjects inevitable.
+
+The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic kingdom as
+the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of successive kings;[2] but
+on the heads of the clergy, even more than of the king, rests the guilt
+of their iniquitous and suicidal policy towards the Arians[3] and the
+Jews. The treachery of Julian,[4] whatever its cause, opened a way for
+the Arabs into the country by betraying into their hands Ceuta, the key
+of the Straits. Success in their first serious battle was secured to
+them by the opportune desertion from the enemy's ranks of the
+disaffected political party under the sons of the late king Witiza,[5]
+and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards apostatized; while the rapid
+subjugation of the whole country was aided and assured by the hosts of
+ill-used slaves who flocked to the Saracen standards, and by the Jews[6]
+who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and deliverers from the hated
+yoke of the uncircumcised Goths.
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation).
+
+ [2] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus
+ Domini ob inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2.
+
+ [3] Arianism lingered on till the middle of the eighth century
+ at least, since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of
+ Alfonso I., that he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam."
+
+ [4] For Julian, or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De
+ Gayangos' note to Al Makkari, i. p. 537, etc.
+
+ [5] Called Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see
+ "Sebast. Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter
+ of Witiza married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King,
+ under the name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of
+ the eighth century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius
+ to Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen
+ _Witizani_, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14.
+
+ [6] The Jews garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp.
+ 280, 282, and De Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852
+ we find the Jews betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew
+ nearly all the Christians.
+
+Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave stand--as
+brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the Normans. The first
+decisive battle in the South[1] lasted, as some writers have declared,
+six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of being
+driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address to his
+soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of Africa, whither
+would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe in front. There is no
+help for you save in your own right hands[2] and the favour of God." Nor
+must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either side,
+amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of Roderic's army was
+disaffected. It is probable that only the Goths made a determined stand;
+and even after such a crushing defeat as they received at Guadalete, and
+after the loss of their king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn
+resistance in Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.[3] One of them,
+Theodomir, after defending himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at
+last by his valour and address contrived to secure for himself, and even
+to hand down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over
+that part of Spain.
+
+ [1] Generally called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De
+ Gayangos on Al Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres
+ or Medina Sidonia.
+
+ [2] "Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i.
+ p. 271; Conde i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation).
+
+ [3] We must not forget also that the mild and politic conduct
+ of the Saracens towards the towns that surrendered, even after
+ resistance, marvellously facilitated their conquest.
+
+But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient
+hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they had
+been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they seem to have
+begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against the invaders. The
+thirty[1] wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it unnecessary to
+pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed that they had power to
+sting; and the handful of patriots, who in the cave of Covadonga
+gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old Gothic line, soon swelled into
+an army, and the army into a nation. Within six years of the death of
+Roderic had begun that onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which,
+with the exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the
+tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to halt,
+until it had regained every foot of ground that had once belonged to the
+Gothic kings.
+
+Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders.
+History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or political point
+of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and the wonderful conquests
+which it made. "The electric spark[2] had indeed fallen on what seemed
+black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved explosive powder and
+blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!" Mohammed began his preaching
+in 609, and confined himself to persuasion till 622, the year of the
+Flight from Mecca. After this a change seems to have come over his
+conduct, if not over his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the
+peaceful and more glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed
+to the human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success,
+however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the defeat
+of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being mostly pacified,
+the first expedition beyond its boundaries was undertaken under
+Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive attempt gave no indications
+of the astonishing successes to be achieved in the near future. Mohammed
+himself died in the following year, yet, in spite of this and the
+consequent revolt of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was
+overrun and Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on
+equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In 637
+Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under the yoke
+of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the rich valley of
+the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The conquest of Egypt only
+formed the stepping-stone to the reduction of Africa, and the victorious
+Moslems did not pause in their career until they reached the Atlantic
+Ocean, and Akbah,[3] riding his horse into the sea, sighed for more
+worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for thinking that it had
+been well for the inhabitants of the New World, if Fortune had delivered
+them into the hands of the generous Arabs rather than to the cruel
+soldiery of Cortes and Pizarro.
+
+ [1] Al Makk., ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon
+ a rock? They must inevitably die."
+
+ [2] Carlyle's "Hero Worship" ad finem.
+
+ [3] Cardonne, i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note.
+
+In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the death of
+Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of Constantinople. Fortunately
+for the cause of civilisation and of Christendom, this long siege of
+several years proved unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717.
+But by the latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the
+Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition into
+Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the crossing of
+the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the East the passage of
+the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam.
+
+There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had
+attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or only
+one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said to have
+been made into that country under Abdullah ibn Sa'd,[1] which resulted
+in the temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad
+is mentioned by Abulfeda[2] as having taken place in Othman's reign
+(644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680) we
+have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja and
+Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that the
+Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded Wamba on
+the throne--a story which seems likely enough when read in the light of
+the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier attacks, however, seem
+to have been mere raids, undertaken without an immediate view to
+permanent conquest.
+
+By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths sent
+help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and, while Julian
+their general still remained true to his allegiance, they beat off the
+Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of that fortress the Arabs
+were enabled to send across the Straits a small reconnoitring detachment
+of five hundred men under Tarif abu Zarah,[3] a Berber. This took place
+in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till April 30,
+711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad. There seems to have
+been a preliminary engagement before the decisive one of Gaudalete (July
+19th-26th)--the Gothic general in the former being stated variously to
+have been Theodomir,[4] Sancho,[5] or Edeco.[6]
+
+ [1] See De Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382.
+
+ [2] "Annales Moslemici," i. p. 262.
+
+ [3] The names of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad
+ have been confused by all the careless writers on Spanish
+ history--_e.g._ Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but Gibbon,
+ Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error. For
+ Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519; and
+ for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation, note
+ 10.
+
+ [4] Al Makk., i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55.
+
+ [5] Cardonne, i. 75.
+
+ [6] Dr Dunham.
+
+It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in
+detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain and
+part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But the Arabs
+made the fatal mistake[1] of leaving a remnant of their enemies
+unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave of
+conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but surely to
+recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of Arab extension in
+the West, and Christian Gaul was never afterwards seriously threatened
+with the calamity of a Mohammedan domination.
+
+The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest and
+the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of disorder,
+almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This state of things was
+one eminently favourable to the growth and consolidation of the infant
+state which was arising among the mountains of the Northwest. In that
+corner of the land, which alone[2] was not polluted by the presence of
+Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits who could not
+brook subjection and valued freedom above all earthly possessions.[3]
+Here all the various nationalities that had from time to time borne
+rule in Spain,
+
+ "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," [4]
+
+all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were gradually
+welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into one compact and
+homogeneous whole.[5] Meanwhile what was the condition of those
+Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under the
+Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared much worse;
+and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no doubt contributed
+largely to the facility of the conquest. The first conqueror, Tarik ibn
+Zeyad, was a man of remarkable generosity and clemency, and his conduct
+fully justified the proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false
+charges before the Sultan Suleiman.[6] "Ask the true believers," he
+said, "ask also the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in
+Africa and in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly,
+covetous, or cruel."
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. 34.
+
+ [2] According to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never
+ been admitted into any town of Biscay before 870.
+
+ [3] Prescott, "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that
+ only the lower orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note
+ he mentions a remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3).
+
+ [4] Southey, "Roderick," Canto IV.
+
+ [5] Thierry, "Dix Ans d'Études Historiques," p. 346. "Reserrés
+ dans ce coin de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths
+ et Romains, vainqueurs et vaincus, étrangers et indigènes,
+ maîtres et esclaves, tous unis dans le même malheur ... furent
+ égaux dans cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign.
+ Fruela I. (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio
+ (768-774), revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.,"
+ vi. sec. 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem
+ redacti sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in
+ reigns of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and
+ Isab.," p. 4.
+
+ [6] Or his predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined.
+
+The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally contained the
+following provisions: that the citizens should give up all their horses
+and arms; that they might, if they chose, depart, leaving their
+property; that those who remained should, on payment of a small tribute,
+be permitted to follow their own religion, for which purposes certain
+churches were to be left standing; that they should have their own
+judges, and enjoy (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the
+riches of the churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,[1] and
+hostages given. But conditions even better than these were obtained from
+Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by Theodomir in Murcia. The original document
+has been preserved by the Arab historians, and is well worthy of
+transcription:
+
+"In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and Tadmir make
+this treaty of peace--may God confirm and protect it! Tadmir shall
+retain the command over his own people, but over no other people among
+those of his faith. There shall be no wars between his subjects and
+those of the Arabs, nor shall the children or women of his people be led
+captive. They shall not be disturbed in the exercise of their religion:
+their churches shall not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded
+from them, or obligations be laid upon them--those expressed in this
+treaty alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail
+in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile purposes he
+may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself shall pay a tribute
+of a dinar[2] each year, with four measures of wheat and four of barley;
+of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four measures. All the vassals of
+Tadmir, and every man subject to tax, shall pay the half of these
+imposts."[3]
+
+These favourable terms were due in part to the address of Theodomir,[4]
+and partly perhaps to Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians,
+which was also manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of
+King Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This predilection
+for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill favour with the
+Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.[5]
+
+ [1] Conde i. p. 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious
+ avarice.
+
+ [2] Somewhat less than ten shillings.
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76.
+
+ [4] Isidore, sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator,
+ eloquentia mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir
+ Almumenin prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est
+ honoratus."
+
+ [5] Al Makkari, ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into
+ treasonable correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of
+ forming a project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself
+ a Christian, etc.
+
+On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was accomplished
+with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or none of those
+atrocities which generally characterize the subjugation of a whole
+people by men of an alien race and an alien creed. It cannot, however,
+be denied that the only contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance
+on this point with all the Arab accounts.
+
+"Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every limb
+in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature fail in
+depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless and
+immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the whole story
+of sorrow--not to speak of all the disastrous ills which in innumerable
+ages past from Adam even till now in various states and regions of the
+earth a cruel and foul foe has caused to a fair world--whatever Troy in
+Homer's tale endured, whatever Jerusalem suffered that the prophets'
+words might come to pass, whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture
+might be fulfilled--all this, and more, has Spain experienced--Spain
+once full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory, but
+now brought low in shame and dishonour."[1]
+
+ [1] Cp. also Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note,
+ curiously remarks: "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate,
+ but the exaggeration proves the fact."
+
+This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the ravings
+of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as it seems by the
+actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following Isidore after an interval of
+500 years, improves upon him by entering into details, which being in
+many particulars demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked
+upon with suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words
+are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their
+fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women reserved
+for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or destroyed, the national
+substance plundered, oaths and treaties uniformly broken.[1]
+
+To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need only
+compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England by the
+Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The comparison
+will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not impossible that, if the
+invaders had been Franks instead of Moors, the country would have
+suffered even more, as we can see from the actual results effected by
+the invasion of Charles the Great in 777. Placed as they were between
+the devil and the deep sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred
+(had the choice been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than
+to the Franks.[2]
+
+ [1] Dunham, ii. p. 121, note.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona:
+
+ "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis,
+ Maurorum votis adsociata magis."
+
+To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through Spain,
+the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave had only to
+pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but God, and Mohammed is
+his Prophet": and he was immediately free. To the Jews the Moslems
+brought toleration, nay, even influence and power. In fact, since the
+fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the Jews had never enjoyed such
+independence and influence as in Spain during the domination of the
+Arabs. Their genius being thus allowed free scope, they disputed the
+supremacy in literature and the arts with the Arabs themselves.
+
+Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel in
+their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians alike.[1]
+Some indeed increased the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must
+be remembered that this tribute[2] was in the first instance very light,
+and therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression.
+Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause of the
+Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was Abdurrahman al
+Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an Arab writer says:[3] "He
+did equal justice to Moslem and Christian ... he restored to the
+Christians such churches as had been taken from them in contravention of
+the stipulated treaties; but on the other hand he caused all those to be
+demolished, which had been erected by the connivance of interested
+governors." Similarly of his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi
+(721-726), we find it recorded[4] that "he rendered equal justice to
+every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and Christian, or
+between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by Yahya ibn Salmah
+(March-Sept. 726), who is described as injudiciously severe, and dreaded
+for his extreme rigour by Moslems as well as Christians.[5] Isidore says
+that he made the Arabs give back to the Christians the property
+unlawfully taken from them.[6] Similar praise is awarded to Okbah ibn
+ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).[7] Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain
+were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried out with
+regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians, while the Ameers
+were so constantly changing, being sometimes elected by the army, but
+oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by his lieutenant, the governor of
+Africa for the time being. This perpetual shifting of rulers would in
+itself have been fatal to the settlement of the country, had it not been
+brought to an end by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the
+Khalif of Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in
+May 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes which
+threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in Spain. Chief
+among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and the jealousy between
+Berbers and Arabs.
+
+ [1] _E.g._, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore, sec.
+ 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the Christians,
+ those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest of the
+ Moslemah families."
+
+ [2] Merely a small poll-tax (jizyah) at first.
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 105.
+
+ [4] Conde, i. p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says:
+ "Vectigalia Christianis duplicata exagitat."
+
+ [5] Conde, i. 102.
+
+ [6] Isidore, sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio
+ crudelis exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et
+ Mauros pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque
+ Christianis plura restaurat.
+
+ [7] Conde, i. 114, 115.
+
+Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while such
+Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or Beladi
+faction.[1] The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as new converts,
+were also regarded as Nonconformists[2] by the pure Arabs, and
+consequently a quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two
+parties.
+
+As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against the
+Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the following
+year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who had conquered the
+country alone had claims to the spoil.[3] This formidable rising was
+only put down by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the
+continual disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in
+Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in Africa
+was a signal for a similar determined attempt in Spain.[4] The
+reinforcements which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa
+under Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief named
+Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta.
+
+ [1] The two chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of
+ Modhar, son of Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan
+ belonged the Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family.
+ They were also called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2)
+ Descendants of Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the
+ Kelbites and the Yemenites. These were most numerous in
+ Andalus; see Al Makkari, ii. 24.
+
+ [2] Dozy, iii. 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note.
+ Though nominally Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan
+ rites.
+
+ [3] See De Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's
+ "Karta," xiv. _sq._ Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p.
+ 55, says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a
+ leader of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was
+ the leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in
+ 728.
+
+ [4] Al Makkari, ii. 40.
+
+Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan[1] Alfehri taking up the cause
+of the Berbers, procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own
+favour, but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled
+to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta, though
+previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties that they might
+cross over into Spain.
+
+The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn Besher,
+nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising at the same
+time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers were overcome. This
+desirable end accomplished, however, they refused to keep to their
+agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found himself driven to seek anew the
+alliance of the Berbers and also of the Andalusian Arabs against his
+late allies.[2] But the latter proved too strong for the Ameer, who was
+defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of Balj.
+
+ [1] Cardonne, i. p. 135.
+
+ [2] The Syrian Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away
+ from home. The Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered
+ for the worse when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens."
+
+These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the
+accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued
+without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova, Abdurrahman ibn
+Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain.
+
+The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to break up
+the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those of Damascus in
+Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen; of Alurdan[1] in
+Malaga and Regio; of Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia;
+of Wasit in Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of
+Andalusian Arabs.
+
+These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of Spain;
+for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and Western
+marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many of the
+survivors compelled to return to Africa,[2] owing to the famine which
+afflicted the country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab
+dominion were left practically denuded of defenders,[3] and the
+Christians at once advanced their boundaries to the Douro, leaving
+however a strip of desert land as a barrier between them and the
+Moslems. This debateable land they did not occupy till fifty years
+later.[4]
+
+ [1] _I.e._, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [2] Dozy, iii. 24.
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, ii. 69.
+
+ [4] When they built a series of fortresses as Zarnora,
+ Simancas, San Estevan.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA.
+
+
+Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen in May
+756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with this date,
+though it was many years before the new sultan had settled his power on
+a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by the whole of Moslem Spain.
+
+During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened between
+the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we have very
+little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The Arab historians
+are too busy recounting the feuds of their own tribes to pay any
+particular attention to the subject Christians. But we may gather that
+the latter were, on the whole, fairly content with their new
+servitude.[1] The Moslems were not very anxious to proselytize, as the
+conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious diminution of the
+tribute.[2] Those Christians who did apostatize--and we may believe that
+they were chiefly slaves--at once took up a position of legal, though
+not social, equality with the other Moslems. It is no wonder that the
+slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from their hatred for their
+masters, and the obvious temporal advantage of embracing Islam, the
+majority of them knew nothing at all about Christianity.[3] The ranks of
+the converts were recruited from time to time by those who went over to
+Islam to avoid paying the poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of
+some penalty inflicted by the Christian courts.[4] One thing is
+noticeable. In the early years of the conquest there was none of that
+bitterness displayed between the adherents of the rival creeds, to which
+we are so accustomed in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only
+contemporary Christian authority, though he rhapsodizes about the
+devastations committed by the conquerors, and complains of enormous
+tributes exacted, yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems[5] than any
+other Spanish writer before the fourteenth century. "If he hates the
+conquerors," says Dozy,[6] "he hates them rather as men of another race
+than of another creed;" and the marriage of Abdulaziz and Egilona
+awakens in his mind no sentiment of horror.
+
+ [1] This was not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer
+ Almohades overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.
+ See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168.
+
+ [2] As happened in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168,
+ and Gibbon, vi. p. 370.
+
+ [3] Dozy, ii. 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor.
+ Eccles. of Granada" (1638), in which the author points out that
+ even in his day the "old Christians" of Central Spain were so
+ wholly ignorant of all Christian doctrines that they might be
+ expected to renounce Christianity with the utmost ease if again
+ subjected to the Moors.
+
+ [4] Samson, "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5.
+
+ [5] Speaking of Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore,
+ sec. 46, says, "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli
+ unquam ex Arabum gente."
+
+ [6] Dozy, ii. p. 42.
+
+On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian or
+renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the
+conquest.[1] Those serfs who remained Christian, if they worked on State
+lands, payed one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands,
+four-fifths to their Arab owners.[2] The free Christians retained their
+goods, and could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax
+varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.[3] In all probability the
+Christians under Moslem rule were not worse off than their
+coreligionists in Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded
+by the fact that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which
+would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no attempts
+at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the eighth century,
+except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have been led away by the
+ambition of an Arab chief.[4] They were even somewhat indifferent to the
+cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts which
+Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in concert with
+their brethren met with but scant success.[5]
+
+ [1] See especially Conde, Pref. p. vi.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 39.
+
+ [3] Dozy, ii. 40.
+
+ [4] Dozy, ii. 42.
+
+ [5] Cardonne, i. 106.
+
+There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding, which at
+first existed between the Moslems and their Christian subjects,
+gradually gave place to a very different state of things, owing in no
+small degree to the free Christians in the North, whose presence on
+their borders was a continual menace to the Moslem dominion, and a
+perpetual incentive to the subject Christians to rise and assert their
+freedom.
+
+Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications
+scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations that
+existed between the two religions during the 275 years of the Khalifate,
+and the influence which these relations had upon the development of the
+one and the other. It will be agreeable to the natural arrangement to
+take the former question first.
+
+With a view to the better understanding of the position of Christianity
+and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our inquiry, we have thought
+it advisable to point out in a preliminary sketch the development of
+Christianity in Spain previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh
+from their native deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one
+hand and the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the
+fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done, we can
+at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of Christianity and
+Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of the Khalifate of Cordova.
+
+It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in
+obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs, having
+overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain, and the war
+from the very first took the character of a jehad, or religious war--a
+character which it retained with the ever-increasing fanaticism of the
+combatants until every Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed,
+or been driven out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself
+was singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of
+course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their lives
+in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in defence of their
+wives and their children, their homes and their country, their religion
+and their honour. One such instance at least has been recorded by the
+Arab historians,[1] when the Governor, and 400 of the garrison, of
+Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of St George, chose
+rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender upon condition either of
+embracing Islam, or paying tribute.
+
+Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a tissue of
+errors and absurdities,[2] the first martyr properly so called was a
+certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn abi
+Nesah (727-728)--a governor guilty of shedding much Christian blood, if
+Isidore is to be believed.[3]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot
+ being called ever since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of
+ the burnt), as likewise of the great veneration in which it has
+ always been held by the Christians, on account of the courage
+ and endurance displayed in the cause of their religion by those
+ who died in it."
+
+ [2] Florez, "España Sagr," xiv. 392.
+
+ [3] Isidore, sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum,
+ quen ibidem innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et
+ Anabadi, illustris episcopi,... quem ipse cremaverat, valde
+ exhaustus," etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but
+ probably Othman ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain.
+
+Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much the same
+tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century, brought about his
+own condemnation and death. He held a responsible post under Government,
+that of receiver of public imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of
+friendship with many of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax
+in his religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from
+motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his life
+was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and thanking
+them for showing their concern for him by coming, he proceeded, "But I
+desire you to be witnesses of this my last will. Whosoever believeth not
+on the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity,
+is blind in heart, and deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth
+Mohammed, your false prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce,
+therefore, these fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and
+earth witness between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the
+hearers resolved to take no notice of these and other like words,
+charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter, having
+unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation of Mohammed,
+cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon he was executed, and
+we cannot be altogether surprised at it.[1]
+
+Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any more
+recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug. 852). In the
+second year of this king's reign, two Christians, John and Adulphus,
+making public profession of their faith, and denouncing Mohammed, were
+put to death on Sept 17, 824.[2]
+
+ [1] We give the account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it,
+ but with great doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer
+ that we have seen mentioning it.
+
+ [2] Florez, x. 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St
+ Cyprian's Church, Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum
+ Georgii etc.," sec. 7.
+
+This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration shown
+by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their Christian subjects;
+and there can be no reasonable doubt that this ill-advised conduct on
+the part of the latter was the main cause of the so-called persecution
+which followed. But besides this fanaticism on the part of a small
+section of the subject Christians, there were other causes at work
+calculated to produce friction between the two peoples. During the
+century which had elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and
+Mohammedans, living side by side under the same government, and one
+which, considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less
+for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and
+magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together. Intermarriages
+had become frequent among them;[1] and these proved the fruitful cause
+of religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious
+troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed I.
+(852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed parents.
+Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father and a Christian
+mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and, apparently, while he
+lived, permitted his children to profess the faith of their mother. On
+his death, the mother married again, and the new husband, being a
+bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as we may suppose, by the _odio
+vitrici_, immediately set about reclaiming his step-children to the true
+faith of Islam, his efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat,
+even to torture,[2] the young confessors. His utmost endeavour to effect
+their conversion failing, he delivered them over to the judge on the
+charge of apostasy, and the judge to the executioner, by whom they were
+beheaded on Oct. 21, 840.[3]
+
+ [1] Due in part no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also
+ below for "the maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97.
+
+ [2] So Miss Yonge.
+
+ [3] This date is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p.
+ 886, and by Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.,"
+ ii. c. 10, of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The
+ Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an
+ eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon,
+ etc."
+
+Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character, where the
+sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,--and we may believe that
+all such cases have not been recorded--yet the vast majority of those
+which followed in the years 851-860 were of a different type. They were
+due to an outbreak of fanatical zeal on the part of a certain section of
+the Christians such as to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the
+Moslem authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian
+subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the less
+enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the Mohammedans.
+The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested itself at this time is
+certainly the most remarkable phenomenon of the kind that has been
+recorded in the annals of the Christian Church. There had been
+occasional instances before of Christians voluntarily offering
+themselves to undergo the penalty of the laws for the crime of being
+Christians. One such instance in the case of a Phrygian, named Quintus,
+had caused grave scandal to the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone
+before the proconsul and professed himself ready to die for the faith,
+when the reality of the death, which he courted, had been brought home
+to him by the sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of
+the Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods. Africa
+also had had her self-accused martyrs.
+
+But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these, both
+by reason of their number and the constancy which they displayed in
+their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is recorded, though there
+may have been some such, where the would-be martyr from fear or any
+other cause forwent his crown. Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing
+the Church on the question of their merit, whether, that is, the
+victims were to be ranked as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a
+written controversy on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if
+rather one-sided, materials for estimating the provocation given, and
+received, on either side.
+
+As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more closely
+together in political and social life, the Church no doubt suffered some
+deterioration. Every interested motive was enlisted in favour of
+dropping as far as possible out of sight[1] those distinctive features
+of Christianity which might be calculated to give offence to the
+Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan customs, which are not in
+the Bible expressly forbidden to a Christian;[2] and, generally, of
+emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with Mohammedanism,
+and ignoring those (far more important ones) in which they differ. The
+Moslems had no such reason for dissembling their convictions, or
+modifying their tenets. Consequently a spiritual paralysis was creeping
+upon the Church, which threatened in the course of time, if not checked,
+to destroy the very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The
+case of Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed
+that this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over
+Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never passed
+under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in danger of
+being swept away by the devouring flames of Mohammedanism, might be
+nursed and cherished, till it could again blaze forth with its former
+brilliancy.
+
+ [1] See below, p. 72, note 5.
+
+ [2] _E.g.,_ circumcision.
+
+Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly vanished: it
+was still to be found among the clergy, and specially among the dwellers
+in convents. Monks and nuns, severed from all worldly influences, in the
+silence of their cloisters, would read the lives of the Saints[1] of
+old, and meditate upon their glorious deeds, and the miracles which
+their faith had wrought. They would brood over such texts as, "Ye shall
+be brought before rulers and kings for My sake;"[2] and, "Every one who
+shall confess Me before men, him will I also confess before My Father,
+which is in Heaven;"[3] till they brought themselves to believe that it
+was their imperative duty to bring themselves before rulers and kings,
+and not only to confess Christ, but to revile Mohammed.
+
+ [1] See Dozy, ii. 112.
+
+ [2] St Mark xiii. 9.
+
+ [3] St Matt. x. 32.
+
+However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not apply, as
+the apologists of their doings have not failed to point out, to the
+first two victims that suffered in this persecution.
+
+Perfectus,[1] a priest of Cordova, who had been brought up in the school
+attached to the church of St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase
+some necessaries for domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in
+the street, and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led
+them to make this strange request, we are not told,[2] but stated thus
+barely it certainly gives us the impression that it was intended to
+bring the priest into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem
+countries that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be scourged,[3]
+if he struck him, killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who
+spoke evil of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he
+heard the blasphemy without taking notice of it.[4] Perfectus,
+therefore, being aware of this law, gave a cautious[5] answer, declining
+to comply with their request until they swore that he should receive no
+hurt in consequence of what he might say. On their giving the required
+stipulation, he quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs
+and false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch
+that if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"[6] and
+proceeded to speak of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor
+and a dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he, the
+encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own filthy lusts,
+delivered you all over to the indulgence of an everlasting sensuality."
+This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the Moslems revere as we revere
+Christ, and the ungenerous advantage taken of the oath, which they had
+made, naturally incensed his hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree.
+They respected their promise, however, and refrained from laying hands
+on him at that time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging
+themselves on a future occasion.[7]
+
+ [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar,
+ "Indic. Lum.," sec. 3.
+
+ [2] See, however, Appendix A, p. 158.
+
+ [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet,
+ et legalis iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui
+ blasphematur, flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur."
+ Neander V., p. 464, note, points out that "blasphemaverit"
+ refers to cursing Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.,"
+ Pref., sec. 5, "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti
+ debere in eos qui talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On
+ hearing of Isaac's death the king published a reminder on this
+ law.
+
+ [4] See p. 91.
+
+ [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer.
+
+ [6] Matt. xxiv. 24.
+
+ [7] "Accensum ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius
+ reponunt." Eulogius, 1.1.
+
+If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and Perfectus,
+being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one, was met[1] by his
+former interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing
+despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being
+questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his words.
+He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the end of the
+month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast month. In prison the
+priest repented his weakness, and when brought again before the judge on
+the Mohammedan Easter, he recanted his recantation, adding, "I have
+cursed and do curse your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan,
+a dealer in witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately
+led off for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the
+King's minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on
+April 18, 850.[2] The apologists, on insufficient evidence, describe the
+death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day in the river, as a
+manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of Perfectus.[3]
+
+ [1] "Dolo circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4.
+
+ [2] Johannes Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest
+ error) in 950, under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time
+ that some writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him,
+ wrongly: "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam
+ persecutionem in Christianos."
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5.
+
+The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no doubt
+the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative painlessness,
+with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was not lost upon the
+brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary retreats and trying by a
+life of religious devotion to cut themselves off from the seductive
+pleasures of an active life.
+
+The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty tradesman,
+named John,[1] who does not seem to have courted his own fate. He had
+aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a habit which he had
+contracted of pronouncing the name of the Prophet in his market
+transactions, taking his name, as they thought, in vain, and with a view
+to attracting buyers.[2] John, being taxed with this, with ill-timed
+pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who wishes to name your Prophet." He
+was haled before the Kadi, and, after receiving 400 stripes,[3] was
+thrown into prison. Subsequently he was taken thence and driven through
+the city riding backwards on an ass, while a crier was sent before him
+through the Christian quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the
+punishment of those, that speak evil of the Prophet of God."
+
+ [1] Eugolius, "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum.
+ sec. 5.
+
+ [2] So Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1.
+ 1.) is not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam,
+ semper eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum
+ per iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa
+ auribus te ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas."
+
+ [3] Or, according to Eulogius, 500.
+
+So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution, brought by
+the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can be more or less
+sustained, but the next instance is of a different character. Isaac,[1]
+a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble and wealthy ancestors, was
+born in 824, and by his knowledge of Arabic, attained in early life to
+the position of an exceptor, or scribe,[2] but gave up his appointment
+at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery of Tabanos, which
+his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had founded near Cordova.
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref.,
+ secs. 2 ff. After his death Isaac was credited with having
+ performed miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have
+ spoken three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable
+ about Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child,
+ to have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven.
+
+ [2] Not, as Florez, a tax-gatherer.
+
+Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he
+voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an "enquirer,"
+begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam. The Kadi,
+congratulating himself on the prospect of such a promising convert,
+gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in fluent Arabic, said: "He
+has lied unto you--may the curse of Heaven consume him!--who full of all
+wickedness has led astray so many men, and doomed them with himself to
+the lowest deep of hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts,
+he hath given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without
+doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing these, and
+other like _chaste_[1] utterances, the judge listened in a sort of
+stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent in
+tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck the monk in
+the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which is made in the
+image of God?"[2] The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him for
+striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy of death
+should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having now recovered his
+self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac, whether drunk or mad, had
+committed a crime which, by an express law of Mohammed's, merited
+condign punishment. He was accordingly beheaded, and, his body being
+burnt, his ashes were cast into the river (June 3, 851). This was done
+to prevent the Christians from carrying off his body, and preserving it
+for the purpose of working miracles.[3]
+
+Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the people, who
+were amazed at the _newness_ of the thing.[4] It was at this point that
+Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these fanatical doings
+by encouraging and helping others to follow Isaac's example.
+
+ [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "_Ore pudico_
+ summisque reverentiae ausibus viribusque."
+
+ [2] Cp. Acts xxiii. 3.
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict
+ of the authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer
+ penalties.
+
+ [4] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290.
+
+The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and threw
+their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have struck the
+Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs themselves were as brave
+men as the world has ever seen, and, by the very ordinances of their
+faith, were bound to adventure their lives for their religion in actual
+human conflict with infidel foes, yet they were unable to conceive how
+any man in his senses could willingly deprive himself of life in such a
+way as could do no service to the cause, religious or other, which he
+had at heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense
+antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which
+Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the vanities, nay,
+even of the duties of life, which prompted men and women to immure
+themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from all spheres of human
+usefulness. Life under these circumstances had naturally little to make
+it worth the living, and became all the more easy to relinquish, when
+death, in itself a thing to be desired, was further invested with the
+glories of martyrdom.
+
+The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a monk
+named Sanctius[1] or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three days
+later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a deacon of
+Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus; Habentius, a
+monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while Jeremiah,[2] uncle of
+Isaac, was scourged to death. Their bodies were burned, and the ashes
+cast into the river.
+
+Sisenandus of Badajos[3] found a similar fate on July 16th: four days
+subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and the same
+number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all of whom were
+beheaded.
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, c. iv.
+
+ [3] After his martyrdom he procured the release from prison of
+ Tiberias, priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS.
+
+
+The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful girls,
+whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who seems to have
+regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a Platonic love mingled with
+a sort of religious devotion.
+
+Flora,[1] the daughter of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, was
+born at Cordova. She is said to have practised abstinence even in her
+cradle. At first she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity
+with that faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight
+years before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and
+her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her brother, in
+his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted many Christian
+families, whom he suspected of conniving at her escape, she voluntarily
+surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here am I whom you seek, and for
+whose sake you persecute the people of God. I am a Christian. Do your
+best to annul that confession: none of your torments will be able to
+overcome my faith." Her brother, after trying in vain, by alternate
+threats and blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally
+dragged her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation,
+and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and then
+given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however, to recover,
+and escaped under angelic guidance.[2] Shortly afterwards, while praying
+in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of Walabonsus
+above-mentioned,[3] who had been martyred a few months previously.
+Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife. They
+came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter was educated
+at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under the care of the
+abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's martyrdom, and perhaps, as
+was so often the case, seeing his glorified spirit in a vision, she left
+the cloister, determining to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on
+her way to give herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and
+found Flora there.
+
+ [1] "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu."
+
+ [3] "Life of Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in
+ Spain," says, "Sister of Isaac."
+
+Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth[1] to curse Mohammed,
+of whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own lives.
+The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely imprisoned
+them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought to Flora's
+brother, he induced the judge to make a further examination of her, and
+she was brought out of prison before the Kadi, who, pointing to her
+brother, asked her if she knew him. Flora answered that she did--as her
+brother according to the flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge,
+"that he remains a good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She
+answered that God had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready
+to repeat her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again
+remanded to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown
+upon the streets as prostitutes[2]--a punishment far worse than the
+easy death they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they
+find an unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned
+for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It is
+strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the prison
+itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The support of
+Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm through another
+examination, and the judge, proving too merciful, or too good a Moslem,
+to carry out the above-mentioned threat, they were led forth to die
+(November 24, 851). Before their death they had promised Eulogius to
+intercede before the throne of God for his release, which accordingly is
+brought to pass six days after their own execution.[3]
+
+An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before
+Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near Cordova, and
+Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way (January 13, 852).[4]
+
+ [1] Eulog. to Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by
+ Eulog., sec. 12.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4.
+ Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing
+ out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat
+ propria delectatis,"--a poor consolation, but the only one! He
+ does not seem to have known--or surely he would have quoted
+ it--the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse
+ 35):--"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves,
+ if they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall
+ compel them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful
+ unto such women after their compulsion."
+
+ [3] Eulog., letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100.
+
+ [4] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix.
+
+There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom, and it
+seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon this subject.
+This, however, was far from being the case. Hitherto the victims had
+been almost without exception priests, monks, and nuns; but the next
+martyrs afford us instances of married couples claiming a share in this
+doubtful honour. These were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a
+Christian mother, and his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of
+Moslem parents, whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and
+was converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.[1] It would seem that
+with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism, some
+good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded adherents of
+Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which they were sinking; for
+these new martyrs were of the class of hidden[2] Christians, who were
+now shamed into avowing their real creed.[3] Yet surely it had been far
+better if they had been content to live like Christians instead of dying
+like suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible
+impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured conviction
+that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties, to give themselves
+up to death. In this resolution they were fortified by the advice and
+encouragement of Eulogius and Alvar,[4] the latter of whom prudently
+warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is sufficient to stand the
+trial.[5] Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her husband in his
+self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave her children being
+overcome by Eulogius,[6] who recommends that they should be given over
+to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora and
+Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose.
+
+ [1] _Ibid._, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2.
+
+ [2] See below, p. 72.
+
+ [3] Aurelius was roused from his religious dissimulation by
+ seeing the sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii.
+ c. x. sec. 5.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 18.
+
+ [5] This would lead us to suppose that the courage of some
+ _had_ failed.
+
+ [6] Eulogius comments:--"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo
+ filiorum affectus respuitur!" The parents not only desert their
+ children, but give away most of their goods to the poor,
+ thereby making their own children of the number.
+
+Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on business
+connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over in Spain,
+impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing, determined to offer
+himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the four persons above
+mentioned.
+
+They then take counsel together how they may best effect their purpose,
+there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring martyrdom for
+themselves to shew the statements of the apologists, that there was a
+fierce persecution raging, to be at least much exaggerated, if not
+entirely without foundation. The plan decided upon, which the devisers
+audaciously attributed to the suggestion of God,[1] was that the women
+should go forth unveiled and with hurried steps to the church, in the
+hope that such an unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and
+occasion the arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and
+they were all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual
+result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them with
+scornful anger.[2] But George, disappointed at his untoward clemency, as
+they were being led away broke out with,[3] "Can you not go down to hell
+without seeking to drag us also thither as your companions?"
+
+This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was no
+doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were dragged
+again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of remonstrance,
+why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,[4] and refused to live,
+promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would become
+Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two days, which
+seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die. They pass the time
+with singing hymns, and are blessed with visits of angels and miraculous
+signs. Their chains drop off, and the gaolers dare not again bind those
+whom Christ Himself had loosed.[5] The authorities, now as ever, anxious
+if possible to avoid extreme penalties, determine to release George,
+because they had not themselves[6] heard his blasphemy. He baulks their
+merciful intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is
+accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27, 852).
+
+Within a month Christopher,[7] a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage,
+and Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are
+executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead bodies
+being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his palace,[8] the king
+saw these bodies, and ordered them to be burnt, and the ashes scattered
+in the river. The same night Abdurrahman II. was struck down with
+apoplexy, and the martyrs' friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from
+Heaven.
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni
+ coepimus _cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus
+ coronam:_ et ita _Domino disfiensante_ visum est nobis ut
+ fugerent sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si
+ forte nos alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est."
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est,
+ et mors pro gloria computatur."
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia claustra
+ adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis aeterna
+ vos cruciamina non adurent?"
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 31.
+
+ [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii."
+ George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy
+ like the others.
+
+ [7] _Ibid._, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+
+ [8] On a "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec.
+ 2. See Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442,
+ note.) "En lo mas cruel de los tormentos subió Abderramen un
+ dia á las azutens ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde
+ alli los cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y
+ atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos paraque no
+ quedase reliquia cumplióse luego la órdsa; pero aquel impio
+ probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volviá
+ por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le
+ pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerróssle la boca, y no
+ pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle,
+ sus criados á la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de
+ apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró
+ la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del
+ infierno."
+
+He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and more
+bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the throne than
+Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St Cyprian's church, near
+Cordova, following in the footsteps of so many predecessors, came
+before the Kadi, and reviled Mohammed,--the former being enabled to do
+this with the more point and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree
+master of the Arabic language.[1] Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they
+coveted, and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary
+prodigy occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious
+Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios elementa
+fatentur."
+
+On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted
+partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two eunuchs,
+Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo, a eunuch of
+foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque, and by way of
+preaching--as they said--to the assembled worshippers, they reviled
+their Prophet and their religion. [2] Being set upon and nearly torn in
+pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were rescued by the Kadi,
+who imprisoned them till such time as their sentence should be declared.
+They were condemned to have their hands and feet cut off, and be
+beheaded; which sentence was carried into effect.[3]
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger
+ vocabulary of abuse than most languages: see the account of
+ Prof. Palmer's death in his Life by Besant.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2.
+
+ [3] Eul. (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo
+ stupefacta nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius
+ sentiebat."
+
+Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king knew
+no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this defiance of
+the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a widespread
+disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule. In fact, as we
+shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the banner of revolt in
+favour of their Cordovan brethren at this very time. Mohammed therefore
+seems to have meditated a real persecution, such as should extirpate
+Christianity in his dominions.[1] He is said even to have given orders
+for a general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the
+slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not apostatize.[2] But the
+dispassionate advice of his councillors saved the king from this crime.
+They pointed out that no men of any intelligence, education, or rank
+among the Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and
+that the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their
+actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other advisers seem
+to have diverted the king from his project of a wholesale massacre by
+encouraging him to proceed legally against the Christians with the
+utmost rigour, and by this means to cow them into submission.[3]
+
+These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no other
+executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when Fandila, a
+priest of Tabanos,[4] and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's monastery
+to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward and reviled the
+Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and subsequently beheaded (June 13,
+853). His fate awakened the dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,[5] a
+priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a Gaetulian monk of Alcala de
+Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos
+(the latter being strengthened in her resolve by a celestial vision),
+who, pursuing the usual plan, are beheaded the following day; their
+example being followed by Benildis, a matron (June 15).[6]
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de
+ mortibus resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam
+ totam extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot
+ hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui
+ arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos
+ virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed
+ (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes
+ Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico
+ distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+ "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia
+ Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat."
+
+ [3] _Ibid._ "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem
+ voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus
+ gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt."
+
+ [4] _Ibid._ iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he
+ was a monk of Guadix.
+
+ [5] _Ibid._, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2.
+
+ [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix.
+
+The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the
+Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and shutting them
+up to prevent others giving themselves up.[1] One of these however,
+Columba,[2] sister of Elizabeth and of the abbot Martin, contrived to
+escape. This Columba had persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of
+her mother's efforts to make her marry, which only ceased when the
+mother died. She now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17).
+
+Just one month later Pomposa,[3] from the monastery of St Salvator,
+Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in these
+executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the following year,
+when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems to have really deserved
+the name of martyr, for he was given up to the authorities by the
+treachery of others,[4] and did not seek martyrdom.
+
+Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci
+(Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of Paul, the
+deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same fate (April 30,
+855).[5]
+
+After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an old
+priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave themselves
+up to execution[6] (April 17, 856.) In June of that year a more
+venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his destruction. This
+was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of Cordova (June 28).[7] Exactly
+one month later Aurea, a virgin and sister of the brothers John and
+Adulphus, whose martyrdom has been already mentioned, was brought before
+the magistrate. Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,[8] she
+had long been left unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was
+well known. She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon
+repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a Christian, she
+gained a martyr's crown (July 29).
+
+ [1] So Miss Yonge.
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, c. xi.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium
+ ad martyrium furore pertractum."
+
+ [5] _Ibid._, ch. xiii.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, cc. xiv. xv.
+
+ [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum
+ dolo vel odio circumventus."
+
+ [8] _Ibid._, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis
+ exornabatur."
+
+The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution.
+Ruderic,[1] a priest, whose brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened
+as a peacemaker, in a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With
+the usual fate of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and
+nearly killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and
+had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his brother had
+become a Mussulman before his death.[2] However, Ruderic recovered, and
+made his escape, but being obliged to return to Cordova, met his
+brother, who immediately brought him before the Kadi on a charge of
+apostasy. His life and liberty were promised to him if he would only
+acknowledge that Christ was merely man, and that Mohammed was the
+messenger of God. On refusing, he is imprisoned, and finds in prison a
+certain Salomon, also charged with apostasy from Islam. The two
+fellow-prisoners contract a great friendship and are consequently
+separated. After a third exhortation, they are condemned to death, but
+not before the judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their
+purpose by offers of honour and rewards.[3] They were executed March 13,
+857, and their bodies thrown into the river--even the stones sprinkled
+with their blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the
+Christians should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on
+shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally fortunate,
+informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his body lay in a
+tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum.
+
+Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself contrived
+to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to brave. Whether this
+was due to any unworthy fear of death on his part is not clear, but it
+may have been owing to the respect in which he was held by the Moslem
+authorities. To these he was well known as a man of irreproachable
+character and unaffected piety, and several Arabs of high rank, who were
+his personal friends, shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the
+effects of his folly. Eulogius[4] was descended from a Senatorial family
+of Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he
+devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his
+contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the feet of
+Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica. Besides a
+sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in trade, and another
+brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in government employ.[5]
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff.
+
+ [2] So the Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their
+ victims had abjured their errors before being burnt.
+
+ [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27.
+
+ [4] Life by Alvar, c. i. sec. 2.
+
+ [5] Eul. ad Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni
+ indignatio eo tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a
+ metaphorical allusion to Joseph in Egypt.
+
+Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and his
+desire for the life of a monk,[1] and for the glory of martyrdom. When
+strong measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with
+Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for martyrdom by
+threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were frightened into
+submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,[2] remained firm, in spite of his
+being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a certain Gomez, who was
+a temporising Christian in the king's service.[3]
+
+ [1] Life by Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus
+ enervaretur, quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea
+ sarcina gravabatur."
+
+ [2] "Hic inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est
+ visus susurro."--Life by Alvar, sec. 5.
+
+ [3] This man, says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost
+ his hold on the Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to
+ attack. See below, p. 72.
+
+There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere with and
+check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs which he saw going
+on round him. Believing that such close relations between the peoples
+tended to the spiritual degradation of Christianity, he set himself
+deliberately to embitter those relations, and, as far as he could, to
+make a good understanding impossible. To discourage the learning of
+Arabic by the Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to
+Pampluna the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal,
+and Augustine's "De Civitate Dei."
+
+At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a priest, but
+for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating at the mass on the
+ground that he was himself a great sinner.[1] However, his
+ecclesiastical superior[2] (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him
+take a different view of the question by threatening him with anathema
+if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a prominent
+champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was imprisoned in 851,
+where he wrote treatises in favour of the martyrs, and was released, as
+we have seen, by the intercession of Flora and Maria on November 29th of
+that year.
+
+ [1] He pleads his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he
+ was infected with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous
+ century, which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop
+ of Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez,
+ xi. 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who
+ held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum
+ sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine
+ and Isidore against the error.
+
+ [2] Pontifex proprius.
+
+In 858,[1] on the death of Wistremirus, he was chosen by
+the votes of the people[2] to succeed him as Bishop of Toledo;
+but from some cause, perhaps by the intervention of the
+Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his see. The
+people then determined to have no bishop, if they might
+not have him.[3] Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his
+bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though
+not all bishops holy men."
+
+ [1] "Life of Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10.
+
+ [2] "Communis electio."
+
+ [3] Fleury, v. 547, says another bishop was elected in
+ Eulogius' lifetime; but Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo
+ vivente interdixerunt eligere."
+
+In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a disturber of
+the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had been allowed to
+support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was he permitted to finish
+in prison a book in defence of the martyrs,[1] which had the direct
+tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion of
+Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:--Leocritia, a maiden of
+Arab extraction and of noble birth,[2] had been secretly baptised by
+Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her apostasy, cruelly
+ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to make her renounce Christ.
+She naturally turned to Eulogius and his sister Anulo for advice in her
+afflictions, expressing a wish to escape to a part of Spain where the
+Christian worship was free. As a first step to this, she leaves her
+parents under pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with
+Eulogius. Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people
+imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last betrayed and
+surprised at the house of her protector. They are both dragged before
+the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he persists in defying the laws
+in this way.[3] The bishop defends himself by pleading that Christian
+clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their religion, if asked, as
+he had been by Leocritia.[4] The judge then threatens to have him
+scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to so painful and degrading a
+punishment, repeats the lesson which he had taught to so many others,
+and reviles Mohammed. Even so the judge shows a disposition to treat him
+with leniency, and he is remanded to prison with Leocritia.
+
+When brought up again before the royal Council,[5] an influential friend
+makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush on their
+own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved wisdom and
+blameless character, in defiance of all natural instincts, to throw away
+your life in this manner?" He urges Eulogius to say but one word of
+concession in the hour of peril, promising that he should afterwards be
+free to exercise his religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance.
+But the bishop could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such
+offers with the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us
+on high!"
+
+ [1] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295.
+
+ [2] Alvar, Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13.
+
+ [3] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15.
+
+ [4] This kind of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime
+ by the Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171.
+
+ [5] Alvar, "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548.
+
+On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on one
+cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was beheaded on
+March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later. Miraculous appearances
+honoured the body of the martyred bishop, which was buried in the Church
+of St Genesius, whence it was translated in the next year to his own
+church of St Zoilus, and in 883 was given up, together with that of
+Leocritia, to Alphonso III. (866-910) by express stipulation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS.
+
+
+With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms comes to
+an end, and it will be convenient at this point to consider the whole
+question of the relation of the Church to the civil power, and how far
+those "confessors," who were put to death under the circumstances
+already related, were entitled to the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the
+evidence we have on the subject is drawn almost entirely from the
+apologists of their doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of
+some bias. Yet even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no
+real persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as to
+justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots.
+
+If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and Alodia,
+the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single recorded instance
+of a Christian being put to death for his religion by the Arabs in
+Spain before the middle of the ninth century. The Muzarabes,[1] as the
+Christians living under the Arabs were called, enjoyed a remarkable
+degree of freedom in the exercise of their religion--the services and
+rites of the Church being conducted as heretofore.[2] In Cordova alone
+we find mention of the following churches:[3] the Church of St Acislus,
+a former martyr of Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three
+Martyrs--Faustus, Januarius, Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius
+and Eulalia; and of the Virgin Mary.
+
+ [1] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means
+ "those who try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language."
+
+ [2] Eulog. Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he
+ spent the ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis,
+ vespertinum, matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad
+ honorem (Dei) et gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus."
+
+ [3] Florez, x. 245.
+
+Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab writer,
+who died in 1034.[1] "I once entered at night," he says, "into the
+principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green branches
+of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of the thundering
+bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the innumerable lamps dazzled
+my eyes; the priests, decked in rich silken robes of gay and fanciful
+colours, and girt with girdle cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone
+of those present had banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled
+from his mind all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps
+towards the marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the
+hollow of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and
+taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he applied
+to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky lips of a
+beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents captivated his senses, but
+when he had tasted the delicious liquor, the sweetness and flavour
+seemed to overpower him." On leaving the church, the Arab, with true
+Arabian facility, extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By
+the Lord of mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of
+unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a girl that
+their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they put on their gay
+tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before the Almighty." Ahmed
+also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay long among them, began to
+sing round us with their books in their hands; every wretch presented us
+the palm of his withered hand (with the holy water), but they were even
+like the bat, whose safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us
+every attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of
+swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects very
+characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the incongruity of
+an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the lips of a maid," or the
+irrelevancy of a reference to swine's flesh. But the account merits
+attention on other grounds, for it shews how little even the more
+intelligent Moslems understood the ceremonies of the religion which they
+had conquered, though they might be pardoned for thinking that the
+Christians worshipped the Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself
+fell into the same error, and because probably the Roman Church and its
+adherents had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship.
+
+The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been the
+church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,[2] the Christians had
+to give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one
+enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were induced,
+or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and it was pulled
+down to make room for the Great Mosque.[3] In 894 we find that the
+Cordovans were allowed to build a new church.
+
+ [1] Ahmed ibn Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote
+ De Gayangos' translation.
+
+ [2] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at
+ first guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750
+ they had to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to
+ sell the other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the
+ destroyed churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p.
+ 29, note 1.
+
+ [3] This was not finished till 793. The original structure cost
+ 80,000 dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II.
+ (961-976) alone spent on it 160,000 dinars.
+
+Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve monasteries and
+churches in the immediate neighbourhood of Cordova: among them the
+monastery of St Christopher, the famous one of Tabanos, suppressed as
+above mentioned, in 854;[1] those of St Felix at Froniano, of St Martin
+at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at Cuteclara, of St Salvator at
+Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS. Justus and Pastor, and of St
+Sebastian.
+
+We have given the names of these churches and monasteries[2] at or near
+Cordova, both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one
+or other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom we
+are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that
+above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new
+churches,[3] but considering the diminution in the numbers of the
+Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a great many, this
+could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover the Christian churches,
+it was ordained, should be open to Moslems as well as Christians, though
+during the performance of mass it seems that they had to be kept closed.
+The Mosques were never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.[4]
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 162.
+
+ [2] Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the
+ Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the
+ Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see
+ Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra
+ received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but
+ Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter).
+
+ [3] Cp. the stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem.
+
+ [4] See Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89.
+
+The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at Cordova,
+did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at Elvira, the
+cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after the Cordovan
+martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the year of the
+conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally finished. What we
+hear about the Christians at Elvira at this time is not to their credit,
+their bishop, Samuel, being notorious as an evil liver.[1] It is in
+Cordova that the main interest at this period centres; and to Cordova we
+will for the present confine our attention.
+
+There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts, both
+those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who aided and
+abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a comparatively small body
+in the Church of Spain; and that their proceedings awakened little short
+of dismay in the minds of the more sensible portion of the Christian
+community, both in the Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree
+in the free North.[2] The chief leaders of the party of zealots--as far
+as we find mention of them--were Saul, bishop of Cordova (850-861),
+Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the monastery of Pegnamellar; while
+Reccafredus, bishop of Seville, and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the
+prominent ecclesiastics on the other side.
+
+ [1] Ibn Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210.
+
+ [2] Yonge, p. 63.
+
+Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with the
+Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of fanaticism, it
+will be interesting to note what was the attitude of the different
+sections of the Church towards the misguided men who gave themselves up
+to death, and their claims to the crown of martyrdom. Those who denied
+the validity of these claims, rested their contention on the grounds,
+that the so-called martyrs had compassed their own destruction, there
+being no persecution at the time; that they had worked no miracles in
+proof of their high claims; that they had been slain by men who believed
+in the true God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and
+that their bodies had corrupted like those of other men.
+
+It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call these
+suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in high places
+had forced them to deny their faith,[1] or interfered with their due
+observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of ostentatious
+pride--and pride was the root of all evil--to court danger. Such conduct
+had never been enjoined by Christ, and was quite alien from the meekness
+and humility of His character.[2]
+
+They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been expressly
+condemned,
+
+(_a._) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the other
+churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms: "We commend not
+those who offer themselves of their own accord, for that is not what the
+gospel teacheth us:"[3]
+
+(_b._) By St Cyprian,[4] who, when brought before the consul and
+questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer
+themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says: "Let
+none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if he speak
+when apprehended:"
+
+(_c._) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who rush to death,
+for there are some, not of us, but only bearing the same name, who give
+themselves up:"[5]
+
+(_d._) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis (_circa_ 305),
+one of the canons of which forbade him to be ranked as a martyr, who
+was killed on the spot for breaking idols:
+
+(_e._) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted on the
+question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged martyrs, gave it
+as his opinion that those should be first excluded who had courted
+martyrdom.[6] One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict XIV. of
+Rome,[7] has ventured to approve what the Church has condemned. Nor is
+this the only instance in which the Roman Church has set aside the
+decisions of an earlier Christendom.
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis
+ violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae
+ piaeque religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis
+ suum incolere iusserat Christianismum."
+
+ [2] Quoting such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse
+ you, and pray for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23,
+ "Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's
+ sake."
+
+ [3] Eusebius iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.)
+
+ [4] Martyred 258.
+
+ [5] See Long's "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21.
+
+ [6] Burton's "History of the Christian Church," p. 336.
+
+ [7] 1740-1748: in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et
+ beatorum canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541.
+
+The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been no
+persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their doings, and
+that those doings themselves were contrary to the teaching and spirit of
+Christianity. The latter part of the charge has already been dealt with,
+and may be considered sustained. As to the other part, the apologists,
+it must be confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes,
+indeed, they deny it point-blank:[1] "as if," says Eulogius, "the
+destruction of our churches,[2] the insults heaped upon our clergy, the
+monthly tax[3] which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived on
+sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are continually
+referred to. "No one," says the same author,[4] "can go out or come in
+amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the street
+without being treated with contumely. They mock at the marks[5] of our
+order. They hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children
+jeer at us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The
+sound of the church-going bell[6] never fails to evoke from Moslem
+hearers the foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a
+pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the Moslems
+would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;[7] and when they
+witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud, "Shew
+them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's people, and
+defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.[8] "Yet," he indignantly
+exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is it, I
+answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a deadly time[9] ...
+are we not bowed beneath the yoke of slavery, burdened with intolerable
+taxes, spoiled of our goods, lashed with the scourges of their abuse,
+made a byword and a proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"[10]
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec.
+ 3.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7.
+
+ [3] Leovigild, "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565.
+
+ [4] Eul., l.l.
+
+ [5] Stigmata.
+
+ [6] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui
+ inhiantes capita moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He
+ adds: "Daily and nightly from their minarets they revile the
+ Lord by their invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib.
+ Ap.," sec. 19, confesses that hearing their call to prayer
+ always moved him to quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all
+ they that worship carved images"--a very irrelevant
+ malediction, as applied to the Moslems.
+
+ [7] Alvar, l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant."
+
+ [8] "Spurcitiarum fimo."--_Ibid._
+
+ [9] "Mortiferum."--"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+
+ [10] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage
+ picture of the Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in
+ tumore cordis elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi,
+ in comestione superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine
+ iustitia invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis
+ nescientes affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes,
+ castitatem velut spurcitiam respuentes."
+
+That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that the
+lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal their dislike
+and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as were at variance with
+their own creed, and moreover regarded priests and monks with especial
+aversion, there can be no doubt. But, on the other hand, there is no
+want of evidence to show that the condition of the Christians was by no
+means so bad as the apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances
+could not fail to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were
+actually to be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the
+Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that
+humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances.
+Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can itself
+be called such, there was none, till it was called into being by the
+action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from all the other facts
+which point to this conclusion, we can call the apologists themselves in
+evidence that there was no real persecution going on at the time of the
+first martyrdoms.
+
+Eulogius[1] admits that the Christians were not let or hindered in the
+free exercise of their religion by saying that this state of things[2]
+was not due to the forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the
+Divine mercy. Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the
+whole position which he is trying to defend, says[3]:--"Though many were
+the victims of persecution, very many others--and you cannot deny
+it--offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it not
+clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we who began
+preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will see that they
+rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the bidding of
+persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye, and--what is made so
+strong a charge against them--that they tired out the forbearance of
+their rulers and princes by insult upon insult."[4]
+
+ [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 29.
+
+ [2] Viz., "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus."
+
+ [3] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+
+ [4] "Fatigasse praesides et principes multis
+ contumeliis."--_Ibid._
+
+As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs were no
+martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the Scriptures quoted by
+his opponents,[1] and refer to the morally blind, who make evil their
+good, and take darkness to be their light;[2] while he brought forward a
+saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will hold the first rank
+in the heavenly companies who have gone to their death unsummoned."[3]
+
+He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the plea
+that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is sufficiently
+ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly assures us that these
+insults and revilings of the prophet were merely a form of preaching[4]
+to the poor benighted Moslems, naïvely remarking that the Scriptures
+affirm that the Gospel of Christ must be preached to all nations.
+Whereas, then, the Moslems had not been preached to, these martyred
+saints had taken upon themselves the sacred duty of rendering them
+"debtors to the faith."
+
+The second count[5] against the martyrs was that they had worked no
+miracles--a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were almost the
+test of sanctity. Eulogius[6] could only meet the charge by admitting
+the fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages, in
+order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the constancy
+of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true, but not to the
+point). Had he been content with this, he had done wisely; but he goes
+on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth, as even the unbelievers
+can work them."[7] Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did not
+perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were deficient
+in this particular;[8] and yet in other parts of his work he mentions
+miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by Isaac,
+and by Flora, and Maria.[9] So that the worthy priest is placed in this
+dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute them to
+the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were unable to work
+them? if, on the other hand, they did perform these miracles, why not
+adduce them in evidence against the detractors?
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19.
+
+ [2] Isaiah v. 20.
+
+ [3] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of
+ the Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius--a
+ book obviously of no authority.
+
+ [4] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus
+ hactenus exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei
+ tenerentur. Isti enim (_i.e._, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem
+ in eosdem et evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque
+ fidei debitores reddiderunt."
+
+ [5] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13.
+
+ [6] "Lib. Apol.," sec 7.
+
+ [7] "Lib. Apol.," sec. 10.
+
+ [8] Cp. "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 13.
+
+ [9] "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4.
+
+The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not put to
+death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and acknowledging a
+divine law,[1] and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius misses the
+true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully exclaims:--"As if
+they could be said to believe in God, who persecute His Church, and deem
+it hateful to believe in a Christ who was very God and very man."[2]
+
+Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as Eulogius
+points out,[3] pain and torture give no additional claim to the martyr's
+crown.
+
+Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as indeed was
+to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some cases, devoured by
+dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,[4] "since their souls are borne away
+to celestial mansions."
+
+ [1] Eul. "Lib. Apol.," sec. 3.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 12.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 5.
+
+ [4] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 17.
+
+But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that
+Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and scoffs of
+the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true God, does He not
+strike terror into the executioners of his saints by some great
+prodigy? and why do not the martyrs themselves flash forth into miracles
+while the crowd is round them? You rush upon your own destruction, and
+yet you work no wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of
+your creed, thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."[1]
+
+Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than they
+cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled at the
+Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians, from fear of
+death, even apostatized. "Whither," they triumphantly asked,[2] "has
+that bravery of your martyrs vanished? What has become of the rash
+frenzy with which they courted death?" Yet though they affected to
+consider the martyrs as fools or madmen, they could not be blind to the
+effect that their constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld
+their death, and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded
+by the Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of
+martyrs to be preserved[3] and worshipped, and did their best to make
+this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and scattering
+the ashes on the river, though sometimes they contented themselves with
+throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the stream.
+
+ [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 12.
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6.
+
+ [3] See "De Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc.,
+ sec. 11. "Non enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni
+ permittunt." See above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs
+ were more freely given up at the request of the Christians. See
+ "Chron. Silen.," secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender
+ of the body of Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9,
+ where Eulogius mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints
+ Zoilus and Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave
+ up the body of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request.
+ Mariana, viii. 5.
+
+However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly
+carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon as
+the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the admission of
+their admirers themselves, had never worked any miracles when living,
+were enabled, when dead, to perform a series of extraordinary ones,
+which did not finally cease till modern enlightenment had dissipated the
+darkness of the Middle Ages.
+
+We happen to possess a very interesting account of the circumstances
+under which the relics of three of these Cordovan martyrs were
+transferred from the troubled scene of their passion to the more
+peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of France.[1]
+
+It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St Vincent and
+the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of their patron
+saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks, Usuard and Odilard,
+with the king's[2] permission, to procure the precious relics for their
+own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the monks learnt
+that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had been, in fact,
+carried[3] by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior, the bishop of
+that city, had seized it, and it was still held in veneration there, but
+under the name of St Marinus, whose body the monk had stoutly asserted
+it to be. Senior apparently doubted the statement, and tortured Andaldus
+to get the truth out of him, but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St
+Vincent had been deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never
+surrender the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard
+knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated.
+
+ [1] De Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae
+ ex urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.--"Migne," vol. 115,
+ pp. 939 ff.
+
+ [2] Charles the Bald.
+
+ [3] "Under a divine impulse," as usual.
+
+Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at
+Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend, holding
+a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name, mentioned the
+persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem to have travelled
+beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to Cordova, relying on a
+friend there, named Leovigild, to help them to obtain what they wished.
+Travelling in Spain, however, seems to have been by no means safe[1] at
+this period, and their bold resolution is regarded with fear and
+admiration by their friends. The lord of the Gothic marches, Hunifrid,
+being on friendly terms with the Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on
+their behalf, and he entrusts them to the care of a caravan which
+chanced to be just starting for Cordova.
+
+ [1] See sec. 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of
+ the road to Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as
+ "perturbata funeroso Wilihelmi incursu."
+
+On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's Church,
+where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of their arrival
+brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves a very useful friend,
+and Samson, who just at this juncture is made abbot of the monastery at
+Pegnamellar, where the bodies of George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were
+buried--the very relics which they had decided to try and obtain.
+
+The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such
+precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's
+permission to give up the bodies.
+
+This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them of
+returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which Mohammed I. was
+on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had been given that all
+the inhabitants, strangers as well as citizens, except the city guard,
+should go out with the King. However, the Frankish monks were met by an
+unexpected difficulty. In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks
+of Pegnamellar refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much
+difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former
+permission to remove them.
+
+The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems, and
+sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose. George's body
+was found whole, but of the other two, only the head of Nathalia, and
+the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter are united to form one
+corpse, as it is written, "they two shall be one flesh." After a stay in
+Cordova of eight weeks, they set out under the protection of some
+Christians serving in the army. Leovigild, who had been away on the
+King's business, now returns, and escorts them to Toledo. The approach
+of the army having cleared away the brigands who infested those parts,
+the monks with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and
+returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked numbers of
+astonishing miracles.
+
+Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the moderate
+party among the Christians, and by the Moslem authorities, to put an end
+to what seemed so dangerous an agitation. That Reccafredus was not the
+only ecclesiastic of high position who took exception to the new
+movement we learn clearly enough from Alvar,[1] who tells us that
+"bishops, priests, deacons, and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in
+inveighing against the new martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear
+wellnigh denying the faith of Christ, if not in words, yet by their
+acts." We may, therefore, conclude that the greater part of the
+ecclesiastical authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of
+Seville, while the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively
+small one. However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did
+not hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.[2] Eulogius
+complains that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the
+customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove her web
+in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful silence." In this
+passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his imagination, yet there
+must have been a certain amount of truth in the main assertion, for he
+repeats it again and again.[3]
+
+The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who seemed
+to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is founded, who
+were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say, in the presence of
+these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans, under no compulsion, but of
+their own free will, spoken evil of the martyrs of God? Have not the
+shepherds of Christ, the teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots,
+priests, the chiefs of our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly
+denounced the martyrs of our Church as heretics?"[4]
+
+ [1] "Life of Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4--"Omnes sacerdotes quos
+ potuit carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec.
+ 11--"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis,
+ viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ...
+ privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind.
+ Lum.," secs. 14, 18--"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et
+ loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata."
+
+ [3] Eul., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16--"Eremitatem ecclesiarum,
+ compeditionem sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc
+ tempore sacrificium nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad
+ Wilies, sec. 10.
+
+ [4] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14.
+
+Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order forced
+them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's palm by
+speaking evil of the Prophet.[1] Those who disobeyed were threatened
+with unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless
+scourgings.[2] This last statement must be taken with reservation, at
+least if put into the mouth of the Christian party under Reccafredus.
+It is extremely unlikely that Christian bishops and priests should have
+had recourse to such treatment of their coreligionists: yet they had a
+spiritual weapon ready to their hands, and they were not slow to use it.
+They anathematised[3] those who aided and abetted the zealots; and
+Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of
+excommunication.[4]
+
+ [1] _Ibid._, sec. 15--"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam,
+ iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus
+ impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter
+ fecimus."
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12--"Duris
+ tormentis agitati, commoti sunt."
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28--"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi
+ palaestram discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia
+ damnari iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31--"Plerosque
+ patres anathematizantes talia patientes."
+
+ [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+
+This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if not at
+the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close concert with
+them. Eulogius[1] attributes all the evils which had befallen the
+Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots, and
+deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly states that the
+King was urged, even bribed, to take measures against the Christians.[2]
+It is not likely that the King required much persuading. Mohammed at
+least seems to have been thoroughly frightened by the continued
+agitation against Mohammedanism. He naturally suspected some political
+plot at the bottom of it; a supposition which receives some countenance
+from the various references in Eulogius[3] to the martyrs as "Soldiers
+of God" bound to war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted
+fact that the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their
+coreligionists at Cordova.[4] However that may be, the King in 852
+certainly took counsel[5] with his ministers, how the agitation should
+be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand council[6] of
+the Church, when the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were
+in consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to. But
+Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts all
+Christians, who held offices in the palace,[7] or in connection with the
+Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"[8] the royal
+bounty usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all
+churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to those
+previously existing. He made a severe enactment against those who
+reviled Mohammed.[9] He even had in mind to banish all Christians from
+his dominions.[10] This intention, together with the order respecting
+the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to the opportune
+revolt at Toledo.[11]
+
+ [1] Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+
+ [3] See Dozy, ii. 136.
+
+ [4] Conde, i. 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority,
+ that he incited them to revolt under Sindila.
+
+ [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv.
+
+ [6] Robertson calls it a Conciliabulum.
+
+ [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. § 2.
+
+ [8] "Militares pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i.
+
+ [9] Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv--"Tunc iam procul dubio
+ enecandi nos difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui
+ temerarius exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean
+ that Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice
+ any who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot.
+
+ [10] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"Moslemi ... omne regni
+ sui, sicuti cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur
+ Christicolarum."
+
+ [11] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv.
+
+In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear lest the
+intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the Church in
+Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did much at first to
+aggravate the hardships of the Israelites.[1] He ought not, therefore,
+to have been surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor
+ought he to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians
+observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate; and that
+the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and exactions.[2]
+
+These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the Bishop
+of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party were broken
+up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding, and only venturing
+abroad in disguise and at night--not, as Eulogius is careful to add,
+from fear of death, but because the high prize of martyrdom is not
+reserved for the unworthy many, but for the worthy few.[3]
+
+ [1] _Ibid._, ii. c. xvi.
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"_Nunc_ pro suo libito
+ tantummodo exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... _nunc_
+ publicum imponentes censum, _nunc_ rebus nos abdicantes
+ detrimentis atterunt rerum."
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14--"Quia indigni sumus
+ martyrio, quod quibusdam et non omnibus datum est."
+
+Some even apostatized,[1] while many of those who had applauded the
+proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and blamed them
+for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the suffering Church for an
+early mansion in the skies.[2] Others, in order to retain posts under
+Government, or to court favour with the King, dissembled their religion,
+taking care not to pray, or make the sign of the cross in public.[3]
+Eulogius himself was singled out at the meeting of the King's Council by
+one of the royal secretaries, Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,[4]
+as the ringleader of the new seditious movement. This man was a very
+worldly-minded Christian,[5] and was, no doubt, at this time, in fear of
+losing his lucrative office at Court, which he had obtained by his
+remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in fact, lose his post with all
+the other Christian officers of the Court, but regained it by becoming a
+Moslem;[6] and such was the ardour of the new proselyte that he was
+called "the dove of the mosque."[7]
+
+The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the party of
+which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former writer,
+mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends that it was
+merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken figuratively; and he
+acknowledges that such hypocrisy was unworthy of the prelates and
+officers assembled.[8] Is it not more reasonable to suppose that
+Eulogius and his supporters voted for it--as they seem to have
+done--with a mental reservation, while their opponents honestly
+considered such a step necessary?
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1--"Fidem praevaricantur,
+ abdicant religionem, Crucifixum detestantur."
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his
+ letter to Alvar sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few
+ remained firm to their principles.
+
+ [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9--"Cum palam coram ethnicis
+ orationem non faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non
+ muniunt ... Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis
+ gratia, pro vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia
+ praeliantes." Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta
+ iussum Domini tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae,
+ caligosasque turres crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium
+ Deo offerens vespertinum."
+
+ [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 18. See above, p. 51.
+
+ [5] Ibn al Kuttiya--apud Dozy, ii. 137.
+
+ [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii.
+
+ [7] Dozy, ii. 137.
+
+ [8] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3--"Aliquid
+ commentaremur, quod ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet
+ aures." The "praemissum pontificate decretum" he calls
+ "allegorice editum."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+THE MUZARABES.
+
+
+The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the dubious
+martyrdoms which had for some years become so common, though the spirit,
+which prompted the self-deluded victims, was by no means stifled either
+in Spain or the adjoining countries.[1] Yet the measures taken to put
+down the mania for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for
+some time.
+
+Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians,
+determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the hands of
+the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related hereafter, in
+several parts of Spain. After the battle of Aguilar, or Polei, in 891,
+between the Arab and Spanish factions, 1000 of the defeated Christians
+were given the choice of Islam or death, and all, save one, chose the
+latter alternative.[2]
+
+During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a few
+isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned now. After
+the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,[3] where Abdurrahman defeated
+the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting bishops, who were
+taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a hostage for his own
+release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius. The king, it is said,
+smitten with his beauty, wished to work his abominable will upon the
+boy, but his advances being rejected with disdain, the unhappy youth was
+put to death with great barbarity, refusing to save his life by
+apostasy.[4] A different version of the story is given by a Saxon nun of
+Gaudersheim, named Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty
+years later. She tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who
+thereupon struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by
+decapitation (June 26, 925).[5]
+
+ [1] See "Life of Argentea," secs. 3, 5.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 287.
+
+ [3] Val du Junqueras, 920 A.D.
+
+ [4] Johannes Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257,
+ disbelieves this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii.
+ 154, is referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the
+ king's liking for a handsome Christian page.
+
+ [5] Sampiro, secs. 26-28.
+
+In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance in
+Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter of the
+great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,[1] and his wife Columba, and was born at
+that chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar
+wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar had
+become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking only for a
+quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for martyrdom; and she
+wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes inclined him in the same
+direction, suggesting that they should seek the crown of martyrdom
+together.[2] On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman in 928, she
+went to Cordova.[3] She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who had
+been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a virgin, with
+whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object becoming known,
+Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of the city. Argentea goes
+to visit him there, and is stopped by the guards, who, finding she is a
+Christian, take her before the judge as a renegade, and she is
+imprisoned with Vulfura. The alternative of Islam instead of death being
+refused, they are both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens
+rebellis," is first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out.
+Her body was buried at the church of the three saints.
+
+In the year 934[4] we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being
+massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense they
+can be regarded as martyrs to their faith.
+
+ [1] Who on becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel.
+ Florez, x. p. 564, ff.
+
+ [2] See "Life of Argentea," by an anonymous author.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 4.
+
+ [4] Dozy, iii. 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may
+ have occurred in 893.
+
+In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;[1] and thirty
+years later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab
+rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken
+prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and a-half
+in prison.[2] They were then brought out and put to death, just when
+Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom them.[3]
+
+There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a persecution of
+the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and the statements of those
+writers who intimate the contrary may be set aside as unsupported by
+evidence.[4]
+
+We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian Church
+and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially--for our
+information is greatest as to those periods--under the two kings
+Abdurrahman II. and III.
+
+Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the Christians,
+until the persecution, which they themselves provoked, began, was very
+tolerable, and the majority of the Christians were quite content with
+their lot. They served in the army, both free men and slaves; they held
+lucrative posts at Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as
+government officials. But though the lay community was well off, the
+clergy and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the
+Church[5] could not be said to be free, though the worship was, since
+the power of summoning councils had now passed to the Arab executive,
+who, as we have seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils.
+Sees were also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not
+unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing the
+emoluments, of bishops.[6]
+
+ [1] Schott., iv. 246.
+
+ [2] Rohrbacher, xii. 192.
+
+ [3] Charter, apud Florez, xiv. 397.
+
+ [4] See above, p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of
+ John Servus Dei, Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard
+ to the late martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been
+ written in 937.
+
+ [5] Dozy, ii. 47.
+
+ [6] Alvar, "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv.
+
+As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin throughout
+the country, and even before the ninth century the Scriptures were
+translated into the tongue of the conquerors [1] by Odoarius, Bishop of
+Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use of any
+language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to use Arabic
+Gospels;[2] and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted to write in
+Latin.[3] Even if this statement be doubtful, we know that Latin came
+gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar utters an eloquent
+protest against this: "Alas, the Christians are ignorant of their own
+tongue, and Latins neglect their language, so that in all the College of
+Christ[4] there is scarcely to be found one who can write an address of
+welcome to his brother intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found
+competent to mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."[5] In the
+department of poetry--the peculiar boast of the Arabs--the Christians
+seem even to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two
+nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance of
+native ballads of which Spain can boast.
+
+We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of Latin,
+by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that language; but
+it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result. We can see from the
+remains of the Spanish writers which we possess that the structure of
+that language had considerably degenerated in Spain.[6]
+
+ [1] Murphy, "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309.
+
+ [2] Yonge, p. 60.
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 239.
+
+ [4] "Omni Christi collegio."
+
+ [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+
+ [6] See Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand,
+ writes wonderfully good Latin.
+
+Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely intelligible.
+Moreover, we find Samson[1] directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of
+Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of Orleans
+(839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself a Spaniard, of
+the same defect.
+
+The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing indifference to
+the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated Christians being led to
+devote their time, which might have been more profitably spent on their
+own Scriptures, to becoming acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and
+even to unravelling the intricacies of the controversial theology which
+had grown up round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the
+Koran.[2] The great Fathers of the Church were laid aside unread, and
+even the Prophets and Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to
+study them. While the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the
+lower were sunk in poverty[3] and ignorance.[4] The inevitable result of
+this indifference, ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration
+in the character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too
+many proofs.
+
+ [1] Samson, "Apol.," c. vii.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35--"Ac dum illorum sacramenta
+ inquirimus, et philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum
+ convincendis erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione
+ luculenter diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus
+ laicis invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina
+ quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis
+ Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur
+ amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae
+ diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione
+ praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum
+ avidissime tractunt?"
+
+ [3] Florez, xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31;
+ and for the condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle,
+ "Hist. of Civiliz.," i. 443.
+
+ [4] Dozy (l.l.).
+
+We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of
+Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to low and
+unworthy people;[1] while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova, with
+obtaining his bishopric by bribery.[2] Other irregularities imputed to
+Hostegesis were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary
+to the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to
+extort money from them, till they died under his hands.
+
+Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of unworthy
+men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had to endure in
+silence,[3] many were informally ordained without vouchers for character
+being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy and flocks being
+obtained.[4] Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle of two rival
+pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from the Fathers.[5]
+
+Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no authority
+could be alleged, in contravention of established custom and the
+teaching of the Church. So far was this carried that Samson was accused
+by his opponents of being a heretic and an idolator because he permitted
+the marriage of cousins; dissented from the view that God was ever
+enclosed in the chambers of the Virgin's heart;[6] asserted the
+omnipresence of God, even in idols and the Devil, and this in an actual,
+not a metaphysical, sense;[7] and denied that God sat upon an exalted
+throne above his creatures. From this it is clear that Hostegesis and
+those who thought with him[8] were infected with the anthropomorphite
+heresy.
+
+ [1] Samson, "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2.
+
+ [2] See "Letter to Saul," sec. 3--"Poterant enim quovis
+ asserente canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari,
+ si quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis
+ exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on
+ the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture.
+
+ [3] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268.
+
+ [4] Alvar ad Saulum, sec. 3--"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia
+ clericorum."
+
+ [5] _Ibid._
+
+ [6] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.--"Cubiculum
+ cordis Virginei." This appears to be a quotation from the
+ Gothic liturgy.
+
+ [7] "Per substantiam, non per subtilitatem."--_Ibid._
+
+ [8] Romanus and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6.
+
+Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their
+depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the produce
+of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with difficulty
+extorted from his flock,[1] in bribing the court officials and the
+king's sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was
+indulged in.[2] The clergy were not above pretending illness in order to
+avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem rulers.[3] Some, even in
+the highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and
+apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel, Bishop
+of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a pervert's zeal,
+persecuted the Church he had deserted, imprisoning the clergy, taxing
+his former flock, and even forcing some to embrace Islam.[4]
+
+It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were sometimes
+deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the hands of a
+hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his pretended heresy;
+and, similarly, Valentius,[5] Bishop of Cordova, was deprived of his see
+because he was a supporter of Samson. But these instances reflect more
+discredit on the deposers than on their victims. Instances of deposition
+are not wanting, in the free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh
+Bishop of Compostella (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute
+living, and malversation of Church moneys.[6] On the king's death he
+recovered his see, driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of
+Compostella, suffered the same punishment.[7]
+
+ [1] The offering of one-third for the Church was refused to
+ Hostegesis as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it,
+ "suis codicibus institutis."--Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._ The state of the Church in the North was not much
+ better. See Yonge, p. 86.
+
+ [3] Leovigild de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110.
+
+ [4] Samson, Pref. ii. 4.
+
+ [5] Succeeded Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864.
+
+ [6] Mariana, viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey,
+ "Chronicle of the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86.
+
+ [7] Mariana (1.1.).
+
+When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and when
+Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of Burgundy, and her
+spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were horrified at the laxity in
+morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic Christians. Their addiction to
+poetry and natural science was regarded with suspicious aversion, and
+the pork-eating, circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,[1]
+contracted from an intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many
+marks of the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars
+in Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor
+Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet we are
+told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring churches in the
+territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up again the ordinances of
+the Goths, as formerly observed at Toledo.[2]
+
+The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of
+extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002) swept
+yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating tempest.[3]
+Fifty-two victorious campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead
+against the infidels.[4] Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his
+arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a time left
+desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried off to Cordova to
+serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not, therefore, surprised to
+find that there were many bishops in the North who had lost their sees;
+and this was the case even before the tenth century, for a bishop named
+Sabaricus, being driven from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of
+Mindumetum by Alfonso III. in 867,[5] and twenty years later a bishop
+named Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.[6]
+
+It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the Christian
+Church should be hostile to one another, but it is surprising to
+find--as we do find in some cases--the latter making common cause with
+the Arabs in ill-treating their fellow-countrymen and coreligionists.
+Thus, as we have seen, Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular
+arm,[7] beat and imprisoned the clergy for withholding from him the
+Church tithes, dragging them through the city naked, with a crier crying
+before them:--"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their
+tithes to their bishop."[8] Bishops were even found to make episcopal
+visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the
+intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in their
+names to the civil power for the purpose of taxation.[9] Others obtained
+from the Arabs the privilege of farming the revenues derived from
+Christian taxation, and cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.[10]
+
+ [1] The Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the
+ Arabs not to wash. See Conde, i. 203--"It is related of these
+ people of Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild
+ beasts, and never wash either their persons or their garments."
+
+ [2] "Chron. Albeld.," sec. 58--"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto
+ fuerat statuit."
+
+ [3] "Chron. Silense," sec. 72--"Eadem tempestate in Hispania
+ omnis divinus cultus periit."
+
+ [4] He was not defeated in his last battle, as is generally
+ stated in histories.--See Al Makkari, ii. 197.
+
+ [5] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, xvii. 244.
+
+ [7] "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2.
+
+ [8] _Ibid._
+
+ [9] _Ibid._, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+
+ [10] Eul., 1.1.
+
+These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not
+instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was the son
+of a serf of the Church,[1] and married a cousin of Hostegesis.[2]
+Instead of championing the cause of the Christians, as his position
+should have impelled him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction
+as to call them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to
+Christianity--a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those who
+held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied blackmail on
+the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the bodies of martyrs
+from under the altars of churches, and, showing them to the king, to
+remind him that it had been forbidden to Christians to bury their
+martyrs.[3]
+
+Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis against
+Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of inciting the
+fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should be tested with this
+dilemma. They should be asked whether what the revilers said were true
+or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let them be punished as well as the
+reviler; if 'false,' bid them slay the man themselves; refusing which,
+you will know that they have aided and abetted him to abuse your
+Prophet. In that case, give me permission, and I will slay the three
+myself."[4]
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 268.
+
+ [2] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5.
+
+ [3] Samson, 1.1.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of
+ timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing,
+ deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was
+ killed at Polei(?)--Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab
+ name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the
+ Arabs.--See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2.
+
+We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and
+national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be worth
+while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded, that we may
+contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was one of the most
+characteristic features of the Old Church in Spain that it was united
+so closely with the civil power as almost to render the Government of
+Spain a theocracy. This intimate connection of Church and State was
+naturally overthrown by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing
+how useful such institutions as general councils were likely to be in
+adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both allowed
+purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their jurisdiction,
+and also summoned others in which they took part themselves, together
+with Jews, to the great scandal of the stricter Christians.[1]
+
+To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at Seville by
+Elipandus[2] to condemn the errors of Migetius; and another, held by
+Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of Egila, bishop of
+Elvira.[3] Whether Egila abjured his error is not known, but it is
+certain that he remained bishop.
+
+Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have held a
+council, whereat he renounced his own error of Adoptionism.[4]
+
+ [1] We even find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova
+ had Moslem names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii.
+ 162), and Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99.
+
+ [2] The exact date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235.
+
+ [3] "Pseudo Luitprand," sec. 236, says--"Ad concilium ex
+ omnibus Hispaniae partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian
+ I.'s Letter to the bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is
+ known of this Egila, nor is it certain of what see he was the
+ bishop.
+
+ [4] See below, p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff.
+
+But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly
+political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen how
+Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the Moslem
+authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the fanatical party
+among the Christians; and we have a more particular account of another,
+which was held by Hostegesis, Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of
+Cordova.[1] This council seems to have had some connection with the
+preceding one under Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and
+unscrupulous opponent of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was
+their devoted supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as
+to suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of
+heresy[2] and sacrilege, as has been already mentioned. Hostegesis
+forced his views on the assembled bishops by the help of the secular
+arm, and a sentence of anathema and deposition was accordingly
+pronounced against the unfortunate Abbot.[3] One of the apparently
+consenting bishops was Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement
+had evidently been coerced, for after the close of the council he
+sounded the other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as
+to their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm
+Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect This
+action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of deposition, and
+he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,[4]--the election of the latter
+being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted thereat,[5] and
+neither the clergy nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his
+favour.
+
+ [1] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref.
+
+ [2] On the ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio
+ quam similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed
+ creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely
+ qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii.
+
+ [3] "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae
+ fascibus sedentium."--_Ibid_. Samson was rendered incapable of
+ holding office, or even of belonging to the Church.--_Ibid_.
+
+ [4] In 864.
+
+ [5] See above, p. 8.
+
+This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council, held at
+the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who had sided with
+Valentius, but were now terrified into submission, being in attendance;
+while the places of those who refused to come were taken by Jews and
+Moslems.[1] These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an open rupture
+in the Church.[2]
+
+In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful authority)
+by Orontius of Toledo,[3] and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova.
+These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade Khalifs
+of Spain.[4]
+
+ [1] Sayones (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 10.
+
+ [3] "Pseudo Luit," sec. 328.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._ sec. 341.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III.
+
+
+Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked upon as
+the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the throne when quite
+a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the sons of the late Sultan, he
+found the country torn by innumerable factions, and the king's power
+openly defied by rebels, Arab, Berber, and Christian. In person, and
+through his generals, he put down all these rebels, and though not
+uniformly successful against the Christians in the North, yet he
+defeated them in a series of great engagements.[1] He welded all the
+discordant elements under his rule into one great whole,[2] thereby
+giving the Arab domination in Spain another lease of life. In 929 he
+took the title of Amir al Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His
+alliance was sought by the Emperor of the East,[3] and he treated on
+equal terms with the Emperor of Germany and the King of France. To this
+great king, with more truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be
+applied the words of Miss Yonge:--[4]
+
+"He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on the
+character of Solomon--large-hearted, wise, magnificent, tolerant, and
+peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern, ascetic,
+narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were the exquisite
+horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices, inlaid jewellery of
+marble pavements, and slender minarets, to their dark vault-like,
+low-browed churches, and solid castles built out of hard unmanageable
+granite."
+
+ [1] Mutonia (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921).
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 351, from an Arab writer.
+
+ [3] A very interesting account of this embassy from Constantine
+ VII. (947) is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn
+ Khaldun.---See Conde, i. 442.
+
+ [4] P. 57.
+
+We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we saw in
+Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian renegade,
+still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the throne; and his
+treatment of Christians was, throughout his reign, tolerant and politic.
+
+But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very interesting
+fragment that has come down to our own times, describing the embassy of
+a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an abbey near Metz, who carried
+letters from Otho, emperor of Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.[1]
+
+In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop who had
+been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to have caused a
+delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter contained blasphemies
+against Christ, it was determined to write a reply in the king's name,
+such as might perhaps convince Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A
+certain bishop, Adalbero, was appointed to be at the head of the return
+embassy,[2] and he asks the abbot of the monastery of Gorz to give him
+two assistants. Two are chosen, but one of these quarrels with his
+superior, and is expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself
+as a substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with
+great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent longing to
+be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity.
+
+ [1] See "Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot
+ of Arnulph. "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310.
+
+ [2] In 953.
+
+Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors reached
+the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova, where they were
+assigned a house two miles from the palace, and, though well
+entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as the Moorish
+ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an answer, Otho's
+messengers would have to wait nine years. Moreover, they now discovered
+that the king had been already apprised of the contents of the letter,
+which Otho had sent, by a comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom
+John and his companions had taken with them to Barcelona.
+
+The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them not to
+divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them liable to
+punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would consider
+blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John, the Bishop of
+Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they should carry their gifts
+to the king, and say nothing of the letter. But John of Gorz stoutly
+refused to do this, saying that the delivery of the letter was his chief
+duty, and that as Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not
+be surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John of
+Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the Christians stood,
+viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he said, "by the apostle to
+resist the powers that be. In our calamity, we have this one
+consolation, we are allowed to observe our own laws and rites, and our
+rulers, if they see us diligent in our religion, honour us, cherish us,
+and delight in our society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion,
+then, suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other
+things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter should be
+suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian community, and no
+good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf ears. The monk of Gorz
+was resolved on doing what he deemed his plain duty; nor was he content
+to forego his chance of martyrdom, though his action might entail
+disastrous consequences on the Christians subject to the Moors. He
+taunted the bishop with giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better
+die of hunger than eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at
+the fact that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from
+certain meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the
+bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the Saracens.
+
+John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter
+forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience, leaving them
+to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955, however, the king
+sent to them, and asked if they held firm to their previous resolve, and
+on receiving an answer in the affirmative, he threatened all the
+Christians in his dominions with loss of privileges and even death. John
+of Gorz merely answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but
+the latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who remind
+him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would interfere in favour
+of his ambassadors.
+
+John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that Abdurrahman
+should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for instructions for his
+ambassadors under the circumstances. Recemundus,[1] a Christian, offers
+to go as ambassador, if a vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He
+sets out and reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh
+letter, with instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an
+alliance with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting
+down the brigands who infested the marches.
+
+ [1] De Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with
+ Rabi, a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III.
+ in Al Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the
+ bishop who died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De
+ Gayangos (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace.
+
+Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he reached
+Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive the second
+comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So, after three years
+semi-captivity, John is released, and told to prepare himself for the
+king's presence by shaving, washing, and putting on new apparel. He
+declines to go in any otherwise than he is; and even when the king,
+thinking his refusal due to poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk
+accepts the gift and distributes it to the poor, but says he will only
+see the king as a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come
+as he likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the
+king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps of the
+palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour lined both
+sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king, as a great mark of
+distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss, and beckoned him to a seat
+near his own couch. After a silence Abdurrahman apologised to the monk
+for the long delay which he had been obliged to impose on the embassy,
+and which was in no sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose
+virtue and wisdom he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was
+no mere empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him
+whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words, and
+they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to depart
+Abdurrahman says:--"After waiting so long to see one another, shall we
+part so soon?" He suggests that they should have at least three
+interviews. At their next meeting they discourse on the respective power
+of the empires of Otho and the Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by
+the experience of Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal
+subjects to become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them.
+
+So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so pleasant a
+light on the character and the Court of the greatest of Spanish Sultans,
+and proves that the Christians at that time enjoyed considerable
+freedom, and even honour, at the hands of the Moslem Government.
+
+The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter
+brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read words
+against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render himself liable
+to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law to any Moslem--king
+or slave--who listened to abuse of the Prophet without exacting summary
+vengeance from the blasphemer. But--and here was the king's dilemma--he
+could not punish the ambassadors without incurring the enmity of Otho.
+The only possible alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho
+should be asked to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan
+having officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation
+of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the threat
+against the Christians as merely a threat, never really intended to be
+put into execution.
+
+In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the Spanish
+khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions of Islam; but,
+as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been very inconsistent in
+his views with regard to Christians and Jews at different times of his
+career, and while he enjoined the necessity of Holy Wars,[1] he
+permitted the people of the book to be admitted to tribute.[2] In one
+passage he even seems to allow the possibility of salvation to Jews,
+Christians, and Sabians: "Verily they who believe, and those who
+Judaize, and the Sabians, and the Christians--whoever of these believeth
+in God and the last day, and doeth that which is right--there shall come
+no fear on them, neither shall they be grieved."[3] And there is one
+remarkable text to find in the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no
+violence in religion." [4]
+
+Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived upheld
+the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the Persian Sufis,
+is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for me, to judge of men's
+consciences, and I will never interfere with what belongs to the
+tribunal of the great Creator and Lord of the Universe."[5] Again,
+Akbar, one of the greatest kings that ever lived, followed in practice
+the principle thus expressed by his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution
+after all defeats its own ends; it obliges men to conceal their
+opinions, but produces no change in them."[6] Noble sentiments surely,
+and such as we should expect from followers of Christ rather than of
+Mohammed!
+
+ [1] Tradition attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to
+ Mohammed than can be found in the Koran,--_e.g._, "The sword is
+ the key of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause
+ of God, a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two
+ months of fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against
+ the infidel, his sins are forgiven him."
+
+ [2] Koran, xlvii., ad init.
+
+ [3] Koran, v., v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of
+ Acts x. 35.
+
+ [4] Koran, ii., v. 258.
+
+ [5] See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia,"
+ i. p 583.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11.
+
+Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been conspicuous
+for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin, indeed, does say in his
+letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester, that he does not approve of
+punishing heresy with death, because God, by the mouth of His prophet,
+had said: "I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that the
+wicked turn from his way and live;"[1] but Alcuin was a man of unusual
+mildness and sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus
+testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in the
+Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in connection with
+the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to be forgotten--"Slay all;
+God will know His own."
+
+In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the
+Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a principal
+argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of Valencia in his memorial
+to Philip III. at the end of the sixteenth century.[2]
+
+A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded by
+Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by Alfonso, on
+the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of capitulation certain
+mosques had been expressly reserved to the Moslems, just in the same way
+as certain churches had been reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712.
+But Bernard, by way of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance
+of the king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque.
+Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's
+proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing that
+the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct, came forward
+of their own accord and begged him to pardon the act, and even
+voluntarily surrendered their mosque.[3]
+
+Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion, but
+even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.[4] Almanzor, the champion
+of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays. Christians
+in every reign held high posts at court[5] and throughout the land, and
+not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and Leovigild, who
+were known to sympathise with the party of zealots, were employed by the
+king to write letters to, and negotiate with, the neighbouring kings.
+This was no doubt due to their general trustworthiness, their quickness,
+and their knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin.
+
+ [1] Ezekiel xxxiii. 11.
+
+ [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n.
+
+ [3] Mariana, ix. 10.
+
+ [4] See p. 57. Recent history affords a similar instance from
+ the Christian side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54--"I
+ have made them make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." _Ibid._,
+ p. 249, "I had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship,
+ and endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at
+ the opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha
+ who took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the
+ Mussulman worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable,
+ if sincere, as any Christian."
+
+ [5] Such as secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister.
+
+Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the office
+of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the office of
+protection." The Christians and Jews were under his general
+jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the protection."[1] But
+besides this Arab "Secretary of State for the Christians," the latter
+had their own counts--a relic of the Gothic system--who, however, did
+not always stand up for their interests.[2] There were also Christian
+censors,[3] but it is not known what position they held in the State.
+
+The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at Court, and
+numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's bodyguard, of whom
+under Hakem I. (796-822) there were 2000.[4]
+
+ [1] Al Makk., i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398.
+
+ [2] _E.g._. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus.
+
+ [3] See above, p. 49.
+
+ [4] Conde, i. p. 260.
+
+All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two
+peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion, lived so
+comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a perpetual state of
+warfare between the Arabs and the Christians in the North, which tended
+to keep alive the animosities of the two races in that part of Spain
+which was under Mohammedan rule.[1] Moreover, the pride of race was very
+strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet Said ibn Djoud, in a
+poem called the "battle of the town" (Polei), boasts that the conquerors
+are of the pure race of Adnan and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture;
+while he calls the defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false
+faith,[2] sons of the pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too
+prone to look upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as
+mere canaille.[3]
+
+But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated; and
+Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of fanaticism in
+the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation would have had
+serious results for Christianity in Spain.[4]
+
+The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free Christian
+States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same, when political
+occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of the frontier cities
+sought to make themselves independent by what the Arab writer describes
+as "vile policy and unworthy acts," _i.e._, by seeking the friendship of
+the Christian kings;[5] and there are many instances of these kings
+asking aid, even servilely, from Arab princes.[6]
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 108, puts the distinction between the races very
+ forcibly:--"Ce peuple qui joignait à une gaité franche et vive
+ une sensualité raffinée devait inspirer aux prêtres, qui
+ aimaient les retraites éternelles et profondes, les grands
+ renoncéments et les terribles expiations, une répugnance
+ extrême et invincible."
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 223.
+
+ [3] "C'était leur terme consacrée." Dozy, ii. 211.
+
+ [4] "Heu pro dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus,
+ iugumque cum infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex
+ cotidiano usu illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis
+ ipsorum contubernia affectamus."--Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18.
+
+ [5] Conde, i. 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.,"
+ sec. 30.
+
+ [6] Al Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II.
+
+Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case, intermarriages
+were common between the two races. The example was early set by the
+widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying Abdulaziz, son of Musa.
+The sons of Witiza also married Arab women, and Sarah, the daughter of
+one of these princes, was the progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs,
+one of her descendants being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means
+son of the Gothic princess.[1] Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all
+the Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named Maria,[2]
+and the mighty Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade
+Christian.[3] These are some instances, but it is not necessary to dwell
+on what was so common an occurrence as intermarriage between the
+peoples, and is forbidden neither by the Koran,[4] nor by the Bible.
+
+However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a more
+particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been supposed to
+have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute of 100 maidens paid
+by the northern kings to the earlier Arab Sultans. Modern historians
+mostly throw doubt upon the story, saying that of the early historians
+none mention it, and that the Arabs do not even allude to it.[5] But if
+Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer does speak of it, as of a thing
+well known. In a letter of Omar[6] ibn Alaftas Almudafar, King of
+Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:--"Do thou remember
+the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy mind those treaties
+wherein thy forefathers offered him the homage even of their own
+daughters, and sent him those damsels in tribute even to the land of our
+rule."
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454.
+
+ [2] Conde, i. 364.
+
+ [3] Dozy, iii. 124.
+
+ [4] Koran, v. 5:--"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those
+ that have received the Scriptures before you."
+
+ [5] Dunham, ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276.
+
+ [6] Conde, ii. 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn
+ Mohammed etc ibn Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos.
+
+The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient
+ballads by the Christian Spaniards. The following are
+two verses from one of these:--
+
+ "For he who gives the Moorish king a hundred maids of Spain
+ Each year when in the season the day comes round again;
+ If he be not a heathen he swells the heathen's train--
+ 'Twere better burn a kingdom than suffer such disdain!
+
+ "If the Moslems must have tribute, make men your tribute-money,
+ Send idle drones to tease them within their hives of honey;
+ For, when 'tis paid with maidens, from every maid there spring
+ Some five or six strong soldiers to serve the Moorish king."[1]
+
+Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to him was
+on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is strong for a fact
+of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much against the writers of
+the ballads.[2]
+
+As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no
+mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca and the
+Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to it in a
+document included in the collection of Florez.[3] "Our ancestors," says
+Ramiro, "the kings of the land--we blush to record it--to free
+themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them yearly
+a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for their beauty,
+fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people." It was to put an end
+to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now ordered a levy _en masse_.
+This, if the document is genuine (and Florez gives no hint to the
+contrary), is good evidence for the fact. Many succeeding writers
+mention it. Lucas of Tuy[4] says that Ramiro was asked for the tribute
+in 842. Johannes Vasaeus[5] speaks of it, as also Alfonso, Bishop of
+Burgos;[6] and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo[7] says that Mauregatus
+(783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help, agreed to
+send this tribute yearly.
+
+On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden tribute
+being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for more than fifty
+years. Most of these Christian maidens probably embraced the religion of
+their husbands, but in some cases they no doubt converted them to their
+own faith.
+
+From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere,
+conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives of
+worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall very much
+against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power declined the
+opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy was, and is,
+unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances for those who
+apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his followers, Ammar ibn
+Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish, renounced his belief in God and in
+Mohammed's mission, but afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed
+received him kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of
+thine, if they forced thee?"[8]
+
+ [1] Lockhart.
+
+ [2] Unless the ballads were written later than 1250--_i.e._,
+ after Rodrigo of Toledo had made the story known by his
+ history.
+
+ [3] "Espana Sagrada," xix. 329--"Privilegiam quod dicitur
+ votoram, anno 844 a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi
+ concessae."
+
+ [4] Lucas Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv.
+
+ [5] "Hispaniae Chronicon," 783 A.D.
+
+ [6] "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51.
+
+ [7] III. c. 7.
+
+ [8] Koran, xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+THE MUWALLADS.
+
+
+That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very numerous at
+first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that the new converts
+formed a large and important party in the State, and almost succeeded in
+wresting the government of Spain from the Arabs. The disorder and civil
+war which may almost be said to have been chronic in Spain during the
+Arab dominion were due to the fact that three distinct races settled in
+that country were striving for the mastery, each of these races being
+itself divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split
+up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the descendants of
+Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and Medina, who claimed
+descent from Adnan.[1] To the latter section belonged the reigning
+family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as the real
+conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently reinforced by
+fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile tribes of Botar and
+Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards, part Christian, part
+Mohammedan; the latter being either renegades themselves or the
+descendants of renegades. These apostates were called by the Arabs
+Mosalimah, or New Moslems,[2] and their descendants Muwallads,[3] or
+those not of Arabic origin. The Christians were either tribute-paying
+Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or free Christians, under Moslem
+supremacy, called Ajemi;[4] or apostates from Islam,[5] called
+Muraddin. The Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the
+equality and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the
+utmost contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.[6] Their condition was even
+worse than that of the Christians, for they were, generally speaking,
+excluded from lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs--a
+dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the
+population.[7] Stronger and more humane than the Berbers, they were
+friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they were even
+superior to the conquering Arabs.[8]
+
+The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by
+religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with another,
+and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were the mainstay of
+the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After breaking with the
+Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining possession of the whole kingdom,
+and carried fire and desolation to the very gates of Cordova.[9]
+
+ [1] See above, p. 23, note 3.
+
+ [2] Cp. "New Christians."
+
+ [3] Pronounced Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted."
+
+ [4] Al Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [5] Al Makkari, ii. 458.
+
+ [6] Cp. "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only
+ regret is that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to
+ despise me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet
+ calls them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258.
+
+ [7] So Dozy, ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab
+ population."
+
+ [8] Dozy, ii. 261.
+
+ [9] Al Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note.
+
+As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain
+theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was suppressed. In
+814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion being put down with
+great severity by the help of the Berbers, the Cordovan Muwallads were
+exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and 8000 to Fez.[1] But though
+exterminated in Cordova, the renegades still mustered strong in Spain.
+At Elvira they rose in Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and
+threw off the Arab yoke;[2] and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn
+Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos and
+Merida.[3] At Seville the Muwallad element was specially strong, as we
+see from the many family names, such as Beni Angelino, Beni Sabarico,
+which betray a Spanish origin. The majority of the inhabitants embraced
+Islam early, and had their mosque by the middle of the ninth century,
+but they retained many Spanish customs and characteristics. When the
+Arabs of Seville revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined
+the latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic
+family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently with all
+their neighbours.
+
+ [1] Dozy, App. B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he
+ of the suburb) from this.
+
+ [2] Ihn Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff.
+
+ [3] In 875. "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184.
+
+It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out the
+history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers against the
+Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of the Muwallads and
+Christians are a necessary part of our subject. The latter, though well
+treated on the whole, naturally looked back with regret to the days of
+their own supremacy, and were ready to intrigue with anyone able to
+assist them against their Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them
+communicating with the kings of France; and there is still extant a
+letter from Louis the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in
+826, which is as follows:--"We have heard of your tribulation, which you
+suffer from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take
+away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz did.
+He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to pay, turned
+you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to disobedient
+vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But you, like brave
+men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we write now to condole with
+you, and to exhort you to continue your resistance, and since your king
+is our enemy as well as yours, let us join in opposing him.
+
+"We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait there
+till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if you will
+desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be secured to you,
+and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes, and shall live under
+your own laws."[1]
+
+The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to have
+effected nothing.
+
+During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the
+voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of
+Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we may
+suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted in favour
+of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that Mohammed
+imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was but the signal
+for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As we have already seen,
+the king set out with an army against the Toledans, who appealed to
+Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough to get such an opportunity for
+weakening the Arab government, Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but
+the Toledans and Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the
+Sultan's troops.[2] Within twenty years, however, Toledo became
+practically independent, except for the payment of tribute.[3]
+
+ [1] Apud Florez, "Españo Sagrada."
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 162.
+
+ [3] _Ibid_, p. 182.
+
+From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the population,
+whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the exclusiveness of the old
+Arabs, and ready to make common cause against them. The unity of race
+prevailed over the difference of creed, as it did in the case of the
+English Roman Catholics in the war with Spain, and as it usually will
+under such circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to
+find an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn
+Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from the
+hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count Alfonso,[1] and
+his family had been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather
+Djaffar. Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative
+and honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at Bobastro
+or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and Ronda, in the
+sierra stretching from Granada to Gibraltar.[2] After a brief sojourn in
+Africa, where his ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great
+future, he returned to Spain, and at once began business again as
+brigand at Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.[3] Being captured, he was
+brought to Cordova, but spared on condition of enlisting in the king's
+forces. But he soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the
+Spaniards in the South, Moslem and Christian,[4] whose ardour he aroused
+by such words as these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan,
+who spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will you
+let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you as their
+slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but a desire to
+avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he made alliances at
+different times with the Muwallads in Elvira, Seville, and Saragoza,
+and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan, in Badajos.
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 190.
+
+ [2] Al Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [3] In 880 or 881.
+
+ [4] See a description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole
+ ("Moors in Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee,
+ Cordova! when the captain with the great nose and ugly face--he
+ who is guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters--when
+ Ibn Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate
+ be accomplished."
+
+Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by
+Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar was
+further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil, the Count
+of Cordova.[1] The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from Omar's path
+his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak reign, the rebel leader
+was virtual king of the south and east of Spain. The district of
+Regio[2] was made over to him by the king, and Omar's lieutenant, Ibn
+Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo.
+
+This protracted war, which was really one for national independence, was
+carried on year after year with varying success. At one time Omar
+conceived the intention of proclaiming the Abasside Khalifs,[3] at
+another he grasped at the royal power himself; and Abdallah's empire was
+only saved by a seasonable victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).[4]
+The battle was fought on the eve of the Passover, and the Moslems
+taunted their enemies with having such a joyful feast, and so many
+victims to commemorate it with. This shows that a large, perhaps the
+largest, part of Omar's army was Christian. Another indication of this
+is found in a poem of Tarikh ibn Habib,[5] where, speaking of the coming
+destruction of Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill
+of Abu Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian
+soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it is
+certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before this
+battle,[6] as his father had done before him. He took the name of
+Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen, suffered martyrdom.
+This change of creed on Omar's part changed the character of the war,
+and gave it more of a religious,[7] and perhaps less of a national,
+character, for the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became
+Christian and built churches.
+
+ [1] Servandus. Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [2] Where Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335.
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [4] Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the
+ same victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or
+ Aguilar.
+
+ [5] See Dozy, ii. p. 275.
+
+ [6] Ibn Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326.
+
+ [7] In 896, on the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn
+ as Khalia, all the Christians were massacred.--Dozy, ii. p.
+ 327.
+
+Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his
+supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar himself
+did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death. The king's
+successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of man from Abdallah,
+and the reduction of Omar became only a question of time, though, in
+fact, the apostasy of Omar from Islam had made the ultimate success of
+the national party very doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death,
+his son, Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems
+by embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the
+Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs
+surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great rebellion was
+finally extinguished.
+
+So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under
+the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to shake off
+the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the tenth century the
+strong administration of Abdurrahman III., Hakem II., and the great
+Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance of raising the cry of "Spain for
+the Spanish." The danger of a renewal of the rebellion once removed, the
+position of the Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in
+consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself the
+son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt with great
+leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the more devout Moslems.
+Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and even liked, by his Christian
+subjects, and there is no doubt that his victories over the Christian
+States in the North[1] were won very largely with the aid of Christian
+soldiers. His death was the signal for the disruption of the Spanish
+Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when the khalifate was finally
+extinguished, complete anarchy prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers
+made a determined effort to regain their ascendency, and their forces,
+seconded by the Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne
+in 1013. A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different
+factions--Arab, Berber, and Slave--followed, until Hischem III. was
+forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an end,
+after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the North had
+gathered themselves together for a combined advance against the Saracen
+provinces, never again to retrograde, scarcely even to be checked, till
+in 1492 fell Granada, the last stronghold of the Moors in Spain.[2]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. p. 214.
+
+ [2] In 1630 there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.--Al
+ Makk., i. p. 74.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE
+ANOTHER'S CREED.
+
+
+In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and Mohammedans
+were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions and frequent
+intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough knowledge seems to
+have existed, on either side, of the creed of the other party. Such, at
+least, is the conclusion to which we are driven, on reading the only
+direct records which remain on the subject among Arab and Christian
+writers. These on the Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from
+a book on Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his
+disciple, Eulogius;[1] and some rather incoherent denunciations of
+Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,[2] another pupil of the abbot's. In
+these, as might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of
+Mohammed's paradise,[3] and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to
+the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest on good
+authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But among other
+blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is one of which we find
+no mention in the Koran--the assertion, namely, that he would in the
+next world be wedded to the Virgin Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is
+equally incorrect when, in a letter to Alvar,[4] he alleges a promise on
+the part of Mohammed that he would, like Christ, rise again from the
+dead; whereas his body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured
+by dogs. The Christian bishop does not hesitate to add--sepultus est in
+infernum--he was buried in hell.[5]
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means
+ wholly sensual.--Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78.
+
+ [4] Sec 9.
+
+ [5] This shows the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom,
+ says Eulogius ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every
+ Christian's duty to kill, were he alive on earth.
+
+It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor write, and
+this appears to have been the opinion of Alvar;[1] but the same witness
+acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and beautiful
+language that even Christians could not help reading and admiring it.[2]
+
+On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to
+Christianity, Eulogius[3] at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed,
+he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of God,[4]
+and His Spirit;[5] a great prophet,[6] endowed with much power from
+God;[7] like Adam in His creation,[8] but not equal to God (the
+Creator);[9] and that by reason of His blameless[10] life, being filled
+with the Holy Spirit,[11] He showed marvellous signs and wonders through
+the power of God,[12] not working by His own Godhead, but as a righteous
+Man, and an obedient servant,[13] obtaining much power and might from
+the Almighty God through prayer."
+
+ [1] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the
+ present day.
+
+ [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19.
+
+ [4] Koran, ch. iii. 40.
+
+ [5] Koran, ch. ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit."
+
+ [6] Kor., c. iii. 59.
+
+ [7] Kor., c. iii. 45.
+
+ [8] Kor., c. iii. 50.
+
+ [9] Kor., c. ix. 33.
+
+ [10] Kor., c. iii.
+
+ [11] This is a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran,
+ ch. ii. 81, note.
+
+ [12] Kor., ch. v. 110 ff.
+
+ [13] Koran, cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59.
+
+Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius, and he
+even seems to have had a prejudiced idea[1] that the Prophet set himself
+deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those taught by Christ.
+It would be nearer to the truth to say that the divergence between the
+two codes of morals was due to the natural ignorance of an illiterate
+Arabian, brought into contact only with an heretical form of
+Christianity, the real doctrines of which he was therefore not likely to
+know.
+
+According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the
+Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We shall
+realise the absurdity of this when we consider the reverence in which
+Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going so far even as to deny that
+Christ Himself was crucified at all.[2] The true reason for selecting
+Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because the work of
+creation ended on that day.[3]
+
+Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ preached
+chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have preached
+sensuality, though his private life in this respect was by no means
+pure.
+
+Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge was
+never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity enjoins
+fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of such texts as
+Matthew ix. 14,[4] and Isaiah lviii. 6--"Is not this the fast that I
+have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy
+burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one hand; and on the
+other the express injunction of the Koran[5]:--"O true believers, a fast
+is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ... if ye fast,
+it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month of Ramadan shall ye
+fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more astonishing statement
+still:--"Christ ordained that men should abstain from their wives during
+a fast, while Mohammed consecrated those days to carnal pleasure."
+Christ surely gives us no such injunction, though St Paul does say
+something of the kind. The Koran[6] explicitly says--"It is lawful for
+you on the night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a
+garment unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an
+incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya, the
+famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on Abdurrahman
+II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance, that wives should
+be abstained from during the fasting month.[7] Alvar, being a layman,
+may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism critically,
+and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is perhaps the best
+explanation of the matter. In one place[8] he informs us of his
+intention of writing a book on the Cobar,[9] but the work, if ever
+written, has not survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may
+judge by the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere[10] on this theme. In
+that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of Daniel[11] to
+Mohammed, forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not
+the desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of Mohammed.
+He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our revised version
+(v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with the Mohammedan
+Cobar;[12] and the strange god, whom he shall acknowledge, Alvar
+identifies with the devil which inspired the Prophet in the guise of the
+angel Gabriel. All this, as the writer himself allows, is very
+enigmatical.
+
+ [1] See Dozy, ii. 107.
+
+ [2] See Koran, cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes.
+
+ [3] See Sale's note on Koran, c. lxii. 9.
+
+ [4] Cf. also Matt. xi. 19--"The Son of Man came eating and
+ drinking, and they say, Behold a gluttonous man and a
+ wine-bibber."
+
+ [5] Chapter ii. 180.
+
+ [6] Chapter ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day
+ time.
+
+ [7] From Ibn Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108.
+
+ [8] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25.
+
+ [9] _I.e._, the Caaba apparently.
+
+ [10] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25, ff.
+
+ [11] C. xi. vv. 21, ff.
+
+ [12] ? Caaba.
+
+Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry, asserting
+that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba black stone[1]) as
+they used to do of yore, and that they set apart a holy month, Al Mozem,
+in honour of this idol.[2]
+
+Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of
+Antichrist,[3] or as Antichrist himself.[4]
+
+Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated Moslems
+with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find these to be no
+less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of Christians as to
+Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse the Moslems, for the
+Koran itself, the very foundation and guide of all their religious
+dogmas, is full of incorrect and inconsistent notions on the subject.
+
+The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians worshipped
+a Trinity of Deities--God, Christ, Mary.[5] The inclusion of the Virgin
+Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that worship was paid
+to her even at that early date, as it certainly is among the Roman
+Catholics at this day. As will have been seen from a passage quoted
+above,[6] something very like adoration was already paid to the Virgin
+in the churches of Spain.
+
+ [1] Sale, Introduction to Koran, p. 91.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 21.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 53.
+
+ [5] See Koran, v. ad fin.:--"And when God shall say unto Jesus
+ at the last day: O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men,
+ Take me and my mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall
+ answer, Praise be unto thee! it is not for me to say that which
+ I ought not."
+
+ [6] P. 56.
+
+But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali ibn
+Hazm,[1] the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-March 1024),
+will show that some educated Moslems knew enough of the Christian creed
+to appreciate its difficulties:--"We need not be astonished," says Ibn
+Hazm, "at the superstition of men. Look at the Christians! They are so
+numerous that God only knows their numbers. They have among them men of
+great intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they
+believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the three is
+the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that the Father is, and
+is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not, God; that the Messiah is God
+in every respect, and yet not the same as God; that He who has existed
+from all eternity has been created.
+
+"One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites, and which
+number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the Creator Himself was
+scourged, crucified, and put to death; so that the Universe for three
+days was deprived of its Governor."
+
+Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the Moslems
+thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of Spain, round
+whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the north of the
+Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,[2] who, in his account of Almanzor's
+fiftieth expedition against the Christians, says:--"Shant Yakoh
+(Santiago)[3] is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not only by the
+Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring continent, who look upon
+its church with a veneration such as Moslems entertain for the Caaba of
+Mecca; for their Caaba is a colossal idol (statue) which stands in the
+middle of the church. They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage
+from the most distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries
+beyond Rome, pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that
+of Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved by
+Isa (Jesus).--May the blessing of God be on him, and on our
+Prophet!--The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus, because,
+while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he was Bishop of
+Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth preaching the religion
+[of Christ], and calling upon the inhabitants to embrace it, till he
+came to that remote corner of Andalus; that he then returned to Syria,
+where he died at the age of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that,
+after the death of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it
+in that church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of
+his preaching]."
+
+ [1] II. 227, apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a
+ strict Moslem, _averse to judging divine questions by human
+ reasoning_."
+
+ [2] Al Makkari, ii. 293.
+
+ [3] Miss Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub,
+ but what authority has this statement?
+
+In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly cultivated, as
+they were in Spain during the time of Arab domination, and where the
+rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem produced a sustained period of
+intellectual activity such as the world has rarely seen, controversial
+theology could not fail to have been largely developed. But the books,
+if any were written, from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all
+perished, and we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left
+to us as those already quoted.
+
+In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of Spain
+had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences as we can
+from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of the period; from
+our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain, and Mohammedanism in
+Africa, before they were brought into contact in Andalusia, compared
+with what they became after that contact had made itself felt; and from
+the observed effects of such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful
+consideration of these scattered hints we shall see that certain
+effects were visible, which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples
+been allowed to continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had
+there been no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa,
+would in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or
+both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+HERESIES IN SPAIN.
+
+
+Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in history.
+The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a religion, which may
+have been a cross between Judaism, Christianity, and Magianism.[1] But
+Mohammedanism itself has furnished the most marked instances of such
+amalgamation. In Persia Islam combined with the creed of Zoroaster to
+produce Babyism; while in India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused
+together by the genius of Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism.
+
+It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with
+Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity with
+itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to combine with
+it in such a way as to produce a religion like both, and yet different
+from either.[2] Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two cardinal
+doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if they are to remain
+distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity of God, they agree. In
+the other they do, and always must, differ. The divinity of Christ on
+the one side, and the divine mission of Mohammed on the other, are
+totally incompatible doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be
+so. Surrender both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem
+possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a statement
+attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,[3] in recounting the history of the
+successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn Yunas, who during the last
+quarter of the ninth century, while all Moslem Spain was a prey to the
+wildest anarchy, became a leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in
+Merida and the neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and
+Christians in one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion,
+which held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all
+we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most important
+consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence enough that the
+attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt, if it can be called so,
+to combine Islam and Christianity has resulted in that curious compound
+called the religion of the Druses.
+
+ [1] For an attempted compromise between Christianity and
+ Brahmanism, see the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic
+ priest, "Education and Missions," p. 14.
+
+ [2] Cp., however, the Druse religion.
+
+ [3] Dozy, ii. 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the
+ Galician (el Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but
+ there is some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii.
+ 439, and De Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki,
+ _i.e._, of the stock of the Galicians.
+
+But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam and
+Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could hardly fail to
+undergo considerable modifications in themselves by reason of their
+close contact for several centuries.
+
+In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if any)
+of such modification in the so-called heresies which may have arisen in
+Spain during this period. These will require a somewhat strict
+examination to be made to yield up their secret.
+
+The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for introducing
+innovations[1] into the doctrines and practices of the true faith, and
+even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way. The very first
+Council whose acts have come down to us, held at Elvira in Spain, early
+in the fourth century, contains a canon censuring the use of pictures.
+The very first heretics, who were punished for their error with death by
+the hands of their fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the
+Spanish Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the
+Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as
+well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish Council at
+the end of the sixth century, but not universally received in the West
+until 600 years later.[2] And as we have seen, the use of pictures was
+denounced long before the times of the Iconoclasts.
+
+We will now take in order the several heresies that made themselves
+noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab supremacy, and see
+if we can trace any relation between them and the Moslem faith.
+
+To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having arisen
+in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth century.[3] It
+was more practical than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the
+need of confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men
+ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a wholly
+laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the worthy abbé who
+records it: cette doctrine, _si favorable à libertinage_, trouva un
+grand nombre de partisans, et excite encore le zèle d'Alcuin.[4]
+
+ [1] Alcuin ad Elipandum, iv. 13---"Audi me, obsecro, patienter,
+ scholastica Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi
+ semper aliquid audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta
+ ecclesiae universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te
+ invenies, unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo."
+
+ [2] Lateran Council, 1215.
+
+ [3] See, however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the
+ province, Ep., 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594.
+
+ [4] Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. dé l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309.
+
+That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the Arabs in
+the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course impossible to
+affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in the spirit of the
+verses of the Koran: "O ye who have received[1] the Scripture come to a
+just determination between us and you, that we worship not any except
+God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one of us take not
+the other for lords, beside God." And "They take their priests and monks
+for their lords besides God."[2]
+
+ [1] Chap. iii. p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such
+ terms of agreement as are indisputably consonant to the
+ doctrine of all the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore
+ cannot reasonably be rejected."
+
+ [2] Chap. ix. Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with
+ idolatry both on other grounds and because "they paid too
+ implicit an obedience to their priests and monks, who took upon
+ them to pronounce what things were lawful and what unlawful,
+ and to dispense with the laws of God." See Sale, _Ibid._
+ _Cp._--
+
+ Haughty of heart and brow the warrior came,
+ In look and language proud as proud might be,
+ Vaunting his lordship, lineage, fights, and fame,
+ Yet was that barefoot monk more proud than he.
+ And as the ivy climbs the tallest tree,
+ So round the loftiest soul his toils he wound;
+ And with his spells subdued the fierce and free.
+ Till ermined age and youth in arms renowned
+ Honouring his scourge and hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground.
+
+ And thus it chanced that valour, peerless knight,
+ Who ne'er to king or kaiser veiled his crest,
+ Victorious still in bull-feast or in fight,
+ Since first with mail his limbs he did invest,
+ Stooped ever to that anchoret's behest;
+ Nor reasoned of the right, nor of the wrong,
+ But at his bidding laid the lance in rest,
+ And wrought fell deeds the troubled world along,
+ For he was fierce as brave, and pitiless as strong.
+ --SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix. xxx.
+
+Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed to
+Migetius (_circa_ 750). According to the rather obscure account, which
+has come down to us,[1] he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of
+the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as corporeal,
+the Father being personified in David, the Son in Jesus, and the Holy
+Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe that the doctrine, thus
+crudely stated by Elipandus, was really held by anyone. We may perhaps
+infer[2] that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian (itself a form
+of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons of the Trinity to one,
+acknowledged certain [Greek: energeiai], or powers, emanating from Him,
+which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul respectively. As the first
+and last of these three recipients of the Divine powers were confessedly
+men, it follows that Migetius was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity,
+which is the cardinal doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any
+other doctrine distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly
+he appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,[3] and in
+this he made an approach to Mohammedanism.[4]
+
+ [1] Elipandus to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859.
+
+ [2] With Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec.
+ 29.
+
+ [3] Enhueber, sec. 32.
+
+ [4] Neander, v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the [Greek:
+ Logos] became personal with the assumption of Christ's
+ humanity; that the [Greek: Logos] was the power constituting
+ the personality of Christ. Hence, says Neander, he was accused
+ of asserting that Christ, the son of David according to the
+ flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God, was the Second Person of
+ the Trinity.
+
+A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by those
+who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did not believe
+the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the utterances of the
+prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned men, and, while they claimed
+to take their stand upon the Gospel, pointing to texts like John xx. 17,
+'I ascend unto my Father, and your Father, unto my God and your God,' to
+prove that Christ was merely man."[1] In his answer to Alvar's letter,
+Speraindeo says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;"
+he might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according to
+the abbot, spoke of three powers (_virtutes_) forming one Person, not,
+as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one God.[2] Here we see a
+close resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph; but
+the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer approach to the
+teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John xx. 17 given above, as
+will be seen, if we compare with that text the following passages of the
+Koran, put into the mouth of Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your
+Lord; therefore serve him:"[3] "They are surely infidels who say,
+verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since Christ said, O children of
+Israel, serve God, my Lord and your Lord:"[4] and, "I have not spoken
+unto them any other than what thou didst command me--namely, worship
+God, my Lord and your Lord."[5]
+
+ [1] Alvar's letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in
+ defence of this doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of
+ that day and that hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of
+ heaven, but my Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo
+ refers to Gen. iii. 9, where God the Father seems not to know
+ where Adam is.
+
+ [2] Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a
+ happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made
+ up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple.
+
+ [3] Koran, c. iii. v. 46.
+
+ [4] Kor., c. v. 77.
+
+ [5] Kor., c. v. 118.
+
+We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most remarkable and
+original of those innovations to which Alcuin taunts the Spanish Church
+with being addicted. Unfortunately we derive little of our knowledge of
+the new doctrine from the originators and supporters of it--our
+information on the subject coming chiefly from passages quoted by their
+opponents (notably our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the
+heresy had an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been
+the opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the
+Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman Church,
+held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by lowering the
+character of Christ, to pave the way for a union between Christians and
+Mohammedans."[1] Enhueber,[2] also, in his treatise on this subject,
+quotes a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the
+heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a contact
+with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with them.[3]
+
+Neander[4] thinks that there are some grounds for supposing that Felix,
+one of the authors of the heresy, had been employed in defending
+Christianity against objections brought against it from the Moslem
+standpoint,[5] and in proving the divinity of Christ, so that they might
+be induced to accept it. Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace
+this particular doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the
+Christian view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion.
+
+There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new theory, the
+evidence being of a conflicting character, and pointing now to
+Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all Spain, now to Felix,
+bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.[6]
+
+ [1] Mariana, vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See
+ Blunt, "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism;
+ and Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847--"deceptus uterque contagione
+ forsan insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium
+ Mohametanorum commercio."
+
+ [2] Enhueber, sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4.
+
+ [3] "Usus enim frequenti Maurorum commercio."--_Ibid_.
+
+ [4] V. 219.
+
+ [5] This perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which
+ the Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix.
+ Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to
+ Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni
+ peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem."
+
+ [6] The prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine
+ arose out of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius.
+
+The claims of Felix[1] are supported by Eginhard,[2] Saxo, and Jonas of
+Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled
+"Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the baneful
+heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,[3] says that he is
+convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also was the
+chief offender.
+
+The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow _à priori_
+considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the author. According to
+Neander,[4] he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and he certainly
+uses some very strong language in his writings against his opponents,
+and stands a good deal on his dignity as head of the Spanish Church. For
+instance, speaking of his accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and
+Beatus,[5] a priest of Libana, he says of the former that he wallows in
+the mire of all lasciviousness;[6] that he is totally unfit to officiate
+at God's altar;[7] that he is a false prophet[8] and a heretic; and,
+forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in
+another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of gross
+sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of Astorga,[9]
+accusing him of heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which
+means that instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the
+very opposite.[10]
+
+ [1] See "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305.
+
+ [2] "Annals," 792.
+
+ [3] Alcuin, "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose
+ in Cordova, and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after
+ the latter's recantation.
+
+ [4] Neander (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his
+ writings. An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata
+ Eccl. Tolet), describes him as "parum accurate in sacris
+ litteris versatus."
+
+ [5] Died in 798. Fleury v., p. 236.
+
+ [6] Elipand. Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus."
+
+ [7] "Ab altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this
+ to mean that he was deposed.
+
+ [8] He gave the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and
+ prophesied the end of the world in the near future. See letter
+ of Beatus, book i., sec. 23--"Novissima hora est ... nunc
+ Antichristi multi facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum
+ est illius Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in
+ mundo est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops.
+
+ [9] "Elipandus and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1.
+
+ [10] This practice of punning on names is very common in these
+ writers. "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly
+ occurs. So Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called
+ "hostis Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the
+ bodies of Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very
+ "Leo vigilans."
+
+But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging the
+venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter to the
+bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity," speaks of him as
+most blameless,[1] and confesses that he has heard much of his piety and
+devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard to Felix, in a
+letter to him.[2] Yet in his book against Elipandus, he exclaims, not
+without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of wool on your
+shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing which you minister to
+the people, for all the daily shaving of your beard[3] ... if you
+renounce not these doctrines, you will be numbered with the goats!"
+Another testimony (of doubtful value, however) in Elipandus' favour is
+to be found in the anonymous life of Beatus,[4] where Elipandus is said
+to have succeeded Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his
+reputation for learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain.
+
+ [1] "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam
+ bonam religiosae vitae de vobis."
+
+ [2] "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo
+ Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei
+ Catholicae fervens."
+
+ [3] Beards were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii.,
+ and probably the distinction was much insisted on because of
+ the Moslem custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive
+ dress of the clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern
+ staminia et lana oviuin religiosum adprobat."
+
+ [4] See Migne, xcvi., 890 ff.
+
+Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the Migetian
+errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude with regard to
+the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being dictated to in the
+matter of what was, or what was not, sound doctrine, and, in the letter
+quoted above, he scornfully remarks that he had never heard that it was
+the province of the people of Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in
+the defiant attitude taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a
+jealousy, felt by the old independent Church of Spain under its own
+primate, towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of
+the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be
+Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but the
+bishop of Rome.
+
+It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by Elipandus
+and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that Adoptionism was merely a
+revival of the Bonosian errors, which had long taken root in Spain;[1]
+others, that it was a revival of the Nestorian[2] heresy, a new phase of
+the controversy between the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;[3] or
+that it was an attempt to reform Christianity, purging it from later
+additions.[4] Alcuin, however, speaks of its followers as a new sect,
+unknown to former times.[5] Stated briefly, the new doctrine was that
+Jesus, in so far as His manhood was concerned, was son of God by
+adoption. This error had been foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril
+of Alexandria (348-386):[6] by Hilary of Arles (429-449).[7] The
+Eleventh Council of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a
+hundred years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God
+was His Son by nature, not by adoption.
+
+ [1] Enhueber, Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were
+ condemned at Capua in 389. For their development in Spain, see
+ "Isidore of Seville."
+
+ [2] Condemned at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism
+ with this, see letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?).
+
+ [3] Neander, v., p. 216.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo.
+
+ [5] Alcuin contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it
+ had anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero
+ anathematizamus Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum,
+ adoptivum fuisse adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse
+ Patrem, quem Filium, quem et Spiritus sanctus (_sic_) et non
+ ipsud, delirat. Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum
+ Sanctum creaturas esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum
+ qui Christum solum Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat.
+ Anathematizamus Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum,
+ et onagrum Etherium, doctorem bestialem ...," etc.
+
+ [6] "Lectures on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God
+ by nature, begotten of the Father, not by adoption."
+
+ [7] De Trinit, v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God--a
+ God by adoption, or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec
+ connuncupatus)."
+
+It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation of
+Nestorianism.[1] It agreed with the latter in repudiating the term
+"Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,[2] but it differed from
+it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in
+Christ. What Felix--and on him devolved the chief onus of defence in the
+controversy--wished to make clear, was that the predicates of Christ's
+two natures could not logically be interchanged.[3] He therefore
+reasoned thus: Christ in respect to His Deity is God, and Son of God;
+with respect to His Manhood He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in
+essence, but by being taken into union with Him, who _is_ in essence
+God, and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity
+from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that humanity,
+be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This relation of Jesus the
+Man to God he preferred to describe by the term Adoption--a word not
+found in Scripture in this connection, "but," says Felix, "implied
+therein,[4] for what is adoption in a son, if it be not election,
+assumption _(susceptio)_." The term itself was no doubt found by Elipandus
+_in_ the Gothic Liturgy;[5] and he most likely used it at first with no
+thought of raising a metaphysical discussion on so knotty a point. Being
+brought to task, however, for using the word by those whom he deemed his
+ecclesiastical inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike
+to acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says
+Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief author of
+the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from ignorance and
+inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a heretic, till, admonished
+of his error, he arrogantly and obstinately defended a position which he
+had only taken up through ignorance."[6]
+
+Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix[7] for his opinion on
+Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great penetration and
+acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine, stating in his answer that
+Christ must be considered with regard to His Divinity as truly God and
+Son of God, but with regard to His Manhood, as Son of God in name only,
+and by adoption.
+
+ [1] See Blunt, "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism.
+
+ [2] Neander, v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary.
+
+ [3] Neander, v. 220.
+
+ [4] Alcuin contra Felicem, iii. c. 8.
+
+ [5] "Elipand. ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio ([Greek:
+ analêpsis]) occurs _(a)_ in the Missa de coena Domini:
+ _adoptivi hominis passio;_ _(b)_ in the prayer de tertia feria
+ Pascha: _adoptionis gratia;_ _(c)_ in that de Ascensione:
+ _adoptionem carnis._ The Council of Frankfurt (794) branded the
+ authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did Alcuin) and as
+ the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See Fleury, v. 243.
+
+ [6] Enhueber, "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the
+ same remark in other words.
+
+ [7] See Blunt, Art. on Adoptionism.
+
+To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried on, it
+will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix, and in
+certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:--
+
+_(a.)_ "If Christ, as man, is not the _adopted_ Son of God, then must
+His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and consequently must be
+something different from the manhood of men."[1] To this Alcuin can only
+oppose another dilemma, which, however, is more of the nature of a
+quibble. "If," he says, "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is
+also God, then is God the adopted Son of God?"[2] Here Alcuin confounds
+the predicates of Christ's two natures--the very thing Felix protested
+against--and uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of
+Felix, which was based on this very denial of any interchange of
+predicates.
+
+_(b.)_ Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David, sometimes as Son
+of God. One person can only have two fathers, if one of these be an
+adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin answers: "As a man (body
+and soul) is called the son of his father, so Christ (God and man) is
+called Son of God."[3] But to those who deny that a man's soul is
+derived from his father, this argument would carry no weight.
+
+_(c.)_ Christ stood in a position of natural dependence towards God over
+and above the voluntary submission which He owed to His Father as
+God.[4] This dependence Felix expresses by the term _servus
+conditionalis_, applied to Jesus.[5] He may have been thinking of Matt.
+xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to
+Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him the form of a servant, and was made
+in the likeness of men."[6] Or perhaps he had in his mind, if the theory
+of the influence of Mohammedanism is true, those passages of the Koran
+which speak of Christ as a servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain
+to be a servant unto God,"[7] and, "Jesus is no other than a
+servant."[8]
+
+(_d._) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction between Christ
+the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke xviii. 19, "Why
+callest thou Me good? There is none good, save one, even God;" Mark
+xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour, knoweth no one, not even the
+angels in heaven, neither the Son, but the Father." Texts such as these
+can only be met by a reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16,
+where God is said to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death
+upon the Cross.
+
+ [1] Alcuin contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12.
+
+ [2] Alcuin (_ibid.,_ i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be
+ the adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of
+ God's substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in
+ respect to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of
+ God." But this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also
+ Contra Felic., vii. sec. 2.
+
+ [3] Contra Felic, iii. sec. 2.
+
+ [4] Cp. 1 Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This
+ position of dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem
+ beatae Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur."
+
+ [5] Cp. Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei
+ simul et hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam
+ adoptivum Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35)
+ ... quia, si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei
+ secundum gratiam, profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et
+ cum advocato advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et _cum servo
+ servi_."
+
+ [6] Cf. Acts iii. 13.
+
+ [7] Koran, iv. v. 170.
+
+ [8] Koran, xliii. v. 59.
+
+Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of Christ the
+Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that this adoption,
+though the same in kind[1] as that which enables _us_ to cry Abba,
+Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps specifically
+higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not being entered into
+at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only the point at which His
+adoption was outwardly made manifest by signs of miraculous power, which
+continued till the resurrection. Christ's adoption--according to Felix,
+was assumed at His conception, "His humanity developing in accordance
+with its own laws, but in union with the Logos."[2] It will be seen
+that though Felix wished to keep clear the distinction between Christ as
+God, and as Man, yet he did not carry this separation so far as to
+acknowledge two persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the
+unity of Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct
+personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be recognised
+as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close a manner as to
+amount to an absorption of the human personality into the Divine
+Person."[3] The two natures of Christ had been asserted by the Church
+against the Monophysites, and the two wills against the Monothelites,
+but the Church never went on to admit the two Persons.[4] With regard to
+the contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion
+that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere abstraction,
+a metaphysical link joining two essentially incompatible natures,"[5] or
+that the dispute was only about names, and that by adopted son Felix and
+the others meant nothing really different from the orthodox doctrine.[6]
+
+ [1] See John x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222.
+
+ [2] Neander (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this
+ differently: "There were (according to Felix) two births in our
+ Lord's life--(a) the assumption of man at the conception; (_b_)
+ the adoption of that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii.
+ 16: "Qui est Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes;
+ primam quae secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae
+ per adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem
+ complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam
+ suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in
+ lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo."
+
+ [3] Blunt, article on Adopt.
+
+ [4] Cp. Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina
+ persona est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia
+ vero substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est,
+ substantia res naturae."
+
+ [5] Blunt, _ibid._ Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where
+ he says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual
+ personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved
+ it.
+
+ [6] So Walchius.
+
+The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of Elipandus to
+the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,[1] but it did not attract notice
+till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the orthodox
+bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of the heresy
+having reached him--a heresy, he remarks, never before propounded,
+unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he mentions Ascarius,[2]
+Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over to his views. The new
+doctrine seems to have made its way quickly over a great part of
+Spain,[3] while Felix propagated it with considerable success in
+Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in Spain were Beatus and
+Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and Theudula, Bishop of Seville;
+while beyond its borders Alcuin, Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of
+Lyons, under the direction of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended
+the orthodox position.
+
+ [1] See Migne, 96 p. 848.
+
+ [2] Fleury, v. 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus,
+ asking the latter's opinion on some doubtful points in the new
+ doctrine.
+
+ [3] Jonas of Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac
+ virulenta doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit."
+
+Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the
+overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and suffered
+for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living under a
+Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters or messages. He
+seems even to have received something more than a mere negative support
+from the Arabs, if we are right in so interpreting a passage in the
+letter of Beatus and Etherius.[1] But it is hard to believe that
+Elipandus was on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed,
+from passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was
+rather the case.[2] Neander suggests that it may have been a Gothic
+king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems even more
+unlikely than the other supposition.
+
+The first council called to consider this question was held by the
+suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788, when the
+heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of Gaul.[3]
+
+A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in 791, with
+the same results.[4] But in the following year the heresy was formally
+condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the presidency of
+the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was sent to Rome to be
+further condemned by the Pope, that the whole Western Church might take
+action in the matter. Felix was there induced to write a book condemning
+his own errors, but in spite of this he was not restored to his see.[5]
+On his return, however, to Spain, Felix relapsed into his old heresy,
+which he had never really abjured.[6]
+
+ [1] I. sec. 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae
+ pari certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter
+ virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus
+ auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec.
+ 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum
+ potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit."
+
+ [2] Elip. ad. Albinum, sec. 7--"Oppressione gentis afflicti non
+ possumus tibi rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana
+ dispendia quibus duramus potius quam vivimus."
+
+ [3] There are some doubts about this council.
+
+ [4] Fleury, v. 236. Hefele dates it 796.
+
+ [5] See letter of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for
+ Felix's restoration (794).
+
+ [6] Leo III. said of him, at a council held in Rome (799):
+ "_Fugiens ad paganos consentaneos_ perjuratus effectus est."
+ See Froben, "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336.
+
+In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the orthodox
+position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter, admonishing him of
+his errors, and acknowledging that all his previous utterances on
+theology had been sound and true. Felix answered this letter, but his
+reply is not preserved. To the same, or following, year belongs the
+letter of Elipandus and the bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops
+of Gaul, defending their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of
+Felix.
+
+In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and other
+English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend, and heard his
+heresy again condemned and anathematised, the decree to this effect
+being sent to Elipandus.[1] Alcuin's book was read by Charles, and sent
+into Septimania by the hands of the abbot Benedict.
+
+The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at
+Frankfurt.[2] In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent by him
+first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan clergy, sent
+on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with Paulinus and the
+Pope as his coadjutors.
+
+In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin argued
+for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for Felix again
+recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith discarding the word
+adoption, but still preserving the distinction of predicates belonging
+to the two natures.[3] Alcuin's book, after being revised by Charles,
+was published 800 A.D. Previously to this he had written to Elipandus,
+who answered in no measured terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things,
+of enormous wealth. This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer,
+Alcuin wrote the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which
+was the means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic Gaul.[4]
+But in spite of Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the
+anathemas of the councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up
+his new doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts.
+Elipandus, though very old[5] at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years
+longer, and Felix survived him eight years;[6] and they both died
+persisting in their error.[7]
+
+ [1] Fleury, v. 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne,
+ xcvi. 858, gives us the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac
+ nefanda haeresis Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix
+ (_sic_) Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium."
+
+ [2] Neander, v. 228.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, p. 232.
+
+ [4] Froben, sec, 82. Neander says 10,000.
+
+ [5] Alcuin adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius
+ tantummodo laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte
+ praereptum esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem."
+
+ [6] Or perhaps six.
+
+ [7] No reliance can be placed in the statement of the
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of
+ Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione
+ Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium
+ (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato
+ publice errore _fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae_ confessus
+ est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec.
+ 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of
+ Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his
+ error.
+
+We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy, both from
+its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned above, there are
+some reasons for thinking that it was the outcome of a wish to
+conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as well to recapitulate such
+evidence as we have obtained on this point. But we must not expect to
+find the traces of Mohammedan influence in the development, so much as
+in the origination, of the theory. What we do find is slight enough,
+amounting to no more than this:--
+
+(_a._) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan from genuine
+Christianity--setting aside for a moment the transcendental mystery of
+the Trinity--was the Divinity of Christ. Anything, therefore, that
+tended to emphasise the humanity of Jesus, or to obscure the great fact
+of Christ the Man, being Son of God, which sounded so offensive to
+Mohammedan ears, would so far bring the Christian creed nearer to the
+Mohammedan's acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of
+Christ, to that which appears so often in the Koran.[1] There can be no
+doubt that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical
+conclusion, did contribute to this result:
+
+(_b._) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of the secular
+arm in disseminating his heretical opinions:
+
+(_c._) That the application of the term _Servant_ to Christ, besides
+being authorised by texts from Scripture, is countenanced in two
+passages from the Koran:
+
+(_d._) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain, and his
+relapse into error, implies that it was due to his renewed contact with
+infidels who held similar views:
+
+(_e._) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is said to have
+lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his close intercourse with
+the Arabs:
+
+(_f._) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false prophet, that
+is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a Mohammedan interpretation to
+the Beast in the Revelation of St John.
+
+Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it did
+not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was originated by
+a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,[2]--Claudius, Bishop of Turin. Some
+have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of Iconoclasm, traces
+of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in itself.[3]
+
+Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct
+statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised him,
+and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he on his side
+highly commended them _and the Saracens_.[4] Yet his tendency seems to
+have been against the Judaizing of the Church.[5]
+
+ [1] Fifty years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses
+ certain Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of
+ persecution:--"Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (_i.e._
+ Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et
+ Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones
+ corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes."
+
+ [2] Jonas of Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and
+ says elsewhere, "Felix resuscitur in Claudio."
+
+ [3] Neander, vi. 119.
+
+ [4] Fleury, v. 398.
+
+ [5] Neander, vi. 125.
+
+The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East, undoubtedly
+received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In 719 the Khalif
+destroyed all images in Syria. His example was followed in 730 by the
+Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is said to have been persuaded to
+this measure by a man named Bezer, who had been some years in captivity
+among the Saracens.[1] In 754 the great council of Constantinople
+condemned images. Unfortunately neither the great patriarchates nor the
+Pope were represented, and so this council never obtained-the sanction
+of all Christendom; and its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council
+of Nicæa. In 790 appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to
+find our English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and
+reasonable protest against the worship of images.[2] In 794 this protest
+was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and his
+militia,[3] the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any reform in this
+quarter, and the recognition of images became part and parcel of Roman
+Catholic Christianity.
+
+Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.[4] Though placed over an
+Italian diocese, he soon shewed the independence, which he had imbibed
+in the free air of Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least
+the advantage of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding
+that the people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius
+set to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in his
+bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than other
+Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist training.[5]
+
+These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with the
+Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot of Nîmes, a
+friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal, an Irish priest.
+But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was more than a match for
+his opponents in argument.[6]
+
+ [1] Fleury, xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham,
+ Seventh General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv.
+
+ [2] "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut
+ segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius
+ infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."--III. c. 24.
+
+ "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in
+ basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei
+ Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad
+ peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium
+ habere noscantur."--III. c. 21.
+
+ [3] Prescott.
+
+ [4] Neander says 814, Herzog 820.
+
+ [5] Neander, v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from
+ the charge of adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer
+ of the Khalif Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his
+ brother's body at Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my
+ brother's body to the mercy of those who ring bells and adore
+ the cross. Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. 446.
+
+ [6] Fleury, v. 398, confesses that the case of the
+ image-worshippers rests mainly on tradition and the usage of
+ the Church--meaning that they can draw no support from the
+ Bible. He might have remembered Matt. xv. 7--"Ye make void the
+ Word of God because of your tradition."
+
+Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from his
+opponents' quotation of them.
+
+Briefly expressed, they are as follows:--
+
+_(a.)_ Image-worship is really idol-worship:
+
+_(b.)_ If images are to be adored, much more should those living beings
+be adored, whom the images represent. But we are not permitted to adore
+God's works, much less may we worship the work of men:[1]
+
+_(c.)_ The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus was fastened
+to it: else must we adore other things with which Jesus was similarly
+connected; virgins, for example, for Christ was nine months in a
+virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships, thorns, for with all these Jesus
+was connected. To adore the cross we have never been told, but to bear
+it,[2] that is to deny ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to
+adore it, who are least ready to bear it either spiritually or
+physically.[3]
+
+Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal
+supremacy.[4] Being summoned before a council, with more wisdom than
+Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his cause would be
+prejudged, and contented himself with calling the proposed assembly a
+congregation of asses. He died in 839 in secure possession of his see,
+and with his Iconoclastic belief unshaken.
+
+Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during the
+first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem to have
+been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One more there was,
+the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one hundred and fifty years
+later, and was perhaps the outcome of intercourse with the Mohammedanism
+of Spain.[5]
+
+ [1] Jonas of Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326.
+
+ [2] Luke xiv. 27.
+
+ [3] Jonas, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351.
+
+ [4] See Appendix B, pp. 161-173.
+
+ [5] So Blunt. It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2,
+ from Lucas of Tuy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY.
+
+
+Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal Christianity
+(there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal Mohammedanism), it
+will fall within the scope of our inquiry to estimate the extent to
+which those influences were reciprocally felt by the two religions in
+their social and intellectual aspects; and how far the character of a
+Christian or a Mohammedan was altered by contact with a people
+professing a creed so like, and yet so unlike.[1] This influence we
+shall find more strongly manifested in the action of Christianity on
+Islam, than the reverse.
+
+It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks seems to
+have varied[2] from time to time, is reported to have expressly declared
+that he would have no monks in his religion.[3] Abubeker, his
+successor,--if Gibbon's translation may be trusted,--in his marching
+orders to the army, told them to let monks and their monasteries
+alone.[4] It was not long, however, before an order of itinerant
+monks--the faquirs--arose among the Moslems. In other parts of their
+dominions these became a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class;
+but in Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,[5] though they
+were very numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian
+historian,[6] were nothing more than beggars, able but unwilling to
+work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be applied to all,
+"for there were among them men who, moved by sentiments of piety and
+devotion, left the world and its vanities, and either retired to
+convents to pass the remainder of their days among brethren of the same
+community, or putting on the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff,
+went through the country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the
+faithful to compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That
+Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we can
+gather from the above passage and from another place,[7] where a convent
+called Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On
+that passage De Gayangos[8] has an interesting note, in which he quotes
+from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment near
+Malaga.[9] The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close to this city, a
+convent, which was the residence of several religious men living in
+community, and conversant with the principles of Sufism: they have a
+superior to preside over them, and one or more servants to attend to
+their wants. Their internal regulations are really admirable; each
+faquir lives separately in a cell of his own, and meets his comrades
+only at meals or prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the
+community go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he
+wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with two
+meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock, two being
+allowed yearly for each man--one for winter, another for summer. Each
+faquir is furnished likewise with a regular allowance of sugar, soap to
+wash his clothes, oil for his lamp, and a small sum of money to attend
+the bath, all these articles being distributed to them every Friday....
+Most of the faquirs are bachelors, a few only being married. These live
+with their wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to
+the same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers,
+sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted
+chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning each
+faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then that of
+the king;[10] and when the reading is over, a Koran, previously divided
+into sections, is brought in for each man to read in turn, until the
+whole is completed. On Fridays and other-festivals these faquirs are
+obliged to go to the mosque in a body, preceded by their superior....
+They are often visited by guests, whom they entertain for a long time,
+supplying them with food and other necessaries. The formalities observed
+with them are as follows:--If a stranger present himself at the door of
+the convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his
+waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his staff in
+his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the porter of the
+convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what country he comes
+from, what convent he has resided in, or entered on the road, who was
+the superior of it, and other particulars, to ascertain that the visitor
+is not an impostor.... This convent was plentifully endowed with rents
+for the support of its inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in
+lands which was provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga,
+who had been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are
+continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by
+donations in money."
+
+The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is
+sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though this
+particular convent was established at a later time, we cannot doubt that
+the influence, which produced such a modification of the very spirit of
+Islam, must have made itself felt much earlier. This is apparent in the
+analogous case of Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to
+shew,[11] where it is said that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar
+(1030-1043), was followed to the grave even by the damsels who had
+retired into solitude.
+
+ [1] Mohammedanism is even called a _heresy_ by a writer quoted
+ by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244.
+
+ [2] Kor. v. 85--"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to
+ entertain friendship for the true believers who say, We are
+ Christians. This comes to pass, because there are priests and
+ monks among them." Kor. lvii. 27--"As to the monastic state
+ (Deus loquitur), the Christians instituted the same (we did not
+ prescribe it for them) only out of desire to please God, yet
+ they observed not the same as it ought truly to be observed."
+ See also Kor. ix. 34--"Verily many of the priests and monks
+ devour the substance of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of
+ God;" and Kor. xxiii. 55.
+
+ [3] Kor. v. 89. Sale's note.
+
+ [4] So Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii.
+ 209.
+
+ [5] See the interesting account, _ibid._, i. 114.
+
+ [6] Al Makkari.
+
+ [7] Al Makkari, i. 115.
+
+ [8] _Ibid._, i. p. 406, note.
+
+ [9] In the fourteenth century.
+
+ [10] ? Chapter 67.
+
+ [11] Conde, ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to
+ Christian nuns.
+
+But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity, Islam
+shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded with a
+Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such things, but the
+following anecdotes are more in keeping with the Bible than the Koran.
+Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to his son, Hakem I., said:
+"Consider well that all empire is in the hand of God, who bestoweth it
+on whom He will, and from whom He will He taketh it away.[1] But since
+God hath given to us the royal authority and power, which is in our
+hands by His goodness only, let us obey His holy will, which is no other
+than that we do good to all men,[2] and in especial to those placed
+under our protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute
+equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or oppression
+be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the road to perdition.
+Be clement, and do right to all who depend upon thee, for all are the
+creatures of God."[3]
+
+The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the following
+story shews, of the most Christian generosity.[4] One of the faquirs who
+had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the presence
+of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from telling the
+Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem answered: "He who
+bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me pardon thee. Go, and live in
+God's protection."[5]
+
+ [1] Daniel, iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249--"God giveth His
+ kingdom unto whom He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24.
+
+ [2] Galatians vi. 20--"Let us do good unto all men, especially
+ unto them that are of the household of faith."
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 240.
+
+ [4] It is fair to state that Hakem I. was not always so
+ generous.
+
+ [5] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77.
+
+Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are the
+miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories, it must be
+acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and believing in
+miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in the Middle Ages.[1]
+
+We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the invader
+of Spain;[2] of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the prayer of Akbar
+ibn Nafir;[3] of the marvellous cap of Omar;[4] of the wonders that
+distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision shewing
+the tomb of Abu Ayub;[5] but nothing that will bear a comparison with
+the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the clumsy
+and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of the
+Armada.[6] Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid, from Al
+Kusheyri,[7] reminds us forcibly of similar monkish extravagancies. A
+woman came to Baki, and said that, her son being a prisoner in the hands
+of the Franks, she intended to sell her house and go in search of him;
+but before doing so she asked his advice. Leaving her for a moment he
+requested her to wait for his answer. He then went out and prayed
+fervently for her son's release, and telling the mother what he had
+done, dismissed her. Some time after the mother came back with her son
+to thank Baki for his pious interference, which had procured her son's
+release. The son then told his story:--"I was the king's slave, and used
+to go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we were
+employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden as if my
+fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my feet, when lo! I
+saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each side." The inspector
+naturally charged him with trying to escape, but he denied on oath,
+saying that his fetters had fallen off without his knowing how. They
+were then riveted on again with additional nails, but again fell off.
+The youth goes on:--"The Christians then consulted their priests on the
+miraculous occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I
+had a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the
+priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her prayers.
+Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a set-off to this
+there is a remarkable instance of freedom from superstition recorded of
+King Almundhir(881-2).[8] On the occasion of an earthquake, the people
+being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it as a direct interposition of
+God, this enlightened prince did his best to convince them that such
+things were natural phenomena, and had no relation to the good or evil
+that men did,[9] shewing that the earth trembled for Christian and
+Moslem alike, for the most innocent as well as the most injurious of
+creatures without distinction. They, however, refused to be convinced.
+
+ [1] See the story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the
+ bull--Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the
+ earth--Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and
+ restored--_Ibid._, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off by
+ the devil in sight of a large congregation--Isidore of Beja,
+ sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)--Mar. ix. 3.
+
+ [2] Cardonne, i. p. 72.
+
+ [3] _Ibid_, p. 38.
+
+ [4] See Ockley.
+
+ [5] Gibbon, "for such are the manufacture of every religion,"
+ p. 115.
+
+ [6] See Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics
+ found at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous
+ phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of
+ Christianity.
+
+ [7] Al Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355.
+
+ [8] Conde, i. 317.
+
+ [9] Cp. Matt. v. 45: Luke xiii. 4.
+
+This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome of that
+philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in the reign of
+this Sultan's predecessor.[1] The philosophizers were looked upon with
+horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at times
+they were ready to stone and burn the free-thinkers.[2] The works of
+Ibnu Massara, a prominent member of this school, were burnt publicly at
+Cordova;[3] and the great Almanzor, though himself, like the great
+Caesar, indifferent to such questions,[4] by way of gaining the support
+of the masses, was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of
+these philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the
+man's life at the request of a learned faqui.[5]
+
+Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"--if the term be allowable--there were
+Sceptics and Deists,[6] and others who followed the wild speculations of
+Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name was
+Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198), who
+besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that would almost
+constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was not a branch of
+knowledge that could be systematised, but an inward personal power:[7]
+that science and religion could not be fused together. Owing to his
+freedom of thought he was banished to a place near Cordova by Yusuf abu
+Yakub in 1196. He was also persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen,
+son of Almansur,[8] for studying natural philosophy. Another votary of
+the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death by the same
+king.
+
+ [1] Dozy, iii. 18.
+
+ [2] Al Makk., i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics
+ by the pious Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii.
+ 109.
+
+ [3] Al Makk., ii. 121.
+
+ [4] He was supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden
+ study of Natural Science and Astrology.--Al Makk., i. 141. Yet
+ he let the faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be
+ burnt.--Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur
+ (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be
+ burnt.
+
+ [5] Dozy, iii. 261.
+
+ [6] Dozy, iii. 262, 263.
+
+ [7] See article in the "Encyclop. Britann."
+
+ [8] Al Makk., i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that
+ this was a mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub
+ Almansur, and could not be the king meant here. He therefore
+ reads, "Yakub, one of the Beni Abdulmumen."
+
+Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier freethinkers
+lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians originally belonged to
+the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai[1] (711-774), whose doctrines were
+brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of Damascus. But Hischem I., on
+coming to the throne, shewed his preference for the doctrines of Malik
+ibn Aus,[2] and contrived that they should supplant the dogmas of Al
+Auzai. It may be that Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's
+creed, without persuading others to conform to his views, but at all
+events the change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor,
+Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi, Abu
+Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,[3] and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman
+Allakhmi, three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a
+pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in the
+opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a lax
+Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the faquis enough
+power in the State.[4]
+
+In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful enough
+to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman, Abu
+Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise discretion, as
+commendable as it was rare, declared that the distinctions of the Ulema
+were cavils, and that the expositions of the new traditionist "conveyed
+much useful instruction, and inculcated very laudable practices."[5]
+
+Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly
+ascendency, as notably by Ghàzali, the "Vivificator," as he was called,
+"of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the rebel against
+authority was excommunicated.[6] Yet the strictly oxthodox party did not
+succeed in arresting--to any appreciable extent--the progress of the
+decay which was threatening to attack even the distinctive features of
+the Mohammedan religion.[7] It is a slight indication of this, that the
+peculiar Moslem dress gradually began to be given up, and the turban was
+only worn by faquis,[8] and even they could not induce the people to
+return to a habit once thought of great importance.[9]
+
+ [1] Al Makk., i. 403. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [2] Died 780. Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to
+ Hakem I.; and an author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to
+ Abdurrahman I.
+
+ [3] Al Makk., ii. 123.
+
+ [4] Al Makk., i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p.
+ 59.
+
+ [5] Conde, i. 294.
+
+ [6] Dozy, iv. 255.
+
+ [7] In spite of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says
+ that all innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by
+ the people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such,
+ he would have been torn to pieces.
+
+ [8] Dozy, iii. 271.
+
+ [9] Al Makkari, ii. 109.
+
+But in other and more important respects we can see the disintegrating
+effect which intercourse with Christians had upon the social
+institutions of the Koran.[1]
+
+_(a.)_ Wine, which is expressly forbidden by Mohammed,[2] was much drunk
+throughout the country,[3] the example being often set by the king
+himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the first of these to drink the
+forbidden juice.[4] His namesake, Hakem II. (961-976), however, set his
+face against the practice of drinking wine, and even gave orders for all
+the vines in his kingdom to be rooted up--an edict which he recalled at
+the instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin many
+poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be smuggled in
+or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem consequently contented
+himself with forbidding anew the use of spirituous liquors in the most
+stringent terms.[5] Even the faquis had taken to drinking wine, and they
+defended the practice by saying that the prohibition might be
+disregarded by Moslems, who were engaged in a perpetual war with
+infidels.
+
+_(b.)_ Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying of Mohammed
+runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law; to perform music is
+to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to be guilty of
+infidelity."[6] Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very fond of
+music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi a home at his
+Court, when the latter was driven from the East by professional
+jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested against these violations
+of their law. The important sect of Hanbalites in particular, like our
+own Puritans, made a crusade against these abuses. They "caused a great
+commotion in the tenth century in Baghdad by entering people's houses
+and spilling their wine, if they found any, and beating the
+singing-girls they met with and breaking their instruments."[7]
+
+_(c.)_ The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by Mohammed,
+became quite common among the richer classes, though the majority do not
+seem to have indulged themselves in this way.[8]
+
+_(d.)_ The prohibition of sculptures, representing living creatures, was
+disregarded. We find a statue, raised to Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in
+the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built by Abdurrahman III. in honour of
+his beloved mistress. Images of animals are mentioned on the
+fountains,[9] and a lion on the aqueduct.[10] We also hear of a statue
+at the gate of Cordova.[11]
+
+_(e.)_ The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning towards
+Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned by an Arab
+historian,[12] that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah as a
+distinctive nickname, because he did so turn?
+
+_(f.)_ A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to persuade his
+coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not of pigs or
+boars.[13]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The
+ Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit
+ all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of
+ nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves,
+ listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and
+ mirth."
+
+ [2] Kor. v. 93--"Surely wine, lots, and images are an
+ abomination of the work of Satan ... avoid them."
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 171.
+
+ [4] Cardonne, i. p. 252.
+
+ [5] Al Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171.
+
+ [6] Yonge, "Moors in Spain," p. 71.
+
+ [7] Sale, Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [8] Al Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was
+ objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of
+ silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [9] Al Makkari, i. p. 236.
+
+ [10] _Ibid._, p. 241.
+
+ [11] Akbar Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272.
+
+ [12] Al Malckari, 1. 149.
+
+ [13] Hamim, a Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis.
+ Conde, i. 420.
+
+There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the more
+unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact with a
+civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to the Arabs, and
+partly growing up independently side by side with them. But in nothing
+was this shewn more clearly than in the social enfranchisement of the
+Moslem women, whom it is the very essence of Mohammed's teaching to
+regard rather as the goods and chattels than as the equals of man; and
+also in the introduction among the Moslems of a more Christian
+conception of the sacred word--Love.
+
+Consequently we become accustomed to the strange spectacle--strange
+among a Mohammedan people--of women making a mark in the society of men,
+and being regarded as intellectually and socially their equals. Thus we
+hear of an Arabian Sappho, Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of
+Almustakfi Billah;[1] of Aysha, daughter of Ahmad of Cordova--"the
+purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden of her day;"[2] of Mozna, the
+slave and private secretary of Abdurrahman III.[3]
+
+Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were
+admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by Mohammedan
+law,[4] the women being obliged to perform their devotions at home;
+"if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it must be when the men are
+not there; for the Moslems are of opinion that their presence inspires a
+different kind of devotion from that which is requisite in a place
+dedicated to the service of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a
+Moor, censuring the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for
+the reason, among others, that women were there. If the evidence of
+ballads be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at
+festivities and dances.[5] At tournaments they looked on, their bright
+smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their fair hands
+giving the successful champion the meed of victorious valour.[6] Their
+position, in fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of
+Christian ladies.
+
+ [1] Murphy, "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232.
+
+ [2] Conde, i. p. 457.
+
+ [3] For others see Conde, i. 483, 484.
+
+ [4] Sale, Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158.
+
+ [6] See a picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish
+ Antiquities of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad
+ called "The Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109.
+
+The effect of this improvement in the social position of women could not
+fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among the Spanish
+Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross sensuality undergoing a
+process of refinement, as the following extract from Said ibn Djoudi,[1]
+who wrote at the close of the ninth century, will shew. Addressing his
+ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:--
+
+ "O thou, to whom my prayers are given,
+ Compassionate and gentle be
+ To my poor soul, so roughly driven,
+ To fly from me to thee.
+
+ "I call thy name, my vows outpouring,
+ I see thine eyes with tear-drops shine:
+ No monk, his imaged saint adoring,
+ Knows rapture like to mine!"
+
+Of these words Dozy[2] says:--"They might be those of a Provençal
+troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry."
+
+This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly seen in
+a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who was prime
+minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He calls Love[3] a
+mixture of moral affection, delicate gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm
+modest beauty, full of sweet dignity. Being the great grandson of
+Christian parents, perhaps some of their inherited characteristics
+reappeared in him:--"Something pure, something delicate, something
+spiritual which was not Arab."[4]
+
+ [1] Killed, 897.
+
+ [2] II. 229.
+
+ [3] Quoted by Dozy, iii. 350.
+
+ [4] Dozy, 1.1.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY.
+
+
+We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the social
+and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now turn to the
+analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity under the same
+aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no means so marked as in the
+reverse case. One striking instance, however, there is, in which such an
+influence was shewn, and where we should least have thought to find it.
+We have indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be
+circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves off on
+occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we cannot be certain:
+but the fact remains.[1] "Have we not," says Alvar,[2] "the mark of the
+beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we follow the
+pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the circumcision of the
+heart,[3] which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to the corporeal
+rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy, and which can only be
+complied with at the cost of no small pain to ourselves."
+
+Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic rite,[4]
+whether voluntarily, or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know
+that the Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the
+intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be circumcised.[5]
+
+Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the outward
+observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought it necessary to
+abstain from certain meats,[6] those, namely, forbidden by the
+Mohammedan law.
+
+A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his excuse
+that otherwise the Christians could not live with the Saracens.[7] This
+was, naturally, not considered a good reason by the stricter or more
+bigoted party, who regarded with alarm and suspicion any tendency
+towards amalgamation with Mohammedans. If we can credit certain
+chroniclers, a council was even held some years before this time by
+Basilius, Bishop of Cordova, for considering the best method of
+preventing the contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its
+contact with Mohammedanism.[8]
+
+ [1] See John of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above,
+ p. 89.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35.
+
+ [3] Romans ii. 29; Galatians v. 2.
+
+ [4] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123.
+
+ [5] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.,"
+ ii. c. 4. Cp. "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king,
+ Halihatan (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par
+ lequel il estait mandé a tous Chrestiens habitans és terres et
+ villes a luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se
+ faisans circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie."
+
+ [6] See Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. _ad init._--" You are
+ forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and
+ swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled."
+
+ [7] "John of Gorz," 1.1.
+
+ [8] "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501.
+ "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne
+ Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti,
+ illorum caeremoniis communicarent."
+
+Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of contraries,
+and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were, would cling to some
+habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit of opposition to a reverse
+custom among Moslems. Thus we know that the monks in the East became the
+more passionately devoted to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm
+savoured so much of Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more
+objectionable results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the
+people with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from
+being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths were
+the direct invention of the devil.[1] Later on we know that Philip II.,
+the husband of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish
+dominions destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of
+infidelity.[2]
+
+Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a contrast to
+the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is mentioned with
+horror as having a wife and children, one of whom afterwards succeeded
+him, and also married.[3]
+
+One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the marriage
+of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by Fruela I. (757-768)
+in the North, yet concubinage became very common among the clergy;[4]
+and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state of things that Witiza
+wished to compel the clergy to have lawful wives.
+
+ [1] Miss Yonge, p. 67.
+
+ [2] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136.
+
+ [3] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326--"Conventus Episcoporum
+ pro restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae
+ ac vepres, nec nominandi proles."
+
+ [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.,"
+ ii. cc. 2, 6, we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the
+ Moslems in having harems.
+
+We have left to the last the great and interesting question of the
+origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines of
+Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not with
+justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the present. The
+institution known by that name arose in the age of Charles the Great
+(768-814),[1] and was therefore nearly synchronous with the invasion of
+Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed, referred to the
+military service of fiefs, but all its characteristics, which were
+personal and individual, such as loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point
+to a racial rather than a political source, and these characteristics
+are found in an eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and
+independent spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,[2] "dwelling as it were
+upon a rock, and disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness
+of internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is not
+unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American Indians."
+
+Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can be no
+doubt that its development was largely influenced by the relative
+positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the perpetual war which
+went on between them in that country.
+
+Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps among
+our Saxon forefathers,[3] chivalry soon became religious in character,
+and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against the
+Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be called the
+cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even in the first flush
+of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be truly chivalrous enemies,
+and clearly had nothing to learn from Christians in that respect. The
+very earliest days of Moslem triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit
+displayed at the capture of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy
+contrast to the scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders
+under the heroic Godfrey de Bouillon.
+
+ [1] Hallam, "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._ Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of chivalry
+ have so much resemblance to those which Eastern writers of the
+ same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect Europe for
+ having derived some improvement from imitation of Asia."
+
+ [3] Hallam, "Mid. Ages" (1.1.).
+
+Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of the
+tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely paralleled.
+The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great victory of Alarcos
+(1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners. It cannot, however, be
+denied that the action displeased many of the king's followers, who
+complained of it "as one of the extravagancies proper to monarchs,"[1]
+and Yakub himself repented of it on his deathbed.
+
+In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities
+enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight--such as piety,
+courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art of poetry,
+skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance, and bow.[2]
+Chivalry soon became a recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf
+ben Harun, or Abu Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II.
+(961-976) on its duties and obligations;[3] nor was it long before the
+Moorish kings learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the
+Christian fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood
+conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.[4]
+
+ [1] Conde, iii. 53.
+
+ [2] Al Makk., ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd.
+ and Isab.," p. 159.
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 477.
+
+ [4] Conde, ii. 173.
+
+As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or the
+Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the Moorish
+knight _sans peur et sans reproche;_ and though, if judged by our
+standards, he was by no means _sans reproche_, yet many are the stories
+told of his magnanimity and justice. On one occasion after a battle
+against the Christians, the Count of Garcia being mortally wounded, his
+faithful Castilians refused to leave him, and were hemmed in by
+Almanzor's men. When the latter was urged to give the word, and have the
+knot of Christians put to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He
+who slayeth one man, not having met with violence, will be punished like
+the murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man,
+shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'[1] Make room, sons of
+Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of the
+clement and merciful God." [2]
+
+On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for wedding
+gifts for an enemy[3] of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he
+magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father of the
+Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his seven sons.[4]
+
+It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the romantic
+ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather round any but
+persons who are noted for that virtue, and though the instances should
+be false in letter, yet in spirit they may be eminently true. However
+this may be as respects Almanzor's generosity, of his justice we have
+unimpeachable evidence. The monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says
+that the success of his raids on the Christian territories was due to
+the large pay he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice,
+"which virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's
+lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any Christian."[5]
+
+ [1] Koran, v. 35.
+
+ [2] Yonge, p. 110.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, p. 80.
+
+ [4] Johannes Vasaeus, 969.
+
+ [5] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 70.
+
+In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the Christian
+Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors--those military orders,
+namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The Rabitos, or Moslemah
+knights," says Conde,[1] "in charge of the frontier, professed
+extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted themselves voluntarily to
+the continual exercise of arms. They were all men of high distinction;
+and bound themselves by a vow to defend the frontier. They were
+forbidden by their rules to fly from the enemy, it being their duty to
+fight and die on the spot they held."
+
+In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived from the
+Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it was the Moors who
+inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy Wars, as an essential
+part of their religion.[2] In this respect Christianity became
+Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry became identified with war
+against the infidel, and found its apotheosis[3] in St. James of
+Compostella, who--a poor fisherman of Galilee--was supposed to have
+fought in person against the Moors at Clavijo.[4] In the ballad we hear
+of Christian knights coming to engage in fight from exactly that same
+belief in the efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated
+the Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms and
+fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those of Leon
+and Astorga,[5] were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de Junqueras
+(921).[6] Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle against the
+Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes repeated mention of
+a right valiant prelate named Hieronymus.[7]
+
+ [1] Conde, ii. p. 119, note--"It seems highly probable that
+ from these arose the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp.
+ Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of
+ Spain were mostly instituted by papal bulls in the last half of
+ the 12th century.
+
+ [2] Islam made Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii.
+ pp. 220-2. Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff.
+
+ [3] Presc., "Ferd.," p. 15.
+
+ [4] Mohammed also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor.
+ iii., ad init.
+
+ [5] "Rodrigo of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they
+ were the bishops of Tuy and Salamanca.
+
+ [6] Mariana, viii. 5. See also _Ibid._, c. 6.
+
+ [7] "Chronicle of Cid" (Southey), p. 371.
+
+Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which engendered
+and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only common ground on
+which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European, could meet. It was in
+fact a sort of compromise between two incompatible religions mutually
+accepted by two different races. Though perhaps not a spiritual
+religion, it was a social one, and served in some measure to mitigate
+the horrors of a war of races and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the
+Crusades, and Richard I. of England and Saladin were the Achilles and
+the Hector of a new Iliad.
+
+With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as a
+compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now conclude.
+In discussing the relations between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we
+have been naturally led to compare not only the religions but their
+adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish between those who profess
+a creed, and the creed which they profess; but at least we may have thus
+been enabled to avoid missing any point essential to the proper
+elucidation of the mutual relations which existed between the two
+greatest religions of the world, and the influence they had upon each
+other.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+A.
+
+THE JEWS IN SPAIN.
+
+
+The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally made them
+the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very numerous colony
+in Spain--for Hadrian had transported thither many thousand
+families--the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in conquering the
+country, both by betraying places to them, and garrisoning captured
+towns while the Arabs went on to fresh conquests. Consequently the
+relations between the Jews and Moslems were for a long time very
+cordial, though this cordiality wore off in the course of time. Their
+numbers seem to have been considerable under the Moslem occupation, and
+whole towns were set apart as Jewries.[1]
+
+In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very strongly
+among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith favoured them.
+They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves were induced by the
+clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became free, as Jews were not
+allowed to have Christian slaves.[2] But it must be admitted that the
+Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it was well known that they
+sold Christian children as slaves to the Moslems of Spain.[3]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. 452.
+
+ [2] Fleury, v. 408.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._
+
+They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from among the
+Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind, named Eleazar, to
+whom Alvar addressed several letters under the title of "the
+transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon. A Christian of German
+extraction,[1] he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders. In 838,
+while on his way to Rome,[2] he apostatised to Judaism,[3] and opened a
+negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as slaves,
+stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year he let his hair
+and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he married a Jewess, compelling
+his grandson at the same time to apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude
+became so hostile to the Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to
+Charles, praying him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however
+does not seem to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that
+Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the deaths of
+Prefectus and John may have been due to him.[4] After this we hear no
+more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the Arabs
+seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged character.
+Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity to develop their
+natural gifts as they have never had since the capture of Jerusalem by
+Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if
+indeed they did not outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of
+learning in the dark ages.[5] In science generally, and especially in
+the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in learning and
+civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far ahead of the
+Christians.[6]
+
+ [1] "Ann. Bertin.," 839.
+
+ [2] Orationis gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1.
+
+ [3] Florez, xi. p. 20 ff.
+
+ [4] The "Ann. Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to
+ give his Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism,
+ or death. See Rohrbacher, xii. 4.
+
+ [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, p. 134.
+
+The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the gradual
+process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility, and at the
+beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to have been a project
+formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems on the ground of a promise
+made by their forefathers to Mohammed that, if in five centuries their
+Messiah had not appeared, they would be converted to Mohammedanism.[1]
+Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of the Moslems for extorting
+money; at all events the Jews only succeeded in evading the alternative
+by paying a large sum of money. Even in the early years of the conquest
+they were subject to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the
+rumour of the Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish
+Jews, leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem governor,
+Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to restore it on the
+return of the disappointed emigrants.
+
+From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to have lost
+many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth century
+Maimonides,[2] the greatest name among the Spanish Jews, wrote against
+their errors. One of these seems to have been that the books of Moses
+were written before the Creation;[3] another, that there was a series of
+hells in the next world.[4]
+
+Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we hear
+of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs to
+Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and the king's
+confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a few years later. He
+was also distinguished as a physician.[5]
+
+ [1] Conde, ii. 326.
+
+ [2] Fleury, v. 409.
+
+ [3] Cp. the Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p.
+ 50. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, p. 72.
+
+ [5] Al Makk., i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos.
+
+While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest provinces of
+Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian territories, was by no
+means unendurable. They were sometimes advanced to important and
+confidential posts, and it was the murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish
+ambassador by the King of Seville which brought about the introduction
+of the Almoravides into Spain.
+
+There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo by the
+Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him that they
+were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar transported into Spain,
+and not the descendants of those Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ.
+Their ancestors, they said, were quite free from the guilt of this act,
+for when Caiaphas had written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice
+respecting the person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews
+returned for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be
+fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be put to
+death. This reply they produced in the original Hebrew.[1] It is
+needless to say that the whole thing was a fabrication.
+
+Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain, the
+tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the Jews. They were
+accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship, desecration of its
+symbols, sacrifice of Christian infants,"[2] and other enormities.
+Severe laws were passed against them, as in the old Gothic times, and
+their freedom was grievously curtailed in the matters of dress,
+residence, and profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear
+yellow caps.[3]
+
+ [1] Southey, "Roder.," i. p. 235, note.
+
+ [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135.
+
+ [3] Al Makk., i. 116.
+
+At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against them, and
+15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain. Many were
+nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to the credit of a
+single saint. These new Christians sometimes attained high
+ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the noble families--the
+taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards to be regarded with the
+greatest horror and aversion.
+
+It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first
+established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In 1492, on
+the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a very large number
+of Jews were expelled from Castile,[1] the evil example being afterwards
+followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the treatment of Jews by
+Christians is indeed one of the darkest in the history of Christianity.
+
+ [1] Variously estimated at 160,000 or 800,000.
+
+
+
+
+B.
+
+SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER.
+
+
+Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a study
+as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from being one of
+the most independent of Churches, she has become the most subservient,
+and therefore the most degraded, of all. The question of how this was
+brought about, apart from its intrinsic interest as illustrating the
+development of a great nation, is well worth investigating, from the
+momentous influence which it has had upon the religious history of the
+world at large. For it is not too much to say that Rome could never have
+made good its ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large
+a part of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion
+of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and unscrupulous
+ability of the Italian pontiffs.
+
+In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a nation,
+has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their
+entirety--doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from the
+first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception of Spain)
+the West of Europe--the birthplace and cradle of the mighty Teutonic
+races--have agreed with equal disdain to reject and trample under their
+feet.
+
+This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in early
+times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its greatness, and
+its prosperity, held a position of complete equality with the Roman and
+other principal churches. The See of Cordova held so high a rank in the
+fourth century that Hosius, its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside
+at the important councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347).
+
+The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made Spain
+still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for the Goths,
+besides being far more independent in character than the Romanized
+Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in consequence, from all
+communion with Rome. The orthodox party, however, gradually gained
+strength, and in 560 the remnants of the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the
+Gothic king's son Ermenegild, with their help, revolted against his
+father. He was finally put to death for his treason, but his brother,
+Recared, on ascending the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the
+orthodox creed, his example being followed by most of his nobles and
+prelates.
+
+The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was the
+signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which was the
+more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great increase of power
+since Spain was cut off from orthodox Christendom by the invasion of the
+Arian Goths.
+
+One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and, saluting him,
+ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The papal authority thus
+acknowledged was soon exercised in--
+
+_(a.)_ Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the laws of the
+land;
+
+_(b.)_ Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such cases;
+
+_(c.)_ Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the Church;
+
+_(d.)_ Sending the pall to metropolitans.
+
+These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the Spanish
+Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the papal practice of
+sending letters to the chief bishops of the country. They became
+invested in consequence with certain important powers, such as those of
+convoking provincial councils; of consecrating suffragans; of holding
+ecclesiastical courts, and watching over the conduct of bishops.[1]
+
+But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church _was_ thus
+conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of the Spanish
+kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very sparing use of his
+power. In two points, in especial, the claims of the pope were
+strenuously resisted.
+
+_(a.)_ The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly forbidden.
+
+_(b.)_ Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted. Thus the
+prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth councils of Toledo,
+defended the orthodoxy of their fellow-bishop, Julian, against the
+strictures of the then pope, Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John
+V., confessed that they had been in the right.[2]
+
+This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find
+manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some reason
+for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion the king,
+Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade appeals to Rome.[3]
+One author even goes so far as to say that the Gothic king and his
+clergy being at variance with the pope, the latter encouraged and
+favoured the Saracen invasion.[4]
+
+ [1] Masdeu, xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham.
+
+ [2] Dunham, i. p. 197.
+
+ [3] See Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He
+ quotes Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132.
+
+ [4] J.S. Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note.
+
+However that may have been, and it certainly looks very improbable, the
+invasion did not help the pope much directly, though indirectly, and as
+events turned out, the Arab domination was undoubtedly the main cause of
+the ultimate subjection of Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in
+this way:--The Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in
+a position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have sought
+help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks. But the
+selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred extending
+their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of Christianity in
+defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish Christians to look to
+the only Christian ruler who could afford them even moral assistance;
+and the popes were not slow to avail themselves of the opportunity thus
+offered for establishing their authority in a new province. It was by
+the intervention of the popes that the war against the Arabs partook of
+the nature of a crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the
+advantage of filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of
+indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a head,
+the pope collected in four years the sum of four million maravedis.[1]
+
+The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being asked and
+obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being miraculously
+discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave to move the see of
+Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St lago,[2] built on the spot
+where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church dates
+from this event, which was of ominous import for the future independence
+of the Church in that country. What the claims of Rome had come to be
+within a quarter of a century of this epoch, we may see from the
+controversy which arose between Claudius, Bishop of Turin, and the papal
+party. Claudius was himself a Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated
+Felix, Bishop of Urgel, one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy.
+Among other doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party,
+Claudius stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom,
+resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains to us
+of his writings,[3] on the grounds, first, that Christ did _not_ say to
+Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be loosed upon earth;"
+meaning by this that the authority vested in Peter was only to be
+exercised during his life; secondly, in answer to the supposed efficacy
+of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius retorts on his accuser, Theodomir,
+abbot of a monastery near Nîmes:--"If a doing of penance to be effectual
+involves a journey to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your
+monastery and prevent them from going--as you say is necessary--to Rome
+itself?" As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither
+approved nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to
+all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal life
+could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as to the pope
+being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters called him,
+apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not belong to one "who
+fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils the duties thereof."
+
+ [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n.
+
+ [2] Romey, "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420.
+
+ [3] Jonas of Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff.
+ Fleury, v. 398.
+
+Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved
+contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage a
+congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit Claudius
+remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839.
+
+The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere of his
+interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king unable even to
+call a council of bishops without a papal bull. This became the
+established practice.[1] In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in
+confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make the
+canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular cases.[2]
+
+Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had established
+their independence, the weakness of the Christian Church under Arab
+domination seemed to afford a good opportunity for obtaining from them a
+recognition of the authority of the pope. We accordingly find that an
+appeal was made to the pope towards the close of the eighth century to
+give an authoritative decision with regard to what the appellants deemed
+to be certain irregularities which had found their way into the practice
+of those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian
+readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in accordance
+with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the Bishops of Spain he
+inveighs against the following errors, countenanced by a certain
+Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of Elvira, and sometimes called in
+consequence the Migetian errors:--
+
+_(a.)_ The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already been noticed
+and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a letter to the people of
+Seville (750).[3] The error was not the same as that of the
+Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to the
+twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the following
+day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had been held by the
+Latin Church itself till the sixth century.[4] The fulminations of the
+Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was sufficiently
+general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle which took place at
+the Easter of that year to be placed in the year of the Hegira 278,
+which only began on April 15th, whereas had Easter been observed
+according to the usage of the Latin Church, the Paschal feast would have
+been already past.[5]
+
+_(b.)_ The eating of pork and things strangled.[6] With respect to these
+innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten anathema
+against those who will not abstain from them. It is curious to find the
+Christian Church upholding the eating of pork, when brought into contact
+with the Moslems, and forbidding it elsewhere.
+
+_(c.)_ Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become very
+common, is denounced and forbidden.[7]
+
+_(d.)_ The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against consecrating priests
+without due preparation, and speaks as if there were many false priests,
+wolves in sheep's clothing, dealing havoc in the flock.
+
+_(e.)_ One doubtful authority,[8] who tells us that Adrian ordered
+Cixila, Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not
+fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes.
+
+ [1] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was
+ in Spain holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez,
+ xiv.), sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV.
+ sent Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII.
+ to hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8.
+
+ [2] Mariana, viii. 6.
+
+ [3] Isid. Pac, sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376,
+ 451.
+
+ [4] See Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali
+ Latinorum Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne.
+
+ [5] Dozy, ii. p. 355, note.
+
+ [6] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235.
+
+ [7] Adrian's Letter to the Spanish Bishops.
+
+ [8] The Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236--"Ex mandatis litterisque
+ Adriani papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a
+ carnibus abstinere" (776 A.D.).
+
+But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the pretensions
+of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed by the venerable
+Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly resisted the encroachments
+of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote
+to Migetius condemning him for certain heresies, and boasts of having
+completely refuted and silenced him;[1] but at the same time Elipandus
+shewed his independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who
+abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant men;
+though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with the pope,[2]
+and could justify his views by a reference to the decision of the Church
+of Jerusalem in the earliest days of Christianity.[3]
+
+Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one, that it
+was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take food touched by
+them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as: "Not that which
+entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but that which proceedeth out
+of the mouth, this defileth the man;" [4] or "to the pure all things are
+pure;"[5] and to point out that Christ ate with publicans and sinners.
+
+But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen, Claudius
+of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which regarded the Roman
+See as alone constituting the Catholic Church and the power of God.[6]
+This he very properly calls a heresy; and indignantly denies that
+Christ's words, "Thou art Peter," &c., apply to the Church of Rome
+alone, affirming that they were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he
+adds, "can the Roman Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God
+without spot or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome
+(Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of
+Christendom."
+
+ [1] Epilandus, Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See
+ Neander, v. 216 ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud
+ Migne, vol. ci.
+
+ [2] See Adrian's Letter to Egila.
+
+ [3] Acts xv. 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3.
+
+ [4] St Matt. xv. 11.
+
+ [5] Titus i. 15.
+
+ [6] See also letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's
+ first book, where he gives us his idea of a _Catholic_ church
+ founded on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which
+ Catholic church may even consist of few members. Neander, v.
+ 230.
+
+Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and continued to be
+established over it, Spain could never have become the priest-ridden
+country which it now is; but the gradual advance of the Christian arms
+in the North brought in its train a more and more complete subserviency
+to the pope.
+
+As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and provinces
+from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist between the
+religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of those who had set
+them free. This was specially apparent in the old Gothic liturgy, which
+the Muzarabic Christians had used all along, and were still using,
+whereas the Christians of Leon and the Asturias had imported a newer
+recension from Rome.
+
+Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome, and
+accordingly a legate,[1] named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from
+John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly into the
+ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at Rome that the mass
+was incorrectly performed according to the Gothic liturgy, and that
+false doctrines were taught. However, Zanclus found that the divergence
+was not sufficiently wide to warrant the suppression of the ancient
+ritual. It may be that the power of the Roman Church was not established
+so securely as to admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient
+church. She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness
+to the primitive usage[2] of the Church against the innovations of the
+Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we find
+that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the question of the old
+Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again. The Gothic and the Roman
+books were subjected, after the absurd fashion of the times, to two
+ordeals--by water and by fire; but in spite of the fact that the Gothic
+liturgy, thanks to its greater solidity and stronger binding, resisted
+both those elements incomparably better than its younger rival, and so,
+if the ordeal went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the
+old native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the pope,
+and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of Leon,[3] and
+Sancho IV. of Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up
+their customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of
+Toledo till late in the fifteenth century.
+
+ [1] Mariana, vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of
+ Marinus, and says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of
+ Toledo.
+
+ [2] Cp. the monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman
+ Catholics, under Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred
+ books and memorials of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar
+ coast in India.
+
+ [3] And I. of Castile.
+
+But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters relating to
+the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon the king himself,
+and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso IX. and all his kingdom
+were laid under an interdict by Celestine III. because he had married
+within forbidden limits, and refused to divorce his wife at the bidding
+of the pope. He did in the end divorce her, but only to repeat the same
+offence with a second wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at
+the hands of Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on
+apace, and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's
+courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices and
+bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X.
+(1252-1284).[1] But this result was not attained without remonstrances
+from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and Isabella, the question
+came to an open rupture between the Spanish Court and the reigning pope,
+Sixtus IV. Isabella, though so ready to submit herself in matters of
+personal religion to the pope and his legates, refused, like her later
+namesake of England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and
+the pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of
+appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if the
+sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the barons of
+theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry IV. (1454-1474),
+the papal legate threw his influence on to the king's side, and
+excommunicated the rebellious barons, they firmly answered that "those
+who had advised the pope that he had a right to interfere in the
+temporal concerns of Castile had deceived him; and that they, the barons
+of the kingdom, had a perfect right to depose their sovereign on
+sufficient grounds, and meant to exercise it."[2]
+
+A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213 Pedro
+II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the Albigensians, and
+down to the time of Charles V., the princes of Aragon were at open
+enmity with the Roman See,[3] and the Aragonese strenuously resisted the
+establishment of the Inquisition.[4]
+
+ [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15.
+
+ [2] Prescott, p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the
+ king, if he violated the charter of the realm, might be
+ deposed, and any other _Pagan_ or Christian substituted.
+ _Ibid_, p. 23.
+
+ [3] Lockhart, Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos
+ Classics.)
+
+ [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n.
+
+That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more unmerited
+suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised by man, whereby
+more innocent people passed through the fire than were perhaps ever
+sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first put into action in
+September 1480, during the reign of the pious and noble-minded
+Isabella.[1] The festival of Epiphany in the following year was selected
+as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the first auto da fé,
+when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was against that unfortunate
+people that this inhuman persecution was devised, or at least first
+used. That one year witnessed the martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the
+infliction on 17,000 others of punishments only less than death itself.
+During the administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen
+years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly 100,000
+were, as the phrase went, reconciled.[2] The confiscation of property
+which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning brought in enormous
+sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors.
+
+The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the
+Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors under
+Christian government were called, who were oppressed and persecuted in
+the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from Spain.
+
+But a more important conquest than these--more important, that is, to
+the supremacy of the Roman See--was the undoubted conquest achieved by
+the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in the sixteenth
+century began to find their way into Spain from Germany and England.
+Finding a congenial soil, the reformation began to spread in Spain with
+wonderful rapidity. The divines sent by Charles V. into England were
+themselves converted, and returned full of zeal for the Protestant
+faith--"Their success," says Geddes,[3] "was such that had not a speedy
+and full stop been put to their pious labours by the merciless
+Inquisition, the whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been
+converted to the Protestant religion, in less time than any other
+country had ever been before."[4] So untrue is it to say that
+persecution always fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the
+fetters, which the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of
+Leon and Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of
+Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent people.
+Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility, social, religious,
+and political, Spain affords a melancholy but instructive spectacle to
+the nations.
+
+ [1] The inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced
+ into Spain, 1242. Prescott.
+
+ [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146.
+
+ [3] Miscell. Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff.
+
+ [4] Geddes, Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a
+ Romanist author, who says: "the number of converts was so great
+ that had the stop which was put to that evil been delayed but
+ two or three months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had
+ been put into a flame by them."
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED.
+
+
+I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:--
+
+A. Arab (in translations):
+
+(1.) _Ibn abd el Hakem._ "History of the Conquest of Spain." with notes
+by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down to 743.
+
+(2.) _J.A. Conde._ "History of the Domination of the Arabs in Spain,"
+translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols. Bohn, 1854. The
+author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled his work from Arabian
+memorials and writings in such sort that those documents may be read as
+they were written;" (p. 18), "The student of history may read this book
+as written by an Arabic author."
+
+Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their modern
+successors cannot find a good word for it.[1] De Gayangos, the learned
+translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though not blind to the
+"unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the absence of notes and
+citations of authorities, and the numerous errors and
+contradictions,"[2] yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the
+foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan Spain. It
+certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points out[3] the errors of his
+predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself, not
+only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things faithful to
+his authorities, he is found, where those authorities can be identified,
+not to be faithful.
+
+ [1] Stanley Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887).
+ Dozy, Preface to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui
+ manquait absolumment de sens historique."
+
+ [2] As to these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in
+ transcribing or extracting the accounts of different historians
+ some facts are sure to be repeated, and others entirely
+ contradicted. See Al Makk., i. p. 29.
+
+ [3] Pref., p. 13 ff.
+
+(3.) _J.C. Murphy._ "History of the Mahometan Empire in Spain," with
+additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work is based on
+Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly to be found in Al
+Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters on the influence,
+scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs in Europe, are
+exhaustive and interesting.
+
+(4.) _Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari_. "History of the Mohammedan
+Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger work by that author,
+translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols. London, 1840. This work,
+which Dozy finds fault with for certain inaccuracies, is on the whole
+very trustworthy, and its notes form a perfect mine of information for
+the student wandering helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al
+Makkari, a native of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the
+seventeenth century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose
+evidence is most valuable. Among these are--
+
+[Greek: a.] _Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah_, descended
+from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877.
+
+[Greek: b.] _Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi_, flourished in the
+reign of Abdurrahman III.
+
+[Greek: g.] _Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib_, of Cordova; died, 1044.
+
+[Greek: d.] _Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm_, born at
+Cordova, 994; died, 1064.
+
+[Greek: e.] _Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,_ born at
+Cordova, 1006.
+
+[Greek: z.] _Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al
+Anssari_, Cordova, 1101-1183.
+
+[Greek: ê.] _Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn
+Said_ of Granada, 1214-1286.
+
+[Greek: th.] _Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,_
+born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406.
+
+B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in--
+
+(1.) _Schott's_ "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort, 1603.
+
+(2.) _Florez,_ "España Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most useful
+collection of Spanish writers, together with much information about
+them, written in Spanish.
+
+(3.) _Migne's_ "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most invaluable
+collection in several score volumes. The following is a list of those
+consulted:--
+
+([Greek: a].) _Isidore of Beja_, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum
+Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation of the
+Chronicle of Isidore of Seville.
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280.
+
+([Greek: b].) Chronicon _Sebastiani_, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866.
+(Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.)
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124.
+
+([Greek: g].) Chronicon _Albeldense_, 866-976. (Conde, _ibid._, says to
+973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was perhaps begun by
+Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on by the monk Vigila.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._ 1146.
+
+([Greek: d].) Chronicon _Sampiri_ "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written about
+1000), 869-982.
+ Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457.
+
+([Greek: e].) _Chronicon regum Legionensium_, 982-1109, by Pelagius,
+Bishop of Oviedo--a very doubtful authority, and branded with the
+epithet "fabulosus."
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, pp. 466-475.
+
+([Greek: z].) Chronicon _Silensis_ Monachi, written _circa_ 1100.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 270-330.
+
+([Greek: ê].) _Lucas of Tuy_, "Chronicon Mundi," written _circa_ 1236.
+ Sidenote: Schott, iv. 1-116.
+
+([Greek: th].) _Alfonso_, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum
+Hispanarum," etc.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, i. 246-291.
+
+([Greek: i].) _Luitprand_, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria
+attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years
+606-960. The author of these is generally called the Pseudo-Luitprand,
+and very little credit can be placed in his statements.
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179.
+
+([Greek: k].) _Rodrigo_, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs
+from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died in
+1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture and to
+profane history. He does not even mention the Christian martyrdoms in
+the ninth century.
+ Sidenote: Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246
+
+([Greek: l].) _Annales Bertiniani_, from the French point of view.
+ Sidenote: Florez, x. 570-579.
+
+([Greek: m].) _Johannes Vasaeus_, "Hispaniae Chronicon."
+ Sidenote: Schott, i. 700 ff.
+
+The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some are
+valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are nearly
+worthless.
+
+Other authorities there are of a different kind--not historians, but
+writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light on the
+history of the time. Among these are--
+
+(_a._) _Elipandus_, Bishop of Toledo; died 810. Letters--
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi.
+
+ to Migetius.
+ Sidenote: pp. 859-867.
+
+ to Charles the Great.
+ Sidenote: pp. 867-869.
+
+ to Albinus (Alcuin).
+ Sidenote: pp. 870-882.
+
+ to Fidelis, an abbot (783).
+ Sidenote: pp. 918,919.
+
+(_b_.) _Felix_, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio fidei (799).
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888.
+
+(_c_.) _Beatus_, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter to Elipandus.
+ Sidenote: " 894-1030.
+
+(_d_.) _Letters of Spanish Bishops_ to Bishops of Gaul.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, ci. 1321-1331.
+
+(_e_.) _Alcuin_. Letters--
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, c. and ci.
+
+ Ad Felicem haereticum (793).
+
+ Ad Elipandum.
+
+ Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix.
+
+ Epistle XC. (800),
+
+ Epistle CXIII. (800).
+
+ Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800).
+
+Books--
+
+ Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos.
+
+ Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books.
+
+ Adversus Elipandum, iv. books.
+
+ Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum.
+
+ Altera ad eosdem.
+
+(_f._) _Adrian_, Pope.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xcviii. p. 373.
+
+ Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus
+ directa, maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785).
+
+ Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum
+ (782).
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, p. 336.
+
+ Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv.
+
+(_g_.) Letter from _Louis the Débonnaire_ to the Christians of Merida
+(826).
+ Sidenote: Florez, xiii. 416.
+
+(_h_.) _Etdogius_, priest of Cordova, and bishop-designate of Toledo.
+Died 859.
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxv. 703-966.
+
+ Letter to Alvar, sending his book.
+
+ "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins
+ and Martyrs, Oct. 851.
+
+ Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis
+ Sanctorum Liber," 3 books.
+
+ "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857).
+
+ "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae."
+
+(_i_.) _Alvar_, Paulus,[1] of Cordova, and, according to his letters,
+both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to the
+Pseudo-Luitprand.
+ Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi.
+
+ [1] Robertson says Peter.
+
+ Confessio.
+ Sidenote: pp. 62-81.
+
+ Letter to John of Seville,
+ Sidenote: " 81-88.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 88-91.
+
+ To John of Seville.
+ Sidenote: " 101-129.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 129-141.
+
+ To Speraindeo.
+ Sidenote: "Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148.
+
+ To Romanus, a doctor (860).
+ Sidenote: " 151-156.
+
+ To Saul of Cordova.
+ Sidenote: " 164-165.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 167-171.
+
+ To Eleazar, a transgressor.
+ Sidenote: " 171-177.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 178-189.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 189-217.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 218-219.
+
+ To Eulogius.
+ Sidenote: " 291-292.
+
+ To Eulogius.
+ Sidenote: " 296-299.
+
+ Life of Eulogius.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, x. 593 ff.
+
+ Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda
+ sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem
+ omnis vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit."
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. 219-275.[1]
+
+ [1] Ascribed by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of
+ Toledo. Morales doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no
+ mention of Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where _praesul_ is spoken
+ of.
+
+(_k_.) _John of Seville_.
+
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ Sidenote: Florez, xi. pp. 91-101.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, 142-147.
+
+(_l_.) _Speraindeo_, Abbot, flourished 820.
+
+ Letter to Alvar (853).
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, 148-151.
+
+(_m_.) _Saul_ of Cordova.
+
+ Letter to other Bishops.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. pp. 156-164.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 165-167.
+
+(_n_.) _Eleazar_, an apostate to Judaism.
+
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ Sidenote: " 177-178.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 189, 190.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 217, 218.
+
+(_o_.) _Leovigildus_, priest of Cordova, flourished 860. "De habitu
+Clericorum."
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxxi. p. 565.
+
+(_p_.) _Cyprianus_, arch-priest of Cordova. "Epigrammata." Sidenote:
+_Ibid._, p. 567.
+
+(_q_.) _Samson_, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot of the Monastery
+of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or Epitaph of Cyprianus.)
+"Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan. 1, 863).
+
+(_r_.) _Jonas Aurelianensis_. "De cultu imaginum." An Answer to
+Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842).
+ Sidenote: Florez, xi. 300-516.
+
+(_s_.) _De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii_ Monachi, Aurelii et
+Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore _Aimoino_ monacho: from
+Usuard and Odilard, monks.
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff.
+
+(_t_.) _Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis_ (died 973), by John, Abbot of
+St Arnulph.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310.
+
+(_u_.) _John of Cirita_, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671.
+
+(_v_.) _Life of St Rudesindus._
+ Sidenote: Florez, xviii. 379 ff.
+
+(_w._) _Passio St Nicholai Alsamae_ regis filii et sociorum martyrum qui
+passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous account.
+ Sidenote: Florez, xiv., 392.
+
+(_x._) _Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae_ et comitum eius qui passi
+sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii.
+ Sidenote: Florez.
+
+(_y._) _Life of Beatus_, by an anonymous author. Not very
+trustworthy,--_e.g._, death of Elipandus placed in 798 (sec. 8):
+mythical council mentioned (sec. 7).
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. 890-894
+
+And the following _Charters_, etc.:--
+
+ Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826.
+ Sidenote: Florez, xvii. 244.
+
+ Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xviii. 312.
+
+ Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 397.
+
+Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de Logio a
+parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 326
+
+
+II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:--
+
+(1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par _Loys de Mayerne Turguet_. Book
+xvi. (1608.)
+ Sidenote: Schott.
+
+(2.) _John de Mariana_.[1] "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated
+from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.)
+
+ [1] Dr Dunham says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in
+ oblivion. No one reads it in Spain."
+
+(3.) _Fleury_, "History of the Church," translated from the French.
+(1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff.
+
+(4.) _Morales_. "Remarks on the State of the Christian Religion under
+the Arabs at Cordova."
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxv. p. 917.
+
+(5.) _Froben_. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et Felicis."
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, 305-336.
+
+(6.) _Enhueber's_ "Dissertation against Walchius' view of Adoptionism."
+Sidenote: _Ibid._, 338-438.
+
+(7.) _Dunham_. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner), 1832. Buckle,
+"Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this history, very
+extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history in the English
+language of a foreign modern country." It certainly has the merit--no
+small one in so confused a period--of being clear and succinct; but he
+has a bias against the Moors.
+
+(8.) _W.H. Prescott_. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent work. The
+parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the Introduction and
+chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is the want of direct
+citations of authorities used.
+
+(9.) _Hardwicke's_ "History of the Christian Church in the Middle Ages,"
+1853.
+
+(10.) The Abbé _Rohrbacher_. "Histoire Universelle de l'Eglise
+Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii.
+
+(11.) _Neander_. "General History of the Christian Religion and Church"
+(Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475; vol. vi. 119-132.
+
+(12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des
+Arabes," par _M. Cardonne_. 3 vols., 1765. A history based chiefly on
+Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde (Pref., p. 14) and
+Murphy (notes, passim) have shown.
+
+(13.) _Dozy_. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' à la conquête de
+l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols., Leyden, 1861. An
+invaluable history of the time, being both lucid and thorough.
+
+(14.) _E.A. Freeman_. "History and Conquests of the Saracens." Six
+lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated rather as a [Greek:
+parergon] in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate writer, with a
+strong bias, however, against chivalry (see Lecture v., p. 182).
+
+(15.) _Ockley_. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in
+the Chandos Classics).
+
+(16.) _Gibbon_. The parts relating to the Saracens are conveniently
+reprinted in the "Chandos Classics."
+
+(17.) _Robertson's_ "History of the Christian Church." Vol. iii.
+
+(18.) _Milman's_ "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix.
+
+(19.) _Stanley_. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect.
+viii.
+
+(20.) _Hallam's_ "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry).
+
+(21.) _Geddes_. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his Miscellaneous Tracts.
+1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found at Granada in 1588; and View
+of Court of Inquisition in Portugal.
+
+(22.) _Lecky's_ "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in Europe."
+2 vols.
+
+(23.) _Buckle_. "History of Civilisation in England," chap. viii.
+"Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries." Vol. ii. pp.
+425-597.
+
+(24.) _Carlyle_. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet."
+
+(25.) _C.M. Yonge_. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden Treasury"
+Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate in facts. To give
+one instance only out of many--The authoress says (p. 29), that Ali, the
+son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled and died in battle. It is well known
+(Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that he did neither.
+
+(26.) _R. Bosworth Smith._ "Mohammed and Mohammedanism." 1874. A
+brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity being extolled in
+theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too forcibly reminded of
+"Brutus is an honourable man." His own accusation of others falls upon
+himself. P. 61, he says--"Most other writers have approached the subject
+only to prove a thesis. Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor:
+they have held a brief for the prosecution or the defence."
+
+(27.) _S. Lane-Poole._ "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the Nations"
+Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De Gayangos'
+translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle of the Cid," and
+Washington Irving's "Granada."
+
+(28.) _Blunt._ "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools of Thought."
+1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the Adoptionists, and others I have
+found very useful. There is, however, nothing said of the
+Priscillianists (of Spain), or the Druses.
+
+(29.) _Hughes._ "Dictionary of Islam."
+
+(30.) _The Koran._ Sale's edition.
+
+(31.) _Encyclopaedia Metropolitana._ Vol. xi.
+
+(32.) _Encyclopaedia Britannica._ Article on Averroes.
+
+
+III. POETRY:--
+
+(_a._) _Lockhart's_ "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint, with Introduction,
+in the "Chandos Classics."
+
+(_b._) _Southey's_ "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted, with Introduction,
+in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable
+translation.
+
+(_c._) _Southey's_ "Roderic," with many interesting notes.
+
+(_d._) _Scott's_ "Don Roderic."
+
+
+IV. REFERRED TO:--
+
+(_a._) _Romey._ "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols.
+
+(_b._) _Reinaud._ "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836.
+
+(_c._) _Moshieim._ "Institutes of Ecclesiastical History." Translated
+by Murdoch. 1845.
+
+
+PRINTED BY
+
+TURNBULL AND SPEARS,
+
+EDINBURGH.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain
+(756-1031), by Charles Reginald Haines
+
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+by Charles Reginald Haines
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+
+Author: Charles Reginald Haines
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and
+the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+ <h1>
+ <br />
+ </h1>
+ <h1 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM
+ </h1>
+ <h1 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ IN SPAIN
+ </h1>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ A.D. 756-1031
+ </h2>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <div style="text-align: center;">
+ BY
+ <br />
+ </div>
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ C.R. HAINES, M.A.
+ </h2>
+ <p style="text-align: center;">
+ <font size="-1">AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE";
+ "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS";</font>
+ </p>
+ <div style="text-align: center;"></div>
+ <p style="text-align: center;">
+ <font size="-1">&nbsp;"VERSIONS IN VERSE."</font>
+ </p>
+ <p style="text-align: center;">
+ <font size="-1"><br />
+ <br /></font>
+ </p>
+ <hr style="height: 2px; width: 50%;" />
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ LONDON
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &amp;CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ 1889
+ </h3>
+ <p>[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents,
+ there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of
+ Chapter VIII.]</p>
+
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Invasion of Spain by the barbarians—Its easy conquest—Quarrels
+ among the conquerors—Departure of the Vandals—Visigoths gain the
+ supremacy—Conflict with Eastern Empire—Reduction of the Suevi—All
+ Spain becomes Gothic—Approach of Saracens—Planting of
+ Christianity in Spain—St James—Gospel first preached at
+ Elvira—Irenaeus—Persecutions—Martyrs —Council of Elvira—Council
+ of Nice—Number of Christians—Paganism
+ proscribed—Julian—Arianism—Ulphilas—Conversion of
+ barbarians—Degeneracy of religion—Priscillian—His heresy
+ condemned—Priscillian burnt—Paganism, in Spain—The Gothic
+ Government—Church and State —Power of king—Election of
+ bishops—Arianism of Goths—Ermenegild—Bigotry in
+ Spain—Jews—Influence of clergy—Of the pope ......1-11
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Period of Gothic rule—Degeneracy of Goths—Causes of their
+ fall—Battle of Guadalete—Resistance of towns—Theodomir—Remnant in
+ the North—Mohammedanism—Its rise and progress—Reduction of
+ Africa—Siege of Constantinople—Attacks on Spain—Tarif—Arabs in
+ Gaul—Anarchy in Spain—Christians in the North—Clemency of the
+ Arabs—Treaties—Conquest easy—Rhapsodies of
+ Isidore—Slaves—Jews—Impartiality of Arab governors—Khalifate
+ established—Feuds of Arabs and Berbers—Revolt of Berbers—Syrian
+ Arabs—Settlement of Arabs—Effect of Berber wars ......11-25
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Landing of Abdurrahman—Khalifate of Cordova—Condition of
+ Christians —Proselytism—Apostates—Arabs and Spaniards—Evidence of
+ Christian writers—Condition of the people—Serfs—No revolts—No
+ solidarity with the Christians in the North—Relations wkh Arabs
+ at first friendly—The jehad in Spain—Martyrs in battle—Fabulous
+ martyr—Anambad, first martyr—Peter of Najuma—No other till
+ 824—John and Adulphus —Causes of Martyrdoms—Amalgamation of the
+ two peoples—Intermarriage —Children of mixed parents—Nunilo and
+ Alodia—Mania for martyrdom—Voluntary martyrdoms—The Spanish
+ confessors—Threatened deterioration in the Church—Christianity
+ infected with Moslem customs —Religious fervour in
+ convents—Fanaticism, of monks—Fresh martyrs —Perfectus, John,
+ Isaac—Arab inability to understand the motives of these
+ martyrs—Causes of fanaticism—Sanctus—Peter—Walabonsus, etc
+ ......25-40
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Flora and Maria—Their adventures—Trial—Meet Eulogius in
+ prison—Their execution—Other martyrs—Hidden Christians—Aurelius,
+ Sabigotha, etc —Plan for procuring martyrdom—Miracle in
+ prison—Execution—Other martyrs—Death of Abdurrahman II.—Mohammed
+ I.—Martyrs—Prodigy upon their execution—Outrage in a
+ mosque—Punishment of offenders—Apprehension of king—Meditates a
+ persecution—Even a massacre—Series of martyrdoms—Cloister of
+ Tabanos suppressed—Columba, Pomposa—Abundius a true martyr—Others
+ martyred—Censor of Cordova—Persecution and death of
+ Ruderic—Eulogius—Parentage and antecedents—Opposes amalgamation
+ of Arabs and Christians—Encourages learning of
+ Latin—Imprisonment—Elected Bishop of Toledo—Again
+ imprisoned—Trial—Execution—His relics ......40-54
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Doubtful martyrs—No persecution raging—The Muzarabes—Churches in
+ Cordova—Arab description of a church—Monasteries outside the
+ city—Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova—No ferment at
+ Elvira—Enthusiasts not a large body—Their leaders—The moderate
+ party—Objections against the martyrs—Voluntary martyrdoms
+ forbidden by the Church—Answer of apologists—Evidence as to
+ persecution—Apologists inconsistent—Eulogius and Alvar—Reviling
+ of Mohammed—Martyrs worked no miracles—Defence of apologists
+ illogical—Martyrs put to death not by idolaters—Death without
+ torture—Their bodies corrupted—Moslem taunts—Effect of martyrdoms
+ on the Moslems—Prohibition of relics—Traffic in relics—They work
+ miracles—Relics taken from Spain to France —Expedition of monks
+ for that purpose—St Vincent's body—Relics of George, Aurelius,
+ etc., carried off—Return to France—Measures of the moderate
+ party—Of the Moslems—Reccafredus—supported by the majority of
+ Christians—Fanatics coerced—Anathematized—Action of king—Suspects
+ political movement—Revolt at Toledo—Grand Council—Measures
+ against zealots—Meditated persecution—The extreme party broken
+ up—Apostasies—Reason of these—The exceptor Gomez—The decision of
+ the Council—Cessation of martyrdoms ......54-73
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ National party—Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs—Martyrs in
+ battle— Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.—Pelagius—Argentea—The
+ monks of Cardena—Eugenia—No real persecution under the Great
+ Khalif— General view of Christian Church in Spain under
+ Abdurrahman II.— Civil position of Christians—Councils—Neglect of
+ Latin—Arabic compulsory —Protests of Alvar, etc.—Latin
+ forgotten—Cultivation of Moslem learning—Moslem theology—Church
+ abuses—Simony—Breach of canons —Unworthy priests—Rival
+ pastors—Heresy in the Church—Depravity of clergy—Their
+ apostasy—Their deposition—Muzarabes—Free Christians in the
+ North—The Church in the North—Its dangerous position—Cut short by
+ Almanzor—Clergy oppress Christians—Count of Cordova—Ill-treats
+ the Christians—Councils—Held by Elipandus—By Reccafredus—By
+ Hostegesis—Jews and Moslems summoned—Council held by Basilius
+ ...... 73-86
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.—Commander of the Faithful—His
+ character—Embassy to the Emperor of the West—Return embassy—John
+ of Gorz—Detained in Cordova—Messengers from the king—Cause of
+ detention—John of Gorz and John of Cordova—The king's
+ threats—Dead-lock —Fresh embassy to Otho—A second embassy from
+ Otho—First embassy received—Condescension of Sultan—Tolerance of
+ Moslems— Mohammed's injunctions—Tolerant Mohammedan rulers
+ elsewhere— Alcuin—Arnold of Citeaux—Bernard, Archbishop of
+ Toledo—Christians tolerated, even encouraged—"Officer of
+ protection"—Christian courts— Censors—Sclavonian bodyguard—Arab
+ pride of race—Partial Amalgamation of races—Alliances between
+ Arabs and Christians—Intermarriages— Offspring of these—The
+ maiden tribute—Evidence in its favour—No
+ myth—Conversions—Mohammedan view of apostasy ...... 86-98
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Arab factions—Berbers—Spaniards—Muwallads—Despised by
+ Arabs—Revolts at Cordova, &amp;c.—Intrigues with the
+ Franks—Letter of Louis—Revolt of Toledo—Christians and Muwallads
+ make common cause—Omar —Begins life as a
+ bandit—Captured—Escapes—Heads the national party— Becomes a
+ Christian—Utterly defeated—Muwallads desert him—Death of
+ Omar—Stronghold of Bobastro captured—End of rebellion—Christians
+ under Abdurrahman III.—Almanzor—Anarchy—End of
+ Khalifate—<a href="#CHAPTER_VIIIa">Knowledge of Christianity</a> and Mohammedanism slight
+ among those of the opposite creed—Christian writers on
+ Islam—Eulogius—Mohammed's relation to Christianity—Alvar—Unfair
+ to Mohammed—His ignorance of the Koran —Prophecy of
+ Daniel.—Moslem knowledge of Christianity—Mistaken idea of the
+ Trinity—Ibn Hazm—St James of Compostella ...... 98-114
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Traces of amalgamation of religions—Instances elsewhere—Essential
+ differences of Islam and Christianity—Compromise
+ attempted—Influence of Islam, over Christianity—Innovating spirit
+ in Spain—Heresy in Septimania—Its possible connection with
+ Mohammedanism—Migetian heresy as to the Trinity—Its approach to
+ the Mohammedan doctrine—Other similar heresies—Adoptionism—Our
+ knowledge of it—Whence derived—Connection with Islam—Its author
+ or authors—Probably Elipandus—His opponents—His
+ character—Independence—Jealousy of the Free Church in the
+ North—Nature of Adoptionism—Not a revival of Nestorianism—Origin
+ of the name—Arose from inadvertence—Felix—His arguments—Alcuin's
+ answers—Christ, the Son of God by adoption—Unity of Persons
+ acknowledged—First mention of theory—Adrian—-Extension of
+ heresy—Its opponents—Felix amenable to Church
+ discipline—Elipandus under Arab rule—Councils—Of
+ Narbonne—Friuli—Ratisbon—Felix abjures his heresy—Alcuin—Council
+ of Frankfort—Heresy anathematized —Councils of Rome and Aix—Felix
+ again recants—Alcuin's book—Elipandus and Felix die in their
+ error—Summary of evidence connecting adoptionism with
+ Mohammedanism—Heresy of Claudius—-Iconoclasm Libri
+ Carolini—Claudius, bishop of Turin—Crusade against
+ image-worship—His opponents—Arguments—Independence—Summoned
+ before a Council—Refuses to attend—Albigensian heresy ......
+ 114-136
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Mutual influences of the two creeds—Socially and
+ intellectually—"No monks in Islam"—Faquirs—The conventual system
+ adopted by the Arabs—Arab account of a convent—Moslem nuns—Islam
+ Christianised—-Christian spirit in Mohammedanism—Arab
+ magnanimity—Moslem miracles—-like Christian ones—Enlightened
+ Moslems—Philosophy—Freethinkers—Theologians—Almanzor—Moslem
+ sceptics—Averroes—The faquis or theologians—Sect of Malik ibn
+ Ans—Power of theologians—-Decay of Moslem customs—Wine
+ drunk—Music cultivated—Silk worn—Statues set up—Turning towards
+ Mecca—Eating of sow's flesh—Enfranchisement of Moslem
+ women—Love—Distinguished women—-Women in mosques—At
+ tournaments—Arab love-poem—Treatise on love ...... 136-148
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Influence of Mohammedanism—Circumcision of Christians—-Even of a
+ bishop —Customs retained for contrast—Cleanliness rejected as
+ peculiar to Moslems— Celibacy of clergy—Chivalry—Origin—Derived
+ from Arabs— Favoured by state of Spain—Spain the cradle of
+ chivalry—Arab chivalry —Qualifications for a knight—Rules of
+ knighthood—The Cid—Almanzor—His generosity—Justice—Moslem
+ military orders—Holy wars—Christianity Mohammedanized—The
+ "Apotheosis of chivalry"—Chivalry a sort of religion—Social
+ compromise—Culminates in the Crusades ..... 149-156
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ APPENDICES.
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX A.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Jews persecuted by Goths—Help the Saracens—Numbers—Jews in
+ France—Illtreated—Accusations against—Eleazar, an
+ apostate—Incites the Spanish Moslems against the
+ Christians—Intellectual development of Jews in Spain—Come to be
+ disliked by Arabs—Jews and the Messiah—Judaism
+ deteriorated—Contact with Islam—Civil position—Jews at
+ Toledo—Christian persecution of
+ Jews—Massacre—Expulsion—Conversion—The "Mala Sangre"—The
+ Inquisition ...... 156-161
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#APPENDIX_B">APPENDIX B.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Spain and the papal power—Early independence—Early importance of
+ Spanish Church—Arian Spain—Orthodox Spain—Increase of papal
+ influence—Independent spirit of king and clergy—Quarrel with the
+ pope—Arab invasion—Papal authority in the North—Crusade
+ preached—Intervention of the pope—St James' relics—Claudius of
+ Turin—Rejection of pope's claims—Increase of pope's power in
+ Spain—Appealed to against Muzarabes—Errors of Migetius—Keeping of
+ Easter—Eating of pork—Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems—Fasting
+ on Sundays—Elipandus withstands the papal claims—Upholds
+ intercourse with Arabs—Rejects papal supremacy—Advance of
+ Christians in the North—Extension of power of the pope—Gothic
+ liturgy suspected—Suppressed—Authority of pope over king—Appeals
+ from the king to the pope—Rupture with the Roman See—Resistance
+ of sovereign and barons to the pope—Inquisition
+ established—Victims—Moriscoes persecuted—Reformation stamped
+ out—Subjection of Spanish Church ...... 161-173
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ LIST OF AUTHORITIES
+ </h3>
+ <p style="margin-right: 40px;">
+ ...... 175-182
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE GOTHS IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain,
+ leaving so many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi,
+ Alani, and Vandals, at the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman
+ governor of Spain, burst into that province over the unguarded
+ passes of the Pyrenees.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Close on their steps followed the Visigoths;
+ whose king, taking in marriage Placidia, the sister of Honorius,
+ was acknowledged by the helpless emperor independent ruler of
+ such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he could conquer and
+ keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious provincials
+ offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No
+ Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own
+ island; no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence
+ against the Roman Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian,
+ asserts that they preferred the rule of the barbarians. However
+ this may be, the various tribes that invaded the country found no
+ serious opposition among the Spaniards: the only fighting was
+ between themselves—for the spoil. Many years of warfare were
+ necessary to decide this important question of supremacy.
+ Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the
+ fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their
+ way southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the
+ Straits of Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had
+ utterly overthrown their rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis,
+ and had left an abiding record of their brief stay in the name
+ Andalusia.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Inter
+ barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam
+ sollicitudinem sustinere."—Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their
+ late crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of
+ Spain, but under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths
+ definitely asserted their superiority. Under the latter king the
+ Gothic domination in Spain may be said to have begun about ten
+ years before the fall of the Western Empire. But the Goths were
+ as yet by no means in possession of the whole of Spain. A large
+ part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for, though the
+ Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern emperor
+ had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces, which
+ had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these
+ was some portion of Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a
+ king came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi
+ and to reduce the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was
+ not till 622, the very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a
+ Gothic king, Swintila, finally drove out all the Emperor's
+ troops, and became king in reality of all Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first
+ indications of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours
+ of whose irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread,
+ which the Arabs aroused even in distant Spain as early as a
+ century after the birth of Mohammed, may be appreciated from the
+ despairing lines of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Toledo:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos
+ malus implicet error,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Demur et infandis gentibus
+ opprobrio!</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Africa plena viris bellacibus
+ arma minatur,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Inque dies victrix gens Agarena
+ furit."</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results,
+ it will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of
+ Christianity in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous
+ to the advent of the Moslems.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Migne's
+ "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early
+ into Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself,
+ who is said to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia,
+ Valencia, and Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds
+ whatever for supposing that James, the brother of John, ever set
+ foot in Spain. The "invention" of his remains at Ira Flavia in
+ the 9th century, together with the story framed to account for
+ their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far from the scene
+ of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to need
+ refutation.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed
+ (but, it seems, against probability) for Illiberis.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However that may be, the early
+ establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenæus,
+ who appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive
+ doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The long roll of Spanish
+ martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian (95 A.D.) with the
+ name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the succeeding
+ persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but she
+ suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's
+ reign that nearly all the inhabitants of Cæsar Augusta were
+ treacherously slaughtered on the sole ground of their being
+ Christians; thus earning for their native city from the Christian
+ poet Prudentius,<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> the proud title of "patria sanctorum
+ martyrum."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Florez,
+ "España Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Irenæus, Bk.
+ I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> 348-402 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the
+ same time the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman
+ Empire. Diocletian indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the
+ very name of Christian and abolished their hateful superstition.
+ This even to the Romans must have seemed an empty boast, and the
+ result of Diocletian's efforts only proved the truth of the old
+ maxim—"the blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Spanish Christians about this time<a name="FNanchor_1_6" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_6" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> held the first ecclesiastical council whose
+ acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or Elvira,
+ was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who
+ passed eighty canons.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_6" id="Footnote_1_6"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_6"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The date is
+ doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209, places it
+ between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner. Other dates
+ given are 300 and 305.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325
+ was held the first General Council of the Church under the
+ presidency of the emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed
+ Christian. Within a quarter of a century of the time when
+ Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated the Christian name,
+ it has been computed that nearly one half of the inhabitants of
+ his empire were Christians.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in
+ 341 put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan
+ sacrifices were prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a
+ church militant and a church triumphant! In 388, after a brief
+ eclipse under Julian, Christianity was formally declared by the
+ Senate to be the established religion of the Roman Empire.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired
+ by the church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and
+ court intrigue, did not tend to the spiritual advancement of
+ Christianity. Almost coincident with the Edict of Milan was the
+ appearance of Arianism, which, after dividing the Church against
+ itself for upwards of half-a-century, and almost succeeding at
+ one time in imposing itself on the whole Church,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_7" id="FNanchor_1_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_7"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> finally under the missionary zeal of
+ Ulphilas found a new life among the barbarian nations that were
+ pressing in upon all the northern boundaries of the Empire,
+ ready, like eagles, to swoop down and feast upon her mighty
+ carcase.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_7" id="Footnote_1_7"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_7"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> At the
+ Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis," says Jerome,
+ "et Arianum se esse miratus est."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals,
+ adopted the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by
+ Ulphilas towards the close of the fourth century. Consequently
+ the nations that forced their way into Southern Gaul, and over
+ the Pyrenees into Spain, were, nominally at least, Christians of
+ the Arian persuasion. The extreme importance to Spain of the fact
+ of their being Christians at all will be readily apprehended by
+ contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials with that which
+ befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands of our
+ own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed
+ from the quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had
+ lost much of its ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and
+ lascivious dances on the stage began to be tolerated even by
+ Christians, though they were denounced by the more devout as
+ incompatible with the profession of the Christian faith.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of
+ Christian blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of
+ Avila, was led into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian
+ gnostic. What his error exactly was is not very clear, but it
+ seems to have comprised some of the erroneous doctrines
+ attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the new heresy, with
+ which two other bishops besides Priscillian became infected, was
+ condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another held five
+ years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other
+ persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of
+ Ithacius,<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Sossuba, and
+ Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the protests of Martin of
+ Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was not thus
+ stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic
+ conquest.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic
+ invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it
+ continued to be so during the whole period of Gothic
+ domination.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Some Pagans undoubtedly
+ lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_10" id="FNanchor_3_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_10"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but that there were any large numbers of
+ them as late as the eighth century is improbable.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the
+ Gothic government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever
+ existed in Europe."<a name="FNanchor_4_11" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_11" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> This is too sweeping a statement, though it
+ must be allowed that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic
+ nobles rendered their yoke peculiarly galling, while the position
+ of their slaves was wretched beyond all example. However, it is
+ not to their civil administration that we wish now to draw
+ attention, but rather to the relations of Church and State under
+ a Gothic administration which was at first Arian and subsequently
+ orthodox.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Milman,
+ "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of the Sixteenth
+ Council of Toledo.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_10" id="Footnote_3_10"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_10"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mason, a
+ bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a Pagan as late as
+ this.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_11" id="Footnote_4_11"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_11"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dunham's
+ "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military
+ character, gradually tended to become a theocracy—a result due in
+ great measure to the institution of national councils, which were
+ called by the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics
+ of the realm. Many of the nobles and high dignitaries of the
+ State also took part in these assemblies, though they might not
+ vote on purely ecclesiastical matters. These councils, of which
+ there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at Toledo, the Gothic
+ capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the power of
+ ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his
+ religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon
+ three) it was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer
+ the exercise of any other religion than the Catholic, and to
+ vigorously enforce the law against all dissentients, especially
+ against that accursed people the Jews." The fact of the monarchy
+ becoming elective<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> no doubt contributed a good deal to throwing
+ the power into the hands of the clergy.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops
+ subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the
+ other way. On the whole it was the king that lost power, though
+ no doubt as a compensation he gained somewhat more authority over
+ Church matters. He could, for instance, issue temporary
+ regulations with regard to Church discipline. Witiza, one of the
+ last of the Gothic kings, seems even to have authorized, or at
+ least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The king could preside in cases of
+ appeal in purely ecclesiastical affairs; and we know that Recared
+ I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621) did in fact exercise this
+ right. He also gained the power of nominating and translating
+ bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was first
+ conceded to the king.<a name="FNanchor_3_14" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_14" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The Fourth Council of Toledo (633) enacted
+ that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his
+ city, and that his election should be approved by the
+ metropolitan and synod of his province: while the Twelfth
+ Council, held forty-eight years later, evidently recognizes the
+ validity of their appointment by royal warrant alone. Some have
+ referred this innovation back to the despotic rule of Theodoric
+ the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century; others to
+ the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism in
+ Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of
+ convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> In 531 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Monk of
+ Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca; Robertson,
+ iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27, that Fruela
+ (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these accounts of
+ Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_14" id="Footnote_3_14"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_14"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Robertson,
+ "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and
+ nobles is a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that
+ invaded Spain at the beginning of the fifth century were
+ inoculated with the Arian heresy. Of these the Vandals carried
+ their Arianism, which proved to be of a very persecuting type,
+ into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation the Alani, under the
+ pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed, gave up their
+ Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths,
+ however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period—until 589
+ namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national
+ council and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his
+ example being followed by many of his nobles and bishops.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole
+ remarkably tolerant<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> towards both Jews and Catholics, though we
+ have instances to the contrary in the cases of Euric and
+ Leovigild, who are said to have persecuted the orthodox party.
+ The latter king, indeed, who was naturally of a mild and
+ forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures by the unfilial
+ and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the latter had
+ been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without entering
+ into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and
+ Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every
+ reason to think that Leovigild would have taken no measures
+ against him. Even after a second rebellion the king offered to
+ spare his son's life—which was forfeit to the State—on condition
+ that he renounced his newly-adopted creed, and returned to the
+ Arian fold. His reason—a very intelligible one—no doubt was that
+ he might put an end to the risk of a third rebellion by
+ separating his son effectually from the intriguing party of
+ Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to
+ death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lecky,
+ "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says that the Arian
+ Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be insufficient
+ grounds for the assertion.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to
+ the Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above
+ quoted from the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was
+ even passed forbidding anyone under pain of confiscation of his
+ property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in question the Holy
+ Catholic and Apostolic Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the
+ definitions of the Fathers; the decrees of the Church; and the
+ Sacraments. In the spirit of these enactments, severe measures
+ were taken against the Jews, of whom there were great numbers in
+ Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the first systematic
+ persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was "not
+ according to knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_1_16" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_16" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> A cruel choice was given the Jews between
+ baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the
+ other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were
+ enforced against them. Those who under the pressure of
+ persecution consented to be baptised, were forced to swear by the
+ most solemn of oaths that they had in very truth renounced their
+ Jewish faith and abhorred its rites. Those who still refused to
+ conform were subjected to every indignity and outrage. They were
+ obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe Sunday and
+ Easter. They were denied the <i>ius connubii</i> and the <i>ius
+ honorum</i>. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a
+ Christian vouched for their character. Some who still held out
+ were even driven into exile. But this punishment could not have
+ been systematically carried out, for the Saracen invasion found
+ great numbers of Jews still in Spain. As Dozy<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_17" id="FNanchor_2_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_17"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> well says of the persecutors—"On le
+ voulut bien, mais on ne le pouvait pas."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_16" id="Footnote_1_16"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_16"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud
+ Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by Southey,
+ Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni Judaeos ad
+ fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem habuit, sed
+ non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit, quos provocare
+ fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum, sive per
+ occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in hoc
+ gaudeo et gaudebo."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_17" id="Footnote_2_17"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_17"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "History of
+ Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain
+ turned their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the
+ secret negotiations between them being discovered, the
+ persecution blazed out afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of
+ Toledo<a name="FNanchor_1_18" id="FNanchor_1_18"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_18" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> decreed that relapsed
+ Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be
+ forcibly taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to
+ marry among themselves.<a name="FNanchor_2_19" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_19" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_18" id="Footnote_1_18"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_18"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Canon 8, de
+ damnatione Judaeorum.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_19" id="Footnote_2_19"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_19"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> For the
+ further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix A.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the
+ dominant influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus
+ received from the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema
+ and excommunication against the political enemies of the
+ king.<a name="FNanchor_1_20" id="FNanchor_1_20"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_20" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover the cordial
+ relations which subsisted between the Church and the State,
+ animated as they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled
+ the Spanish kings to resist the dangerous encroachments of the
+ Papal power, a subject which has been more fully treated in an
+ Appendix.<a name="FNanchor_2_21" id="FNanchor_2_21"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_21" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_20" id="Footnote_1_20"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_20"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels against
+ the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the deposed
+ Swintila was excommunicated.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_21" id="Footnote_2_21"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_21"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Appendix B.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE SARACENS IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively
+ short period we are asked by some writers to believe that the
+ invaders quite lost their national characteristics, and became,
+ like the Spaniards, luxurious and effeminate.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Their haughty exclusiveness, and the
+ fact of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them
+ for a time separate from, and superior to, the subject
+ population, whom they despised as slaves, and hated as heretics.
+ But when the religious barrier was removed, the social one soon
+ followed, and so completely did the conquerors lose their
+ ascendency, that they even surrendered their own Teutonic tongue
+ for the corrupt Latin of their subjects.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne's
+ "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien différens des leurs
+ ancêtres étoient alors énervés par les plaisirs, la douceur du
+ climat; le luxe et les richesses avoient amolli leur courage et
+ corrompu les moeurs." Cp. Dunham, vol. i. 157.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is
+ generally supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue
+ them. Musa ibn Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into
+ Spain, and the first governor of that country under Arab rule,
+ when asked by the Khalif Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths,
+ answered that "they were lords living in luxury and abundance,
+ but champions who did not turn their backs to the enemy."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_23" id="FNanchor_1_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_23"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt that this praise
+ was well deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the
+ country was overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be
+ attributed to wholesale treachery from one end of the country to
+ the other. But for this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to
+ blame. Their treatment of the Jews and of their slaves made the
+ defection of these two classes of their subjects inevitable.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic
+ kingdom as the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of
+ successive kings;<a name="FNanchor_2_24" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_24" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> but on the heads of the clergy, even more than
+ of the king, rests the guilt of their iniquitous and suicidal
+ policy towards the Arians<a name="FNanchor_3_25" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_25" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Jews. The treachery of Julian,<a
+ name="FNanchor_4_26" id= "FNanchor_4_26"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_4_26" class= "fnanchor">[4]</a> whatever its
+ cause, opened a way for the Arabs into the country by betraying
+ into their hands Ceuta, the key of the Straits. Success in their
+ first serious battle was secured to them by the opportune
+ desertion from the enemy's ranks of the disaffected political
+ party under the sons of the late king Witiza,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_27" id="FNanchor_5_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_27"
+ class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards
+ apostatized; while the rapid subjugation of the whole country was
+ aided and assured by the hosts of ill-used slaves who flocked to
+ the Saracen standards, and by the Jews<a name="FNanchor_6_28" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_28" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and
+ deliverers from the hated yoke of the uncircumcised Goths.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_23" id="Footnote_1_23"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_23"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_24" id="Footnote_2_24"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_24"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus Domini ob
+ inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_25" id="Footnote_3_25"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_25"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Arianism
+ lingered on till the middle of the eighth century at least,
+ since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of Alfonso I., that
+ he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_26" id="Footnote_4_26"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_26"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> For Julian,
+ or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De Gayangos' note to Al Makkari,
+ i. p. 537, etc.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_27" id="Footnote_5_27"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_27"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Called
+ Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see "Sebast.
+ Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter of Witiza
+ married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King, under the
+ name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of the eighth
+ century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius to
+ Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen
+ <i>Witizani</i>, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_28" id="Footnote_6_28"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_28"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The Jews
+ garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp. 280, 282, and De
+ Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852 we find the Jews
+ betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew nearly all the
+ Christians.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave
+ stand—as brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the
+ Normans. The first decisive battle in the South<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_29" id="FNanchor_1_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_29"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> lasted, as some writers have declared,
+ six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of
+ being driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address
+ to his soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of
+ Africa, whither would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe
+ in front. There is no help for you save in your own right
+ hands<a name="FNanchor_2_30" id="FNanchor_2_30"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_30" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the favour of God."
+ Nor must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either
+ side, amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of
+ Roderic's army was disaffected. It is probable that only the
+ Goths made a determined stand; and even after such a crushing
+ defeat as they received at Guadalete, and after the loss of their
+ king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn resistance in
+ Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_3_31" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_31" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of them, Theodomir, after defending
+ himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at last by his valour
+ and address contrived to secure for himself, and even to hand
+ down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over
+ that part of Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_29" id="Footnote_1_29"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_29"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Generally
+ called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De Gayangos on Al
+ Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres or Medina
+ Sidonia.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_30" id="Footnote_2_30"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_30"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Una salus
+ victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i. p. 271; Conde
+ i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_31" id="Footnote_3_31"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_31"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> We must not
+ forget also that the mild and politic conduct of the Saracens
+ towards the towns that surrendered, even after resistance,
+ marvellously facilitated their conquest.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient
+ hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they
+ had been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they
+ seem to have begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against
+ the invaders. The thirty<a name="FNanchor_1_32" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_32" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it
+ unnecessary to pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed
+ that they had power to sting; and the handful of patriots, who in
+ the cave of Covadonga gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old
+ Gothic line, soon swelled into an army, and the army into a
+ nation. Within six years of the death of Roderic had begun that
+ onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which, with the
+ exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the
+ tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to
+ halt, until it had regained every foot of ground that had once
+ belonged to the Gothic kings.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders.
+ History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or
+ political point of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and
+ the wonderful conquests which it made. "The electric
+ spark<a name="FNanchor_2_33" id="FNanchor_2_33"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_33" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had indeed fallen on
+ what seemed black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved
+ explosive powder and blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!"
+ Mohammed began his preaching in 609, and confined himself to
+ persuasion till 622, the year of the Flight from Mecca. After
+ this a change seems to have come over his conduct, if not over
+ his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the peaceful and more
+ glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed to the
+ human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success,
+ however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the
+ defeat of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being
+ mostly pacified, the first expedition beyond its boundaries was
+ undertaken under Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive
+ attempt gave no indications of the astonishing successes to be
+ achieved in the near future. Mohammed himself died in the
+ following year, yet, in spite of this and the consequent revolt
+ of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was overrun and
+ Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on
+ equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In
+ 637 Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under
+ the yoke of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the
+ rich valley of the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The
+ conquest of Egypt only formed the stepping-stone to the reduction
+ of Africa, and the victorious Moslems did not pause in their
+ career until they reached the Atlantic Ocean, and Akbah,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_34" id="FNanchor_3_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_34"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> riding his horse into the sea, sighed
+ for more worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for
+ thinking that it had been well for the inhabitants of the New
+ World, if Fortune had delivered them into the hands of the
+ generous Arabs rather than to the cruel soldiery of Cortes and
+ Pizarro.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_32" id="Footnote_1_32"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_32"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon a rock? They
+ must inevitably die."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_33" id="Footnote_2_33"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_33"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Carlyle's
+ "Hero Worship" ad finem.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_34" id="Footnote_3_34"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_34"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the
+ death of Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of
+ Constantinople. Fortunately for the cause of civilisation and of
+ Christendom, this long siege of several years proved
+ unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717. But by the
+ latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the
+ Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition
+ into Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the
+ crossing of the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the
+ East the passage of the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had
+ attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or
+ only one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said
+ to have been made into that country under Abdullah ibn
+ Sa'd,<a name="FNanchor_1_35" id="FNanchor_1_35"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_35" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which resulted in the
+ temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad
+ is mentioned by Abulfeda<a name="FNanchor_2_36" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_36" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> as having taken place in Othman's reign
+ (644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680)
+ we have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja
+ and Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that
+ the Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded
+ Wamba on the throne—a story which seems likely enough when read
+ in the light of the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier
+ attacks, however, seem to have been mere raids, undertaken
+ without an immediate view to permanent conquest.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths
+ sent help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and,
+ while Julian their general still remained true to his allegiance,
+ they beat off the Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of
+ that fortress the Arabs were enabled to send across the Straits a
+ small reconnoitring detachment of five hundred men under Tarif
+ abu Zarah,<a name="FNanchor_3_37" id="FNanchor_3_37"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_37" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> a Berber. This took
+ place in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till
+ April 30, 711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad.
+ There seems to have been a preliminary engagement before the
+ decisive one of Gaudalete (July 19th-26th)—the Gothic general in
+ the former being stated variously to have been Theodomir,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_38" id="FNanchor_4_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_38"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Sancho,<a name="FNanchor_5_39" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_39" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> or Edeco.<a name="FNanchor_6_40" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_40" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_35" id="Footnote_1_35"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_35"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See De
+ Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_36" id="Footnote_2_36"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_36"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annales
+ Moslemici," i. p. 262.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_37" id="Footnote_3_37"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_37"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The names
+ of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad have been
+ confused by all the careless writers on Spanish
+ history—<i>e.g.</i>, Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but
+ Gibbon, Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error.
+ For Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519;
+ and for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation,
+ note 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_38" id="Footnote_4_38"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_38"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_39" id="Footnote_5_39"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_39"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. 75.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_40" id="Footnote_6_40"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_40"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dr Dunham.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in
+ detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain
+ and part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But
+ the Arabs made the fatal mistake<a name="FNanchor_1_41" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_41" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> of leaving a remnant of their enemies
+ unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave
+ of conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but
+ surely to recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of
+ Arab extension in the West, and Christian Gaul was never
+ afterwards seriously threatened with the calamity of a Mohammedan
+ domination.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest
+ and the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of
+ disorder, almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This
+ state of things was one eminently favourable to the growth and
+ consolidation of the infant state which was arising among the
+ mountains of the Northwest. In that corner of the land, which
+ alone<a name="FNanchor_2_42" id="FNanchor_2_42"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_42" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not polluted by the
+ presence of Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits
+ who could not brook subjection and valued freedom above all
+ earthly possessions.<a name="FNanchor_3_43" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_43" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Here all the various nationalities that had
+ from time to time borne rule in Spain,
+ </p>
+ <div class="blockquot">
+ <p>
+ "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," <a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_44" id="FNanchor_4_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_44"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were
+ gradually welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into
+ one compact and homogeneous whole.<a name="FNanchor_5_45" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_45" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Meanwhile what was the condition of those
+ Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under
+ the Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared
+ much worse; and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no
+ doubt contributed largely to the facility of the conquest. The
+ first conqueror, Tarik ibn Zeyad, was a man of remarkable
+ generosity and clemency, and his conduct fully justified the
+ proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false charges
+ before the Sultan Suleiman.<a name="FNanchor_6_46" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_46" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> "Ask the true believers," he said, "ask also
+ the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in Africa and
+ in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly,
+ covetous, or cruel."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_41" id="Footnote_1_41"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_41"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. 34.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_42" id="Footnote_2_42"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_42"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> According
+ to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never been admitted
+ into any town of Biscay before 870.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_43" id="Footnote_3_43"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_43"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that only the lower
+ orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note he mentions a
+ remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_44" id="Footnote_4_44"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_44"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Southey,
+ "Roderick," Canto IV.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_45" id="Footnote_5_45"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_45"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Thierry,
+ "Dix Ans d'Études Historiques," p. 346. "Reserrés dans ce coin
+ de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths et Romains,
+ vainqueurs et vaincus, étrangers et indigènes, maîtres et
+ esclaves, tous unis dans le même malheur ... furent égaux dans
+ cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign. Fruela I.
+ (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio (768-774),
+ revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.," vi. sec.
+ 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem redacti
+ sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in reigns
+ of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_46" id="Footnote_6_46"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_46"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or his
+ predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally
+ contained the following provisions: that the citizens should give
+ up all their horses and arms; that they might, if they chose,
+ depart, leaving their property; that those who remained should,
+ on payment of a small tribute, be permitted to follow their own
+ religion, for which purposes certain churches were to be left
+ standing; that they should have their own judges, and enjoy
+ (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the riches of the
+ churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_47" id="FNanchor_1_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_47"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and hostages given. But conditions even
+ better than these were obtained from Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by
+ Theodomir in Murcia. The original document has been preserved by
+ the Arab historians, and is well worthy of transcription:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and
+ Tadmir make this treaty of peace—may God confirm and protect it!
+ Tadmir shall retain the command over his own people, but over no
+ other people among those of his faith. There shall be no wars
+ between his subjects and those of the Arabs, nor shall the
+ children or women of his people be led captive. They shall not be
+ disturbed in the exercise of their religion: their churches shall
+ not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded from them, or
+ obligations be laid upon them—those expressed in this treaty
+ alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail
+ in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile
+ purposes he may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself
+ shall pay a tribute of a dinar<a name="FNanchor_2_48" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_48" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> each year, with four measures of wheat and
+ four of barley; of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four
+ measures. All the vassals of Tadmir, and every man subject to
+ tax, shall pay the half of these imposts."<a name="FNanchor_3_49"
+ id="FNanchor_3_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_49" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These favourable terms were due in part to the address of
+ Theodomir,<a name="FNanchor_4_50" id="FNanchor_4_50"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_50" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and partly perhaps to
+ Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians, which was also
+ manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of King
+ Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This
+ predilection for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill
+ favour with the Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_51" id="FNanchor_5_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_51"
+ class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_47" id="Footnote_1_47"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_47"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde i. p.
+ 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious avarice.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_48" id="Footnote_2_48"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_48"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Somewhat
+ less than ten shillings.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_49" id="Footnote_3_49"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_49"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_50" id="Footnote_4_50"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_50"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Isidore,
+ sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator, eloquentia
+ mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir Almumenin
+ prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est honoratus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_51" id="Footnote_5_51"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_51"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into treasonable
+ correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of forming a
+ project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself a
+ Christian, etc.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was
+ accomplished with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or
+ none of those atrocities which generally characterize the
+ subjugation of a whole people by men of an alien race and an
+ alien creed. It cannot, however, be denied that the only
+ contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance on this point
+ with all the Arab accounts.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every
+ limb in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature
+ fail in depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless
+ and immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the
+ whole story of sorrow—not to speak of all the disastrous ills
+ which in innumerable ages past from Adam even till now in various
+ states and regions of the earth a cruel and foul foe has caused
+ to a fair world—whatever Troy in Homer's tale endured, whatever
+ Jerusalem suffered that the prophets' words might come to pass,
+ whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture might be
+ fulfilled—all this, and more, has Spain experienced—Spain once
+ full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory,
+ but now brought low in shame and dishonour."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_52" id="FNanchor_1_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_52"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_52" id="Footnote_1_52"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_52"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cp. also
+ Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note, curiously remarks:
+ "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate, but the exaggeration
+ proves the fact."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the
+ ravings of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as
+ it seems by the actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following
+ Isidore after an interval of 500 years, improves upon him by
+ entering into details, which being in many particulars
+ demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked upon with
+ suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words
+ are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their
+ fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women
+ reserved for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or
+ destroyed, the national substance plundered, oaths and treaties
+ uniformly broken.<a name="FNanchor_1_53" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_53" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need
+ only compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England
+ by the Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The
+ comparison will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not
+ impossible that, if the invaders had been Franks instead of
+ Moors, the country would have suffered even more, as we can see
+ from the actual results effected by the invasion of Charles the
+ Great in 777. Placed as they were between the devil and the deep
+ sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred (had the choice
+ been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than to the
+ Franks.<a name="FNanchor_2_54" id="FNanchor_2_54"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_54" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_53" id="Footnote_1_53"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_53"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dunham, ii.
+ p. 121, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_54" id="Footnote_2_54"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_54"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ &nbsp;
+ </p>
+ <div class="blockquot">
+ <p>
+ "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis, Maurorum votis
+ adsociata magis."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through
+ Spain, the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave
+ had only to pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but
+ God, and Mohammed is his Prophet": and he was immediately free.
+ To the Jews the Moslems brought toleration, nay, even influence
+ and power. In fact, since the fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the
+ Jews had never enjoyed such independence and influence as in
+ Spain during the domination of the Arabs. Their genius being thus
+ allowed free scope, they disputed the supremacy in literature and
+ the arts with the Arabs themselves.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel
+ in their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians
+ alike.<a name="FNanchor_1_55" id="FNanchor_1_55"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_55" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Some indeed increased
+ the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must be remembered
+ that this tribute<a name="FNanchor_2_56" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_56" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> was in the first instance very light, and
+ therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression.
+ Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause
+ of the Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was
+ Abdurrahman al Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an
+ Arab writer says:<a name="FNanchor_3_57" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_57" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> "He did equal justice to Moslem and Christian
+ ... he restored to the Christians such churches as had been taken
+ from them in contravention of the stipulated treaties; but on the
+ other hand he caused all those to be demolished, which had been
+ erected by the connivance of interested governors." Similarly of
+ his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi (721-726), we find it
+ recorded<a name="FNanchor_4_58" id="FNanchor_4_58"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_58" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> that "he rendered equal
+ justice to every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and
+ Christian, or between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by
+ Yahya ibn Salmah (March-Sept. 726), who is described as
+ injudiciously severe, and dreaded for his extreme rigour by
+ Moslems as well as Christians.<a name="FNanchor_5_59" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_59" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Isidore says that he made the Arabs give back
+ to the Christians the property unlawfully taken from
+ them.<a name="FNanchor_6_60" id="FNanchor_6_60"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_60" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Similar praise is
+ awarded to Okbah ibn ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_61" id="FNanchor_7_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_61"
+ class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain
+ were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried
+ out with regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians,
+ while the Ameers were so constantly changing, being sometimes
+ elected by the army, but oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by
+ his lieutenant, the governor of Africa for the time being. This
+ perpetual shifting of rulers would in itself have been fatal to
+ the settlement of the country, had it not been brought to an end
+ by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the Khalif of
+ Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in May
+ 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes
+ which threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in
+ Spain. Chief among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and
+ the jealousy between Berbers and Arabs.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_55" id="Footnote_1_55"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_55"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>E.g.</i>, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore,
+ sec. 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the
+ Christians, those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest
+ of the Moslemah families."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_56" id="Footnote_2_56"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_56"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Merely a
+ small poll-tax (jizyah) at first.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_57" id="Footnote_3_57"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_57"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 105.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_58" id="Footnote_4_58"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_58"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says: "Vectigalia Christianis
+ duplicata exagitat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_59" id="Footnote_5_59"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_59"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 102.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_60" id="Footnote_6_60"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_60"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Isidore,
+ sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio crudelis
+ exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et Mauros
+ pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque Christianis
+ plura restaurat.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_61" id="Footnote_7_61"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_61"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 114, 115.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while
+ such Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or
+ Beladi faction.<a name="FNanchor_1_62" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_62" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as
+ new converts, were also regarded as Nonconformists<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_63" id="FNanchor_2_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_63"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> by the pure Arabs, and consequently a
+ quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two parties.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against
+ the Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the
+ following year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who
+ had conquered the country alone had claims to the spoil.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_64" id="FNanchor_3_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_64"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> This formidable rising was only put down
+ by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the continual
+ disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in
+ Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in
+ Africa was a signal for a similar determined attempt in
+ Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_65" id="FNanchor_4_65"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_65" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The reinforcements
+ which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa under
+ Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief
+ named Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_62" id="Footnote_1_62"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_62"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The two
+ chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of Modhar, son of
+ Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan belonged the
+ Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family. They were also
+ called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2) Descendants of
+ Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the Kelbites and the
+ Yemenites. These were most numerous in Andalus; see Al Makkari,
+ ii. 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_63" id="Footnote_2_63"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_63"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note. Though nominally
+ Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan rites.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_64" id="Footnote_3_64"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_64"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See De
+ Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's "Karta,"
+ xiv. <i>sq.</i> Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p. 55,
+ says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a leader
+ of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was the
+ leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in 728.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_65" id="Footnote_4_65"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_65"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. 40.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan<a name="FNanchor_1_66"
+ id="FNanchor_1_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_66" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Alfehri taking up the cause of the Berbers,
+ procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own favour,
+ but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled
+ to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta,
+ though previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties
+ that they might cross over into Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn
+ Besher, nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising
+ at the same time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers
+ were overcome. This desirable end accomplished, however, they
+ refused to keep to their agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found
+ himself driven to seek anew the alliance of the Berbers and also
+ of the Andalusian Arabs against his late allies.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_67" id="FNanchor_2_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_67"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But the latter proved too strong for the
+ Ameer, who was defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of
+ Balj.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_66" id="Footnote_1_66"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_66"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 135.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_67" id="Footnote_2_67"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_67"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The Syrian
+ Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away from home. The
+ Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered for the worse
+ when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the
+ accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued
+ without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova,
+ Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to
+ break up the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those
+ of Damascus in Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen;
+ of Alurdan<a name="FNanchor_1_68" id="FNanchor_1_68"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_68" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in Malaga and Regio; of
+ Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia; of Wasit in
+ Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of Andalusian
+ Arabs.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of
+ Spain; for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and
+ Western marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many
+ of the survivors compelled to return to Africa,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_69" id="FNanchor_2_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_69"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> owing to the famine which afflicted the
+ country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab dominion were
+ left practically denuded of defenders,<a name="FNanchor_3_70" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_70" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Christians at once advanced their
+ boundaries to the Douro, leaving however a strip of desert land
+ as a barrier between them and the Moslems. This debateable land
+ they did not occupy till fifty years later.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_71" id="FNanchor_4_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_71"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_68" id="Footnote_1_68"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_68"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>I.e.</i>, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_69" id="Footnote_2_69"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_69"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_70" id="Footnote_3_70"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_70"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. 69.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_71" id="Footnote_4_71"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_71"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> When they
+ built a series of fortresses as Zarnora, Simancas, San Estevan.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen
+ in May 756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with
+ this date, though it was many years before the new sultan had
+ settled his power on a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by
+ the whole of Moslem Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened
+ between the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we
+ have very little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The
+ Arab historians are too busy recounting the feuds of their own
+ tribes to pay any particular attention to the subject Christians.
+ But we may gather that the latter were, on the whole, fairly
+ content with their new servitude.<a name="FNanchor_1_72" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_72" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Moslems were not very anxious to
+ proselytize, as the conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious
+ diminution of the tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_73" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_73" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Those Christians who did apostatize—and we may
+ believe that they were chiefly slaves—at once took up a position
+ of legal, though not social, equality with the other Moslems. It
+ is no wonder that the slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from
+ their hatred for their masters, and the obvious temporal
+ advantage of embracing Islam, the majority of them knew nothing
+ at all about Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_74" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_74" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The ranks of the converts were recruited from
+ time to time by those who went over to Islam to avoid paying the
+ poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of some penalty inflicted
+ by the Christian courts.<a name="FNanchor_4_75" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_75" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> One thing is noticeable. In the early years of
+ the conquest there was none of that bitterness displayed between
+ the adherents of the rival creeds, to which we are so accustomed
+ in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only contemporary Christian
+ authority, though he rhapsodizes about the devastations committed
+ by the conquerors, and complains of enormous tributes exacted,
+ yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems<a name="FNanchor_5_76"
+ id="FNanchor_5_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_76" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> than any other Spanish writer before the
+ fourteenth century. "If he hates the conquerors," says
+ Dozy,<a name="FNanchor_6_77" id="FNanchor_6_77"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_77" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> "he hates them rather
+ as men of another race than of another creed;" and the marriage
+ of Abdulaziz and Egilona awakens in his mind no sentiment of
+ horror.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_72" id="Footnote_1_72"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_72"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This was
+ not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer Almohades
+ overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. See
+ Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_73" id="Footnote_2_73"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_73"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As happened
+ in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168, and Gibbon, vi.
+ p. 370.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_74" id="Footnote_3_74"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_74"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor. Eccles. of Granada"
+ (1638), in which the author points out that even in his day the
+ "old Christians" of Central Spain were so wholly ignorant of
+ all Christian doctrines that they might be expected to renounce
+ Christianity with the utmost ease if again subjected to the
+ Moors.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_75" id="Footnote_4_75"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_75"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_76" id="Footnote_5_76"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_76"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Speaking of
+ Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore, sec. 46, says,
+ "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli unquam ex Arabum
+ gente."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_77" id="Footnote_6_77"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_77"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ p. 42.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian
+ or renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the
+ conquest.<a name="FNanchor_1_78" id="FNanchor_1_78"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_78" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Those serfs who
+ remained Christian, if they worked on State lands, payed
+ one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands,
+ four-fifths to their Arab owners.<a name="FNanchor_2_79" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_79" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The free Christians retained their goods, and
+ could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax
+ varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_80" id="FNanchor_3_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_80"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In all probability the Christians under
+ Moslem rule were not worse off than their coreligionists in
+ Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded by the fact
+ that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which
+ would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no
+ attempts at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the
+ eighth century, except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have
+ been led away by the ambition of an Arab chief.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_81" id="FNanchor_4_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_81"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a> They were even somewhat indifferent to
+ the cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts
+ which Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in
+ concert with their brethren met with but scant success.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_82" id="FNanchor_5_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_82"
+ class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_78" id="Footnote_1_78"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_78"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
+ especially Conde, Pref. p. vi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_79" id="Footnote_2_79"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_79"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 39.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_80" id="Footnote_3_80"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_80"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 40.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_81" id="Footnote_4_81"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_81"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 42.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_82" id="Footnote_5_82"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_82"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. 106.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding,
+ which at first existed between the Moslems and their Christian
+ subjects, gradually gave place to a very different state of
+ things, owing in no small degree to the free Christians in the
+ North, whose presence on their borders was a continual menace to
+ the Moslem dominion, and a perpetual incentive to the subject
+ Christians to rise and assert their freedom.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications
+ scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations
+ that existed between the two religions during the 275 years of
+ the Khalifate, and the influence which these relations had upon
+ the development of the one and the other. It will be agreeable to
+ the natural arrangement to take the former question first.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With a view to the better understanding of the position of
+ Christianity and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our
+ inquiry, we have thought it advisable to point out in a
+ preliminary sketch the development of Christianity in Spain
+ previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh from their native
+ deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one hand and
+ the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the
+ fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done,
+ we can at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of
+ Christianity and Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of
+ the Khalifate of Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in
+ obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs,
+ having overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain,
+ and the war from the very first took the character of a jehad, or
+ religious war—a character which it retained with the
+ ever-increasing fanaticism of the combatants until every
+ Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed, or been driven
+ out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself was
+ singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of
+ course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their
+ lives in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in
+ defence of their wives and their children, their homes and their
+ country, their religion and their honour. One such instance at
+ least has been recorded by the Arab historians,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_83" id="FNanchor_1_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_83"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> when the Governor, and 400 of the
+ garrison, of Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of
+ St George, chose rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender
+ upon condition either of embracing Islam, or paying tribute.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a
+ tissue of errors and absurdities,<a name="FNanchor_2_84" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_84" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> the first martyr properly so called was a
+ certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn
+ abi Nesah (727-728)—a governor guilty of shedding much Christian
+ blood, if Isidore is to be believed.<a name="FNanchor_3_85" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_85" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_83" id="Footnote_1_83"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_83"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot being called ever
+ since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of the burnt), as
+ likewise of the great veneration in which it has always been
+ held by the Christians, on account of the courage and endurance
+ displayed in the cause of their religion by those who died in
+ it."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_84" id="Footnote_2_84"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_84"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez,
+ "España Sagr," xiv. 392.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_85" id="Footnote_3_85"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_85"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isidore,
+ sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum, quen ibidem
+ innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et Anabadi,
+ illustris episcopi,.... quem ipse cremaverat, valde exhaustus,"
+ etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but probably Othman
+ ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much
+ the same tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century,
+ brought about his own condemnation and death. He held a
+ responsible post under Government, that of receiver of public
+ imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of friendship with many
+ of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax in his
+ religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from
+ motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his
+ life was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and
+ thanking them for showing their concern for him by coming, he
+ proceeded, "But I desire you to be witnesses of this my last
+ will. Whosoever believeth not on the Father, the Son, and the
+ Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity, is blind in heart, and
+ deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth Mohammed, your false
+ prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce, therefore, these
+ fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and earth witness
+ between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the hearers
+ resolved to take no notice of these and other like words,
+ charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter,
+ having unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation
+ of Mohammed, cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon
+ he was executed, and we cannot be altogether surprised at
+ it.<a name="FNanchor_1_86" id="FNanchor_1_86"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_86" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any
+ more recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug.
+ 852). In the second year of this king's reign, two Christians,
+ John and Adulphus, making public profession of their faith, and
+ denouncing Mohammed, were put to death on Sept 17, 824.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_87" id="FNanchor_2_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_87"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_86" id="Footnote_1_86"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_86"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We give the
+ account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it, but with great
+ doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer that we have seen
+ mentioning it.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_87" id="Footnote_2_87"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_87"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez, x.
+ 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St Cyprian's Church,
+ Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum Georgii etc.," sec. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration
+ shown by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their
+ Christian subjects; and there can be no reasonable doubt that
+ this ill-advised conduct on the part of the latter was the main
+ cause of the so-called persecution which followed. But besides
+ this fanaticism on the part of a small section of the subject
+ Christians, there were other causes at work calculated to produce
+ friction between the two peoples. During the century which had
+ elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and Mohammedans,
+ living side by side under the same government, and one which,
+ considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less
+ for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and
+ magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together.
+ Intermarriages had become frequent among them;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_88" id="FNanchor_1_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_88"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and these proved the fruitful cause of
+ religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious
+ troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed
+ I. (852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed
+ parents. Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father
+ and a Christian mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and,
+ apparently, while he lived, permitted his children to profess the
+ faith of their mother. On his death, the mother married again,
+ and the new husband, being a bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as
+ we may suppose, by the <i>odio vitrici</i>, immediately set about
+ reclaiming his step-children to the true faith of Islam, his
+ efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat, even to
+ torture,<a name="FNanchor_2_89" id="FNanchor_2_89"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_89" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the young confessors.
+ His utmost endeavour to effect their conversion failing, he
+ delivered them over to the judge on the charge of apostasy, and
+ the judge to the executioner, by whom they were beheaded on Oct.
+ 21, 840.<a name="FNanchor_3_90" id="FNanchor_3_90"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_90" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_88" id="Footnote_1_88"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_88"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Due in part
+ no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also below for "the
+ maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_89" id="Footnote_2_89"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_89"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So Miss
+ Yonge.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_90" id="Footnote_3_90"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_90"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This date
+ is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p. 886, and by
+ Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 10,
+ of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The
+ Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an
+ eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon,
+ etc."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character,
+ where the sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,—and we
+ may believe that all such cases have not been recorded—yet the
+ vast majority of those which followed in the years 851-860 were
+ of a different type. They were due to an outbreak of fanatical
+ zeal on the part of a certain section of the Christians such as
+ to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the Moslem
+ authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian
+ subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the
+ less enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the
+ Mohammedans. The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested
+ itself at this time is certainly the most remarkable phenomenon
+ of the kind that has been recorded in the annals of the Christian
+ Church. There had been occasional instances before of Christians
+ voluntarily offering themselves to undergo the penalty of the
+ laws for the crime of being Christians. One such instance in the
+ case of a Phrygian, named Quintus, had caused grave scandal to
+ the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone before the proconsul and
+ professed himself ready to die for the faith, when the reality of
+ the death, which he courted, had been brought home to him by the
+ sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of the
+ Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods.
+ Africa also had had her self-accused martyrs.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these,
+ both by reason of their number and the constancy which they
+ displayed in their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is
+ recorded, though there may have been some such, where the
+ would-be martyr from fear or any other cause forwent his crown.
+ Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing the Church on the question
+ of their merit, whether, that is, the victims were to be ranked
+ as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a written controversy
+ on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if rather one-sided,
+ materials for estimating the provocation given, and received, on
+ either side.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more
+ closely together in political and social life, the Church no
+ doubt suffered some deterioration. Every interested motive was
+ enlisted in favour of dropping as far as possible out of
+ sight<a name="FNanchor_1_91" id="FNanchor_1_91"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_91" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those distinctive
+ features of Christianity which might be calculated to give
+ offence to the Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan
+ customs, which are not in the Bible expressly forbidden to a
+ Christian;<a name="FNanchor_2_92" id="FNanchor_2_92"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_92" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and, generally, of
+ emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with
+ Mohammedanism, and ignoring those (far more important ones) in
+ which they differ. The Moslems had no such reason for dissembling
+ their convictions, or modifying their tenets. Consequently a
+ spiritual paralysis was creeping upon the Church, which
+ threatened in the course of time, if not checked, to destroy the
+ very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The case of
+ Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed that
+ this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over
+ Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never
+ passed under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in
+ danger of being swept away by the devouring flames of
+ Mohammedanism, might be nursed and cherished, till it could again
+ blaze forth with its former brilliancy.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_91" id="Footnote_1_91"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_91"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See below,
+ p. 72, note 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_92" id="Footnote_2_92"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_92"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>E.g.,</i> circumcision.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly
+ vanished: it was still to be found among the clergy, and
+ specially among the dwellers in convents. Monks and nuns, severed
+ from all worldly influences, in the silence of their cloisters,
+ would read the lives of the Saints<a name="FNanchor_1_93" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_93" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> of old, and meditate upon their glorious
+ deeds, and the miracles which their faith had wrought. They would
+ brood over such texts as, "Ye shall be brought before rulers and
+ kings for My sake;"<a name="FNanchor_2_94" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_94" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, "Every one who shall confess Me before
+ men, him will I also confess before My Father, which is in
+ Heaven;"<a name="FNanchor_3_95" id="FNanchor_3_95"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_95" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> till they brought
+ themselves to believe that it was their imperative duty to bring
+ themselves before rulers and kings, and not only to confess
+ Christ, but to revile Mohammed.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_93" id="Footnote_1_93"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_93"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. 112.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_94" id="Footnote_2_94"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_94"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> St Mark
+ xiii. 9.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_95" id="Footnote_3_95"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_95"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> St Matt. x.
+ 32.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not
+ apply, as the apologists of their doings have not failed to point
+ out, to the first two victims that suffered in this persecution.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Perfectus,<a name="FNanchor_1_96" id="FNanchor_1_96"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_96" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest of Cordova,
+ who had been brought up in the school attached to the church of
+ St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase some necessaries for
+ domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in the street,
+ and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led them to
+ make this strange request, we are not told,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_97" id="FNanchor_2_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_97"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but stated thus barely it certainly
+ gives us the impression that it was intended to bring the priest
+ into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem countries
+ that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be
+ scourged,<a name="FNanchor_3_98" id="FNanchor_3_98"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_98" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> if he struck him,
+ killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who spoke evil
+ of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he heard
+ the blasphemy without taking notice of it.<a name="FNanchor_4_99"
+ id="FNanchor_4_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_99" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Perfectus, therefore, being aware of this law,
+ gave a cautious<a name="FNanchor_5_100" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_100" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> answer, declining to comply with their request
+ until they swore that he should receive no hurt in consequence of
+ what he might say. On their giving the required stipulation, he
+ quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs and false
+ prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch that
+ if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_101" id="FNanchor_6_101"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_101" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and proceeded to speak
+ of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor and a
+ dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he,
+ the encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own
+ filthy lusts, delivered you all over to the indulgence of an
+ everlasting sensuality." This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the
+ Moslems revere as we revere Christ, and the ungenerous advantage
+ taken of the oath, which they had made, naturally incensed his
+ hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree. They respected their
+ promise, however, and refrained from laying hands on him at that
+ time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging themselves
+ on a future occasion.<a name="FNanchor_7_102" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_102" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_96" id="Footnote_1_96"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_96"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar, "Indic. Lum.,"
+ sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_97" id="Footnote_2_97"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_97"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See,
+ however, Appendix A, p. 158.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_98" id="Footnote_3_98"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_98"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet, et legalis
+ iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui blasphematur,
+ flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur." Neander V., p. 464,
+ note, points out that "blasphemaverit" refers to cursing
+ Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5,
+ "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti debere in eos qui
+ talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On hearing of Isaac's
+ death the king published a reminder on this law.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_99" id="Footnote_4_99"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_99"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 91.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_100" id="Footnote_5_100"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_100"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_101" id="Footnote_6_101"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_101"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Matt.
+ xxiv. 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_102" id="Footnote_7_102"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_102"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Accensum
+ ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius reponunt."
+ Eulogius, 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and
+ Perfectus, being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one,
+ was met<a name="FNanchor_1_103" id="FNanchor_1_103"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_103" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by his former
+ interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing
+ despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being
+ questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his
+ words. He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the
+ end of the month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast
+ month. In prison the priest repented his weakness, and when
+ brought again before the judge on the Mohammedan Easter, he
+ recanted his recantation, adding, "I have cursed and do curse
+ your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan, a dealer in
+ witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately led off
+ for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the King's
+ minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on
+ April 18, 850.<a name="FNanchor_2_104" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_104" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The apologists, on insufficient evidence,
+ describe the death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day
+ in the river, as a manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of
+ Perfectus.<a name="FNanchor_3_105" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_105" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_103" id="Footnote_1_103"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_103"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Dolo
+ circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_104" id="Footnote_2_104"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_104"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Johannes
+ Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest error) in 950,
+ under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time that some
+ writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him, wrongly:
+ "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam
+ persecutionem in Christianos."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_105" id="Footnote_3_105"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_105"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no
+ doubt the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative
+ painlessness, with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was
+ not lost upon the brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary
+ retreats and trying by a life of religious devotion to cut
+ themselves off from the seductive pleasures of an active life.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty
+ tradesman, named John,<a name="FNanchor_1_106" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_106" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> who does not seem to have courted his own
+ fate. He had aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a
+ habit which he had contracted of pronouncing the name of the
+ Prophet in his market transactions, taking his name, as they
+ thought, in vain, and with a view to attracting buyers.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_107" id="FNanchor_2_107"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_107" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> John, being taxed with
+ this, with ill-timed pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who
+ wishes to name your Prophet." He was haled before the Kadi, and,
+ after receiving 400 stripes,<a name="FNanchor_3_108" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_108" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> was thrown into prison. Subsequently he was
+ taken thence and driven through the city riding backwards on an
+ ass, while a crier was sent before him through the Christian
+ quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the punishment of those,
+ that speak evil of the Prophet of God."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_106" id="Footnote_1_106"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_106"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eugolius,
+ "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_107" id="Footnote_2_107"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_107"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So
+ Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1. 1.) is
+ not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam, semper
+ eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum per
+ iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa auribus te
+ ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_108" id="Footnote_3_108"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_108"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Or,
+ according to Eulogius, 500.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution,
+ brought by the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can
+ be more or less sustained, but the next instance is of a
+ different character. Isaac,<a name="FNanchor_1_109" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_109" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble
+ and wealthy ancestors, was born in 824, and by his knowledge of
+ Arabic, attained in early life to the position of an exceptor, or
+ scribe,<a name="FNanchor_2_110" id="FNanchor_2_110"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_110" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but gave up his
+ appointment at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery
+ of Tabanos, which his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had
+ founded near Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_109" id="Footnote_1_109"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_109"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref., secs. 2 ff.
+ After his death Isaac was credited with having performed
+ miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have spoken
+ three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable about
+ Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child, to
+ have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_110" id="Footnote_2_110"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_110"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Not, as
+ Florez, a tax-gatherer.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he
+ voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an
+ "enquirer," begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam.
+ The Kadi, congratulating himself on the prospect of such a
+ promising convert, gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in
+ fluent Arabic, said: "He has lied unto you—may the curse of
+ Heaven consume him!—who full of all wickedness has led astray so
+ many men, and doomed them with himself to the lowest deep of
+ hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts, he hath
+ given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without
+ doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing
+ these, and other like <i>chaste</i><a name="FNanchor_1_111" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_111" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> utterances, the judge listened in a sort of
+ stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent
+ in tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck
+ the monk in the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which
+ is made in the image of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_112" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_112" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him
+ for striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy
+ of death should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having
+ now recovered his self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac,
+ whether drunk or mad, had committed a crime which, by an express
+ law of Mohammed's, merited condign punishment. He was accordingly
+ beheaded, and, his body being burnt, his ashes were cast into the
+ river (June 3, 851). This was done to prevent the Christians from
+ carrying off his body, and preserving it for the purpose of
+ working miracles.<a name="FNanchor_3_113" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_113" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the
+ people, who were amazed at the <i>newness</i> of the
+ thing.<a name="FNanchor_4_114" id="FNanchor_4_114"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_114" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was at this point
+ that Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these
+ fanatical doings by encouraging and helping others to follow
+ Isaac's example.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_111" id="Footnote_1_111"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_111"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "<i>Ore pudico</i> summisque
+ reverentiae ausibus viribusque."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_112" id="Footnote_2_112"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_112"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. Acts
+ xxiii. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_113" id="Footnote_3_113"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_113"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict of the
+ authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer
+ penalties.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_114" id="Footnote_4_114"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_114"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and
+ threw their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have
+ struck the Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs
+ themselves were as brave men as the world has ever seen, and, by
+ the very ordinances of their faith, were bound to adventure their
+ lives for their religion in actual human conflict with infidel
+ foes, yet they were unable to conceive how any man in his senses
+ could willingly deprive himself of life in such a way as could do
+ no service to the cause, religious or other, which he had at
+ heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense
+ antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which
+ Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the
+ vanities, nay, even of the duties of life, which prompted men and
+ women to immure themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from
+ all spheres of human usefulness. Life under these circumstances
+ had naturally little to make it worth the living, and became all
+ the more easy to relinquish, when death, in itself a thing to be
+ desired, was further invested with the glories of martyrdom.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a
+ monk named Sanctius<a name="FNanchor_1_115" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_115" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three
+ days later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a
+ deacon of Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus;
+ Habentius, a monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while
+ Jeremiah,<a name="FNanchor_2_116" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_116" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> uncle of Isaac, was scourged to death. Their
+ bodies were burned, and the ashes cast into the river.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Sisenandus of Badajos<a name="FNanchor_3_117" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_117" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> found a similar fate on July 16th: four days
+ subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and
+ the same number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all
+ of whom were beheaded.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_115" id="Footnote_1_115"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_115"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_116" id="Footnote_2_116"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_116"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_117" id="Footnote_3_117"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_117"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> After his
+ martyrdom he procured the release from prison of Tiberias,
+ priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful
+ girls, whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who
+ seems to have regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a
+ Platonic love mingled with a sort of religious devotion.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Flora,<a name="FNanchor_1_118" id="FNanchor_1_118"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_118" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the daughter of a
+ Moslem father and a Christian mother, was born at Cordova. She is
+ said to have practised abstinence even in her cradle. At first
+ she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity with that
+ faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight years
+ before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and
+ her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her
+ brother, in his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted
+ many Christian families, whom he suspected of conniving at her
+ escape, she voluntarily surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here
+ am I whom you seek, and for whose sake you persecute the people
+ of God. I am a Christian. Do your best to annul that confession:
+ none of your torments will be able to overcome my faith." Her
+ brother, after trying in vain, by alternate threats and
+ blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally dragged
+ her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation,
+ and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and
+ then given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however,
+ to recover, and escaped under angelic guidance.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_119" id="FNanchor_2_119"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_119" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Shortly afterwards,
+ while praying in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of
+ Walabonsus above-mentioned,<a name="FNanchor_3_120" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_120" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> who had been martyred a few months previously.
+ Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife.
+ They came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter
+ was educated at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under
+ the care of the abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's
+ martyrdom, and perhaps, as was so often the case, seeing his
+ glorified spirit in a vision, she left the cloister, determining
+ to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on her way to give
+ herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and found
+ Flora there.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_118" id="Footnote_1_118"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_118"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
+ Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_119" id="Footnote_2_119"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_119"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_120" id="Footnote_3_120"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_120"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Life of
+ Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in Spain," says,
+ "Sister of Isaac."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_121" id="FNanchor_1_121"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_121" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to curse Mohammed, of
+ whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own
+ lives. The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely
+ imprisoned them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought
+ to Flora's brother, he induced the judge to make a further
+ examination of her, and she was brought out of prison before the
+ Kadi, who, pointing to her brother, asked her if she knew him.
+ Flora answered that she did—as her brother according to the
+ flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge, "that he remains a
+ good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She answered that God
+ had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready to repeat
+ her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again remanded
+ to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown
+ upon the streets as prostitutes<a name="FNanchor_2_122" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_122" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>—a punishment far worse than the easy death
+ they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they find an
+ unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned
+ for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It
+ is strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the
+ prison itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The
+ support of Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm
+ through another examination, and the judge, proving too merciful,
+ or too good a Moslem, to carry out the above-mentioned threat,
+ they were led forth to die (November 24, 851). Before their death
+ they had promised Eulogius to intercede before the throne of God
+ for his release, which accordingly is brought to pass six days
+ after their own execution.<a name="FNanchor_3_123" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_123" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before
+ Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near
+ Cordova, and Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way
+ (January 13, 852).<a name="FNanchor_4_124" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_124" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_121" id="Footnote_1_121"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_121"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog. to
+ Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulog., sec.
+ 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_122" id="Footnote_2_122"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_122"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4.
+ Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing
+ out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat
+ propria delectatis,"—a poor consolation, but the only one! He
+ does not seem to have known—or surely he would have quoted
+ it—the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse
+ 35):—"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves, if
+ they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall compel
+ them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful unto
+ such women after their compulsion."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_123" id="Footnote_3_123"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_123"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_124" id="Footnote_4_124"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_124"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulogius,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom,
+ and it seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon
+ this subject. This, however, was far from being the case.
+ Hitherto the victims had been almost without exception priests,
+ monks, and nuns; but the next martyrs afford us instances of
+ married couples claiming a share in this doubtful honour. These
+ were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, and
+ his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of Moslem parents,
+ whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and was
+ converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_125" id="FNanchor_1_125"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_125" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It would seem that
+ with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism,
+ some good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded
+ adherents of Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which
+ they were sinking; for these new martyrs were of the class of
+ hidden<a name="FNanchor_2_126" id="FNanchor_2_126"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_126" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Christians, who were
+ now shamed into avowing their real creed.<a name="FNanchor_3_127"
+ id="FNanchor_3_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_127" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet surely it had been far better if they had
+ been content to live like Christians instead of dying like
+ suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible
+ impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured
+ conviction that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties,
+ to give themselves up to death. In this resolution they were
+ fortified by the advice and encouragement of Eulogius and
+ Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_128" id="FNanchor_4_128"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_128" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> the latter of whom
+ prudently warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is
+ sufficient to stand the trial.<a name="FNanchor_5_129" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_129" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her
+ husband in his self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave
+ her children being overcome by Eulogius,<a name="FNanchor_6_130"
+ id="FNanchor_6_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_130" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> who recommends that they should be given over
+ to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora
+ and Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_125" id="Footnote_1_125"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_125"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_126" id="Footnote_2_126"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_126"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See below,
+ p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_127" id="Footnote_3_127"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_127"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Aurelius
+ was roused from his religious dissimulation by seeing the
+ sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. x. sec.
+ 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_128" id="Footnote_4_128"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_128"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 18.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_129" id="Footnote_5_129"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_129"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This would
+ lead us to suppose that the courage of some <i>had</i> failed.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_130" id="Footnote_6_130"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_130"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulogius
+ comments:—"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo filiorum affectus
+ respuitur!" The parents not only desert their children, but
+ give away most of their goods to the poor, thereby making their
+ own children of the number.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on
+ business connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over
+ in Spain, impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing,
+ determined to offer himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the
+ four persons above mentioned.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ They then take counsel together how they may best effect their
+ purpose, there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring
+ martyrdom for themselves to shew the statements of the
+ apologists, that there was a fierce persecution raging, to be at
+ least much exaggerated, if not entirely without foundation. The
+ plan decided upon, which the devisers audaciously attributed to
+ the suggestion of God,<a name="FNanchor_1_131" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_131" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> was that the women should go forth unveiled
+ and with hurried steps to the church, in the hope that such an
+ unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and occasion the
+ arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and they were
+ all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual
+ result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them
+ with scornful anger.<a name="FNanchor_2_132" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_132" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> But George, disappointed at his untoward
+ clemency, as they were being led away broke out with,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_133" id="FNanchor_3_133"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_133" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Can you not go down
+ to hell without seeking to drag us also thither as your
+ companions?"
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was
+ no doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were
+ dragged again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of
+ remonstrance, why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_134" id="FNanchor_4_134"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_134" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and refused to live,
+ promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would
+ become Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two
+ days, which seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die.
+ They pass the time with singing hymns, and are blessed with
+ visits of angels and miraculous signs. Their chains drop off, and
+ the gaolers dare not again bind those whom Christ Himself had
+ loosed.<a name="FNanchor_5_135" id="FNanchor_5_135"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_135" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The authorities, now
+ as ever, anxious if possible to avoid extreme penalties,
+ determine to release George, because they had not
+ themselves<a name="FNanchor_6_136" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_136" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> heard his blasphemy. He baulks their merciful
+ intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is
+ accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27,
+ 852).
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Within a month Christopher,<a name="FNanchor_7_137" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_137" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage, and
+ Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are
+ executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead
+ bodies being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his
+ palace,<a name="FNanchor_8_138" id="FNanchor_8_138"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_138" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the king saw these bodies, and ordered them to
+ be burnt, and the ashes scattered in the river. The same night
+ Abdurrahman II. was struck down with apoplexy, and the martyrs'
+ friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from Heaven.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_131" id="Footnote_1_131"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_131"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni coepimus
+ <i>cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus coronam:</i> et
+ ita <i>Domino disfiensante</i> visum est nobis ut fugerent
+ sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si forte nos
+ alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_132" id="Footnote_2_132"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_132"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est,
+ et mors pro gloria computatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_133" id="Footnote_3_133"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_133"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia
+ claustra adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis
+ aeterna vos cruciamina non adurent?"
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_134" id="Footnote_4_134"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_134"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 31.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_135" id="Footnote_5_135"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_135"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_136" id="Footnote_6_136"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_136"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii."
+ George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy
+ like the others.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_137" id="Footnote_7_137"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_137"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_138" id="Footnote_8_138"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_138"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> On a
+ "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec. 2. See
+ Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442, note.) "En
+ lo mas cruel de los tormentos subió Abderramen un dia á las
+ azutens ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde alli los
+ cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y
+ atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos paraque no
+ quedase reliquia cumplióse luego la órdsa; pero aquel impio
+ probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volviá
+ por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le
+ pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerróssle la boca, y no
+ pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle,
+ sus criados á la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de
+ apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró
+ la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del
+ infierno."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and
+ more bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the
+ throne than Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St
+ Cyprian's church, near Cordova, following in the footsteps of so
+ many predecessors, came before the Kadi, and reviled
+ Mohammed,—the former being enabled to do this with the more point
+ and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree master of the Arabic
+ language.<a name="FNanchor_1_139" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_139" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they coveted,
+ and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary prodigy
+ occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious
+ Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios
+ elementa fatentur."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted
+ partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two
+ eunuchs, Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo,
+ a eunuch of foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque,
+ and by way of preaching—as they said—to the assembled
+ worshippers, they reviled their Prophet and their religion.
+ <a name="FNanchor_2_140" id="FNanchor_2_140"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_140" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Being set upon and
+ nearly torn in pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were
+ rescued by the Kadi, who imprisoned them till such time as their
+ sentence should be declared. They were condemned to have their
+ hands and feet cut off, and be beheaded; which sentence was
+ carried into effect.<a name="FNanchor_3_141" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_141" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_139" id="Footnote_1_139"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_139"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger vocabulary of
+ abuse than most languages: see the account of Prof. Palmer's
+ death in his Life by Besant.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_140" id="Footnote_2_140"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_140"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_141" id="Footnote_3_141"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_141"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.
+ (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo stupefacta
+ nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius sentiebat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king
+ knew no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this
+ defiance of the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a
+ widespread disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule.
+ In fact, as we shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the
+ banner of revolt in favour of their Cordovan brethren at this
+ very time. Mohammed therefore seems to have meditated a real
+ persecution, such as should extirpate Christianity in his
+ dominions.<a name="FNanchor_1_142" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_142" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> He is said even to have given orders for a
+ general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the
+ slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not
+ apostatize.<a name="FNanchor_2_143" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_143" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> But the dispassionate advice of his
+ councillors saved the king from this crime. They pointed out that
+ no men of any intelligence, education, or rank among the
+ Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and that
+ the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their
+ actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other
+ advisers seem to have diverted the king from his project of a
+ wholesale massacre by encouraging him to proceed legally against
+ the Christians with the utmost rigour, and by this means to cow
+ them into submission.<a name="FNanchor_3_144" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_144" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no
+ other executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when
+ Fandila, a priest of Tabanos,<a name="FNanchor_4_145" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_145" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's
+ monastery to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward
+ and reviled the Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and
+ subsequently beheaded (June 13, 853). His fate awakened the
+ dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,<a name="FNanchor_5_146" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_146" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a
+ Gaetulian monk of Alcala de Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St
+ Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos (the latter being strengthened in
+ her resolve by a celestial vision), who, pursuing the usual plan,
+ are beheaded the following day; their example being followed by
+ Benildis, a matron (June 15).<a name="FNanchor_6_147" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_147" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_142" id="Footnote_1_142"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_142"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de mortibus
+ resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam totam
+ extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot
+ hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui
+ arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos
+ virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed
+ (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_143" id="Footnote_2_143"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_143"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes
+ Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico
+ distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+ "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia
+ Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_144" id="Footnote_3_144"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_144"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem
+ voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus
+ gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_145" id="Footnote_4_145"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_145"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he
+ was a monk of Guadix.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_146" id="Footnote_5_146"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_146"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_147" id="Footnote_6_147"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_147"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the
+ Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and
+ shutting them up to prevent others giving themselves up.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_148" id="FNanchor_1_148"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_148" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> One of these however,
+ Columba,<a name="FNanchor_2_149" id="FNanchor_2_149"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_149" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sister of Elizabeth
+ and of the abbot Martin, contrived to escape. This Columba had
+ persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of her mother's efforts
+ to make her marry, which only ceased when the mother died. She
+ now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17).
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Just one month later Pomposa,<a name="FNanchor_3_150" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_150" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> from the monastery of St Salvator,
+ Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in
+ these executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the
+ following year, when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems
+ to have really deserved the name of martyr, for he was given up
+ to the authorities by the treachery of others,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_151" id="FNanchor_4_151"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_151" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and did not seek
+ martyrdom.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci
+ (Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of
+ Paul, the deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same
+ fate (April 30, 855).<a name="FNanchor_5_152" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_152" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an
+ old priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave
+ themselves up to execution<a name="FNanchor_6_153" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_153" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> (April 17, 856.) In June of that
+ year a more venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his
+ destruction. This was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of
+ Cordova (June 28).<a name="FNanchor_7_154" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_154" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> Exactly one month later Aurea, a virgin and
+ sister of the brothers John and Adulphus, whose martyrdom has
+ been already mentioned, was brought before the magistrate.
+ Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_155" id="FNanchor_8_155"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_155" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> she had long been left
+ unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was well known.
+ She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon
+ repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a
+ Christian, she gained a martyr's crown (July 29).
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_148" id="Footnote_1_148"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_148"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> So Miss
+ Yonge.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_149" id="Footnote_2_149"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_149"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_150" id="Footnote_3_150"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_150"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_151" id="Footnote_4_151"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_151"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium
+ ad martyrium furore pertractum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_152" id="Footnote_5_152"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_152"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xiii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_153" id="Footnote_6_153"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_153"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cc. xiv. xv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_154" id="Footnote_7_154"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_154"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum dolo vel odio
+ circumventus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_155" id="Footnote_8_155"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_155"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis
+ exornabatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution.
+ Ruderic,<a name="FNanchor_1_156" id="FNanchor_1_156"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_156" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest, whose
+ brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened as a peacemaker, in
+ a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With the usual fate
+ of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and nearly
+ killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and
+ had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his
+ brother had become a Mussulman before his death.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_157" id="FNanchor_2_157"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_157" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> However, Ruderic
+ recovered, and made his escape, but being obliged to return to
+ Cordova, met his brother, who immediately brought him before the
+ Kadi on a charge of apostasy. His life and liberty were promised
+ to him if he would only acknowledge that Christ was merely man,
+ and that Mohammed was the messenger of God. On refusing, he is
+ imprisoned, and finds in prison a certain Salomon, also charged
+ with apostasy from Islam. The two fellow-prisoners contract a
+ great friendship and are consequently separated. After a third
+ exhortation, they are condemned to death, but not before the
+ judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their purpose by
+ offers of honour and rewards.<a name="FNanchor_3_158" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_158" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> They were executed March 13, 857, and their
+ bodies thrown into the river—even the stones sprinkled with their
+ blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the Christians
+ should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on
+ shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally
+ fortunate, informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his
+ body lay in a tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself
+ contrived to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to
+ brave. Whether this was due to any unworthy fear of death on his
+ part is not clear, but it may have been owing to the respect in
+ which he was held by the Moslem authorities. To these he was well
+ known as a man of irreproachable character and unaffected piety,
+ and several Arabs of high rank, who were his personal friends,
+ shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the effects of his
+ folly. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_4_159" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_159" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> was descended from a Senatorial family of
+ Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he
+ devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his
+ contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the
+ feet of Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica.
+ Besides a sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in
+ trade, and another brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in
+ government employ.<a name="FNanchor_5_160" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_160" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_156" id="Footnote_1_156"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_156"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_157" id="Footnote_2_157"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_157"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So the
+ Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their victims had
+ abjured their errors before being burnt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_158" id="Footnote_3_158"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_158"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_159" id="Footnote_4_159"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_159"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Life by
+ Alvar, c. i. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_160" id="Footnote_5_160"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_160"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul. ad
+ Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni indignatio eo
+ tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a metaphorical
+ allusion to Joseph in Egypt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and
+ his desire for the life of a monk,<a name="FNanchor_1_161" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_161" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and for the glory of martyrdom. When strong
+ measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with
+ Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for
+ martyrdom by threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were
+ frightened into submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_162" id="FNanchor_2_162"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_162" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> remained firm, in
+ spite of his being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a
+ certain Gomez, who was a temporising Christian in the king's
+ service.<a name="FNanchor_3_163" id="FNanchor_3_163"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_163" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_161" id="Footnote_1_161"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_161"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Life by
+ Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus enervaretur,
+ quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea sarcina
+ gravabatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_162" id="Footnote_2_162"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_162"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Hic
+ inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est visus
+ susurro."—Life by Alvar, sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_163" id="Footnote_3_163"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_163"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This man,
+ says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost his hold on the
+ Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to attack. See
+ below, p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere
+ with and check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs
+ which he saw going on round him. Believing that such close
+ relations between the peoples tended to the spiritual degradation
+ of Christianity, he set himself deliberately to embitter those
+ relations, and, as far as he could, to make a good understanding
+ impossible. To discourage the learning of Arabic by the
+ Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to Pampluna
+ the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal, and
+ Augustine's "De Civitate Dei."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a
+ priest, but for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating
+ at the mass on the ground that he was himself a great
+ sinner.<a name="FNanchor_1_164" id="FNanchor_1_164"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_164" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However, his
+ ecclesiastical superior<a name="FNanchor_2_165" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_165" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him
+ take a different view of the question by threatening him with
+ anathema if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a
+ prominent champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was
+ imprisoned in 851, where he wrote treatises in favour of the
+ martyrs, and was released, as we have seen, by the intercession
+ of Flora and Maria on November 29th of that year.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_164" id="Footnote_1_164"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_164"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> He pleads
+ his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he was infected
+ with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous century,
+ which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop of
+ Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez, xi.
+ 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who
+ held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum
+ sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine
+ and Isidore against the error.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_165" id="Footnote_2_165"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_165"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Pontifex
+ proprius.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 858,<a name="FNanchor_1_166" id="FNanchor_1_166"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_166" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on the death of
+ Wistremirus, he was chosen by the votes of the people<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_167" id="FNanchor_2_167"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_167" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> to succeed him as
+ Bishop of Toledo; but from some cause, perhaps by the
+ intervention of the Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his
+ see. The people then determined to have no bishop, if they might
+ not have him.<a name="FNanchor_3_168" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_168" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his
+ bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though not
+ all bishops holy men."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_166" id="Footnote_1_166"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_166"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
+ Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_167" id="Footnote_2_167"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_167"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Communis
+ electio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_168" id="Footnote_3_168"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_168"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 547, says another bishop was elected in Eulogius' lifetime; but
+ Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo vivente interdixerunt
+ eligere."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a
+ disturber of the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had
+ been allowed to support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was
+ he permitted to finish in prison a book in defence of the
+ martyrs,<a name="FNanchor_1_169" id="FNanchor_1_169"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_169" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which had the direct
+ tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion
+ of Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:—Leocritia, a
+ maiden of Arab extraction and of noble birth,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_170" id="FNanchor_2_170"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_170" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had been secretly
+ baptised by Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her
+ apostasy, cruelly ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to
+ make her renounce Christ. She naturally turned to Eulogius and
+ his sister Anulo for advice in her afflictions, expressing a wish
+ to escape to a part of Spain where the Christian worship was
+ free. As a first step to this, she leaves her parents under
+ pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with Eulogius.
+ Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people
+ imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last
+ betrayed and surprised at the house of her protector. They are
+ both dragged before the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he
+ persists in defying the laws in this way.<a name="FNanchor_3_171"
+ id="FNanchor_3_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_171" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The bishop defends himself by pleading that
+ Christian clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their
+ religion, if asked, as he had been by Leocritia.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_172" id="FNanchor_4_172"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_172" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The judge then
+ threatens to have him scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to
+ so painful and degrading a punishment, repeats the lesson which
+ he had taught to so many others, and reviles Mohammed. Even so
+ the judge shows a disposition to treat him with leniency, and he
+ is remanded to prison with Leocritia.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ When brought up again before the royal Council,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_173" id="FNanchor_5_173"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_173" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> an influential friend
+ makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush
+ on their own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved
+ wisdom and blameless character, in defiance of all natural
+ instincts, to throw away your life in this manner?" He urges
+ Eulogius to say but one word of concession in the hour of peril,
+ promising that he should afterwards be free to exercise his
+ religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance. But the bishop
+ could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such offers with
+ the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us on
+ high!"
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_169" id="Footnote_1_169"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_169"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
+ Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_170" id="Footnote_2_170"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_170"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_171" id="Footnote_3_171"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_171"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_172" id="Footnote_4_172"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_172"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This kind
+ of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime by the
+ Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_173" id="Footnote_5_173"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_173"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on
+ one cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was
+ beheaded on March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later.
+ Miraculous appearances honoured the body of the martyred bishop,
+ which was buried in the Church of St Genesius, whence it was
+ translated in the next year to his own church of St Zoilus, and
+ in 883 was given up, together with that of Leocritia, to Alphonso
+ III. (866-910) by express stipulation.
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms
+ comes to an end, and it will be convenient at this point to
+ consider the whole question of the relation of the Church to the
+ civil power, and how far those "confessors," who were put to
+ death under the circumstances already related, were entitled to
+ the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the evidence we have on the
+ subject is drawn almost entirely from the apologists of their
+ doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of some bias. Yet
+ even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no real
+ persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as
+ to justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and
+ Alodia, the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single
+ recorded instance of a Christian being put to death for his
+ religion by the Arabs in Spain before the middle of the ninth
+ century. The Muzarabes,<a name="FNanchor_1_174" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_174" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> as the Christians living under the Arabs were
+ called, enjoyed a remarkable degree of freedom in the exercise of
+ their religion—the services and rites of the Church being
+ conducted as heretofore.<a name="FNanchor_2_175" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_175" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> In Cordova alone we find mention of the
+ following churches:<a name="FNanchor_3_176" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_176" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> the Church of St Acislus, a former martyr of
+ Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three Martyrs—Faustus, Januarius,
+ Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius and Eulalia; and of the
+ Virgin Mary.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_174" id="Footnote_1_174"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_174"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
+ Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means "those who
+ try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_175" id="Footnote_2_175"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_175"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.
+ Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he spent the
+ ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis, vespertinum,
+ matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad honorem (Dei) et
+ gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_176" id="Footnote_3_176"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_176"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, x.
+ 245.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab
+ writer, who died in 1034.<a name="FNanchor_1_177" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_177" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "I once entered at night," he says, "into the
+ principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green
+ branches of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of
+ the thundering bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the
+ innumerable lamps dazzled my eyes; the priests, decked in rich
+ silken robes of gay and fanciful colours, and girt with girdle
+ cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone of those present had
+ banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled from his mind
+ all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps towards the
+ marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the hollow
+ of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and
+ taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he
+ applied to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky
+ lips of a beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents
+ captivated his senses, but when he had tasted the delicious
+ liquor, the sweetness and flavour seemed to overpower him." On
+ leaving the church, the Arab, with true Arabian facility,
+ extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By the Lord of
+ mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of
+ unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a
+ girl that their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they
+ put on their gay tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before
+ the Almighty." Ahmed also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay
+ long among them, began to sing round us with their books in their
+ hands; every wretch presented us the palm of his withered hand
+ (with the holy water), but they were even like the bat, whose
+ safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us every
+ attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of
+ swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects
+ very characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the
+ incongruity of an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the
+ lips of a maid," or the irrelevancy of a reference to swine's
+ flesh. But the account merits attention on other grounds, for it
+ shews how little even the more intelligent Moslems understood the
+ ceremonies of the religion which they had conquered, though they
+ might be pardoned for thinking that the Christians worshipped the
+ Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself fell into the same
+ error, and because probably the Roman Church and its adherents
+ had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been
+ the church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_178" id="FNanchor_2_178"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_178" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the Christians had to
+ give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one
+ enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were
+ induced, or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and
+ it was pulled down to make room for the Great Mosque.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_179" id="FNanchor_3_179"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_179" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In 894 we find that
+ the Cordovans were allowed to build a new church.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_177" id="Footnote_1_177"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_177"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ahmed ibn
+ Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote De Gayangos'
+ translation.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_178" id="Footnote_2_178"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_178"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> De
+ Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at first
+ guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750 they had
+ to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to sell the
+ other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the destroyed
+ churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p. 29, note
+ 1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_179" id="Footnote_3_179"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_179"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This was
+ not finished till 793. The original structure cost 80,000
+ dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II. (961-976)
+ alone spent on it 160,000 dinars.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve
+ monasteries and churches in the immediate neighbourhood of
+ Cordova: among them the monastery of St Christopher, the famous
+ one of Tabanos, suppressed as above mentioned, in 854;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_180" id="FNanchor_1_180"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_180" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those of St Felix at
+ Froniano, of St Martin at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at
+ Cuteclara, of St Salvator at Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS.
+ Justus and Pastor, and of St Sebastian.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We have given the names of these churches and monasteries<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_181" id="FNanchor_2_181"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_181" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> at or near Cordova,
+ both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one or
+ other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom
+ we are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that
+ above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new
+ churches,<a name="FNanchor_3_182" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_182" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> but considering the diminution in the numbers
+ of the Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a
+ great many, this could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover
+ the Christian churches, it was ordained, should be open to
+ Moslems as well as Christians, though during the performance of
+ mass it seems that they had to be kept closed. The Mosques were
+ never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_183" id="FNanchor_4_183"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_183" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_180" id="Footnote_1_180"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_180"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 162.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_181" id="Footnote_2_181"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_181"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the
+ Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the
+ Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see
+ Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra
+ received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but
+ Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_182" id="Footnote_3_182"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_182"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the
+ stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_183" id="Footnote_4_183"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_183"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at
+ Cordova, did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at
+ Elvira, the cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after
+ the Cordovan martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the
+ year of the conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally
+ finished. What we hear about the Christians at Elvira at this
+ time is not to their credit, their bishop, Samuel, being
+ notorious as an evil liver.<a name="FNanchor_1_184" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_184" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> It is in Cordova that the main interest at
+ this period centres; and to Cordova we will for the present
+ confine our attention.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts,
+ both those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who
+ aided and abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a
+ comparatively small body in the Church of Spain; and that their
+ proceedings awakened little short of dismay in the minds of the
+ more sensible portion of the Christian community, both in the
+ Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree in the free
+ North.<a name="FNanchor_2_185" id="FNanchor_2_185"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_185" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The chief leaders of
+ the party of zealots—as far as we find mention of them—were Saul,
+ bishop of Cordova (850-861), Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the
+ monastery of Pegnamellar; while Reccafredus, bishop of Seville,
+ and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the prominent ecclesiastics on the
+ other side.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_184" id="Footnote_1_184"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_184"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ibn
+ Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_185" id="Footnote_2_185"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_185"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
+ 63.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with
+ the Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of
+ fanaticism, it will be interesting to note what was the attitude
+ of the different sections of the Church towards the misguided men
+ who gave themselves up to death, and their claims to the crown of
+ martyrdom. Those who denied the validity of these claims, rested
+ their contention on the grounds, that the so-called martyrs had
+ compassed their own destruction, there being no persecution at
+ the time; that they had worked no miracles in proof of their high
+ claims; that they had been slain by men who believed in the true
+ God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and that
+ their bodies had corrupted like those of other men.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call
+ these suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in
+ high places had forced them to deny their faith,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_186" id="FNanchor_1_186"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_186" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> or interfered with
+ their due observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of
+ ostentatious pride—and pride was the root of all evil—to court
+ danger. Such conduct had never been enjoined by Christ, and was
+ quite alien from the meekness and humility of His
+ character.<a name="FNanchor_2_187" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_187" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been
+ expressly condemned,
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>a.</i>) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the
+ other churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms:
+ "We commend not those who offer themselves of their own accord,
+ for that is not what the gospel teacheth us:"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_188" id="FNanchor_3_188"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_188" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>b.</i>) By St Cyprian,<a name="FNanchor_4_189" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_189" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> who, when brought before the consul and
+ questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer
+ themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says:
+ "Let none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if
+ he speak when apprehended:"
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>c.</i>) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who
+ rush to death, for there are some, not of us, but only bearing
+ the same name, who give themselves up:"<a name="FNanchor_5_190"
+ id="FNanchor_5_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_190" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>d.</i>) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis
+ (<i>circa</i> 305), one of the canons of which forbade him to be
+ ranked as a martyr, who was killed on the spot for breaking
+ idols:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>e.</i>) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted
+ on the question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged
+ martyrs, gave it as his opinion that those should be first
+ excluded who had courted martyrdom.<a name="FNanchor_6_191" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_191" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict
+ XIV. of Rome,<a name="FNanchor_7_192" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_192" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> has ventured to approve what the Church has
+ condemned. Nor is this the only instance in which the Roman
+ Church has set aside the decisions of an earlier Christendom.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_186" id="Footnote_1_186"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_186"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis violentia
+ fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae piaeque
+ religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis suum
+ incolere iusserat Christianismum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_187" id="Footnote_2_187"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_187"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Quoting
+ such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse you, and pray
+ for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23, "Submit
+ yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_188" id="Footnote_3_188"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_188"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eusebius
+ iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_189" id="Footnote_4_189"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_189"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Martyred
+ 258.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_190" id="Footnote_5_190"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_190"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Long's
+ "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_191" id="Footnote_6_191"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_191"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Burton's
+ "History of the Christian Church," p. 336.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_192" id="Footnote_7_192"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_192"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> 1740-1748:
+ in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum
+ canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been
+ no persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their
+ doings, and that those doings themselves were contrary to the
+ teaching and spirit of Christianity. The latter part of the
+ charge has already been dealt with, and may be considered
+ sustained. As to the other part, the apologists, it must be
+ confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes, indeed,
+ they deny it point-blank:<a name="FNanchor_1_193" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_193" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "as if," says Eulogius, "the destruction of
+ our churches,<a name="FNanchor_2_194" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_194" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> the insults heaped upon our clergy, the
+ monthly tax<a name="FNanchor_3_195" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_195" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived
+ on sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are
+ continually referred to. "No one," says the same author,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_196" id="FNanchor_4_196"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_196" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "can go out or come in
+ amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the
+ street without being treated with contumely. They mock at the
+ marks<a name="FNanchor_5_197" id="FNanchor_5_197"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_197" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> of our order. They
+ hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children jeer at
+ us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The sound
+ of the church-going bell<a name="FNanchor_6_198" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_198" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> never fails to evoke from Moslem hearers the
+ foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a
+ pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the
+ Moslems would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_199" id="FNanchor_7_199"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_199" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and when they
+ witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud,
+ "Shew them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's
+ people, and defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_200" id="FNanchor_8_200"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_200" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> "Yet," he indignantly
+ exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is
+ it, I answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a
+ deadly time<a name="FNanchor_9_201" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_201" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> ... are we not bowed beneath the yoke of
+ slavery, burdened with intolerable taxes, spoiled of our goods,
+ lashed with the scourges of their abuse, made a byword and a
+ proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_202" id="FNanchor_10_202"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_202" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_193" id="Footnote_1_193"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_193"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_194" id="Footnote_2_194"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_194"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_195" id="Footnote_3_195"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_195"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild,
+ "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_196" id="Footnote_4_196"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_196"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eul., l.l.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_197" id="Footnote_5_197"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_197"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Stigmata.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_198" id="Footnote_6_198"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_198"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui inhiantes capita
+ moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He adds: "Daily and
+ nightly from their minarets they revile the Lord by their
+ invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib. Ap.," sec. 19,
+ confesses that hearing their call to prayer always moved him to
+ quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all they that worship
+ carved images"—a very irrelevant malediction, as applied to the
+ Moslems.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_199" id="Footnote_7_199"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_199"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Alvar,
+ l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_200" id="Footnote_8_200"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_200"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ "Spurcitiarum fimo."—<i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_201" id="Footnote_9_201"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_201"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
+ "Mortiferum."—"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_202" id="Footnote_10_202"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_202"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage picture of the
+ Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in tumore cordis
+ elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi, in comestione
+ superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine iustitia
+ invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis nescientes
+ affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes, castitatem
+ velut spurcitiam respuentes."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that
+ the lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal
+ their dislike and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as
+ were at variance with their own creed, and moreover regarded
+ priests and monks with especial aversion, there can be no doubt.
+ But, on the other hand, there is no want of evidence to show that
+ the condition of the Christians was by no means so bad as the
+ apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances could not fail
+ to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were actually to
+ be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the
+ Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that
+ humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances.
+ Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can
+ itself be called such, there was none, till it was called into
+ being by the action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from
+ all the other facts which point to this conclusion, we can call
+ the apologists themselves in evidence that there was no real
+ persecution going on at the time of the first martyrdoms.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_203" id="FNanchor_1_203"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_203" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> admits that the
+ Christians were not let or hindered in the free exercise of their
+ religion by saying that this state of things<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_204" id="FNanchor_2_204"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_204" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not due to the
+ forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the Divine mercy.
+ Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the whole
+ position which he is trying to defend, says<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_205" id="FNanchor_3_205"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_205" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>:—"Though many were the
+ victims of persecution, very many others—and you cannot deny
+ it—offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it
+ not clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we
+ who began preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will
+ see that they rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the
+ bidding of persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye,
+ and—what is made so strong a charge against them—that they tired
+ out the forbearance of their rulers and princes by insult upon
+ insult."<a name="FNanchor_4_206" id="FNanchor_4_206"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_206" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_203" id="Footnote_1_203"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_203"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 29.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_204" id="Footnote_2_204"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_204"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Viz.,
+ "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_205" id="Footnote_3_205"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_205"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_206" id="Footnote_4_206"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_206"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Fatigasse
+ praesides et principes multis contumeliis."—<i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs
+ were no martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the
+ Scriptures quoted by his opponents,<a name="FNanchor_1_207" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_207" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and refer to the morally blind, who make evil
+ their good, and take darkness to be their light;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_208" id="FNanchor_2_208"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_208" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> while he brought
+ forward a saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will
+ hold the first rank in the heavenly companies who have gone to
+ their death unsummoned."<a name="FNanchor_3_209" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_209" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the
+ plea that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is
+ sufficiently ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly
+ assures us that these insults and revilings of the prophet were
+ merely a form of preaching<a name="FNanchor_4_210" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_210" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> to the poor benighted Moslems, naïvely
+ remarking that the Scriptures affirm that the Gospel of Christ
+ must be preached to all nations. Whereas, then, the Moslems had
+ not been preached to, these martyred saints had taken upon
+ themselves the sacred duty of rendering them "debtors to the
+ faith."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The second count<a name="FNanchor_5_211" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_211" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> against the martyrs was that they had worked
+ no miracles—a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were
+ almost the test of sanctity. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_6_212" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_212" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> could only meet the charge by admitting the
+ fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages,
+ in order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the
+ constancy of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true,
+ but not to the point). Had he been content with this, he had done
+ wisely; but he goes on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth,
+ as even the unbelievers can work them."<a name="FNanchor_7_213"
+ id="FNanchor_7_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_213" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did
+ not perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were
+ deficient in this particular;<a name="FNanchor_8_214" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_214" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> and yet in other parts of his work he mentions
+ miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by
+ Isaac, and by Flora, and Maria.<a name="FNanchor_9_215" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_215" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> So that the worthy priest is placed in this
+ dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute
+ them to the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were
+ unable to work them? if, on the other hand, they did perform
+ these miracles, why not adduce them in evidence against the
+ detractors?
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_207" id="Footnote_1_207"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_207"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_208" id="Footnote_2_208"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_208"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Isaiah v.
+ 20.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_209" id="Footnote_3_209"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_209"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of the
+ Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius—a book
+ obviously of no authority.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_210" id="Footnote_4_210"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_210"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus hactenus
+ exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei tenerentur. Isti
+ enim (<i>i.e.</i>, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem in eosdem et
+ evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque fidei debitores
+ reddiderunt."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_211" id="Footnote_5_211"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_211"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_212" id="Footnote_6_212"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_212"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lib.
+ Apol.," sec 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_213" id="Footnote_7_213"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_213"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Lib.
+ Apol.," sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_214" id="Footnote_8_214"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_214"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Cp. "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_215" id="Footnote_9_215"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_215"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not
+ put to death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and
+ acknowledging a divine law,<a name="FNanchor_1_216" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_216" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius
+ misses the true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully
+ exclaims:—"As if they could be said to believe in God, who
+ persecute His Church, and deem it hateful to believe in a Christ
+ who was very God and very man."<a name="FNanchor_2_217" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_217" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as
+ Eulogius points out,<a name="FNanchor_3_218" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_218" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> pain and torture give no additional claim to
+ the martyr's crown.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as
+ indeed was to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some
+ cases, devoured by dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_219" id="FNanchor_4_219"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_219" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "since their souls are
+ borne away to celestial mansions."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_216" id="Footnote_1_216"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_216"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul. "Lib.
+ Apol.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_217" id="Footnote_2_217"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_217"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_218" id="Footnote_3_218"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_218"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_219" id="Footnote_4_219"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_219"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 17.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that
+ Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and
+ scoffs of the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true
+ God, does He not strike terror into the executioners of his
+ saints by some great prodigy? and why do not the martyrs
+ themselves flash forth into miracles while the crowd is round
+ them? You rush upon your own destruction, and yet you work no
+ wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of your creed,
+ thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_220" id="FNanchor_1_220"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_220" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than
+ they cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled
+ at the Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians,
+ from fear of death, even apostatized. "Whither," they
+ triumphantly asked,<a name="FNanchor_2_221" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_221" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> "has that bravery of your martyrs vanished?
+ What has become of the rash frenzy with which they courted
+ death?" Yet though they affected to consider the martyrs as fools
+ or madmen, they could not be blind to the effect that their
+ constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld their death,
+ and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded by the
+ Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of
+ martyrs to be preserved<a name="FNanchor_3_222" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_222" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and worshipped, and did their best to make
+ this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and
+ scattering the ashes on the river, though sometimes they
+ contented themselves with throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the
+ stream.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_220" id="Footnote_1_220"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_220"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_221" id="Footnote_2_221"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_221"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_222" id="Footnote_3_222"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_222"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See "De
+ Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc., sec. 11. "Non
+ enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni permittunt." See
+ above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs were more freely
+ given up at the request of the Christians. See "Chron. Silen.,"
+ secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender of the body of
+ Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9, where Eulogius
+ mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints Zoilus and
+ Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave up the body
+ of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request. Mariana, viii. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly
+ carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon
+ as the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the
+ admission of their admirers themselves, had never worked any
+ miracles when living, were enabled, when dead, to perform a
+ series of extraordinary ones, which did not finally cease till
+ modern enlightenment had dissipated the darkness of the Middle
+ Ages.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We happen to possess a very interesting account of the
+ circumstances under which the relics of three of these Cordovan
+ martyrs were transferred from the troubled scene of their passion
+ to the more peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of
+ France.<a name="FNanchor_1_223" id="FNanchor_1_223"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_223" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St
+ Vincent and the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of
+ their patron saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks,
+ Usuard and Odilard, with the king's<a name="FNanchor_2_224" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_224" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> permission, to procure the precious relics for
+ their own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the
+ monks learnt that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had
+ been, in fact, carried<a name="FNanchor_3_225" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_225" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior,
+ the bishop of that city, had seized it, and it was still held in
+ veneration there, but under the name of St Marinus, whose body
+ the monk had stoutly asserted it to be. Senior apparently doubted
+ the statement, and tortured Andaldus to get the truth out of him,
+ but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St Vincent had been
+ deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never surrender
+ the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard
+ knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_223" id="Footnote_1_223"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_223"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
+ Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae ex
+ urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.—"Migne," vol. 115, pp.
+ 939 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_224" id="Footnote_2_224"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_224"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Charles
+ the Bald.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_225" id="Footnote_3_225"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_225"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Under a
+ divine impulse," as usual.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at
+ Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend,
+ holding a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name,
+ mentioned the persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem
+ to have travelled beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to
+ Cordova, relying on a friend there, named Leovigild, to help them
+ to obtain what they wished. Travelling in Spain, however, seems
+ to have been by no means safe<a name="FNanchor_1_226" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_226" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> at this period, and their bold resolution is
+ regarded with fear and admiration by their friends. The lord of
+ the Gothic marches, Hunifrid, being on friendly terms with the
+ Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on their behalf, and he entrusts
+ them to the care of a caravan which chanced to be just starting
+ for Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_226" id="Footnote_1_226"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_226"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See sec.
+ 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of the road to
+ Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as "perturbata
+ funeroso Wilihelmi incursu."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's
+ Church, where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of
+ their arrival brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves
+ a very useful friend, and Samson, who just at this juncture is
+ made abbot of the monastery at Pegnamellar, where the bodies of
+ George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were buried—the very relics which
+ they had decided to try and obtain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such
+ precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's
+ permission to give up the bodies.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them
+ of returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which
+ Mohammed I. was on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had
+ been given that all the inhabitants, strangers as well as
+ citizens, except the city guard, should go out with the King.
+ However, the Frankish monks were met by an unexpected difficulty.
+ In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks of Pegnamellar
+ refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much
+ difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former
+ permission to remove them.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems,
+ and sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose.
+ George's body was found whole, but of the other two, only the
+ head of Nathalia, and the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter
+ are united to form one corpse, as it is written, "they two shall
+ be one flesh." After a stay in Cordova of eight weeks, they set
+ out under the protection of some Christians serving in the army.
+ Leovigild, who had been away on the King's business, now returns,
+ and escorts them to Toledo. The approach of the army having
+ cleared away the brigands who infested those parts, the monks
+ with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and
+ returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked
+ numbers of astonishing miracles.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the
+ moderate party among the Christians, and by the Moslem
+ authorities, to put an end to what seemed so dangerous an
+ agitation. That Reccafredus was not the only ecclesiastic of high
+ position who took exception to the new movement we learn clearly
+ enough from Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_1_227" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_227" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> who tells us that "bishops, priests, deacons,
+ and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in inveighing against the new
+ martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear wellnigh denying the faith
+ of Christ, if not in words, yet by their acts." We may,
+ therefore, conclude that the greater part of the ecclesiastical
+ authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of Seville, while
+ the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively small one.
+ However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did not
+ hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_228" id="FNanchor_2_228"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_228" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Eulogius complains
+ that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the
+ customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove
+ her web in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful
+ silence." In this passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his
+ imagination, yet there must have been a certain amount of truth
+ in the main assertion, for he repeats it again and again.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_229" id="FNanchor_3_229"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_229" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who
+ seemed to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is
+ founded, who were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say,
+ in the presence of these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans,
+ under no compulsion, but of their own free will, spoken evil of
+ the martyrs of God? Have not the shepherds of Christ, the
+ teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots, priests, the chiefs of
+ our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly denounced the martyrs
+ of our Church as heretics?"<a name="FNanchor_4_230" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_230" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_227" id="Footnote_1_227"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_227"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
+ Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_228" id="Footnote_2_228"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_228"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4—"Omnes sacerdotes quos potuit
+ carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec.
+ 11*—"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis,
+ viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ...
+ privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind.
+ Lum.," secs. 14, 18—"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et
+ loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_229" id="Footnote_3_229"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_229"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16—"Eremitatem ecclesiarum, compeditionem
+ sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc tempore sacrificium
+ nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_230" id="Footnote_4_230"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_230"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order
+ forced them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's
+ palm by speaking evil of the Prophet.<a name="FNanchor_1_231" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_231" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Those who disobeyed were threatened with
+ unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless
+ scourgings.<a name="FNanchor_2_232" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_232" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> This last statement must be taken with
+ reservation, at least if put into the mouth of the Christian
+ party under Reccafredus. It is extremely unlikely that Christian
+ bishops and priests should have had recourse to such treatment of
+ their coreligionists: yet they had a spiritual weapon ready to
+ their hands, and they were not slow to use it. They
+ anathematised<a name="FNanchor_3_233" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_233" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> those who aided and abetted the zealots; and
+ Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of
+ excommunication.<a name="FNanchor_4_234" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_234" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_231" id="Footnote_1_231"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_231"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 15—"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam,
+ iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus
+ impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter
+ fecimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_232" id="Footnote_2_232"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_232"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12—"Duris
+ tormentis agitati, commoti sunt."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_233" id="Footnote_3_233"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_233"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28—"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi palaestram
+ discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia damnari
+ iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31—"Plerosque patres
+ anathematizantes talia patientes."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_234" id="Footnote_4_234"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_234"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if
+ not at the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close
+ concert with them. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_235" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_235" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> attributes all the evils which had befallen
+ the Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots,
+ and deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly
+ states that the King was urged, even bribed, to take measures
+ against the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_2_236" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_236" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> It is not likely that the King required much
+ persuading. Mohammed at least seems to have been thoroughly
+ frightened by the continued agitation against Mohammedanism. He
+ naturally suspected some political plot at the bottom of it; a
+ supposition which receives some countenance from the various
+ references in Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_237" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_237" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> to the martyrs as "Soldiers of God" bound to
+ war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted fact that
+ the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their
+ coreligionists at Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_4_238" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_238" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> However that may be, the King in 852 certainly
+ took counsel<a name="FNanchor_5_239" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_239" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> with his ministers, how the agitation should
+ be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand
+ council<a name="FNanchor_6_240" id="FNanchor_6_240"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_240" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of the Church, when
+ the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were in
+ consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to.
+ But Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts
+ all Christians, who held offices in the palace,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_241" id="FNanchor_7_241"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_241" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> or in connection with
+ the Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_242" id="FNanchor_8_242"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_242" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the royal bounty
+ usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all
+ churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to
+ those previously existing. He made a severe enactment against
+ those who reviled Mohammed.<a name="FNanchor_9_243" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_243" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> He even had in mind to banish all Christians
+ from his dominions.<a name="FNanchor_10_244" id=
+ "FNanchor_10_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_244" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a> This intention, together with the order
+ respecting the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to
+ the opportune revolt at Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_11_245" id=
+ "FNanchor_11_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_245" class=
+ "fnanchor">[11]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_235" id="Footnote_1_235"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_235"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ep. ad
+ Wilies, sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_236" id="Footnote_2_236"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_236"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_237" id="Footnote_3_237"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_237"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. 136.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_238" id="Footnote_4_238"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_238"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority, that he
+ incited them to revolt under Sindila.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_239" id="Footnote_5_239"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_239"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_240" id="Footnote_6_240"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_240"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Robertson
+ calls it a Conciliabulum.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_241" id="Footnote_7_241"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_241"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. § 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_242" id="Footnote_8_242"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_242"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Militares
+ pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_243" id="Footnote_9_243"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_243"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Eulog.
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv—"Tunc iam procul dubio enecandi nos
+ difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui temerarius
+ exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean that
+ Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice any
+ who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_244" id="Footnote_10_244"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_244"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"Moslemi ... omne regni sui, sicuti
+ cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur Christicolarum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_245" id="Footnote_11_245"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_245"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear
+ lest the intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the
+ Church in Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did
+ much at first to aggravate the hardships of the
+ Israelites.<a name="FNanchor_1_246" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_246" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> He ought not, therefore, to have been
+ surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor ought he
+ to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians
+ observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate;
+ and that the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and
+ exactions.<a name="FNanchor_2_247" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_247" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the
+ Bishop of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party
+ were broken up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding,
+ and only venturing abroad in disguise and at night—not, as
+ Eulogius is careful to add, from fear of death, but because the
+ high prize of martyrdom is not reserved for the unworthy many,
+ but for the worthy few.<a name="FNanchor_3_248" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_248" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_246" id="Footnote_1_246"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_246"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xvi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_247" id="Footnote_2_247"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_247"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"<i>Nunc</i> pro suo libito tantummodo
+ exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... <i>nunc</i> publicum
+ imponentes censum, <i>nunc</i> rebus nos abdicantes detrimentis
+ atterunt rerum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_248" id="Footnote_3_248"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_248"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14—"Quia indigni sumus martyrio, quod
+ quibusdam et non omnibus datum est."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Some even apostatized,<a name="FNanchor_1_249" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_249" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> while many of those who had applauded the
+ proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and
+ blamed them for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the
+ suffering Church for an early mansion in the skies.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_250" id="FNanchor_2_250"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_250" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Others, in order to
+ retain posts under Government, or to court favour with the King,
+ dissembled their religion, taking care not to pray, or make the
+ sign of the cross in public.<a name="FNanchor_3_251" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_251" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Eulogius himself was singled out at the
+ meeting of the King's Council by one of the royal secretaries,
+ Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_4_252"
+ id="FNanchor_4_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_252" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> as the ringleader of the new seditious
+ movement. This man was a very worldly-minded Christian,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_253" id="FNanchor_5_253"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_253" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and was, no doubt, at
+ this time, in fear of losing his lucrative office at Court, which
+ he had obtained by his remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in
+ fact, lose his post with all the other Christian officers of the
+ Court, but regained it by becoming a Moslem;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_254" id="FNanchor_6_254"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_254" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and such was the
+ ardour of the new proselyte that he was called "the dove of the
+ mosque."<a name="FNanchor_7_255" id="FNanchor_7_255"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_255" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the
+ party of which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former
+ writer, mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends
+ that it was merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken
+ figuratively; and he acknowledges that such hypocrisy was
+ unworthy of the prelates and officers assembled.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_256" id="FNanchor_8_256"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_256" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Is it not more
+ reasonable to suppose that Eulogius and his supporters voted for
+ it—as they seem to have done—with a mental reservation, while
+ their opponents honestly considered such a step necessary?
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_249" id="Footnote_1_249"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_249"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1—"Fidem praevaricantur, abdicant
+ religionem, Crucifixum detestantur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_250" id="Footnote_2_250"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_250"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his letter to Alvar
+ sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few remained firm to
+ their principles.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_251" id="Footnote_3_251"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_251"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9—"Cum palam coram ethnicis orationem non
+ faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non muniunt ...
+ Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis gratia, pro
+ vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia praeliantes."
+ Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta iussum Domini
+ tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae, caligosasque turres
+ crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium Deo offerens
+ vespertinum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_252" id="Footnote_4_252"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_252"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 18.
+ See above, p. 51.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_253" id="Footnote_5_253"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_253"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Ibn al
+ Kuttiya—apud Dozy, ii. 137.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_254" id="Footnote_6_254"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_254"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_255" id="Footnote_7_255"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_255"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 137.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_256" id="Footnote_8_256"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_256"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3—"Aliquid commentaremur, quod
+ ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet aures." The "praemissum
+ pontificate decretum" he calls "allegorice editum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2>
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3>
+ THE MUZARABES.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the
+ dubious martyrdoms which had for some years become so common,
+ though the spirit, which prompted the self-deluded victims, was
+ by no means stifled either in Spain or the adjoining
+ countries.<a name="FNanchor_1_257" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_257" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Yet the measures taken to put down the mania
+ for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for some
+ time.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians,
+ determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the
+ hands of the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related
+ hereafter, in several parts of Spain. After the battle of
+ Aguilar, or Polei, in 891, between the Arab and Spanish factions,
+ 1000 of the defeated Christians were given the choice of Islam or
+ death, and all, save one, chose the latter alternative.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_258" id="FNanchor_2_258"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_258" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a
+ few isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned
+ now. After the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_259" id="FNanchor_3_259"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_259" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> where Abdurrahman
+ defeated the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting
+ bishops, who were taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a
+ hostage for his own release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius.
+ The king, it is said, smitten with his beauty, wished to work his
+ abominable will upon the boy, but his advances being rejected
+ with disdain, the unhappy youth was put to death with great
+ barbarity, refusing to save his life by apostasy.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_260" id="FNanchor_4_260"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_260" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> A different version of
+ the story is given by a Saxon nun of Gaudersheim, named
+ Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty years later. She
+ tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who thereupon
+ struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by
+ decapitation (June 26, 925).<a name="FNanchor_5_261" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_261" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_257" id="Footnote_1_257"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_257"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Life
+ of Argentea," secs. 3, 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_258" id="Footnote_2_258"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_258"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 287.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_259" id="Footnote_3_259"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_259"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Val du
+ Junqueras, 920 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_260" id="Footnote_4_260"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_260"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes
+ Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257, disbelieves
+ this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii. 154, is
+ referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the king's
+ liking for a handsome Christian page.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_261" id="Footnote_5_261"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_261"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Sampiro,
+ secs. 26-28.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance
+ in Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter
+ of the great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,<a name="FNanchor_1_262" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_262" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and his wife Columba, and was born at that
+ chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar
+ wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar
+ had become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking
+ only for a quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for
+ martyrdom; and she wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes
+ inclined him in the same direction, suggesting that they should
+ seek the crown of martyrdom together.<a name="FNanchor_2_263" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_263" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman
+ in 928, she went to Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_3_264" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_264" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who
+ had been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a
+ virgin, with whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object
+ becoming known, Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of
+ the city. Argentea goes to visit him there, and is stopped by the
+ guards, who, finding she is a Christian, take her before the
+ judge as a renegade, and she is imprisoned with Vulfura. The
+ alternative of Islam instead of death being refused, they are
+ both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens rebellis," is
+ first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out. Her
+ body was buried at the church of the three saints.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the year 934<a name="FNanchor_4_265" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_265" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being
+ massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense
+ they can be regarded as martyrs to their faith.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_262" id="Footnote_1_262"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_262"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Who on
+ becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel. Florez, x. p.
+ 564, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_263" id="Footnote_2_263"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_263"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See "Life
+ of Argentea," by an anonymous author.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_264" id="Footnote_3_264"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_264"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_265" id="Footnote_4_265"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_265"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may have occurred
+ in 893.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_266" id="FNanchor_1_266"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_266" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and thirty years
+ later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab
+ rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken
+ prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and
+ a-half in prison.<a name="FNanchor_2_267" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_267" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> They were then brought out and put to death,
+ just when Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom
+ them.<a name="FNanchor_3_268" id="FNanchor_3_268"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_268" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a
+ persecution of the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and
+ the statements of those writers who intimate the contrary may be
+ set aside as unsupported by evidence.<a name="FNanchor_4_269" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_269" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian
+ Church and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially—for
+ our information is greatest as to those periods—under the two
+ kings Abdurrahman II. and III.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the
+ Christians, until the persecution, which they themselves
+ provoked, began, was very tolerable, and the majority of the
+ Christians were quite content with their lot. They served in the
+ army, both free men and slaves; they held lucrative posts at
+ Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as government
+ officials. But though the lay community was well off, the clergy
+ and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the
+ Church<a name="FNanchor_5_270" id="FNanchor_5_270"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_270" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> could not be said to
+ be free, though the worship was, since the power of summoning
+ councils had now passed to the Arab executive, who, as we have
+ seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils. Sees were
+ also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not
+ unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing
+ the emoluments, of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_6_271" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_271" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_266" id="Footnote_1_266"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_266"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Schott.,
+ iv. 246.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_267" id="Footnote_2_267"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_267"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Rohrbacher, xii. 192.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_268" id="Footnote_3_268"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_268"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Charter,
+ apud Florez, xiv. 397.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_269" id="Footnote_4_269"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_269"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of John Servus Dei,
+ Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard to the late
+ martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been written in
+ 937.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_270" id="Footnote_5_270"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_270"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 47.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_271" id="Footnote_6_271"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_271"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin
+ throughout the country, and even before the ninth century the
+ Scriptures were translated into the tongue of the conquerors
+ <a name="FNanchor_1_272" id="FNanchor_1_272"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_272" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by Odoarius, Bishop of
+ Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use
+ of any language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to
+ use Arabic Gospels;<a name="FNanchor_2_273" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_273" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted
+ to write in Latin.<a name="FNanchor_3_274" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_274" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Even if this statement be doubtful, we know
+ that Latin came gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar
+ utters an eloquent protest against this: "Alas, the Christians
+ are ignorant of their own tongue, and Latins neglect their
+ language, so that in all the College of Christ<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_275" id="FNanchor_4_275"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_275" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> there is scarcely to
+ be found one who can write an address of welcome to his brother
+ intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found competent to
+ mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_276" id="FNanchor_5_276"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_276" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In the department of
+ poetry—the peculiar boast of the Arabs—the Christians seem even
+ to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two
+ nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance
+ of native ballads of which Spain can boast.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of
+ Latin, by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that
+ language; but it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result.
+ We can see from the remains of the Spanish writers which we
+ possess that the structure of that language had considerably
+ degenerated in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_6_277" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_277" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_272" id="Footnote_1_272"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_272"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy,
+ "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_273" id="Footnote_2_273"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_273"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
+ 60.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_274" id="Footnote_3_274"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_274"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 239.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_275" id="Footnote_4_275"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_275"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Omni
+ Christi collegio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_276" id="Footnote_5_276"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_276"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_277" id="Footnote_6_277"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_277"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
+ Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand, writes
+ wonderfully good Latin.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely
+ intelligible. Moreover, we find Samson<a name="FNanchor_1_278"
+ id="FNanchor_1_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_278" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of
+ Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of
+ Orleans (839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself
+ a Spaniard, of the same defect.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing
+ indifference to the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated
+ Christians being led to devote their time, which might have been
+ more profitably spent on their own Scriptures, to becoming
+ acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and even to unravelling
+ the intricacies of the controversial theology which had grown up
+ round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the
+ Koran.<a name="FNanchor_2_279" id="FNanchor_2_279"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_279" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The great Fathers of
+ the Church were laid aside unread, and even the Prophets and
+ Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to study them. While
+ the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the lower were
+ sunk in poverty<a name="FNanchor_3_280" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_280" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_4_281" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_281" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> The inevitable result of this indifference,
+ ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration in the
+ character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too
+ many proofs.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_278" id="Footnote_1_278"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_278"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," c. vii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_279" id="Footnote_2_279"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_279"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35—"Ac dum illorum sacramenta inquirimus, et
+ philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum convincendis
+ erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione luculenter
+ diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus laicis
+ invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina
+ quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis
+ Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur
+ amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae
+ diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione
+ praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum
+ avidissime tractunt?"
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_280" id="Footnote_3_280"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_280"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
+ xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31; and for the
+ condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle, "Hist. of
+ Civiliz.," i. 443.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_281" id="Footnote_4_281"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_281"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy
+ (l.l.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop
+ of Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to
+ low and unworthy people;<a name="FNanchor_1_282" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_282" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova,
+ with obtaining his bishopric by bribery.<a name="FNanchor_2_283"
+ id="FNanchor_2_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_283" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Other irregularities imputed to Hostegesis
+ were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary to
+ the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to
+ extort money from them, till they died under his hands.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of
+ unworthy men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had
+ to endure in silence,<a name="FNanchor_3_284" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_284" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> many were informally ordained without vouchers
+ for character being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy
+ and flocks being obtained.<a name="FNanchor_4_285" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_285" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle
+ of two rival pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from
+ the Fathers.<a name="FNanchor_5_286" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_286" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no
+ authority could be alleged, in contravention of established
+ custom and the teaching of the Church. So far was this carried
+ that Samson was accused by his opponents of being a heretic and
+ an idolator because he permitted the marriage of cousins;
+ dissented from the view that God was ever enclosed in the
+ chambers of the Virgin's heart;<a name="FNanchor_6_287" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_287" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> asserted the omnipresence of God, even in
+ idols and the Devil, and this in an actual, not a metaphysical,
+ sense;<a name="FNanchor_7_288" id="FNanchor_7_288"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_288" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and denied that God
+ sat upon an exalted throne above his creatures. From this it is
+ clear that Hostegesis and those who thought with him<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_289" id="FNanchor_8_289"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_289" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> were infected with the
+ anthropomorphite heresy.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_282" id="Footnote_1_282"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_282"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_283" id="Footnote_2_283"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_283"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See
+ "Letter to Saul," sec. 3—"Poterant enim quovis asserente
+ canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari, si
+ quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis
+ exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on
+ the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_284" id="Footnote_3_284"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_284"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_285" id="Footnote_4_285"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_285"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar ad
+ Saulum, sec. 3—"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia clericorum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_286" id="Footnote_5_286"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_286"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_287" id="Footnote_6_287"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_287"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.—"Cubiculum cordis Virginei."
+ This appears to be a quotation from the Gothic liturgy.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_288" id="Footnote_7_288"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_288"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Per
+ substantiam, non per subtilitatem."—<i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_289" id="Footnote_8_289"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_289"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Romanus
+ and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their
+ depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the
+ produce of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with
+ difficulty extorted from his flock,<a name="FNanchor_1_290" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_290" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> in bribing the court officials and the king's
+ sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was
+ indulged in.<a name="FNanchor_2_291" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_291" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The clergy were not above pretending illness
+ in order to avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem
+ rulers.<a name="FNanchor_3_292" id="FNanchor_3_292"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_292" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Some, even in the
+ highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and
+ apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel,
+ Bishop of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a
+ pervert's zeal, persecuted the Church he had deserted,
+ imprisoning the clergy, taxing his former flock, and even forcing
+ some to embrace Islam.<a name="FNanchor_4_293" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_293" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were
+ sometimes deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the
+ hands of a hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his
+ pretended heresy; and, similarly, Valentius,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_294" id="FNanchor_5_294"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_294" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Bishop of Cordova, was
+ deprived of his see because he was a supporter of Samson. But
+ these instances reflect more discredit on the deposers than on
+ their victims. Instances of deposition are not wanting, in the
+ free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh Bishop of Compostella
+ (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute living, and
+ malversation of Church moneys.<a name="FNanchor_6_295" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_295" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> On the king's death he recovered his see,
+ driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of Compostella,
+ suffered the same punishment.<a name="FNanchor_7_296" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_296" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_290" id="Footnote_1_290"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_290"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ offering of one-third for the Church was refused to Hostegesis
+ as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it, "suis
+ codicibus institutis."—Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_291" id="Footnote_2_291"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_291"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> The state of the Church in the North was not much
+ better. See Yonge, p. 86.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_292" id="Footnote_3_292"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_292"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild
+ de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_293" id="Footnote_4_293"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_293"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson,
+ Pref. ii. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_294" id="Footnote_5_294"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_294"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Succeeded
+ Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_295" id="Footnote_6_295"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_295"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana,
+ viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey, "Chronicle of
+ the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_296" id="Footnote_7_296"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_296"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Mariana
+ (1.1.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and
+ when Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of
+ Burgundy, and her spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were
+ horrified at the laxity in morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic
+ Christians. Their addiction to poetry and natural science was
+ regarded with suspicious aversion, and the pork-eating,
+ circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_297" id="FNanchor_1_297"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_297" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> contracted from an
+ intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many marks of
+ the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars in
+ Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor
+ Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet
+ we are told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring
+ churches in the territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up
+ again the ordinances of the Goths, as formerly observed at
+ Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_2_298" id="FNanchor_2_298"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_298" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of
+ extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002)
+ swept yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating
+ tempest.<a name="FNanchor_3_299" id="FNanchor_3_299"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_299" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Fifty-two victorious
+ campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead against the
+ infidels.<a name="FNanchor_4_300" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_300" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his
+ arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a
+ time left desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried
+ off to Cordova to serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not,
+ therefore, surprised to find that there were many bishops in the
+ North who had lost their sees; and this was the case even before
+ the tenth century, for a bishop named Sabaricus, being driven
+ from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of Mindumetum by
+ Alfonso III. in 867,<a name="FNanchor_5_301" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_301" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> and twenty years later a bishop named
+ Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_302" id="FNanchor_6_302"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_302" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the
+ Christian Church should be hostile to one another, but it is
+ surprising to find—as we do find in some cases—the latter making
+ common cause with the Arabs in ill-treating their
+ fellow-countrymen and coreligionists. Thus, as we have seen,
+ Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular arm,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_303" id="FNanchor_7_303"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_303" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> beat and imprisoned
+ the clergy for withholding from him the Church tithes, dragging
+ them through the city naked, with a crier crying before
+ them:—"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their
+ tithes to their bishop."<a name="FNanchor_8_304" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_304" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> Bishops were even found to make episcopal
+ visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the
+ intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in
+ their names to the civil power for the purpose of
+ taxation.<a name="FNanchor_9_305" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_305" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> Others obtained from the Arabs the privilege
+ of farming the revenues derived from Christian taxation, and
+ cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.<a name="FNanchor_10_306"
+ id="FNanchor_10_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_306" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_297" id="Footnote_1_297"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_297"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the Arabs not
+ to wash. See Conde, i. 203—"It is related of these people of
+ Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild beasts, and
+ never wash either their persons or their garments."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_298" id="Footnote_2_298"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_298"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Albeld.," sec. 58—"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto fuerat
+ statuit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_299" id="Footnote_3_299"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_299"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Silense," sec. 72—"Eadem tempestate in Hispania omnis divinus
+ cultus periit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_300" id="Footnote_4_300"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_300"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was not
+ defeated in his last battle, as is generally stated in
+ histories.—See Al Makkari, ii. 197.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_301" id="Footnote_5_301"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_301"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Florez,
+ "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_302" id="Footnote_6_302"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_302"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 244.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_303" id="Footnote_7_303"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_303"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
+ "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_304" id="Footnote_8_304"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_304"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_305" id="Footnote_9_305"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_305"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_306" id="Footnote_10_306"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_306"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eul.,
+ 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not
+ instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was
+ the son of a serf of the Church,<a name="FNanchor_1_307" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_307" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and married a cousin of Hostegesis.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_308" id="FNanchor_2_308"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_308" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instead of championing
+ the cause of the Christians, as his position should have impelled
+ him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction as to call
+ them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to
+ Christianity—a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those
+ who held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied
+ blackmail on the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the
+ bodies of martyrs from under the altars of churches, and, showing
+ them to the king, to remind him that it had been forbidden to
+ Christians to bury their martyrs.<a name="FNanchor_3_309" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_309" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis
+ against Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of
+ inciting the fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should
+ be tested with this dilemma. They should be asked whether what
+ the revilers said were true or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let
+ them be punished as well as the reviler; if 'false,' bid them
+ slay the man themselves; refusing which, you will know that they
+ have aided and abetted him to abuse your Prophet. In that case,
+ give me permission, and I will slay the three myself."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_310" id="FNanchor_4_310"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_310" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_307" id="Footnote_1_307"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_307"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 268.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_308" id="Footnote_2_308"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_308"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_309" id="Footnote_3_309"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_309"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson,
+ 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_310" id="Footnote_4_310"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_310"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of
+ timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing,
+ deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was
+ killed at Polei(?)—Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab
+ name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the
+ Arabs.—See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and
+ national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be
+ worth while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded,
+ that we may contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was
+ one of the most characteristic features of the Old Church in
+ Spain that it was united so closely with the civil power as
+ almost to render the Government of Spain a theocracy. This
+ intimate connection of Church and State was naturally overthrown
+ by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing how useful
+ such institutions as general councils were likely to be in
+ adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both
+ allowed purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their
+ jurisdiction, and also summoned others in which they took part
+ themselves, together with Jews, to the great scandal of the
+ stricter Christians.<a name="FNanchor_1_311" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_311" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at
+ Seville by Elipandus<a name="FNanchor_2_312" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_312" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> to condemn the errors of Migetius; and
+ another, held by Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of
+ Egila, bishop of Elvira.<a name="FNanchor_3_313" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_313" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Whether Egila abjured his error is not known,
+ but it is certain that he remained bishop.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have
+ held a council, whereat he renounced his own error of
+ Adoptionism.<a name="FNanchor_4_314" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_314" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_311" id="Footnote_1_311"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_311"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We even
+ find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova had Moslem
+ names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii. 162), and
+ Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_312" id="Footnote_2_312"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_312"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The exact
+ date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_313" id="Footnote_3_313"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_313"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo
+ Luitprand," sec. 236, says—"Ad concilium ex omnibus Hispaniae
+ partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian I.'s Letter to the
+ bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is known of this Egila,
+ nor is it certain of what see he was the bishop.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_314" id="Footnote_4_314"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_314"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See below,
+ p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly
+ political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen
+ how Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the
+ Moslem authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the
+ fanatical party among the Christians; and we have a more
+ particular account of another, which was held by Hostegesis,
+ Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of Cordova.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_315" id="FNanchor_1_315"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_315" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> This council seems to
+ have had some connection with the preceding one under
+ Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and unscrupulous opponent
+ of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was their devoted
+ supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as to
+ suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of
+ heresy<a name="FNanchor_2_316" id="FNanchor_2_316"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_316" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and sacrilege, as has
+ been already mentioned. Hostegesis forced his views on the
+ assembled bishops by the help of the secular arm, and a sentence
+ of anathema and deposition was accordingly pronounced against the
+ unfortunate Abbot.<a name="FNanchor_3_317" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_317" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of the apparently consenting bishops was
+ Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement had evidently
+ been coerced, for after the close of the council he sounded the
+ other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as to
+ their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm
+ Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect
+ This action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of
+ deposition, and he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_318" id="FNanchor_4_318"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_318" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>—the election of the
+ latter being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted
+ thereat,<a name="FNanchor_5_319" id="FNanchor_5_319"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_319" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and neither the clergy
+ nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his favour.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_315" id="Footnote_1_315"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_315"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_316" id="Footnote_2_316"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_316"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> On the
+ ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio quam
+ similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed
+ creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely
+ qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_317" id="Footnote_3_317"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_317"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae fascibus
+ sedentium."—<i>Ibid</i>. Samson was rendered incapable of
+ holding office, or even of belonging to the
+ Church.—<i>Ibid</i>.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_318" id="Footnote_4_318"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_318"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In 864.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_319" id="Footnote_5_319"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_319"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 8.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council,
+ held at the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who
+ had sided with Valentius, but were now terrified into submission,
+ being in attendance; while the places of those who refused to
+ come were taken by Jews and Moslems.<a name="FNanchor_1_320" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_320" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an
+ open rupture in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_2_321" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_321" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful
+ authority) by Orontius of Toledo,<a name="FNanchor_3_322" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_322" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova.
+ These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade
+ Khalifs of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_323" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_323" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_320" id="Footnote_1_320"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_320"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sayones
+ (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_321" id="Footnote_2_321"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_321"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_322" id="Footnote_3_322"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_322"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo
+ Luit," sec. 328.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_323" id="Footnote_4_323"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_323"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> sec. 341.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked
+ upon as the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the
+ throne when quite a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the
+ sons of the late Sultan, he found the country torn by innumerable
+ factions, and the king's power openly defied by rebels, Arab,
+ Berber, and Christian. In person, and through his generals, he
+ put down all these rebels, and though not uniformly successful
+ against the Christians in the North, yet he defeated them in a
+ series of great engagements.<a name="FNanchor_1_324" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_324" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> He welded all the discordant elements under
+ his rule into one great whole,<a name="FNanchor_2_325" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_325" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> thereby giving the Arab domination in Spain
+ another lease of life. In 929 he took the title of Amir al
+ Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His alliance was sought by
+ the Emperor of the East,<a name="FNanchor_3_326" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_326" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and he treated on equal terms with the Emperor
+ of Germany and the King of France. To this great king, with more
+ truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be applied the
+ words of Miss Yonge:—<a name="FNanchor_4_327" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_327" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on
+ the character of Solomon—large-hearted, wise, magnificent,
+ tolerant, and peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern,
+ ascetic, narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were
+ the exquisite horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices,
+ inlaid jewellery of marble pavements, and slender minarets, to
+ their dark vault-like, low-browed churches, and solid castles
+ built out of hard unmanageable granite."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_324" id="Footnote_1_324"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_324"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mutonia
+ (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_325" id="Footnote_2_325"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_325"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 351, from an Arab writer.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_326" id="Footnote_3_326"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_326"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> A very
+ interesting account of this embassy from Constantine VII. (947)
+ is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn Khaldun.—-See Conde,
+ i. 442.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_327" id="Footnote_4_327"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_327"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> P. 57.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we
+ saw in Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian
+ renegade, still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the
+ throne; and his treatment of Christians was, throughout his
+ reign, tolerant and politic.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very
+ interesting fragment that has come down to our own times,
+ describing the embassy of a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an
+ abbey near Metz, who carried letters from Otho, emperor of
+ Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.<a name="FNanchor_1_328" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_328" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop
+ who had been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to
+ have caused a delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter
+ contained blasphemies against Christ, it was determined to write
+ a reply in the king's name, such as might perhaps convince
+ Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A certain bishop, Adalbero,
+ was appointed to be at the head of the return embassy,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_329" id="FNanchor_2_329"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_329" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and he asks the abbot
+ of the monastery of Gorz to give him two assistants. Two are
+ chosen, but one of these quarrels with his superior, and is
+ expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself as a
+ substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with
+ great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent
+ longing to be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_328" id="Footnote_1_328"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_328"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Vita
+ Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot of Arnulph.
+ "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_329" id="Footnote_2_329"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_329"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 953.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors
+ reached the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova,
+ where they were assigned a house two miles from the palace, and,
+ though well entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as
+ the Moorish ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an
+ answer, Otho's messengers would have to wait nine years.
+ Moreover, they now discovered that the king had been already
+ apprised of the contents of the letter, which Otho had sent, by a
+ comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom John and his
+ companions had taken with them to Barcelona.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them
+ not to divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them
+ liable to punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would
+ consider blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John,
+ the Bishop of Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they
+ should carry their gifts to the king, and say nothing of the
+ letter. But John of Gorz stoutly refused to do this, saying that
+ the delivery of the letter was his chief duty, and that as
+ Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not be
+ surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John
+ of Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the
+ Christians stood, viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he
+ said, "by the apostle to resist the powers that be. In our
+ calamity, we have this one consolation, we are allowed to observe
+ our own laws and rites, and our rulers, if they see us diligent
+ in our religion, honour us, cherish us, and delight in our
+ society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion, then,
+ suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other
+ things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter
+ should be suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian
+ community, and no good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf
+ ears. The monk of Gorz was resolved on doing what he deemed his
+ plain duty; nor was he content to forego his chance of martyrdom,
+ though his action might entail disastrous consequences on the
+ Christians subject to the Moors. He taunted the bishop with
+ giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better die of hunger than
+ eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at the fact
+ that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from certain
+ meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the
+ bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the
+ Saracens.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter
+ forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience,
+ leaving them to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955,
+ however, the king sent to them, and asked if they held firm to
+ their previous resolve, and on receiving an answer in the
+ affirmative, he threatened all the Christians in his dominions
+ with loss of privileges and even death. John of Gorz merely
+ answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but the
+ latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who
+ remind him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would
+ interfere in favour of his ambassadors.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that
+ Abdurrahman should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for
+ instructions for his ambassadors under the circumstances.
+ Recemundus,<a name="FNanchor_1_330" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_330" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> a Christian, offers to go as ambassador, if a
+ vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He sets out and
+ reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh letter, with
+ instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an alliance
+ with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting
+ down the brigands who infested the marches.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_330" id="Footnote_1_330"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_330"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
+ Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with Rabi,
+ a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III. in Al
+ Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the bishop who
+ died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De Gayangos
+ (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he
+ reached Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive
+ the second comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So,
+ after three years semi-captivity, John is released, and told to
+ prepare himself for the king's presence by shaving, washing, and
+ putting on new apparel. He declines to go in any otherwise than
+ he is; and even when the king, thinking his refusal due to
+ poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk accepts the gift and
+ distributes it to the poor, but says he will only see the king as
+ a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come as he
+ likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the
+ king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps
+ of the palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour
+ lined both sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king,
+ as a great mark of distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss,
+ and beckoned him to a seat near his own couch. After a silence
+ Abdurrahman apologised to the monk for the long delay which he
+ had been obliged to impose on the embassy, and which was in no
+ sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose virtue and wisdom
+ he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was no mere
+ empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him
+ whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words,
+ and they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to
+ depart Abdurrahman says:—"After waiting so long to see one
+ another, shall we part so soon?" He suggests that they should
+ have at least three interviews. At their next meeting they
+ discourse on the respective power of the empires of Otho and the
+ Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by the experience of
+ Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal subjects to
+ become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so
+ pleasant a light on the character and the Court of the greatest
+ of Spanish Sultans, and proves that the Christians at that time
+ enjoyed considerable freedom, and even honour, at the hands of
+ the Moslem Government.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter
+ brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read
+ words against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render
+ himself liable to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law
+ to any Moslem—king or slave—who listened to abuse of the Prophet
+ without exacting summary vengeance from the blasphemer. But—and
+ here was the king's dilemma—he could not punish the ambassadors
+ without incurring the enmity of Otho. The only possible
+ alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho should be asked
+ to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan having
+ officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation
+ of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the
+ threat against the Christians as merely a threat, never really
+ intended to be put into execution.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the
+ Spanish khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions
+ of Islam; but, as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been
+ very inconsistent in his views with regard to Christians and Jews
+ at different times of his career, and while he enjoined the
+ necessity of Holy Wars,<a name="FNanchor_1_331" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_331" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> he permitted the people of the book to be
+ admitted to tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_332" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_332" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> In one passage he even seems to allow the
+ possibility of salvation to Jews, Christians, and Sabians:
+ "Verily they who believe, and those who Judaize, and the Sabians,
+ and the Christians—whoever of these believeth in God and the last
+ day, and doeth that which is right—there shall come no fear on
+ them, neither shall they be grieved."<a name="FNanchor_3_333" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_333" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> And there is one remarkable text to find in
+ the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no violence in religion."
+ <a name="FNanchor_4_334" id="FNanchor_4_334"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_334" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived
+ upheld the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the
+ Persian Sufis, is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for
+ me, to judge of men's consciences, and I will never interfere
+ with what belongs to the tribunal of the great Creator and Lord
+ of the Universe."<a name="FNanchor_5_335" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_335" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Again, Akbar, one of the greatest kings that
+ ever lived, followed in practice the principle thus expressed by
+ his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution after all defeats its own
+ ends; it obliges men to conceal their opinions, but produces no
+ change in them."<a name="FNanchor_6_336" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_336" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Noble sentiments surely, and such as we should
+ expect from followers of Christ rather than of Mohammed!
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_331" id="Footnote_1_331"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_331"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Tradition
+ attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to Mohammed than
+ can be found in the Koran,—<i>e.g.</i>, "The sword is the key
+ of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause of God,
+ a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two months of
+ fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against the
+ infidel, his sins are forgiven him."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_332" id="Footnote_2_332"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_332"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Koran,
+ xlvii., ad init.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_333" id="Footnote_3_333"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_333"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, v.,
+ v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of Acts x. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_334" id="Footnote_4_334"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_334"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran,
+ ii., v. 258.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_335" id="Footnote_5_335"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_335"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See
+ Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia," i. p
+ 583.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_336" id="Footnote_6_336"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_336"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been
+ conspicuous for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin,
+ indeed, does say in his letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester,
+ that he does not approve of punishing heresy with death, because
+ God, by the mouth of His prophet, had said: "I have no pleasure
+ in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way
+ and live;"<a name="FNanchor_1_337" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_337" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> but Alcuin was a man of unusual mildness and
+ sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus
+ testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in
+ the Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in
+ connection with the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to
+ be forgotten—"Slay all; God will know His own."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the
+ Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a
+ principal argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of
+ Valencia in his memorial to Philip III. at the end of the
+ sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_2_338" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_338" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded
+ by Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by
+ Alfonso, on the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of
+ capitulation certain mosques had been expressly reserved to the
+ Moslems, just in the same way as certain churches had been
+ reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712. But Bernard, by way
+ of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance of the
+ king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque.
+ Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's
+ proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing
+ that the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct,
+ came forward of their own accord and begged him to pardon the
+ act, and even voluntarily surrendered their mosque.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_339" id="FNanchor_3_339"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_339" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion,
+ but even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_340" id="FNanchor_4_340"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_340" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Almanzor, the champion
+ of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays.
+ Christians in every reign held high posts at court<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_341" id="FNanchor_5_341"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_341" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and throughout the
+ land, and not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and
+ Leovigild, who were known to sympathise with the party of
+ zealots, were employed by the king to write letters to, and
+ negotiate with, the neighbouring kings. This was no doubt due to
+ their general trustworthiness, their quickness, and their
+ knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_337" id="Footnote_1_337"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_337"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ezekiel
+ xxxiii. 11.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_338" id="Footnote_2_338"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_338"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_339" id="Footnote_3_339"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_339"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mariana,
+ ix. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_340" id="Footnote_4_340"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_340"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 57.
+ Recent history affords a similar instance from the Christian
+ side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54—"I have made them
+ make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 249, "I
+ had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship, and
+ endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at the
+ opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha who
+ took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the Mussulman
+ worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable, if sincere,
+ as any Christian."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_341" id="Footnote_5_341"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_341"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Such as
+ secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the
+ office of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the
+ office of protection." The Christians and Jews were under his
+ general jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the
+ protection."<a name="FNanchor_1_342" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_342" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But besides this Arab "Secretary of State for
+ the Christians," the latter had their own counts—a relic of the
+ Gothic system—who, however, did not always stand up for their
+ interests.<a name="FNanchor_2_343" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_343" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> There were also Christian censors,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_344" id="FNanchor_3_344"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_344" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but it is not known
+ what position they held in the State.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at
+ Court, and numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's
+ bodyguard, of whom under Hakem I. (796-822) there were
+ 2000.<a name="FNanchor_4_345" id="FNanchor_4_345"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_345" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_342" id="Footnote_1_342"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_342"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_343" id="Footnote_2_343"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_343"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>E.g.</i>. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_344" id="Footnote_3_344"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_344"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 49.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_345" id="Footnote_4_345"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_345"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ p. 260.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two
+ peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion,
+ lived so comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a
+ perpetual state of warfare between the Arabs and the Christians
+ in the North, which tended to keep alive the animosities of the
+ two races in that part of Spain which was under Mohammedan
+ rule.<a name="FNanchor_1_346" id="FNanchor_1_346"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_346" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover, the pride of
+ race was very strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet
+ Said ibn Djoud, in a poem called the "battle of the town"
+ (Polei), boasts that the conquerors are of the pure race of Adnan
+ and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture; while he calls the
+ defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false
+ faith,<a name="FNanchor_2_347" id="FNanchor_2_347"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_347" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sons of the
+ pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too prone to look
+ upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as mere
+ canaille.<a name="FNanchor_3_348" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_348" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated;
+ and Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of
+ fanaticism in the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation
+ would have had serious results for Christianity in Spain.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_349" id="FNanchor_4_349"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_349" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free
+ Christian States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same,
+ when political occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of
+ the frontier cities sought to make themselves independent by what
+ the Arab writer describes as "vile policy and unworthy acts,"
+ <i>i.e.</i>, by seeking the friendship of the Christian
+ kings;<a name="FNanchor_5_350" id="FNanchor_5_350"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_350" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and there are many
+ instances of these kings asking aid, even servilely, from Arab
+ princes.<a name="FNanchor_6_351" id="FNanchor_6_351"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_351" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_346" id="Footnote_1_346"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_346"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 108, puts the distinction between the races very forcibly:—"Ce
+ peuple qui joignait à une gaité franche et vive une sensualité
+ raffinée devait inspirer aux prêtres, qui aimaient les
+ retraites éternelles et profondes, les grands renoncéments et
+ les terribles expiations, une répugnance extrême et
+ invincible."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_347" id="Footnote_2_347"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_347"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 223.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_348" id="Footnote_3_348"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_348"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "C'était
+ leur terme consacrée." Dozy, ii. 211.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_349" id="Footnote_4_349"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_349"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Heu pro
+ dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus, iugumque cum
+ infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex cotidiano usu
+ illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis ipsorum
+ contubernia affectamus."—Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_350" id="Footnote_5_350"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_350"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.," sec. 30.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_351" id="Footnote_6_351"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_351"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case,
+ intermarriages were common between the two races. The example was
+ early set by the widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying
+ Abdulaziz, son of Musa. The sons of Witiza also married Arab
+ women, and Sarah, the daughter of one of these princes, was the
+ progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs, one of her descendants
+ being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means son of the
+ Gothic princess.<a name="FNanchor_1_352" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_352" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all the
+ Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named
+ Maria,<a name="FNanchor_2_353" id="FNanchor_2_353"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_353" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the mighty
+ Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade
+ Christian.<a name="FNanchor_3_354" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_354" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> These are some instances, but it is not
+ necessary to dwell on what was so common an occurrence as
+ intermarriage between the peoples, and is forbidden neither by
+ the Koran,<a name="FNanchor_4_355" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_355" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> nor by the Bible.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a
+ more particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been
+ supposed to have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute
+ of 100 maidens paid by the northern kings to the earlier Arab
+ Sultans. Modern historians mostly throw doubt upon the story,
+ saying that of the early historians none mention it, and that the
+ Arabs do not even allude to it.<a name="FNanchor_5_356" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_356" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> But if Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer
+ does speak of it, as of a thing well known. In a letter of
+ Omar<a name="FNanchor_6_357" id="FNanchor_6_357"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_357" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> ibn Alaftas Almudafar,
+ King of Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:—"Do
+ thou remember the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy
+ mind those treaties wherein thy forefathers offered him the
+ homage even of their own daughters, and sent him those damsels in
+ tribute even to the land of our rule."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_352" id="Footnote_1_352"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_352"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_353" id="Footnote_2_353"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_353"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 364.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_354" id="Footnote_3_354"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_354"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 124.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_355" id="Footnote_4_355"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_355"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, v.
+ 5:—"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those that have
+ received the Scriptures before you."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_356" id="Footnote_5_356"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_356"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dunham,
+ ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_357" id="Footnote_6_357"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_357"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn Mohammed etc ibn
+ Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient ballads by
+ the Christian Spaniards. The following are two verses from one of
+ these:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"For he who gives the Moorish
+ king a hundred maids of Spain</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Each year when in the season the
+ day comes round again;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">If he be not a heathen he swells
+ the heathen's train—</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">'Twere better burn a kingdom than
+ suffer such disdain!</span>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"If the Moslems must have
+ tribute, make men your tribute-money,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Send idle drones to tease them
+ within their hives of honey;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For, when 'tis paid with maidens,
+ from every maid there spring</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Some five or six strong soldiers
+ to serve the Moorish king."<a name="FNanchor_1_358" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_358" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a></span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to
+ him was on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is
+ strong for a fact of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much
+ against the writers of the ballads.<a name="FNanchor_2_359" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_359" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no
+ mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca
+ and the Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to
+ it in a document included in the collection of Florez.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_360" id="FNanchor_3_360"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_360" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Our ancestors," says
+ Ramiro, "the kings of the land—we blush to record it—to free
+ themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them
+ yearly a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for
+ their beauty, fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people."
+ It was to put an end to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now
+ ordered a levy <i>en masse</i>. This, if the document is genuine
+ (and Florez gives no hint to the contrary), is good evidence for
+ the fact. Many succeeding writers mention it. Lucas of
+ Tuy<a name="FNanchor_4_361" id="FNanchor_4_361"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_361" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> says that Ramiro was
+ asked for the tribute in 842. Johannes Vasaeus<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_362" id="FNanchor_5_362"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_362" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> speaks of it, as also
+ Alfonso, Bishop of Burgos;<a name="FNanchor_6_363" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_363" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_364" id="FNanchor_7_364"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_364" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> says that Mauregatus
+ (783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help,
+ agreed to send this tribute yearly.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden
+ tribute being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for
+ more than fifty years. Most of these Christian maidens probably
+ embraced the religion of their husbands, but in some cases they
+ no doubt converted them to their own faith.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere,
+ conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives
+ of worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall
+ very much against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power
+ declined the opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy
+ was, and is, unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances
+ for those who apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his
+ followers, Ammar ibn Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish,
+ renounced his belief in God and in Mohammed's mission, but
+ afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed received him
+ kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of thine,
+ if they forced thee?"<a name="FNanchor_8_365" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_365" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_358" id="Footnote_1_358"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_358"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lockhart.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_359" id="Footnote_2_359"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_359"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Unless the
+ ballads were written later than 1250—<i>i.e.</i>, after Rodrigo
+ of Toledo had made the story known by his history.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_360" id="Footnote_3_360"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_360"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Espana
+ Sagrada," xix. 329—"Privilegiam quod dicitur votoram, anno 844
+ a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi concessae."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_361" id="Footnote_4_361"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_361"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Lucas
+ Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_362" id="Footnote_5_362"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_362"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Hispaniae
+ Chronicon," 783 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_363" id="Footnote_6_363"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_363"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_364" id="Footnote_7_364"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_364"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> III. c. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_365" id="Footnote_8_365"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_365"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran,
+ xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE MUWALLADS.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very
+ numerous at first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that
+ the new converts formed a large and important party in the State,
+ and almost succeeded in wresting the government of Spain from the
+ Arabs. The disorder and civil war which may almost be said to
+ have been chronic in Spain during the Arab dominion were due to
+ the fact that three distinct races settled in that country were
+ striving for the mastery, each of these races being itself
+ divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split
+ up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the
+ descendants of Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and
+ Medina, who claimed descent from Adnan.<a name="FNanchor_1_366"
+ id="FNanchor_1_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_366" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> To the latter section belonged the reigning
+ family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as
+ the real conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently
+ reinforced by fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile
+ tribes of Botar and Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards,
+ part Christian, part Mohammedan; the latter being either
+ renegades themselves or the descendants of renegades. These
+ apostates were called by the Arabs Mosalimah, or New
+ Moslems,<a name="FNanchor_2_367" id="FNanchor_2_367"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_367" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and their descendants
+ Muwallads,<a name="FNanchor_3_368" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_368" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> or those not of Arabic origin. The Christians
+ were either tribute-paying Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or
+ free Christians, under Moslem supremacy, called Ajemi;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_369" id="FNanchor_4_369"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_369" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or apostates from
+ Islam,<a name="FNanchor_5_370" id="FNanchor_5_370"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_370" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> called Muraddin. The
+ Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the equality
+ and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the utmost
+ contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.<a name="FNanchor_6_371" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_371" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Their condition was even worse than that of
+ the Christians, for they were, generally speaking, excluded from
+ lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs—a
+ dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the
+ population.<a name="FNanchor_7_372" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_372" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> Stronger and more humane than the Berbers,
+ they were friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they
+ were even superior to the conquering Arabs.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_373" id="FNanchor_8_373"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_373" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by
+ religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with
+ another, and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were
+ the mainstay of the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After
+ breaking with the Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining
+ possession of the whole kingdom, and carried fire and desolation
+ to the very gates of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_9_374" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_374" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_366" id="Footnote_1_366"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_366"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 23, note 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_367" id="Footnote_2_367"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_367"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. "New
+ Christians."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_368" id="Footnote_3_368"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_368"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pronounced
+ Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_369" id="Footnote_4_369"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_369"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_370" id="Footnote_5_370"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_370"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 458.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_371" id="Footnote_6_371"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_371"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cp.
+ "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only regret is
+ that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to despise
+ me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet calls
+ them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_372" id="Footnote_7_372"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_372"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> So Dozy,
+ ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab population."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_373" id="Footnote_8_373"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_373"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 261.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_374" id="Footnote_9_374"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_374"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain
+ theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was
+ suppressed. In 814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion
+ being put down with great severity by the help of the Berbers,
+ the Cordovan Muwallads were exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and
+ 8000 to Fez.<a name="FNanchor_1_375" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_375" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But though exterminated in Cordova, the
+ renegades still mustered strong in Spain. At Elvira they rose in
+ Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and threw off the
+ Arab yoke;<a name="FNanchor_2_376" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_376" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn
+ Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos
+ and Merida.<a name="FNanchor_3_377" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_377" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> At Seville the Muwallad element was specially
+ strong, as we see from the many family names, such as Beni
+ Angelino, Beni Sabarico, which betray a Spanish origin. The
+ majority of the inhabitants embraced Islam early, and had their
+ mosque by the middle of the ninth century, but they retained many
+ Spanish customs and characteristics. When the Arabs of Seville
+ revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined the
+ latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic
+ family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently
+ with all their neighbours.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_375" id="Footnote_1_375"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_375"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, App.
+ B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he of the suburb)
+ from this.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_376" id="Footnote_2_376"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_376"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ihn
+ Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_377" id="Footnote_3_377"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_377"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 875.
+ "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out
+ the history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers
+ against the Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of
+ the Muwallads and Christians are a necessary part of our subject.
+ The latter, though well treated on the whole, naturally looked
+ back with regret to the days of their own supremacy, and were
+ ready to intrigue with anyone able to assist them against their
+ Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them communicating with the
+ kings of France; and there is still extant a letter from Louis
+ the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in 826, which is
+ as follows:— "We have heard of your tribulation, which you suffer
+ from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take
+ away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz
+ did. He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to
+ pay, turned you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to
+ disobedient vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But
+ you, like brave men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we
+ write now to condole with you, and to exhort you to continue your
+ resistance, and since your king is our enemy as well as yours,
+ let us join in opposing him.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait
+ there till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if
+ you will desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be
+ secured to you, and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes,
+ and shall live under your own laws."<a name="FNanchor_1_378" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_378" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to
+ have effected nothing.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the
+ voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of
+ Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we
+ may suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted
+ in favour of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that
+ Mohammed imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was
+ but the signal for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As
+ we have already seen, the king set out with an army against the
+ Toledans, who appealed to Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough
+ to get such an opportunity for weakening the Arab government,
+ Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but the Toledans and
+ Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the Sultan's
+ troops.<a name="FNanchor_2_379" id="FNanchor_2_379"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_379" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Within twenty years,
+ however, Toledo became practically independent, except for the
+ payment of tribute.<a name="FNanchor_3_380" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_380" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_378" id="Footnote_1_378"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_378"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud
+ Florez, "Españo Sagrada."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_379" id="Footnote_2_379"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_379"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 162.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_380" id="Footnote_3_380"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_380"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid</i>, p. 182.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the
+ population, whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the
+ exclusiveness of the old Arabs, and ready to make common cause
+ against them. The unity of race prevailed over the difference of
+ creed, as it did in the case of the English Roman Catholics in
+ the war with Spain, and as it usually will under such
+ circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to find
+ an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn
+ Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from
+ the hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count
+ Alfonso,<a name="FNanchor_1_381" id="FNanchor_1_381"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_381" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and his family had
+ been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather Djaffar.
+ Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative and
+ honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at
+ Bobastro or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and
+ Ronda, in the sierra stretching from Granada to
+ Gibraltar.<a name="FNanchor_2_382" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_382" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> After a brief sojourn in Africa, where his
+ ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great future, he
+ returned to Spain, and at once began business again as brigand at
+ Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.<a name="FNanchor_3_383" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_383" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Being captured, he was brought to Cordova, but
+ spared on condition of enlisting in the king's forces. But he
+ soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the Spaniards
+ in the South, Moslem and Christian,<a name="FNanchor_4_384" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_384" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> whose ardour he aroused by such words as
+ these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan, who
+ spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will
+ you let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you
+ as their slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but
+ a desire to avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he
+ made alliances at different times with the Muwallads in Elvira,
+ Seville, and Saragoza, and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman
+ ibn Merwan, in Badajos.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_381" id="Footnote_1_381"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_381"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 190.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_382" id="Footnote_2_382"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_382"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_383" id="Footnote_3_383"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_383"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 880 or
+ 881.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_384" id="Footnote_4_384"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_384"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See a
+ description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole ("Moors in
+ Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee, Cordova!
+ when the captain with the great nose and ugly face—he who is
+ guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters—when Ibn
+ Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate be
+ accomplished."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by
+ Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar
+ was further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil,
+ the Count of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_1_385" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_385" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from
+ Omar's path his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak
+ reign, the rebel leader was virtual king of the south and east of
+ Spain. The district of Regio<a name="FNanchor_2_386" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_386" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> was made over to him by the king, and Omar's
+ lieutenant, Ibn Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This protracted war, which was really one for national
+ independence, was carried on year after year with varying
+ success. At one time Omar conceived the intention of proclaiming
+ the Abasside Khalifs,<a name="FNanchor_3_387" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_387" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> at another he grasped at the royal power
+ himself; and Abdallah's empire was only saved by a seasonable
+ victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).<a name="FNanchor_4_388"
+ id="FNanchor_4_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_388" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> The battle was fought on the eve of the
+ Passover, and the Moslems taunted their enemies with having such
+ a joyful feast, and so many victims to commemorate it with. This
+ shows that a large, perhaps the largest, part of Omar's army was
+ Christian. Another indication of this is found in a poem of
+ Tarikh ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_5_389" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_389" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> where, speaking of the coming destruction of
+ Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill of Abu
+ Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian
+ soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it
+ is certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before
+ this battle,<a name="FNanchor_6_390" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_390" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> as his father had done before him. He took the
+ name of Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen,
+ suffered martyrdom. This change of creed on Omar's part changed
+ the character of the war, and gave it more of a
+ religious,<a name="FNanchor_7_391" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_391" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> and perhaps less of a national, character, for
+ the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became Christian
+ and built churches.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_385" id="Footnote_1_385"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_385"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Servandus.
+ Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_386" id="Footnote_2_386"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_386"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Where
+ Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_387" id="Footnote_3_387"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_387"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_388" id="Footnote_4_388"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_388"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Ibn
+ Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the same
+ victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or Aguilar.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_389" id="Footnote_5_389"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_389"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. p. 275.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_390" id="Footnote_6_390"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_390"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ibn
+ Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_391" id="Footnote_7_391"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_391"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In 896, on
+ the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn as Khalia, all
+ the Christians were massacred.—Dozy, ii. p. 327.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his
+ supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar
+ himself did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death.
+ The king's successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of
+ man from Abdallah, and the reduction of Omar became only a
+ question of time, though, in fact, the apostasy of Omar from
+ Islam had made the ultimate success of the national party very
+ doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death, his son,
+ Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems by
+ embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the
+ Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs
+ surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great
+ rebellion was finally extinguished.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under
+ the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to
+ shake off the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the
+ tenth century the strong administration of Abdurrahman III.,
+ Hakem II., and the great Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance
+ of raising the cry of "Spain for the Spanish." The danger of a
+ renewal of the rebellion once removed, the position of the
+ Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in
+ consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself
+ the son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt
+ with great leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the
+ more devout Moslems. Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and
+ even liked, by his Christian subjects, and there is no doubt that
+ his victories over the Christian States in the North<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_392" id="FNanchor_1_392"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_392" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> were won very largely
+ with the aid of Christian soldiers. His death was the signal for
+ the disruption of the Spanish Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when
+ the khalifate was finally extinguished, complete anarchy
+ prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers made a determined effort
+ to regain their ascendency, and their forces, seconded by the
+ Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne in 1013.
+ A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different
+ factions—Arab, Berber, and Slave—followed, until Hischem III. was
+ forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an
+ end, after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the
+ North had gathered themselves together for a combined advance
+ against the Saracen provinces, never again to retrograde,
+ scarcely even to be checked, till in 1492 fell Granada, the last
+ stronghold of the Moors in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_2_393" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_393" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_392" id="Footnote_1_392"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_392"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 214.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_393" id="Footnote_2_393"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_393"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 1630
+ there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.—Al Makk., i. p.
+ 74.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VIIIa" id="CHAPTER_VIIIa"><ins class="correction"
+ title="Transcriber's Note: This chapter should be part of VIII">CHAPTER IX.</ins></a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ ANOTHER'S&nbsp; CREED.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and
+ Mohammedans were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions
+ and frequent intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough
+ knowledge seems to have existed, on either side, of the creed of
+ the other party. Such, at least, is the conclusion to which we
+ are driven, on reading the only direct records which remain on
+ the subject among Arab and Christian writers. These on the
+ Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from a book on
+ Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his disciple,
+ Eulogius;<a name="FNanchor_1_394" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_394" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and some rather incoherent denunciations of
+ Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_2_395" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_395" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> another pupil of the abbot's. In these, as
+ might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of
+ Mohammed's paradise,<a name="FNanchor_3_396" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_396" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to
+ the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest
+ on good authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But
+ among other blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is
+ one of which we find no mention in the Koran—the assertion,
+ namely, that he would in the next world be wedded to the Virgin
+ Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is equally incorrect when, in a
+ letter to Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_397" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_397" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> he alleges a promise on the part of Mohammed
+ that he would, like Christ, rise again from the dead; whereas his
+ body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured by dogs. The
+ Christian bishop does not hesitate to add—sepultus est in
+ infernum—he was buried in hell.<a name="FNanchor_5_398" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_398" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_394" id="Footnote_1_394"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_394"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_395" id="Footnote_2_395"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_395"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_396" id="Footnote_3_396"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_396"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means
+ wholly sensual.—Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_397" id="Footnote_4_397"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_397"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sec 9.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_398" id="Footnote_5_398"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_398"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This shows
+ the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom, says Eulogius
+ ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every Christian's duty
+ to kill, were he alive on earth.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor
+ write, and this appears to have been the opinion of
+ Alvar;<a name="FNanchor_1_399" id="FNanchor_1_399"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_399" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but the same witness
+ acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and
+ beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading
+ and admiring it.<a name="FNanchor_2_400" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_400" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to
+ Christianity, Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_401" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_401" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed,
+ he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of
+ God,<a name="FNanchor_4_402" id="FNanchor_4_402"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_402" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and His
+ Spirit;<a name="FNanchor_5_403" id="FNanchor_5_403"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_403" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a great
+ prophet,<a name="FNanchor_6_404" id="FNanchor_6_404"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_404" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> endowed with much
+ power from God;<a name="FNanchor_7_405" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_405" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> like Adam in His creation,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_406" id="FNanchor_8_406"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_406" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> but not equal to God
+ (the Creator);<a name="FNanchor_9_407" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_407" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> and that by reason of His blameless<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_408" id="FNanchor_10_408"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_408" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> life, being filled
+ with the Holy Spirit,<a name="FNanchor_11_409" id=
+ "FNanchor_11_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_409" class=
+ "fnanchor">[11]</a> He showed marvellous signs and wonders
+ through the power of God,<a name="FNanchor_12_410" id=
+ "FNanchor_12_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_410" class=
+ "fnanchor">[12]</a> not working by His own Godhead, but as a
+ righteous Man, and an obedient servant,<a name="FNanchor_13_411"
+ id="FNanchor_13_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_411" class=
+ "fnanchor">[13]</a> obtaining much power and might from the
+ Almighty God through prayer."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_399" id="Footnote_1_399"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_399"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_400" id="Footnote_2_400"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_400"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the
+ present day.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_401" id="Footnote_3_401"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_401"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_402" id="Footnote_4_402"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_402"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, ch.
+ iii. 40.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_403" id="Footnote_5_403"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_403"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Koran, ch.
+ ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_404" id="Footnote_6_404"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_404"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_405" id="Footnote_7_405"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_405"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii. 45.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_406" id="Footnote_8_406"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_406"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii. 50.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_407" id="Footnote_9_407"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_407"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ ix. 33.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_408" id="Footnote_10_408"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_408"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_409" id="Footnote_11_409"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_409"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> This is
+ a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran, ch. ii. 81,
+ note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_12_410" id="Footnote_12_410"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_12_410"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Kor.,
+ ch. v. 110 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_13_411" id="Footnote_13_411"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_13_411"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Koran,
+ cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius,
+ and he even seems to have had a prejudiced idea<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_412" id="FNanchor_1_412"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_412" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that the Prophet set
+ himself deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those
+ taught by Christ. It would be nearer to the truth to say that the
+ divergence between the two codes of morals was due to the natural
+ ignorance of an illiterate Arabian, brought into contact only
+ with an heretical form of Christianity, the real doctrines of
+ which he was therefore not likely to know.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the
+ Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We
+ shall realise the absurdity of this when we consider the
+ reverence in which Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going
+ so far even as to deny that Christ Himself was crucified at
+ all.<a name="FNanchor_2_413" id="FNanchor_2_413"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_413" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The true reason for
+ selecting Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because
+ the work of creation ended on that day.<a name="FNanchor_3_414"
+ id="FNanchor_3_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_414" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ
+ preached chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have
+ preached sensuality, though his private life in this respect was
+ by no means pure.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge
+ was never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity
+ enjoins fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of
+ such texts as Matthew ix. 14,<a name="FNanchor_4_415" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_415" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> and Isaiah lviii. 6—"Is not this the fast that
+ I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the
+ heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one
+ hand; and on the other the express injunction of the
+ Koran<a name="FNanchor_5_416" id="FNanchor_5_416"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_416" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>:—"O true believers, a
+ fast is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ...
+ if ye fast, it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month
+ of Ramadan shall ye fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more
+ astonishing statement still:—"Christ ordained that men should
+ abstain from their wives during a fast, while Mohammed
+ consecrated those days to carnal pleasure." Christ surely gives
+ us no such injunction, though St Paul does say something of the
+ kind. The Koran<a name="FNanchor_6_417" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_417" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> explicitly says—"It is lawful for you on the
+ night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a garment
+ unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an
+ incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya,
+ the famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on
+ Abdurrahman II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance,
+ that wives should be abstained from during the fasting
+ month.<a name="FNanchor_7_418" id="FNanchor_7_418"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_418" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Alvar, being a layman,
+ may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism
+ critically, and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is
+ perhaps the best explanation of the matter. In one place<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_419" id="FNanchor_8_419"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_419" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> he informs us of his
+ intention of writing a book on the Cobar,<a name="FNanchor_9_420"
+ id="FNanchor_9_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_420" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> but the work, if ever written, has not
+ survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may judge by
+ the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_421" id="FNanchor_10_421"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_421" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> on this theme. In
+ that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of
+ Daniel<a name="FNanchor_11_422" id="FNanchor_11_422"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_11_422" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> to Mohammed,
+ forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not the
+ desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of
+ Mohammed. He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our
+ revised version (v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with
+ the Mohammedan Cobar;<a name="FNanchor_12_423" id=
+ "FNanchor_12_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_423" class=
+ "fnanchor">[12]</a> and the strange god, whom he shall
+ acknowledge, Alvar identifies with the devil which inspired the
+ Prophet in the guise of the angel Gabriel. All this, as the
+ writer himself allows, is very enigmatical.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_412" id="Footnote_1_412"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_412"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. 107.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_413" id="Footnote_2_413"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_413"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See Koran,
+ cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_414" id="Footnote_3_414"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_414"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Sale's
+ note on Koran, c. lxii. 9.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_415" id="Footnote_4_415"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_415"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cf. also
+ Matt. xi. 19—"The Son of Man came eating and drinking, and they
+ say, Behold a gluttonous man and a wine-bibber."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_416" id="Footnote_5_416"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_416"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Chapter
+ ii. 180.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_417" id="Footnote_6_417"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_417"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Chapter
+ ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day time.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_418" id="Footnote_7_418"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_418"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> From Ibn
+ Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_419" id="Footnote_8_419"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_419"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 25.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_420" id="Footnote_9_420"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_420"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
+ <i>I.e.</i>, the Caaba apparently.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_421" id="Footnote_10_421"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_421"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 25, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_422" id="Footnote_11_422"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_422"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> C. xi.
+ vv. 21, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_12_423" id="Footnote_12_423"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_12_423"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> ? Caaba.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry,
+ asserting that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba
+ black stone<a name="FNanchor_1_424" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_424" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>) as they used to do of yore, and that they set
+ apart a holy month, Al Mozem, in honour of this idol.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_425" id="FNanchor_2_425"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_425" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of
+ Antichrist,<a name="FNanchor_3_426" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_426" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> or as Antichrist himself.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_427" id="FNanchor_4_427"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_427" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated
+ Moslems with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find
+ these to be no less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of
+ Christians as to Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse
+ the Moslems, for the Koran itself, the very foundation and guide
+ of all their religious dogmas, is full of incorrect and
+ inconsistent notions on the subject.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians
+ worshipped a Trinity of Deities—God, Christ, Mary.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_428" id="FNanchor_5_428"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_428" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The inclusion of the
+ Virgin Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that
+ worship was paid to her even at that early date, as it certainly
+ is among the Roman Catholics at this day. As will have been seen
+ from a passage quoted above,<a name="FNanchor_6_429" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_429" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> something very like adoration was already paid
+ to the Virgin in the churches of Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_424" id="Footnote_1_424"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_424"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sale,
+ Introduction to Koran, p. 91.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_425" id="Footnote_2_425"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_425"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_426" id="Footnote_3_426"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_426"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 21.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_427" id="Footnote_4_427"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_427"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 53.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_428" id="Footnote_5_428"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_428"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Koran,
+ v. ad fin.:—"And when God shall say unto Jesus at the last day:
+ O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men, Take me and my
+ mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall answer, Praise be
+ unto thee! it is not for me to say that which I ought not."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_429" id="Footnote_6_429"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_429"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> P. 56.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali
+ ibn Hazm,<a name="FNanchor_1_430" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_430" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec.
+ 1023-March 1024), will show that some educated Moslems knew
+ enough of the Christian creed to appreciate its difficulties:—"We
+ need not be astonished," says Ibn Hazm, "at the superstition of
+ men. Look at the Christians! They are so numerous that God only
+ knows their numbers. They have among them men of great
+ intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they
+ believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the
+ three is the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that
+ the Father is, and is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not,
+ God; that the Messiah is God in every respect, and yet not the
+ same as God; that He who has existed from all eternity has been
+ created.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites,
+ and which number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the
+ Creator Himself was scourged, crucified, and put to death; so
+ that the Universe for three days was deprived of its Governor."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the
+ Moslems thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of
+ Spain, round whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the
+ north of the Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,<a name="FNanchor_2_431"
+ id="FNanchor_2_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_431" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> who, in his account of Almanzor's fiftieth
+ expedition against the Christians, says:—"Shant Yakoh
+ (Santiago)<a name="FNanchor_3_432" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_432" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not
+ only by the Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring
+ continent, who look upon its church with a veneration such as
+ Moslems entertain for the Caaba of Mecca; for their Caaba is a
+ colossal idol (statue) which stands in the middle of the church.
+ They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage from the most
+ distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries beyond Rome,
+ pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that of
+ Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved
+ by Isa (Jesus).—May the blessing of God be on him, and on our
+ Prophet!—The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus,
+ because, while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he
+ was Bishop of Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth
+ preaching the religion [of Christ], and calling upon the
+ inhabitants to embrace it, till he came to that remote corner of
+ Andalus; that he then returned to Syria, where he died at the age
+ of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that, after the death
+ of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it in that
+ church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of his
+ preaching]."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_430" id="Footnote_1_430"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_430"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> II. 227,
+ apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a strict Moslem,
+ <i>averse to judging divine questions by human reasoning</i>."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_431" id="Footnote_2_431"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_431"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 293.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_432" id="Footnote_3_432"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_432"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miss
+ Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub, but what
+ authority has this statement?
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly
+ cultivated, as they were in Spain during the time of Arab
+ domination, and where the rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem
+ produced a sustained period of intellectual activity such as the
+ world has rarely seen, controversial theology could not fail to
+ have been largely developed. But the books, if any were written,
+ from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all perished, and
+ we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left to us as
+ those already quoted.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of
+ Spain had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences
+ as we can from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of
+ the period; from our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain,
+ and Mohammedanism in Africa, before they were brought into
+ contact in Andalusia, compared with what they became after that
+ contact had made itself felt; and from the observed effects of
+ such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful consideration of these
+ scattered hints we shall see that certain effects were visible,
+ which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples been allowed to
+ continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had there been
+ no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa, would
+ in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or
+ both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation.
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ HERESIES IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in
+ history. The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a
+ religion, which may have been a cross between Judaism,
+ Christianity, and Magianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_433" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_433" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But Mohammedanism itself has furnished the
+ most marked instances of such amalgamation. In Persia Islam
+ combined with the creed of Zoroaster to produce Babyism; while in
+ India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused together by the genius of
+ Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with
+ Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity
+ with itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to
+ combine with it in such a way as to produce a religion like both,
+ and yet different from either.<a name="FNanchor_2_434" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_434" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two
+ cardinal doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if
+ they are to remain distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity
+ of God, they agree. In the other they do, and always must,
+ differ. The divinity of Christ on the one side, and the divine
+ mission of Mohammed on the other, are totally incompatible
+ doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be so. Surrender
+ both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem
+ possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a
+ statement attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_435" id="FNanchor_3_435"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_435" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in recounting the
+ history of the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn
+ Yunas, who during the last quarter of the ninth century, while
+ all Moslem Spain was a prey to the wildest anarchy, became a
+ leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in Merida and the
+ neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and Christians in
+ one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion, which
+ held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all
+ we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most
+ important consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence
+ enough that the attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt,
+ if it can be called so, to combine Islam and Christianity has
+ resulted in that curious compound called the religion of the
+ Druses.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_433" id="Footnote_1_433"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_433"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> For an
+ attempted compromise between Christianity and Brahmanism, see
+ the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic priest, "Education
+ and Missions," p. 14.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_434" id="Footnote_2_434"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_434"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp.,
+ however, the Druse religion.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_435" id="Footnote_3_435"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_435"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the Galician (el
+ Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but there is
+ some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii. 439, and De
+ Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki, <i>i.e.</i>,
+ of the stock of the Galicians.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam
+ and Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could
+ hardly fail to undergo considerable modifications in themselves
+ by reason of their close contact for several centuries.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if
+ any) of such modification in the so-called heresies which may
+ have arisen in Spain during this period. These will require a
+ somewhat strict examination to be made to yield up their secret.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for
+ introducing innovations<a name="FNanchor_1_436" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_436" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> into the doctrines and practices of the true
+ faith, and even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way.
+ The very first Council whose acts have come down to us, held at
+ Elvira in Spain, early in the fourth century, contains a canon
+ censuring the use of pictures. The very first heretics, who were
+ punished for their error with death by the hands of their
+ fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the Spanish
+ Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the
+ Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the
+ Son as well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish
+ Council at the end of the sixth century, but not universally
+ received in the West until 600 years later.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_437" id="FNanchor_2_437"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_437" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> And as we have seen,
+ the use of pictures was denounced long before the times of the
+ Iconoclasts.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We will now take in order the several heresies that made
+ themselves noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab
+ supremacy, and see if we can trace any relation between them and
+ the Moslem faith.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having
+ arisen in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth
+ century.<a name="FNanchor_3_438" id="FNanchor_3_438"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_438" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> It was more practical
+ than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the need of
+ confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men
+ ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a
+ wholly laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the
+ worthy abbé who records it: cette doctrine, <i>si favorable à
+ libertinage</i>, trouva un grand nombre de partisans, et excite
+ encore le zèle d'Alcuin.<a name="FNanchor_4_439" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_439" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_436" id="Footnote_1_436"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_436"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin ad
+ Elipandum, iv. 13—"Audi me, obsecro, patienter, scholastica
+ Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi semper aliquid
+ audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta ecclesiae
+ universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te invenies,
+ unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_437" id="Footnote_2_437"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_437"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Lateran
+ Council, 1215.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_438" id="Footnote_3_438"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_438"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See,
+ however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the province, Ep.,
+ 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_439" id="Footnote_4_439"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_439"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. dé l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the
+ Arabs in the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course
+ impossible to affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in
+ the spirit of the verses of the Koran: "O ye who have
+ received<a name="FNanchor_1_440" id="FNanchor_1_440"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_440" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the Scripture come to
+ a just determination between us and you, that we worship not any
+ except God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one
+ of us take not the other for lords, beside God." And "They take
+ their priests and monks for their lords besides God."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_441" id="FNanchor_2_441"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_441" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_440" id="Footnote_1_440"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_440"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Chap. iii.
+ p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such terms of
+ agreement as are indisputably consonant to the doctrine of all
+ the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore cannot reasonably be
+ rejected."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_441" id="Footnote_2_441"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_441"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Chap. ix.
+ Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with idolatry both on
+ other grounds and because "they paid too implicit an obedience
+ to their priests and monks, who took upon them to pronounce
+ what things were lawful and what unlawful, and to dispense with
+ the laws of God." See Sale, <i>Ibid.</i> <i>Cp.</i>—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ &nbsp;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Haughty of heart and brow the
+ warrior came,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">In look and language proud as
+ proud might be,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Vaunting his lordship, lineage,
+ fights, and fame,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Yet was that barefoot monk more
+ proud than he.</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And as the ivy climbs the
+ tallest tree,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">So round the loftiest soul his
+ toils he wound;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And with his spells subdued the
+ fierce and free.</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Till ermined age and youth in
+ arms renowned</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Honouring his scourge and
+ hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground.</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And thus it chanced that
+ valour, peerless knight,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Who ne'er to king or kaiser
+ veiled his crest,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Victorious still in bull-feast
+ or in fight,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Since first with mail his limbs
+ he did invest,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Stooped ever to that anchoret's
+ behest;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Nor reasoned of the right, nor
+ of the wrong,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">But at his bidding laid the
+ lance in rest,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And wrought fell deeds the
+ troubled world along,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For he was fierce as brave, and
+ pitiless as strong.</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 15em;">—SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix.
+ xxx.</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed
+ to Migetius (<i>circa</i> 750). According to the rather obscure
+ account, which has come down to us,<a name="FNanchor_1_442" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_442" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of
+ the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as
+ corporeal, the Father being personified in David, the Son in
+ Jesus, and the Holy Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe
+ that the doctrine, thus crudely stated by Elipandus, was really
+ held by anyone. We may perhaps infer<a name="FNanchor_2_443" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_443" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian
+ (itself a form of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons
+ of the Trinity to one, acknowledged certain ένεÏγειαι or powers,
+ emanating from Him, which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul
+ respectively. As the first and last of these three recipients of
+ the Divine powers were confessedly men, it follows that Migetius
+ was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity, which is the cardinal
+ doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any other doctrine
+ distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly he
+ appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_444" id="FNanchor_3_444"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_444" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and in this he made an
+ approach to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_4_445" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_445" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_442" id="Footnote_1_442"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_442"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Elipandus
+ to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_443" id="Footnote_2_443"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_443"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> With
+ Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec. 29.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_444" id="Footnote_3_444"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_444"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ sec. 32.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_445" id="Footnote_4_445"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_445"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the Λογος became personal
+ with the assumption of Christ's humanity; that the Λογος was
+ the power constituting the personality of Christ. Hence, says
+ Neander, he was accused of asserting that Christ, the son of
+ David according to the flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God,
+ was the Second Person of the Trinity.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by
+ those who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did
+ not believe the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the
+ utterances of the prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned
+ men, and, while they claimed to take their stand upon the Gospel,
+ pointing to texts like John xx. 17, 'I ascend unto my Father, and
+ your Father, unto my God and your God,' to prove that Christ was
+ merely man."<a name="FNanchor_1_446" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_446" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> In his answer to Alvar's letter, Speraindeo
+ says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;" he
+ might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according
+ to the abbot, spoke of three powers (<i>virtutes</i>) forming one
+ Person, not, as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one
+ God.<a name="FNanchor_2_447" id="FNanchor_2_447"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_447" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Here we see a close
+ resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph;
+ but the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer
+ approach to the teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John
+ xx. 17 given above, as will be seen, if we compare with that text
+ the following passages of the Koran, put into the mouth of
+ Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your Lord; therefore serve
+ him:"<a name="FNanchor_3_448" id="FNanchor_3_448"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_448" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "They are surely
+ infidels who say, verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since
+ Christ said, O children of Israel, serve God, my Lord and your
+ Lord:"<a name="FNanchor_4_449" id="FNanchor_4_449"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_449" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and, "I have not
+ spoken unto them any other than what thou didst command
+ me—namely, worship God, my Lord and your Lord."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_450" id="FNanchor_5_450"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_450" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_446" id="Footnote_1_446"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_446"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar's
+ letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in defence of this
+ doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of that day and that
+ hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of heaven, but my
+ Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo refers to Gen. iii.
+ 9, where God the Father seems not to know where Adam is.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_447" id="Footnote_2_447"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_447"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a
+ happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made
+ up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_448" id="Footnote_3_448"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_448"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, c.
+ iii. v. 46.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_449" id="Footnote_4_449"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_449"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ v. 77.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_450" id="Footnote_5_450"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_450"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ v. 118.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most
+ remarkable and original of those innovations to which Alcuin
+ taunts the Spanish Church with being addicted. Unfortunately we
+ derive little of our knowledge of the new doctrine from the
+ originators and supporters of it—our information on the subject
+ coming chiefly from passages quoted by their opponents (notably
+ our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the heresy had
+ an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been the
+ opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the
+ Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman
+ Church, held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by
+ lowering the character of Christ, to pave the way for a union
+ between Christians and Mohammedans."<a name="FNanchor_1_451" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_451" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Enhueber,<a name="FNanchor_2_452" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_452" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> also, in his treatise on this subject, quotes
+ a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the
+ heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a
+ contact with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with
+ them.<a name="FNanchor_3_453" id="FNanchor_3_453"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_453" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Neander<a name="FNanchor_4_454" id="FNanchor_4_454"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_454" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> thinks that there are
+ some grounds for supposing that Felix, one of the authors of the
+ heresy, had been employed in defending Christianity against
+ objections brought against it from the Moslem standpoint,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_455" id="FNanchor_5_455"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_455" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and in proving the
+ divinity of Christ, so that they might be induced to accept it.
+ Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace this particular
+ doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the Christian
+ view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new
+ theory, the evidence being of a conflicting character, and
+ pointing now to Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all
+ Spain, now to Felix, bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_456" id="FNanchor_6_456"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_456" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_451" id="Footnote_1_451"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_451"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana,
+ vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See Blunt,
+ "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism; and
+ Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847—"deceptus uterque contagione forsan
+ insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium
+ Mohametanorum commercio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_452" id="Footnote_2_452"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_452"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_453" id="Footnote_3_453"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_453"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Usus enim
+ frequenti Maurorum commercio."—<i>Ibid</i>,
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_454" id="Footnote_4_454"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_454"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> V. 219.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_455" id="Footnote_5_455"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_455"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This
+ perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which the
+ Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix.
+ Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to
+ Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni
+ peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_456" id="Footnote_6_456"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_456"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The
+ prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine arose out
+ of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The claims of Felix<a name="FNanchor_1_457" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_457" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> are supported by Eginhard,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_458" id="FNanchor_2_458"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_458" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Saxo, and Jonas of
+ Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled
+ "Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the
+ baneful heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_459" id="FNanchor_3_459"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_459" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> says that he is
+ convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also
+ was the chief offender.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow <i>à
+ priori</i> considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the
+ author. According to Neander,<a name="FNanchor_4_460" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_460" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and
+ he certainly uses some very strong language in his writings
+ against his opponents, and stands a good deal on his dignity as
+ head of the Spanish Church. For instance, speaking of his
+ accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and Beatus,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_461" id="FNanchor_5_461"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_461" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of Libana, he
+ says of the former that he wallows in the mire of all
+ lasciviousness;<a name="FNanchor_6_462" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_462" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> that he is totally unfit to officiate at God's
+ altar;<a name="FNanchor_7_463" id="FNanchor_7_463"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_463" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> that he is a false
+ prophet<a name="FNanchor_8_464" id="FNanchor_8_464"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_464" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and a heretic; and,
+ forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in
+ another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of
+ gross sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of
+ Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_9_465" id="FNanchor_9_465"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_9_465" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> accusing him of
+ heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which means that
+ instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the
+ very opposite.<a name="FNanchor_10_466" id=
+ "FNanchor_10_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_466" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_457" id="Footnote_1_457"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_457"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
+ "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_458" id="Footnote_2_458"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_458"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annals,"
+ 792.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_459" id="Footnote_3_459"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_459"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alcuin,
+ "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose in Cordova,
+ and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after the latter's
+ recantation.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_460" id="Footnote_4_460"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_460"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander
+ (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his writings.
+ An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata Eccl. Tolet),
+ describes him as "parum accurate in sacris litteris versatus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_461" id="Footnote_5_461"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_461"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Died in
+ 798. Fleury v., p. 236.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_462" id="Footnote_6_462"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_462"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Elipand.
+ Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_463" id="Footnote_7_463"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_463"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Ab
+ altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this to mean
+ that he was deposed.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_464" id="Footnote_8_464"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_464"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> He gave
+ the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and prophesied
+ the end of the world in the near future. See letter of Beatus,
+ book i., sec. 23—"Novissima hora est ... nunc Antichristi multi
+ facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum est illius
+ Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in mundo
+ est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_465" id="Footnote_9_465"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_465"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Elipandus
+ and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_466" id="Footnote_10_466"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_466"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> This
+ practice of punning on names is very common in these writers.
+ "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly occurs. So
+ Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called "hostis
+ Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the bodies of
+ Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very "Leo
+ vigilans."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging
+ the venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter
+ to the bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity,"
+ speaks of him as most blameless,<a name="FNanchor_1_467" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_467" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and confesses that he has heard much of his
+ piety and devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard
+ to Felix, in a letter to him.<a name="FNanchor_2_468" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_468" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Yet in his book against Elipandus, he
+ exclaims, not without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of
+ wool on your shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing
+ which you minister to the people, for all the daily shaving of
+ your beard<a name="FNanchor_3_469" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_469" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> ... if you renounce not these doctrines, you
+ will be numbered with the goats!" Another testimony (of doubtful
+ value, however) in Elipandus' favour is to be found in the
+ anonymous life of Beatus,<a name="FNanchor_4_470" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_470" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> where Elipandus is said to have succeeded
+ Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his reputation for
+ learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_467" id="Footnote_1_467"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_467"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam bonam
+ religiosae vitae de vobis."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_468" id="Footnote_2_468"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_468"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo
+ Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei
+ Catholicae fervens."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_469" id="Footnote_3_469"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_469"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Beards
+ were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii., and probably
+ the distinction was much insisted on because of the Moslem
+ custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive dress of the
+ clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern staminia et
+ lana oviuin religiosum adprobat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_470" id="Footnote_4_470"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_470"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See Migne,
+ xcvi., 890 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the
+ Migetian errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude
+ with regard to the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being
+ dictated to in the matter of what was, or what was not, sound
+ doctrine, and, in the letter quoted above, he scornfully remarks
+ that he had never heard that it was the province of the people of
+ Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in the defiant attitude
+ taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a jealousy, felt by
+ the old independent Church of Spain under its own primate,
+ towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of
+ the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be
+ Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but
+ the bishop of Rome.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by
+ Elipandus and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that
+ Adoptionism was merely a revival of the Bonosian errors, which
+ had long taken root in Spain;<a name="FNanchor_1_471" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_471" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> others, that it was a revival of
+ the Nestorian<a name="FNanchor_2_472" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_472" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> heresy, a new phase of the controversy between
+ the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;<a name="FNanchor_3_473"
+ id="FNanchor_3_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_473" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> or that it was an attempt to reform
+ Christianity, purging it from later additions.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_474" id="FNanchor_4_474"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_474" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Alcuin, however,
+ speaks of its followers as a new sect, unknown to former
+ times.<a name="FNanchor_5_475" id="FNanchor_5_475"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_475" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Stated briefly, the
+ new doctrine was that Jesus, in so far as His manhood was
+ concerned, was son of God by adoption. This error had been
+ foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril of Alexandria
+ (348-386):<a name="FNanchor_6_476" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_476" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> by Hilary of Arles (429-449).<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_477" id="FNanchor_7_477"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_477" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The Eleventh Council
+ of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a hundred
+ years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God was
+ His Son by nature, not by adoption.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_471" id="Footnote_1_471"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_471"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were condemned at Capua
+ in 389. For their development in Spain, see "Isidore of
+ Seville."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_472" id="Footnote_2_472"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_472"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Condemned
+ at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism with this, see
+ letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_473" id="Footnote_3_473"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_473"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
+ v., p. 216.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_474" id="Footnote_4_474"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_474"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_475" id="Footnote_5_475"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_475"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin
+ contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it had
+ anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero anathematizamus
+ Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum, adoptivum fuisse
+ adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse Patrem, quem Filium,
+ quem et Spiritus sanctus (<i>sic</i>) et non ipsud, delirat.
+ Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum Sanctum creaturas
+ esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum qui Christum solum
+ Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat. Anathematizamus
+ Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum, et onagrum
+ Etherium, doctorem bestialem
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">...," etc.</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_476" id="Footnote_6_476"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_476"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lectures
+ on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God by nature,
+ begotten of the Father, not by adoption."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_477" id="Footnote_7_477"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_477"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> De Trinit,
+ v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God—a God by adoption,
+ or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec connuncupatus)."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation
+ of Nestorianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_478" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_478" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> It agreed with the latter in repudiating the
+ term "Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_479" id="FNanchor_2_479"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_479" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but it differed from
+ it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in
+ Christ. What Felix—and on him devolved the chief onus of defence
+ in the controversy—wished to make clear, was that the predicates
+ of Christ's two natures could not logically be
+ interchanged.<a name="FNanchor_3_480" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_480" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> He therefore reasoned thus: Christ in respect
+ to His Deity is God, and Son of God; with respect to His Manhood
+ He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in essence, but by
+ being taken into union with Him, who <i>is</i> in essence God,
+ and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity
+ from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that
+ humanity, be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This
+ relation of Jesus the Man to God he preferred to describe by the
+ term Adoption—a word not found in Scripture in this connection,
+ "but," says Felix, "implied therein,<a name="FNanchor_4_481" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_481" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> for what is adoption in a son, if it be not
+ election, assumption <i>(susceptio)</i>." The term itself was no
+ doubt found by Elipandus <i>in</i> the Gothic Liturgy;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_482" id="FNanchor_5_482"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_482" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and he most likely
+ used it at first with no thought of raising a metaphysical
+ discussion on so knotty a point. Being brought to task, however,
+ for using the word by those whom he deemed his ecclesiastical
+ inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike to
+ acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says
+ Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief
+ author of the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from
+ ignorance and inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a
+ heretic, till, admonished of his error, he arrogantly and
+ obstinately defended a position which he had only taken up
+ through ignorance."<a name="FNanchor_6_483" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_483" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_484" id="FNanchor_7_484"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_484" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> for his opinion on
+ Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great
+ penetration and acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine,
+ stating in his answer that Christ must be considered with regard
+ to His Divinity as truly God and Son of God, but with regard to
+ His Manhood, as Son of God in name only, and by adoption.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_478" id="Footnote_1_478"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_478"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Blunt,
+ "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_479" id="Footnote_2_479"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_479"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_480" id="Footnote_3_480"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_480"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 220.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_481" id="Footnote_4_481"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_481"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alcuin
+ contra Felicem, iii. c. 8.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_482" id="Footnote_5_482"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_482"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Elipand.
+ ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio (άνάληψις) occurs
+ <i>(a)</i> in the Missa de coena Domini: <i>adoptivi hominis
+ passio;</i> <i>(b)</i> in the prayer de tertia feria Pascha:
+ <i>adoptionis gratia;</i> <i>(c)</i> in that de Ascensione:
+ <i>adoptionem carnis.</i> The Council of Frankfurt (794)
+ branded the authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did
+ Alcuin) and as the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See
+ Fleury, v. 243.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_483" id="Footnote_6_483"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_483"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the same remark in
+ other words.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_484" id="Footnote_7_484"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_484"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See Blunt,
+ Art. on Adoptionism.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried
+ on, it will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix,
+ and in certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> "If Christ, as man, is not the <i>adopted</i> Son of
+ God, then must His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and
+ consequently must be something different from the manhood of
+ men."<a name="FNanchor_1_485" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_485" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> To this Alcuin can only oppose another dilemma, which,
+ however, is more of the nature of a quibble. "If," he says,
+ "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is also God, then is
+ God the adopted Son of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_486" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_486" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Here Alcuin confounds the predicates of
+ Christ's two natures—the very thing Felix protested against—and
+ uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of Felix,
+ which was based on this very denial of any interchange of
+ predicates.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David,
+ sometimes as Son of God. One person can only have two fathers, if
+ one of these be an adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin
+ answers: "As a man (body and soul) is called the son of his
+ father, so Christ (God and man) is called Son of God."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_487" id="FNanchor_3_487"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_487" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> But to those who deny
+ that a man's soul is derived from his father, this argument would
+ carry no weight.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> Christ stood in a position of natural dependence
+ towards God over and above the voluntary submission which He owed
+ to His Father as God.<a name="FNanchor_4_488" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_488" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> This dependence Felix expresses by the term
+ <i>servus conditionalis</i>, applied to Jesus.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_489" id="FNanchor_5_489"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_489" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> He may have been
+ thinking of Matt. xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have
+ chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him
+ the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of
+ men."<a name="FNanchor_6_490" id="FNanchor_6_490"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_490" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Or perhaps he had in
+ his mind, if the theory of the influence of Mohammedanism is
+ true, those passages of the Koran which speak of Christ as a
+ servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain to be a servant
+ unto God,"<a name="FNanchor_7_491" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_491" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> and, "Jesus is no other than a
+ servant."<a name="FNanchor_8_492" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_492" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>d.</i>) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction
+ between Christ the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke
+ xviii. 19, "Why callest thou Me good? There is none good, save
+ one, even God;" Mark xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour,
+ knoweth no one, not even the angels in heaven, neither the Son,
+ but the Father." Texts such as these can only be met by a
+ reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16, where God is said
+ to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death upon the
+ Cross.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_485" id="Footnote_1_485"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_485"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin
+ contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_486" id="Footnote_2_486"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_486"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alcuin
+ (<i>ibid.,</i> i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be the
+ adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of God's
+ substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in respect
+ to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of God." But
+ this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also Contra
+ Felic., vii. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_487" id="Footnote_3_487"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_487"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Contra
+ Felic, iii. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_488" id="Footnote_4_488"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_488"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp. 1
+ Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This position of
+ dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem beatae
+ Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_489" id="Footnote_5_489"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_489"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cp.
+ Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei simul et
+ hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam adoptivum
+ Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35) ... quia,
+ si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei secundum gratiam,
+ profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et cum advocato
+ advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et <i>cum servo servi</i>."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_490" id="Footnote_6_490"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_490"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cf. Acts
+ iii. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_491" id="Footnote_7_491"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_491"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Koran, iv.
+ v. 170.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_492" id="Footnote_8_492"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_492"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran,
+ xliii. v. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of
+ Christ the Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that
+ this adoption, though the same in kind<a name="FNanchor_1_493"
+ id="FNanchor_1_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_493" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> as that which enables <i>us</i> to cry Abba,
+ Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps
+ specifically higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not
+ being entered into at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only
+ the point at which His adoption was outwardly made manifest by
+ signs of miraculous power, which continued till the resurrection.
+ Christ's adoption—according to Felix, was assumed at His
+ conception, "His humanity developing in accordance with its own
+ laws, but in union with the Logos."<a name="FNanchor_2_494" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_494" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> It will be seen that though Felix wished to
+ keep clear the distinction between Christ as God, and as Man, yet
+ he did not carry this separation so far as to acknowledge two
+ persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the unity of
+ Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct
+ personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be
+ recognised as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close
+ a manner as to amount to an absorption of the human personality
+ into the Divine Person."<a name="FNanchor_3_495" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_495" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The two natures of Christ had been asserted by
+ the Church against the Monophysites, and the two wills against
+ the Monothelites, but the Church never went on to admit the two
+ Persons.<a name="FNanchor_4_496" id="FNanchor_4_496"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_496" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> With regard to the
+ contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion
+ that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere
+ abstraction, a metaphysical link joining two essentially
+ incompatible natures,"<a name="FNanchor_5_497" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_497" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> or that the dispute was only about names, and
+ that by adopted son Felix and the others meant nothing really
+ different from the orthodox doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_6_498" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_498" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_493" id="Footnote_1_493"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_493"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John
+ x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_494" id="Footnote_2_494"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_494"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander
+ (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this differently: "There
+ were (according to Felix) two births in our Lord's life—(a) the
+ assumption of man at the conception; (<i>b</i>) the adoption of
+ that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii. 16: "Qui est
+ Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes; primam quae
+ secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae per
+ adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem
+ complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam
+ suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in
+ lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_495" id="Footnote_3_495"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_495"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Blunt,
+ article on Adopt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_496" id="Footnote_4_496"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_496"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp.
+ Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina persona
+ est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia vero
+ substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est,
+ substantia res naturae."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_497" id="Footnote_5_497"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_497"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Blunt,
+ <i>ibid.</i> Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where he
+ says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual
+ personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved
+ it.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_498" id="Footnote_6_498"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_498"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> So
+ Walchius.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of
+ Elipandus to the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_499" id="FNanchor_1_499"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_499" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but it did not attract
+ notice till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the
+ orthodox bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of
+ the heresy having reached him—a heresy, he remarks, never before
+ propounded, unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he
+ mentions Ascarius,<a name="FNanchor_2_500" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_500" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over
+ to his views. The new doctrine seems to have made its way quickly
+ over a great part of Spain,<a name="FNanchor_3_501" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_501" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> while Felix propagated it with considerable
+ success in Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in
+ Spain were Beatus and Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and
+ Theudula, Bishop of Seville; while beyond its borders Alcuin,
+ Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of Lyons, under the direction
+ of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended the orthodox
+ position.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_499" id="Footnote_1_499"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_499"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Migne,
+ 96 p. 848.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_500" id="Footnote_2_500"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_500"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus, asking the latter's
+ opinion on some doubtful points in the new doctrine.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_501" id="Footnote_3_501"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_501"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac virulenta
+ doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the
+ overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and
+ suffered for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living
+ under a Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters
+ or messages. He seems even to have received something more than a
+ mere negative support from the Arabs, if we are right in so
+ interpreting a passage in the letter of Beatus and
+ Etherius.<a name="FNanchor_1_502" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_502" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But it is hard to believe that Elipandus was
+ on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed, from
+ passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was
+ rather the case.<a name="FNanchor_2_503" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_503" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Neander suggests that it may have been a
+ Gothic king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems
+ even more unlikely than the other supposition.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The first council called to consider this question was held by
+ the suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788,
+ when the heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of
+ Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_3_504" id="FNanchor_3_504"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_504" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in
+ 791, with the same results.<a name="FNanchor_4_505" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_505" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> But in the following year the heresy was
+ formally condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the
+ presidency of the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was
+ sent to Rome to be further condemned by the Pope, that the whole
+ Western Church might take action in the matter. Felix was there
+ induced to write a book condemning his own errors, but in spite
+ of this he was not restored to his see.<a name="FNanchor_5_506"
+ id="FNanchor_5_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_506" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> On his return, however, to Spain, Felix
+ relapsed into his old heresy, which he had never really
+ abjured.<a name="FNanchor_6_507" id="FNanchor_6_507"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_507" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_502" id="Footnote_1_502"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_502"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I. sec.
+ 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae pari
+ certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter
+ virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus
+ auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec.
+ 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum
+ potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_503" id="Footnote_2_503"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_503"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Elip. ad.
+ Albinum, sec. 7—"Oppressione gentis afflicti non possumus tibi
+ rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana dispendia
+ quibus duramus potius quam vivimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_504" id="Footnote_3_504"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_504"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> There are
+ some doubts about this council.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_505" id="Footnote_4_505"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_505"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 236. Hefele dates it 796.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_506" id="Footnote_5_506"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_506"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See letter
+ of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for Felix's restoration
+ (794).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_507" id="Footnote_6_507"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_507"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Leo III.
+ said of him, at a council held in Rome (799): "<i>Fugiens ad
+ paganos consentaneos</i> perjuratus effectus est." See Froben,
+ "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the
+ orthodox position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter,
+ admonishing him of his errors, and acknowledging that all his
+ previous utterances on theology had been sound and true. Felix
+ answered this letter, but his reply is not preserved. To the
+ same, or following, year belongs the letter of Elipandus and the
+ bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops of Gaul, defending
+ their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of Felix.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and
+ other English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend,
+ and heard his heresy again condemned and anathematised, the
+ decree to this effect being sent to Elipandus.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_508" id="FNanchor_1_508"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_508" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Alcuin's book was read
+ by Charles, and sent into Septimania by the hands of the abbot
+ Benedict.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at
+ Frankfurt.<a name="FNanchor_2_509" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_509" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent
+ by him first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan
+ clergy, sent on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with
+ Paulinus and the Pope as his coadjutors.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin
+ argued for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for
+ Felix again recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith
+ discarding the word adoption, but still preserving the
+ distinction of predicates belonging to the two natures.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_510" id="FNanchor_3_510"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_510" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Alcuin's book, after
+ being revised by Charles, was published 800 A.D. Previously to
+ this he had written to Elipandus, who answered in no measured
+ terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things, of enormous wealth.
+ This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer, Alcuin wrote
+ the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which was the
+ means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic
+ Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_4_511" id="FNanchor_4_511"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_511" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But in spite of
+ Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the anathemas of the
+ councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up his new
+ doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts.
+ Elipandus, though very old<a name="FNanchor_5_512" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_512" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years
+ longer, and Felix survived him eight years;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_513" id="FNanchor_6_513"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_513" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and they both died
+ persisting in their error.<a name="FNanchor_7_514" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_514" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_508" id="Footnote_1_508"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_508"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne, xcvi. 858, gives us
+ the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac nefanda haeresis
+ Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix (<i>sic</i>)
+ Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_509" id="Footnote_2_509"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_509"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 228.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_510" id="Footnote_3_510"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_510"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 232.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_511" id="Footnote_4_511"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_511"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Froben,
+ sec, 82. Neander says 10,000.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_512" id="Footnote_5_512"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_512"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin
+ adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius tantummodo
+ laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte praereptum
+ esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_513" id="Footnote_6_513"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_513"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or perhaps
+ six.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_514" id="Footnote_7_514"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_514"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> No
+ reliance can be placed in the statement of the
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of
+ Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione
+ Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium
+ (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato
+ publice errore <i>fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae</i> confessus
+ est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec.
+ 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of
+ Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his
+ error.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy,
+ both from its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned
+ above, there are some reasons for thinking that it was the
+ outcome of a wish to conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as
+ well to recapitulate such evidence as we have obtained on this
+ point. But we must not expect to find the traces of Mohammedan
+ influence in the development, so much as in the origination, of
+ the theory. What we do find is slight enough, amounting to no
+ more than this:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>a.</i>) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan
+ from genuine Christianity—setting aside for a moment the
+ transcendental mystery of the Trinity—was the Divinity of Christ.
+ Anything, therefore, that tended to emphasise the humanity of
+ Jesus, or to obscure the great fact of Christ the Man, being Son
+ of God, which sounded so offensive to Mohammedan ears, would so
+ far bring the Christian creed nearer to the Mohammedan's
+ acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of Christ,
+ to that which appears so often in the Koran.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_515" id="FNanchor_1_515"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_515" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt
+ that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical
+ conclusion, did contribute to this result:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>b.</i>) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of
+ the secular arm in disseminating his heretical opinions:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>c.</i>) That the application of the term <i>Servant</i> to
+ Christ, besides being authorised by texts from Scripture, is
+ countenanced in two passages from the Koran:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>d.</i>) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain,
+ and his relapse into error, implies that it was due to his
+ renewed contact with infidels who held similar views:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>e.</i>) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is
+ said to have lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his
+ close intercourse with the Arabs:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>f.</i>) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false
+ prophet, that is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a
+ Mohammedan interpretation to the Beast in the Revelation of St
+ John.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it
+ did not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was
+ originated by a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_516" id="FNanchor_2_516"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_516" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>—Claudius, Bishop of
+ Turin. Some have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of
+ Iconoclasm, traces of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in
+ itself.<a name="FNanchor_3_517" id="FNanchor_3_517"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_517" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct
+ statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised
+ him, and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he
+ on his side highly commended them <i>and the
+ Saracens</i>.<a name="FNanchor_4_518" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_518" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Yet his tendency seems to have been against
+ the Judaizing of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_5_519" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_519" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_515" id="Footnote_1_515"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_515"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fifty
+ years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses certain
+ Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of
+ persecution:— "Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (<i>i.e.</i>
+ Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et
+ Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones
+ corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_516" id="Footnote_2_516"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_516"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and says elsewhere,
+ "Felix resuscitur in Claudio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_517" id="Footnote_3_517"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_517"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
+ vi. 119.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_518" id="Footnote_4_518"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_518"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 398.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_519" id="Footnote_5_519"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_519"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander,
+ vi. 125.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East,
+ undoubtedly received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In
+ 719 the Khalif destroyed all images in Syria. His example was
+ followed in 730 by the Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is
+ said to have been persuaded to this measure by a man named Bezer,
+ who had been some years in captivity among the Saracens.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_520" id="FNanchor_1_520"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_520" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In 754 the great
+ council of Constantinople condemned images. Unfortunately neither
+ the great patriarchates nor the Pope were represented, and so
+ this council never obtained-the sanction of all Christendom; and
+ its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council of Nicæa. In 790
+ appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to find our
+ English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and
+ reasonable protest against the worship of images.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_521" id="FNanchor_2_521"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_521" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In 794 this protest
+ was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and
+ his militia,<a name="FNanchor_3_522" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_522" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any
+ reform in this quarter, and the recognition of images became part
+ and parcel of Roman Catholic Christianity.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.<a name="FNanchor_4_523"
+ id="FNanchor_4_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_523" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Though placed over an Italian diocese, he soon
+ shewed the independence, which he had imbibed in the free air of
+ Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least the advantage
+ of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding that the
+ people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius set
+ to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in
+ his bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than
+ other Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist
+ training.<a name="FNanchor_5_524" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_524" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with
+ the Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot
+ of Nîmes, a friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal,
+ an Irish priest. But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was
+ more than a match for his opponents in argument.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_525" id="FNanchor_6_525"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_525" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_520" id="Footnote_1_520"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_520"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury,
+ xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham, Seventh
+ General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_521" id="Footnote_2_521"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_521"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut
+ segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius
+ infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."—III. c. 24.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in
+ basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei
+ Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad
+ peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium
+ habere noscantur."—III. c. 21.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_522" id="Footnote_3_522"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_522"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_523" id="Footnote_4_523"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_523"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander
+ says 814, Herzog 820.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_524" id="Footnote_5_524"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_524"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from the charge of
+ adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer of the Khalif
+ Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his brother's body at
+ Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my brother's body to the
+ mercy of those who ring bells and adore the cross. Ibn Hayyan,
+ apud Al Makk., ii. 446.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_525" id="Footnote_6_525"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_525"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 398, confesses that the case of the image-worshippers rests
+ mainly on tradition and the usage of the Church—meaning that
+ they can draw no support from the Bible. He might have
+ remembered Matt. xv. 7—"Ye make void the Word of God because of
+ your tradition."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from
+ his opponents' quotation of them.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Briefly expressed, they are as follows:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> Image-worship is really idol-worship:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> If images are to be adored, much more should those
+ living beings be adored, whom the images represent. But we are
+ not permitted to adore God's works, much less may we worship the
+ work of men:<a name="FNanchor_1_526" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_526" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus
+ was fastened to it: else must we adore other things with which
+ Jesus was similarly connected; virgins, for example, for Christ
+ was nine months in a virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships,
+ thorns, for with all these Jesus was connected. To adore the
+ cross we have never been told, but to bear it,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_527" id="FNanchor_2_527"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_527" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> that is to deny
+ ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to adore it, who are
+ least ready to bear it either spiritually or physically.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_528" id="FNanchor_3_528"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_528" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal
+ supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_4_529" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_529" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Being summoned before a council, with more
+ wisdom than Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his
+ cause would be prejudged, and contented himself with calling the
+ proposed assembly a congregation of asses. He died in 839 in
+ secure possession of his see, and with his Iconoclastic belief
+ unshaken.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during
+ the first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem
+ to have been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One
+ more there was, the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one
+ hundred and fifty years later, and was perhaps the outcome of
+ intercourse with the Mohammedanism of Spain.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_530" id="FNanchor_5_530"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_530" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_526" id="Footnote_1_526"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_526"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_527" id="Footnote_2_527"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_527"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Luke xiv.
+ 27.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_528" id="Footnote_3_528"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_528"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas,
+ apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_529" id="Footnote_4_529"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_529"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Appendix B, pp. 161-173.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_530" id="Footnote_5_530"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_530"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> So Blunt.
+ It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2, from Lucas of
+ Tuy.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal
+ Christianity (there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal
+ Mohammedanism), it will fall within the scope of our inquiry to
+ estimate the extent to which those influences were reciprocally
+ felt by the two religions in their social and intellectual
+ aspects; and how far the character of a Christian or a Mohammedan
+ was altered by contact with a people professing a creed so like,
+ and yet so unlike.<a name="FNanchor_1_531" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_531" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> This influence we shall find more strongly
+ manifested in the action of Christianity on Islam, than the
+ reverse.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks
+ seems to have varied<a name="FNanchor_2_532" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_532" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> from time to time, is reported to have
+ expressly declared that he would have no monks in his
+ religion.<a name="FNanchor_3_533" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_533" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Abubeker, his successor,—if Gibbon's
+ translation may be trusted,—in his marching orders to the army,
+ told them to let monks and their monasteries alone.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_534" id="FNanchor_4_534"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_534" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was not long,
+ however, before an order of itinerant monks—the faquirs—arose
+ among the Moslems. In other parts of their dominions these became
+ a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class; but in
+ Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_535" id="FNanchor_5_535"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_535" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> though they were very
+ numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian
+ historian,<a name="FNanchor_6_536" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_536" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> were nothing more than beggars, able but
+ unwilling to work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be
+ applied to all, "for there were among them men who, moved by
+ sentiments of piety and devotion, left the world and its
+ vanities, and either retired to convents to pass the remainder of
+ their days among brethren of the same community, or putting on
+ the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff, went through the
+ country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the faithful to
+ compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That
+ Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we
+ can gather from the above passage and from another place,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_537" id="FNanchor_7_537"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_537" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> where a convent called
+ Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On
+ that passage De Gayangos<a name="FNanchor_8_538" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_538" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> has an interesting note, in which he quotes
+ from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment
+ near Malaga.<a name="FNanchor_9_539" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_539" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close
+ to this city, a convent, which was the residence of several
+ religious men living in community, and conversant with the
+ principles of Sufism: they have a superior to preside over them,
+ and one or more servants to attend to their wants. Their internal
+ regulations are really admirable; each faquir lives separately in
+ a cell of his own, and meets his comrades only at meals or
+ prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the community
+ go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he
+ wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with
+ two meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock,
+ two being allowed yearly for each man—one for winter, another for
+ summer. Each faquir is furnished likewise with a regular
+ allowance of sugar, soap to wash his clothes, oil for his lamp,
+ and a small sum of money to attend the bath, all these articles
+ being distributed to them every Friday.... Most of the faquirs
+ are bachelors, a few only being married. These live with their
+ wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to the
+ same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers,
+ sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted
+ chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning
+ each faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then
+ that of the king;<a name="FNanchor_10_540" id=
+ "FNanchor_10_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_540" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a> and when the reading is over, a Koran,
+ previously divided into sections, is brought in for each man to
+ read in turn, until the whole is completed. On Fridays and
+ other-festivals these faquirs are obliged to go to the mosque in
+ a body, preceded by their superior.... They are often visited by
+ guests, whom they entertain for a long time, supplying them with
+ food and other necessaries. The formalities observed with them
+ are as follows:—If a stranger present himself at the door of the
+ convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his
+ waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his
+ staff in his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the
+ porter of the convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what
+ country he comes from, what convent he has resided in, or entered
+ on the road, who was the superior of it, and other particulars,
+ to ascertain that the visitor is not an impostor.... This convent
+ was plentifully endowed with rents for the support of its
+ inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in lands which was
+ provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga, who had
+ been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are
+ continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by
+ donations in money."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is
+ sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though
+ this particular convent was established at a later time, we
+ cannot doubt that the influence, which produced such a
+ modification of the very spirit of Islam, must have made itself
+ felt much earlier. This is apparent in the analogous case of
+ Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to
+ shew,<a name="FNanchor_11_541" id="FNanchor_11_541"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_11_541" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> where it is said
+ that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar (1030-1043), was
+ followed to the grave even by the damsels who had retired into
+ solitude.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_531" id="Footnote_1_531"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_531"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ Mohammedanism is even called a <i>heresy</i> by a writer quoted
+ by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_532" id="Footnote_2_532"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_532"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v.
+ 85—"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to entertain
+ friendship for the true believers who say, We are Christians.
+ This comes to pass, because there are priests and monks among
+ them." Kor. lvii. 27—"As to the monastic state (Deus loquitur),
+ the Christians instituted the same (we did not prescribe it for
+ them) only out of desire to please God, yet they observed not
+ the same as it ought truly to be observed." See also Kor. ix.
+ 34—"Verily many of the priests and monks devour the substance
+ of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of God;" and Kor. xxiii.
+ 55.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_533" id="Footnote_3_533"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_533"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Kor. v.
+ 89. Sale's note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_534" id="Footnote_4_534"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_534"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> So
+ Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii. 209.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_535" id="Footnote_5_535"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_535"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See the
+ interesting account, <i>ibid.</i>, i. 114.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_536" id="Footnote_6_536"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_536"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_537" id="Footnote_7_537"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_537"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, i. 115.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_538" id="Footnote_8_538"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_538"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, i. p. 406, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_539" id="Footnote_9_539"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_539"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> In the
+ fourteenth century.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_540" id="Footnote_10_540"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_540"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> ?
+ Chapter 67.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_541" id="Footnote_11_541"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_541"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Conde,
+ ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to Christian nuns.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity,
+ Islam shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded
+ with a Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such
+ things, but the following anecdotes are more in keeping with the
+ Bible than the Koran. Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to
+ his son, Hakem I., said: "Consider well that all empire is in the
+ hand of God, who bestoweth it on whom He will, and from whom He
+ will He taketh it away.<a name="FNanchor_1_542" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_542" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But since God hath given to us the royal
+ authority and power, which is in our hands by His goodness only,
+ let us obey His holy will, which is no other than that we do good
+ to all men,<a name="FNanchor_2_543" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_543" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and in especial to those placed under our
+ protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute
+ equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or
+ oppression be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the
+ road to perdition. Be clement, and do right to all who depend
+ upon thee, for all are the creatures of God."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_544" id="FNanchor_3_544"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_544" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the
+ following story shews, of the most Christian generosity.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_545" id="FNanchor_4_545"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_545" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> One of the faquirs who
+ had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the
+ presence of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from
+ telling the Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem
+ answered: "He who bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me
+ pardon thee. Go, and live in God's protection."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_546" id="FNanchor_5_546"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_546" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_542" id="Footnote_1_542"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_542"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Daniel,
+ iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249—"God giveth His kingdom unto whom
+ He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_543" id="Footnote_2_543"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_543"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Galatians
+ vi. 20—"Let us do good unto all men, especially unto them that
+ are of the household of faith."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_544" id="Footnote_3_544"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_544"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 240.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_545" id="Footnote_4_545"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_545"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> It is fair
+ to state that Hakem I. was not always so generous.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_546" id="Footnote_5_546"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_546"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are
+ the miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories,
+ it must be acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and
+ believing in miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in
+ the Middle Ages.<a name="FNanchor_1_547" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_547" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the
+ invader of Spain;<a name="FNanchor_2_548" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_548" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the
+ prayer of Akbar ibn Nafir;<a name="FNanchor_3_549" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_549" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the marvellous cap of Omar;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_550" id="FNanchor_4_550"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_550" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of the wonders that
+ distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision
+ shewing the tomb of Abu Ayub;<a name="FNanchor_5_551" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_551" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> but nothing that will bear a comparison with
+ the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the
+ clumsy and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of
+ the Armada.<a name="FNanchor_6_552" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_552" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid,
+ from Al Kusheyri,<a name="FNanchor_7_553" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_553" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> reminds us forcibly of similar monkish
+ extravagancies. A woman came to Baki, and said that, her son
+ being a prisoner in the hands of the Franks, she intended to sell
+ her house and go in search of him; but before doing so she asked
+ his advice. Leaving her for a moment he requested her to wait for
+ his answer. He then went out and prayed fervently for her son's
+ release, and telling the mother what he had done, dismissed her.
+ Some time after the mother came back with her son to thank Baki
+ for his pious interference, which had procured her son's release.
+ The son then told his story:—"I was the king's slave, and used to
+ go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we
+ were employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden
+ as if my fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my
+ feet, when lo! I saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each
+ side." The inspector naturally charged him with trying to escape,
+ but he denied on oath, saying that his fetters had fallen off
+ without his knowing how. They were then riveted on again with
+ additional nails, but again fell off. The youth goes on:—"The
+ Christians then consulted their priests on the miraculous
+ occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I had
+ a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the
+ priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her
+ prayers. Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a
+ set-off to this there is a remarkable instance of freedom from
+ superstition recorded of King Almundhir(881-2).<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_554" id="FNanchor_8_554"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_554" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> On the occasion of an
+ earthquake, the people being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it
+ as a direct interposition of God, this enlightened prince did his
+ best to convince them that such things were natural phenomena,
+ and had no relation to the good or evil that men did,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_9_555" id="FNanchor_9_555"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_9_555" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> shewing that the earth
+ trembled for Christian and Moslem alike, for the most innocent as
+ well as the most injurious of creatures without distinction.
+ They, however, refused to be convinced.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_547" id="Footnote_1_547"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_547"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See the
+ story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the
+ bull—Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the
+ earth—Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and
+ restored—<i>Ibid.</i>, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off
+ by the devil in sight of a large congregation—Isidore of Beja,
+ sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)—Mar. ix. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_548" id="Footnote_2_548"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_548"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_549" id="Footnote_3_549"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_549"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid</i>, p. 38.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_550" id="Footnote_4_550"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_550"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Ockley.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_551" id="Footnote_5_551"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_551"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Gibbon,
+ "for such are the manufacture of every religion," p. 115.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_552" id="Footnote_6_552"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_552"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
+ Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics found
+ at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous
+ phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of
+ Christianity.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_553" id="Footnote_7_553"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_553"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_554" id="Footnote_8_554"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_554"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 317.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_555" id="Footnote_9_555"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_555"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Cp. Matt.
+ v. 45: Luke xiii. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome
+ of that philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in
+ the reign of this Sultan's predecessor.<a name="FNanchor_1_556"
+ id="FNanchor_1_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_556" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The philosophizers were looked upon with
+ horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at
+ times they were ready to stone and burn the
+ free-thinkers.<a name="FNanchor_2_557" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_557" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The works of Ibnu Massara, a prominent member
+ of this school, were burnt publicly at Cordova;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_558" id="FNanchor_3_558"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_558" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the great
+ Almanzor, though himself, like the great Caesar, indifferent to
+ such questions,<a name="FNanchor_4_559" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_559" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> by way of gaining the support of the masses,
+ was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of these
+ philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the
+ man's life at the request of a learned faqui.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_560" id="FNanchor_5_560"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_560" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"—if the term be allowable—there
+ were Sceptics and Deists,<a name="FNanchor_6_561" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_561" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> and others who followed the wild speculations
+ of Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name
+ was Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198),
+ who besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that
+ would almost constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was
+ not a branch of knowledge that could be systematised, but an
+ inward personal power:<a name="FNanchor_7_562" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_562" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> that science and religion could not be fused
+ together. Owing to his freedom of thought he was banished to a
+ place near Cordova by Yusuf abu Yakub in 1196. He was also
+ persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen, son of
+ Almansur,<a name="FNanchor_8_563" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_563" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> for studying natural philosophy. Another
+ votary of the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death
+ by the same king.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_556" id="Footnote_1_556"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_556"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 18.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_557" id="Footnote_2_557"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_557"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics by the pious
+ Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii. 109.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_558" id="Footnote_3_558"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_558"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 121.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_559" id="Footnote_4_559"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_559"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was
+ supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden study of
+ Natural Science and Astrology.—Al Makk., i. 141. Yet he let the
+ faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be
+ burnt.—Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur
+ (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be
+ burnt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_560" id="Footnote_5_560"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_560"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 261.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_561" id="Footnote_6_561"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_561"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 262, 263.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_562" id="Footnote_7_562"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_562"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See
+ article in the "Encyclop. Britann."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_563" id="Footnote_8_563"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_563"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that this was a
+ mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub Almansur, and
+ could not be the king meant here. He therefore reads, "Yakub,
+ one of the Beni Abdulmumen."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier
+ freethinkers lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians
+ originally belonged to the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_564" id="FNanchor_1_564"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_564" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> (711-774), whose
+ doctrines were brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of
+ Damascus. But Hischem I., on coming to the throne, shewed his
+ preference for the doctrines of Malik ibn Aus,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_565" id="FNanchor_2_565"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_565" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and contrived that
+ they should supplant the dogmas of Al Auzai. It may be that
+ Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's creed, without
+ persuading others to conform to his views, but at all events the
+ change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor,
+ Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi,
+ Abu Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_3_566" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_566" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman Allakhmi,
+ three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a
+ pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in
+ the opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a
+ lax Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the
+ faquis enough power in the State.<a name="FNanchor_4_567" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_567" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful
+ enough to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman,
+ Abu Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise
+ discretion, as commendable as it was rare, declared that the
+ distinctions of the Ulema were cavils, and that the expositions
+ of the new traditionist "conveyed much useful instruction, and
+ inculcated very laudable practices."<a name="FNanchor_5_568" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_568" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly
+ ascendency, as notably by Ghàzali, the "Vivificator," as he was
+ called, "of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the
+ rebel against authority was excommunicated.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_569" id="FNanchor_6_569"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_569" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the strictly
+ oxthodox party did not succeed in arresting—to any appreciable
+ extent—the progress of the decay which was threatening to attack
+ even the distinctive features of the Mohammedan religion.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_570" id="FNanchor_7_570"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_570" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It is a slight
+ indication of this, that the peculiar Moslem dress gradually
+ began to be given up, and the turban was only worn by
+ faquis,<a name="FNanchor_8_571" id="FNanchor_8_571"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_571" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and even they could
+ not induce the people to return to a habit once thought of great
+ importance.<a name="FNanchor_9_572" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_572" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_564" id="Footnote_1_564"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_564"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 403. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_565" id="Footnote_2_565"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_565"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Died 780.
+ Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to Hakem I.; and an
+ author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to Abdurrahman I.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_566" id="Footnote_3_566"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_566"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 123.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_567" id="Footnote_4_567"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_567"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_568" id="Footnote_5_568"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_568"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 294.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_569" id="Footnote_6_569"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_569"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iv.
+ 255.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_570" id="Footnote_7_570"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_570"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In spite
+ of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says that all
+ innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by the
+ people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such, he
+ would have been torn to pieces.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_571" id="Footnote_8_571"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_571"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 271.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_572" id="Footnote_9_572"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_572"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 109.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But in other and more important respects we can see the
+ disintegrating effect which intercourse with Christians had upon
+ the social institutions of the Koran.<a name="FNanchor_1_573" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_573" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> Wine, which is expressly forbidden by
+ Mohammed,<a name="FNanchor_2_574" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_574" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> was much drunk throughout the country,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_575" id="FNanchor_3_575"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_575" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the example being
+ often set by the king himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the
+ first of these to drink the forbidden juice.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_576" id="FNanchor_4_576"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_576" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> His namesake, Hakem
+ II. (961-976), however, set his face against the practice of
+ drinking wine, and even gave orders for all the vines in his
+ kingdom to be rooted up—an edict which he recalled at the
+ instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin
+ many poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be
+ smuggled in or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem
+ consequently contented himself with forbidding anew the use of
+ spirituous liquors in the most stringent terms.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_577" id="FNanchor_5_577"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_577" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Even the faquis had
+ taken to drinking wine, and they defended the practice by saying
+ that the prohibition might be disregarded by Moslems, who were
+ engaged in a perpetual war with infidels.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying
+ of Mohammed runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law;
+ to perform music is to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to
+ be guilty of infidelity."<a name="FNanchor_6_578" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_578" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very
+ fond of music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi
+ a home at his Court, when the latter was driven from the East by
+ professional jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested
+ against these violations of their law. The important sect of
+ Hanbalites in particular, like our own Puritans, made a crusade
+ against these abuses. They "caused a great commotion in the tenth
+ century in Baghdad by entering people's houses and spilling their
+ wine, if they found any, and beating the singing-girls they met
+ with and breaking their instruments."<a name="FNanchor_7_579" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_579" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by
+ Mohammed, became quite common among the richer classes, though
+ the majority do not seem to have indulged themselves in this
+ way.<a name="FNanchor_8_580" id="FNanchor_8_580"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_580" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(d.)</i> The prohibition of sculptures, representing living
+ creatures, was disregarded. We find a statue, raised to
+ Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built
+ by Abdurrahman III. in honour of his beloved mistress. Images of
+ animals are mentioned on the fountains,<a name="FNanchor_9_581"
+ id="FNanchor_9_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_581" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> and a lion on the aqueduct.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_582" id="FNanchor_10_582"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_582" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> We also hear of a
+ statue at the gate of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_11_583" id=
+ "FNanchor_11_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_583" class=
+ "fnanchor">[11]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(e.)</i> The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning
+ towards Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned
+ by an Arab historian,<a name="FNanchor_12_584" id=
+ "FNanchor_12_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_584" class=
+ "fnanchor">[12]</a> that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah
+ as a distinctive nickname, because he did so turn?
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(f.)</i> A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to
+ persuade his coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not
+ of pigs or boars.<a name="FNanchor_13_585" id=
+ "FNanchor_13_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_585" class=
+ "fnanchor">[13]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_573" id="Footnote_1_573"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_573"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The
+ Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit
+ all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of
+ nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves,
+ listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and
+ mirth."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_574" id="Footnote_2_574"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_574"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v.
+ 93—"Surely wine, lots, and images are an abomination of the
+ work of Satan ... avoid them."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_575" id="Footnote_3_575"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_575"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 171.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_576" id="Footnote_4_576"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_576"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 252.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_577" id="Footnote_5_577"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_577"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_578" id="Footnote_6_578"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_578"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Yonge,
+ "Moors in Spain," p. 71.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_579" id="Footnote_7_579"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_579"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Sale,
+ Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_580" id="Footnote_8_580"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_580"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was
+ objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of
+ silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_581" id="Footnote_9_581"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_581"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, i. p. 236.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_582" id="Footnote_10_582"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_582"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 241.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_583" id="Footnote_11_583"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_583"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Akbar
+ Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_12_584" id="Footnote_12_584"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_12_584"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Al
+ Malckari, 1. 149.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_13_585" id="Footnote_13_585"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_13_585"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Hamim, a
+ Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis. Conde, i. 420.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the
+ more unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact
+ with a civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to
+ the Arabs, and partly growing up independently side by side with
+ them. But in nothing was this shewn more clearly than in the
+ social enfranchisement of the Moslem women, whom it is the very
+ essence of Mohammed's teaching to regard rather as the goods and
+ chattels than as the equals of man; and also in the introduction
+ among the Moslems of a more Christian conception of the sacred
+ word—Love.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Consequently we become accustomed to the strange
+ spectacle—strange among a Mohammedan people—of women making a
+ mark in the society of men, and being regarded as intellectually
+ and socially their equals. Thus we hear of an Arabian Sappho,
+ Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of Almustakfi
+ Billah;<a name="FNanchor_1_586" id="FNanchor_1_586"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_586" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> of Aysha, daughter of
+ Ahmad of Cordova—"the purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden
+ of her day;"<a name="FNanchor_2_587" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_587" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> of Mozna, the slave and private secretary of
+ Abdurrahman III.<a name="FNanchor_3_588" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_588" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were
+ admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by
+ Mohammedan law,<a name="FNanchor_4_589" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_589" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> the women being obliged to perform their
+ devotions at home; "if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it
+ must be when the men are not there; for the Moslems are of
+ opinion that their presence inspires a different kind of devotion
+ from that which is requisite in a place dedicated to the service
+ of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a Moor, censuring
+ the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for the reason,
+ among others, that women were there. If the evidence of ballads
+ be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at
+ festivities and dances.<a name="FNanchor_5_590" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_590" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> At tournaments they looked on, their bright
+ smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their
+ fair hands giving the successful champion the meed of victorious
+ valour.<a name="FNanchor_6_591" id="FNanchor_6_591"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_591" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Their position, in
+ fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of
+ Christian ladies.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_586" id="Footnote_1_586"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_586"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy,
+ "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_587" id="Footnote_2_587"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_587"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ p. 457.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_588" id="Footnote_3_588"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_588"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> For others
+ see Conde, i. 483, 484.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_589" id="Footnote_4_589"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_589"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sale,
+ Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_590" id="Footnote_5_590"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_590"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_591" id="Footnote_6_591"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_591"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See a
+ picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish Antiquities
+ of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad called "The
+ Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The effect of this improvement in the social position of women
+ could not fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among
+ the Spanish Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross
+ sensuality undergoing a process of refinement, as the following
+ extract from Said ibn Djoudi,<a name="FNanchor_1_592" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_592" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> who wrote at the close of the ninth century,
+ will shew. Addressing his ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 80px;">
+ "O thou, to whom my prayers are given,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compassionate and gentle
+ be</span>
+ <br />
+ To my poor soul, so roughly driven,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">To fly from me to thee.</span>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ "I call thy name, my vows outpouring,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">I see thine eyes with tear-drops
+ shine:</span>
+ <br />
+ No monk, his imaged saint adoring,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Knows rapture like to
+ mine!"</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Of these words Dozy<a name="FNanchor_2_593" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_593" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> says:—"They might be those of a Provençal
+ troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly
+ seen in a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who
+ was prime minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He
+ calls Love<a name="FNanchor_3_594" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_594" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> a mixture of moral affection, delicate
+ gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm modest beauty, full of sweet
+ dignity. Being the great grandson of Christian parents, perhaps
+ some of their inherited characteristics reappeared in
+ him:—"Something pure, something delicate, something spiritual
+ which was not Arab."<a name="FNanchor_4_595" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_595" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_592" id="Footnote_1_592"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_592"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Killed,
+ 897.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_593" id="Footnote_2_593"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_593"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> II. 229.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_594" id="Footnote_3_594"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_594"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Quoted by
+ Dozy, iii. 350.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_595" id="Footnote_4_595"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_595"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the
+ social and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now
+ turn to the analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity
+ under the same aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no
+ means so marked as in the reverse case. One striking instance,
+ however, there is, in which such an influence was shewn, and
+ where we should least have thought to find it. We have
+ indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be
+ circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves
+ off on occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we
+ cannot be certain: but the fact remains.<a name="FNanchor_1_596"
+ id="FNanchor_1_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_596" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "Have we not," says Alvar,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_597" id="FNanchor_2_597"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_597" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> "the mark of the
+ beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we
+ follow the pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the
+ circumcision of the heart,<a name="FNanchor_3_598" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_598" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to
+ the corporeal rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy,
+ and which can only be complied with at the cost of no small pain
+ to ourselves."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic
+ rite,<a name="FNanchor_4_599" id="FNanchor_4_599"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_599" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> whether voluntarily,
+ or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know that the
+ Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the
+ intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be
+ circumcised.<a name="FNanchor_5_600" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_600" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the
+ outward observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought
+ it necessary to abstain from certain meats,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_601" id="FNanchor_6_601"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_601" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> those, namely,
+ forbidden by the Mohammedan law.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his
+ excuse that otherwise the Christians could not live with the
+ Saracens.<a name="FNanchor_7_602" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_602" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> This was, naturally, not considered a good
+ reason by the stricter or more bigoted party, who regarded with
+ alarm and suspicion any tendency towards amalgamation with
+ Mohammedans. If we can credit certain chroniclers, a council was
+ even held some years before this time by Basilius, Bishop of
+ Cordova, for considering the best method of preventing the
+ contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its contact
+ with Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_8_603" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_603" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_596" id="Footnote_1_596"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_596"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John
+ of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above, p. 89.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_597" id="Footnote_2_597"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_597"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_598" id="Footnote_3_598"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_598"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Romans ii.
+ 29; Galatians v. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_599" id="Footnote_4_599"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_599"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See "Life
+ of John of Gorz," sec. 123.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_600" id="Footnote_5_600"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_600"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See "Life
+ of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.," ii. c. 4. Cp.
+ "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king, Halihatan
+ (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par lequel il
+ estait mandé a tous Chrestiens habitans és terres et villes a
+ luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se faisans
+ circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_601" id="Footnote_6_601"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_601"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
+ Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. <i>ad init.</i>—" You are
+ forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and
+ swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_602" id="Footnote_7_602"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_602"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "John of
+ Gorz," 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_603" id="Footnote_8_603"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_603"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501.
+ "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne
+ Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti,
+ illorum caeremoniis communicarent."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of
+ contraries, and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were,
+ would cling to some habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit
+ of opposition to a reverse custom among Moslems. Thus we know
+ that the monks in the East became the more passionately devoted
+ to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm savoured so much of
+ Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more objectionable
+ results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the people
+ with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from
+ being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths
+ were the direct invention of the devil.<a name="FNanchor_1_604"
+ id="FNanchor_1_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_604" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Later on we know that Philip II., the husband
+ of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish dominions
+ destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of
+ infidelity.<a name="FNanchor_2_605" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_605" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a
+ contrast to the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is
+ mentioned with horror as having a wife and children, one of whom
+ afterwards succeeded him, and also married.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_606" id="FNanchor_3_606"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_606" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the
+ marriage of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by
+ Fruela I. (757-768) in the North, yet concubinage became very
+ common among the clergy;<a name="FNanchor_4_607" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_607" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state
+ of things that Witiza wished to compel the clergy to have lawful
+ wives.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_604" id="Footnote_1_604"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_604"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Miss
+ Yonge, p. 67.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_605" id="Footnote_2_605"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_605"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_606" id="Footnote_3_606"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_606"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
+ "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326—"Conventus Episcoporum pro
+ restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae ac
+ vepres, nec nominandi proles."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_607" id="Footnote_4_607"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_607"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. 2, 6,
+ we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the Moslems in
+ having harems.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We have left to the last the great and interesting question of
+ the origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines
+ of Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not
+ with justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the
+ present. The institution known by that name arose in the age of
+ Charles the Great (768-814),<a name="FNanchor_1_608" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_608" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and was therefore nearly synchronous with the
+ invasion of Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed,
+ referred to the military service of fiefs, but all its
+ characteristics, which were personal and individual, such as
+ loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point to a racial rather than a
+ political source, and these characteristics are found in an
+ eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and independent
+ spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,<a name="FNanchor_2_609" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_609" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> "dwelling as it were upon a rock, and
+ disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness of
+ internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is
+ not unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American
+ Indians."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can
+ be no doubt that its development was largely influenced by the
+ relative positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the
+ perpetual war which went on between them in that country.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps
+ among our Saxon forefathers,<a name="FNanchor_3_610" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_610" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> chivalry soon became religious in character,
+ and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against
+ the Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be
+ called the cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even
+ in the first flush of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be
+ truly chivalrous enemies, and clearly had nothing to learn from
+ Christians in that respect. The very earliest days of Moslem
+ triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit displayed at the capture
+ of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy contrast to the
+ scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders under the
+ heroic Godfrey de Bouillon.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_608" id="Footnote_1_608"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_608"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Hallam,
+ "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_609" id="Footnote_2_609"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_609"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of
+ chivalry have so much resemblance to those which Eastern
+ writers of the same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect
+ Europe for having derived some improvement from imitation of
+ Asia."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_610" id="Footnote_3_610"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_610"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Hallam,
+ "Mid. Ages" (1.1.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of
+ the tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely
+ paralleled. The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great
+ victory of Alarcos (1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners.
+ It cannot, however, be denied that the action displeased many of
+ the king's followers, who complained of it "as one of the
+ extravagancies proper to monarchs,"<a name="FNanchor_1_611" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_611" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and Yakub himself repented of it on his
+ deathbed.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities
+ enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight—such as
+ piety, courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art
+ of poetry, skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance,
+ and bow.<a name="FNanchor_2_612" id="FNanchor_2_612"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_612" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Chivalry soon became a
+ recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf ben Harun, or Abu
+ Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II. (961-976) on its
+ duties and obligations;<a name="FNanchor_3_613" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_613" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> nor was it long before the Moorish kings
+ learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the Christian
+ fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood
+ conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.<a name="FNanchor_4_614"
+ id="FNanchor_4_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_614" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_611" id="Footnote_1_611"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_611"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde,
+ iii. 53.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_612" id="Footnote_2_612"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_612"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p.
+ 159.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_613" id="Footnote_3_613"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_613"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 477.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_614" id="Footnote_4_614"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_614"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ 173.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or
+ the Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the
+ Moorish knight <i>sans peur et sans reproche;</i> and though, if
+ judged by our standards, he was by no means <i>sans reproche</i>,
+ yet many are the stories told of his magnanimity and justice. On
+ one occasion after a battle against the Christians, the Count of
+ Garcia being mortally wounded, his faithful Castilians refused to
+ leave him, and were hemmed in by Almanzor's men. When the latter
+ was urged to give the word, and have the knot of Christians put
+ to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He who slayeth one
+ man, not having met with violence, will be punished like the
+ murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man,
+ shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_615" id="FNanchor_1_615"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_615" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Make room, sons of
+ Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of
+ the clement and merciful God." <a name="FNanchor_2_616" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_616" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for
+ wedding gifts for an enemy<a name="FNanchor_3_617" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_617" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he
+ magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father
+ of the Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his
+ seven sons.<a name="FNanchor_4_618" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_618" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the
+ romantic ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather
+ round any but persons who are noted for that virtue, and though
+ the instances should be false in letter, yet in spirit they may
+ be eminently true. However this may be as respects Almanzor's
+ generosity, of his justice we have unimpeachable evidence. The
+ monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says that the success of
+ his raids on the Christian territories was due to the large pay
+ he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice, "which
+ virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's
+ lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any
+ Christian."<a name="FNanchor_5_619" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_619" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_615" id="Footnote_1_615"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_615"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Koran, v.
+ 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_616" id="Footnote_2_616"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_616"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
+ 110.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_617" id="Footnote_3_617"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_617"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 80.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_618" id="Footnote_4_618"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_618"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes
+ Vasaeus, 969.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_619" id="Footnote_5_619"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_619"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Sil.," sec. 70.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the
+ Christian Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors—those
+ military orders, namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The
+ Rabitos, or Moslemah knights," says Conde,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_620" id="FNanchor_1_620"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_620" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> "in charge of the
+ frontier, professed extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted
+ themselves voluntarily to the continual exercise of arms. They
+ were all men of high distinction; and bound themselves by a vow
+ to defend the frontier. They were forbidden by their rules to fly
+ from the enemy, it being their duty to fight and die on the spot
+ they held."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived
+ from the Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it
+ was the Moors who inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy
+ Wars, as an essential part of their religion.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_621" id="FNanchor_2_621"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_621" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In this respect
+ Christianity became Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry
+ became identified with war against the infidel, and found its
+ apotheosis<a name="FNanchor_3_622" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_622" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> in St. James of Compostella, who—a poor
+ fisherman of Galilee—was supposed to have fought in person
+ against the Moors at Clavijo.<a name="FNanchor_4_623" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_623" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> In the ballad we hear of Christian knights
+ coming to engage in fight from exactly that same belief in the
+ efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated the
+ Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms
+ and fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those
+ of Leon and Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_5_624" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_624" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de
+ Junqueras (921).<a name="FNanchor_6_625" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_625" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle
+ against the Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes
+ repeated mention of a right valiant prelate named
+ Hieronymus.<a name="FNanchor_7_626" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_626" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_620" id="Footnote_1_620"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_620"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ p. 119, note—"It seems highly probable that from these arose
+ the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp. Prescott, "Ferd.
+ and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of Spain were mostly
+ instituted by papal bulls in the last half of the 12th century.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_621" id="Footnote_2_621"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_621"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Islam made
+ Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii. pp. 220-2.
+ Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_622" id="Footnote_3_622"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_622"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Presc.,
+ "Ferd.," p. 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_623" id="Footnote_4_623"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_623"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Mohammed
+ also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor. iii., ad init.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_624" id="Footnote_5_624"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_624"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Rodrigo
+ of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they were the
+ bishops of Tuy and Salamanca.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_625" id="Footnote_6_625"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_625"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana,
+ viii. 5. See also <i>Ibid.</i>, c. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_626" id="Footnote_7_626"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_626"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Chronicle
+ of Cid" (Southey), p. 371.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which
+ engendered and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only
+ common ground on which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European,
+ could meet. It was in fact a sort of compromise between two
+ incompatible religions mutually accepted by two different races.
+ Though perhaps not a spiritual religion, it was a social one, and
+ served in some measure to mitigate the horrors of a war of races
+ and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the Crusades, and Richard I.
+ of England and Saladin were the Achilles and the Hector of a new
+ Iliad.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as
+ a compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now
+ conclude. In discussing the relations between Christianity and
+ Mohammedanism, we have been naturally led to compare not only the
+ religions but their adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish
+ between those who profess a creed, and the creed which they
+ profess; but at least we may have thus been enabled to avoid
+ missing any point essential to the proper elucidation of the
+ mutual relations which existed between the two greatest religions
+ of the world, and the influence they had upon each other.
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="APPENDIX_A" id="APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ A.
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE JEWS IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally
+ made them the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very
+ numerous colony in Spain—for Hadrian had transported thither many
+ thousand families—the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in
+ conquering the country, both by betraying places to them, and
+ garrisoning captured towns while the Arabs went on to fresh
+ conquests. Consequently the relations between the Jews and
+ Moslems were for a long time very cordial, though this cordiality
+ wore off in the course of time. Their numbers seem to have been
+ considerable under the Moslem occupation, and whole towns were
+ set apart as Jewries.<a name="FNanchor_1_627" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_627" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very
+ strongly among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith
+ favoured them. They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves
+ were induced by the clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became
+ free, as Jews were not allowed to have Christian slaves.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_628" id="FNanchor_2_628"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_628" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But it must be
+ admitted that the Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it
+ was well known that they sold Christian children as slaves to the
+ Moslems of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_3_629" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_629" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_627" id="Footnote_1_627"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_627"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 452.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_628" id="Footnote_2_628"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_628"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 408.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_629" id="Footnote_3_629"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_629"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from
+ among the Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind,
+ named Eleazar, to whom Alvar addressed several letters under the
+ title of "the transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon.
+ A Christian of German extraction,<a name="FNanchor_1_630" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_630" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders.
+ In 838, while on his way to Rome,<a name="FNanchor_2_631" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_631" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> he apostatised to Judaism,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_632" id="FNanchor_3_632"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_632" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and opened a
+ negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as
+ slaves, stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year
+ he let his hair and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he
+ married a Jewess, compelling his grandson at the same time to
+ apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude became so hostile to the
+ Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to Charles, praying
+ him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however does not seem
+ to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that
+ Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the
+ deaths of Prefectus and John may have been due to him.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_633" id="FNanchor_4_633"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_633" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> After this we hear no
+ more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the
+ Arabs seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged
+ character. Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity
+ to develop their natural gifts as they have never had since the
+ capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed
+ themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if indeed they did not
+ outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of learning in the dark
+ ages.<a name="FNanchor_5_634" id="FNanchor_5_634"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_634" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In science generally,
+ and especially in the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in
+ learning and civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far
+ ahead of the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_6_635" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_635" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_630" id="Footnote_1_630"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_630"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Ann.
+ Bertin.," 839.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_631" id="Footnote_2_631"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_631"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Orationis
+ gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_632" id="Footnote_3_632"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_632"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
+ xi. p. 20 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_633" id="Footnote_4_633"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_633"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The "Ann.
+ Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to give his
+ Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism, or death.
+ See Rohrbacher, xii. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_634" id="Footnote_5_634"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_634"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_635" id="Footnote_6_635"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_635"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 134.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the
+ gradual process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility,
+ and at the beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to
+ have been a project formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems
+ on the ground of a promise made by their forefathers to Mohammed
+ that, if in five centuries their Messiah had not appeared, they
+ would be converted to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_1_636" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_636" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of
+ the Moslems for extorting money; at all events the Jews only
+ succeeded in evading the alternative by paying a large sum of
+ money. Even in the early years of the conquest they were subject
+ to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the rumour of the
+ Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish Jews,
+ leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem
+ governor, Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to
+ restore it on the return of the disappointed emigrants.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to
+ have lost many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth
+ century Maimonides,<a name="FNanchor_2_637" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_637" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> the greatest name among the Spanish Jews,
+ wrote against their errors. One of these seems to have been that
+ the books of Moses were written before the Creation;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_638" id="FNanchor_3_638"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_638" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> another, that there
+ was a series of hells in the next world.<a name="FNanchor_4_639"
+ id="FNanchor_4_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_639" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we
+ hear of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs
+ to Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and
+ the king's confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a
+ few years later. He was also distinguished as a
+ physician.<a name="FNanchor_5_640" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_640" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_636" id="Footnote_1_636"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_636"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ 326.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_637" id="Footnote_2_637"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_637"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 409.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_638" id="Footnote_3_638"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_638"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the
+ Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p. 50. (Chandos
+ Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_639" id="Footnote_4_639"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_639"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_640" id="Footnote_5_640"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_640"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest
+ provinces of Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian
+ territories, was by no means unendurable. They were sometimes
+ advanced to important and confidential posts, and it was the
+ murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish ambassador by the King of Seville
+ which brought about the introduction of the Almoravides into
+ Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo
+ by the Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him
+ that they were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar
+ transported into Spain, and not the descendants of those
+ Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ. Their ancestors, they said,
+ were quite free from the guilt of this act, for when Caiaphas had
+ written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice respecting the
+ person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews returned
+ for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be
+ fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be
+ put to death. This reply they produced in the original
+ Hebrew.<a name="FNanchor_1_641" id="FNanchor_1_641"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_641" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is needless to say
+ that the whole thing was a fabrication.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain,
+ the tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the
+ Jews. They were accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship,
+ desecration of its symbols, sacrifice of Christian
+ infants,"<a name="FNanchor_2_642" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_642" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and other enormities. Severe laws were passed
+ against them, as in the old Gothic times, and their freedom was
+ grievously curtailed in the matters of dress, residence, and
+ profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear yellow
+ caps.<a name="FNanchor_3_643" id="FNanchor_3_643"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_643" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_641" id="Footnote_1_641"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_641"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Southey,
+ "Roder.," i. p. 235, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_642" id="Footnote_2_642"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_642"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_643" id="Footnote_3_643"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_643"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 116.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against
+ them, and 15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain.
+ Many were nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to
+ the credit of a single saint. These new Christians sometimes
+ attained high ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the
+ noble families—the taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards
+ to be regarded with the greatest horror and aversion.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first
+ established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In
+ 1492, on the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a
+ very large number of Jews were expelled from Castile,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_644" id="FNanchor_1_644"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_644" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the evil example being
+ afterwards followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the
+ treatment of Jews by Christians is indeed one of the darkest in
+ the history of Christianity.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_644" id="Footnote_1_644"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_644"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Variously
+ estimated at 160,000 or 800,000.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 45%;" />
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="APPENDIX_B" id="APPENDIX_B">B.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a
+ study as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from
+ being one of the most independent of Churches, she has become the
+ most subservient, and therefore the most degraded, of all. The
+ question of how this was brought about, apart from its intrinsic
+ interest as illustrating the development of a great nation, is
+ well worth investigating, from the momentous influence which it
+ has had upon the religious history of the world at large. For it
+ is not too much to say that Rome could never have made good its
+ ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large a part
+ of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion
+ of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and
+ unscrupulous ability of the Italian pontiffs.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a
+ nation, has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their
+ entirety—doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from
+ the first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception
+ of Spain) the West of Europe—the birthplace and cradle of the
+ mighty Teutonic races—have agreed with equal disdain to reject
+ and trample under their feet.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in
+ early times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its
+ greatness, and its prosperity, held a position of complete
+ equality with the Roman and other principal churches. The See of
+ Cordova held so high a rank in the fourth century that Hosius,
+ its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside at the important
+ councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347).
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made
+ Spain still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for
+ the Goths, besides being far more independent in character than
+ the Romanized Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in
+ consequence, from all communion with Rome. The orthodox party,
+ however, gradually gained strength, and in 560 the remnants of
+ the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the Gothic king's son Ermenegild,
+ with their help, revolted against his father. He was finally put
+ to death for his treason, but his brother, Recared, on ascending
+ the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the orthodox creed,
+ his example being followed by most of his nobles and prelates.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was
+ the signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which
+ was the more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great
+ increase of power since Spain was cut off from orthodox
+ Christendom by the invasion of the Arian Goths.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and,
+ saluting him, ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The
+ papal authority thus acknowledged was soon exercised in—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the
+ laws of the land;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such
+ cases;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the
+ Church;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(d.)</i> Sending the pall to metropolitans.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the
+ Spanish Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the
+ papal practice of sending letters to the chief bishops of the
+ country. They became invested in consequence with certain
+ important powers, such as those of convoking provincial councils;
+ of consecrating suffragans; of holding ecclesiastical courts, and
+ watching over the conduct of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_1_645" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_645" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church <i>was</i>
+ thus conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of
+ the Spanish kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very
+ sparing use of his power. In two points, in especial, the claims
+ of the pope were strenuously resisted.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly
+ forbidden.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted.
+ Thus the prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth
+ councils of Toledo, defended the orthodoxy of their
+ fellow-bishop, Julian, against the strictures of the then pope,
+ Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John V., confessed that
+ they had been in the right.<a name="FNanchor_2_646" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_646" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find
+ manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some
+ reason for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion
+ the king, Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade
+ appeals to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_3_647" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_647" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> One author even goes so far as to say that the
+ Gothic king and his clergy being at variance with the pope, the
+ latter encouraged and favoured the Saracen invasion.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_648" id="FNanchor_4_648"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_648" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_645" id="Footnote_1_645"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_645"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Masdeu,
+ xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_646" id="Footnote_2_646"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_646"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dunham, i.
+ p. 197.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_647" id="Footnote_3_647"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_647"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See
+ Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He quotes
+ Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_648" id="Footnote_4_648"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_648"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> J.S.
+ Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ However that may have been, and it certainly looks very
+ improbable, the invasion did not help the pope much directly,
+ though indirectly, and as events turned out, the Arab domination
+ was undoubtedly the main cause of the ultimate subjection of
+ Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in this way:—The
+ Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in a
+ position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have
+ sought help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks.
+ But the selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred
+ extending their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of
+ Christianity in defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish
+ Christians to look to the only Christian ruler who could afford
+ them even moral assistance; and the popes were not slow to avail
+ themselves of the opportunity thus offered for establishing their
+ authority in a new province. It was by the intervention of the
+ popes that the war against the Arabs partook of the nature of a
+ crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the advantage of
+ filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of
+ indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a
+ head, the pope collected in four years the sum of four million
+ maravedis.<a name="FNanchor_1_649" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_649" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being
+ asked and obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being
+ miraculously discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave
+ to move the see of Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St
+ lago,<a name="FNanchor_2_650" id="FNanchor_2_650"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_650" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> built on the spot
+ where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church
+ dates from this event, which was of ominous import for the future
+ independence of the Church in that country. What the claims of
+ Rome had come to be within a quarter of a century of this epoch,
+ we may see from the controversy which arose between Claudius,
+ Bishop of Turin, and the papal party. Claudius was himself a
+ Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated Felix, Bishop of Urgel,
+ one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy. Among other
+ doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party, Claudius
+ stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom,
+ resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains
+ to us of his writings,<a name="FNanchor_3_651" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_651" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> on the grounds, first, that Christ did
+ <i>not</i> say to Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be
+ loosed upon earth;" meaning by this that the authority vested in
+ Peter was only to be exercised during his life; secondly, in
+ answer to the supposed efficacy of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius
+ retorts on his accuser, Theodomir, abbot of a monastery near
+ Nîmes:—"If a doing of penance to be effectual involves a journey
+ to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your monastery and
+ prevent them from going—as you say is necessary—to Rome itself?"
+ As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither approved
+ nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to
+ all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal
+ life could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as
+ to the pope being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters
+ called him, apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not
+ belong to one "who fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils
+ the duties thereof."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_649" id="Footnote_1_649"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_649"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_650" id="Footnote_2_650"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_650"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Romey,
+ "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_651" id="Footnote_3_651"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_651"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff. Fleury, v. 398.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved
+ contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage
+ a congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit
+ Claudius remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere
+ of his interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king
+ unable even to call a council of bishops without a papal bull.
+ This became the established practice.<a name="FNanchor_1_652" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_652" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in
+ confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make
+ the canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular
+ cases.<a name="FNanchor_2_653" id="FNanchor_2_653"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_653" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had
+ established their independence, the weakness of the Christian
+ Church under Arab domination seemed to afford a good opportunity
+ for obtaining from them a recognition of the authority of the
+ pope. We accordingly find that an appeal was made to the pope
+ towards the close of the eighth century to give an authoritative
+ decision with regard to what the appellants deemed to be certain
+ irregularities which had found their way into the practice of
+ those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian
+ readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in
+ accordance with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the
+ Bishops of Spain he inveighs against the following errors,
+ countenanced by a certain Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of
+ Elvira, and sometimes called in consequence the Migetian errors:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already
+ been noticed and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a
+ letter to the people of Seville (750).<a name="FNanchor_3_654"
+ id="FNanchor_3_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_654" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The error was not the same as that of the
+ Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to
+ the twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the
+ following day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had
+ been held by the Latin Church itself till the sixth
+ century.<a name="FNanchor_4_655" id="FNanchor_4_655"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_655" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The fulminations of
+ the Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was
+ sufficiently general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle
+ which took place at the Easter of that year to be placed in the
+ year of the Hegira 278, which only began on April 15th, whereas
+ had Easter been observed according to the usage of the Latin
+ Church, the Paschal feast would have been already past.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_656" id="FNanchor_5_656"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_656" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> The eating of pork and things strangled.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_657" id="FNanchor_6_657"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_657" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> With respect to these
+ innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten
+ anathema against those who will not abstain from them. It is
+ curious to find the Christian Church upholding the eating of
+ pork, when brought into contact with the Moslems, and forbidding
+ it elsewhere.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become
+ very common, is denounced and forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_7_658"
+ id="FNanchor_7_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_658" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(d.)</i> The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against
+ consecrating priests without due preparation, and speaks as if
+ there were many false priests, wolves in sheep's clothing,
+ dealing havoc in the flock.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(e.)</i> One doubtful authority,<a name="FNanchor_8_659" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_659" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> who tells us that Adrian ordered Cixila,
+ Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not
+ fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_652" id="Footnote_1_652"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_652"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was in Spain
+ holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez, xiv.),
+ sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV. sent
+ Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII. to
+ hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_653" id="Footnote_2_653"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_653"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Mariana,
+ viii. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_654" id="Footnote_3_654"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_654"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isid. Pac,
+ sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376, 451.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_655" id="Footnote_4_655"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_655"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali Latinorum
+ Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_656" id="Footnote_5_656"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_656"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ p. 355, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_657" id="Footnote_6_657"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_657"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Florez,
+ "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_658" id="Footnote_7_658"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_658"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Adrian's
+ Letter to the Spanish Bishops.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_659" id="Footnote_8_659"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_659"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236—"Ex mandatis litterisque Adriani
+ papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a carnibus
+ abstinere" (776 A.D.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the
+ pretensions of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed
+ by the venerable Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly
+ resisted the encroachments of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus
+ himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote to Migetius condemning
+ him for certain heresies, and boasts of having completely refuted
+ and silenced him;<a name="FNanchor_1_660" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_660" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> but at the same time Elipandus shewed his
+ independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who
+ abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant
+ men; though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with
+ the pope,<a name="FNanchor_2_661" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_661" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and could justify his views by a reference to
+ the decision of the Church of Jerusalem in the earliest days of
+ Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_662" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_662" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one,
+ that it was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take
+ food touched by them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as:
+ "Not that which entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but
+ that which proceedeth out of the mouth, this defileth the man;"
+ <a name="FNanchor_4_663" id="FNanchor_4_663"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_663" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or "to the pure all
+ things are pure;"<a name="FNanchor_5_664" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_664" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> and to point out that Christ ate with
+ publicans and sinners.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen,
+ Claudius of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which
+ regarded the Roman See as alone constituting the Catholic Church
+ and the power of God.<a name="FNanchor_6_665" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_665" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> This he very properly calls a heresy; and
+ indignantly denies that Christ's words, "Thou art Peter,"
+ &amp;c., apply to the Church of Rome alone, affirming that they
+ were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he adds, "can the Roman
+ Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God without spot
+ or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome
+ (Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of
+ Christendom."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_660" id="Footnote_1_660"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_660"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Epilandus,
+ Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See Neander, v. 216
+ ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud Migne, vol. ci.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_661" id="Footnote_2_661"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_661"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See
+ Adrian's Letter to Egila.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_662" id="Footnote_3_662"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_662"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Acts xv.
+ 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_663" id="Footnote_4_663"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_663"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> St Matt.
+ xv. 11.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_664" id="Footnote_5_664"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_664"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Titus i.
+ 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_665" id="Footnote_6_665"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_665"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See also
+ letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's first book,
+ where he gives us his idea of a <i>Catholic</i> church founded
+ on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which Catholic
+ church may even consist of few members. Neander, v. 230.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and
+ continued to be established over it, Spain could never have
+ become the priest-ridden country which it now is; but the gradual
+ advance of the Christian arms in the North brought in its train a
+ more and more complete subserviency to the pope.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and
+ provinces from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist
+ between the religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of
+ those who had set them free. This was specially apparent in the
+ old Gothic liturgy, which the Muzarabic Christians had used all
+ along, and were still using, whereas the Christians of Leon and
+ the Asturias had imported a newer recension from Rome.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome,
+ and accordingly a legate,<a name="FNanchor_1_666" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_666" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from
+ John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly
+ into the ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at
+ Rome that the mass was incorrectly performed according to the
+ Gothic liturgy, and that false doctrines were taught. However,
+ Zanclus found that the divergence was not sufficiently wide to
+ warrant the suppression of the ancient ritual. It may be that the
+ power of the Roman Church was not established so securely as to
+ admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient church.
+ She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness to
+ the primitive usage<a name="FNanchor_2_667" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_667" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> of the Church against the innovations of the
+ Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we
+ find that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the
+ question of the old Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again.
+ The Gothic and the Roman books were subjected, after the absurd
+ fashion of the times, to two ordeals—by water and by fire; but in
+ spite of the fact that the Gothic liturgy, thanks to its greater
+ solidity and stronger binding, resisted both those elements
+ incomparably better than its younger rival, and so, if the ordeal
+ went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the old
+ native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the
+ pope, and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of
+ Leon,<a name="FNanchor_3_668" id="FNanchor_3_668"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_668" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and Sancho IV. of
+ Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up their
+ customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of
+ Toledo till late in the fifteenth century.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_666" id="Footnote_1_666"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_666"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana,
+ vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of Marinus, and
+ says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of Toledo.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_667" id="Footnote_2_667"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_667"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. the
+ monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman Catholics, under
+ Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred books and memorials
+ of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar coast in India.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_668" id="Footnote_3_668"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_668"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> And I. of
+ Castile.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters
+ relating to the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon
+ the king himself, and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso
+ IX. and all his kingdom were laid under an interdict by Celestine
+ III. because he had married within forbidden limits, and refused
+ to divorce his wife at the bidding of the pope. He did in the end
+ divorce her, but only to repeat the same offence with a second
+ wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at the hands of
+ Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on apace,
+ and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's
+ courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices
+ and bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X.
+ (1252-1284).<a name="FNanchor_1_669" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_669" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But this result was not attained without
+ remonstrances from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and
+ Isabella, the question came to an open rupture between the
+ Spanish Court and the reigning pope, Sixtus IV. Isabella, though
+ so ready to submit herself in matters of personal religion to the
+ pope and his legates, refused, like her later namesake of
+ England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and the
+ pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of
+ appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if
+ the sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the
+ barons of theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry
+ IV. (1454-1474), the papal legate threw his influence on to the
+ king's side, and excommunicated the rebellious barons, they
+ firmly answered that "those who had advised the pope that he had
+ a right to interfere in the temporal concerns of Castile had
+ deceived him; and that they, the barons of the kingdom, had a
+ perfect right to depose their sovereign on sufficient grounds,
+ and meant to exercise it."<a name="FNanchor_2_670" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_670" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213
+ Pedro II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the
+ Albigensians, and down to the time of Charles V., the princes of
+ Aragon were at open enmity with the Roman See,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_671" id="FNanchor_3_671"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_671" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Aragonese
+ strenuously resisted the establishment of the
+ Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_4_672" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_672" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_669" id="Footnote_1_669"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_669"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_670" id="Footnote_2_670"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_670"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the king, if he
+ violated the charter of the realm, might be deposed, and any
+ other <i>Pagan</i> or Christian substituted. <i>Ibid</i>, p.
+ 23.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_671" id="Footnote_3_671"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_671"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lockhart,
+ Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_672" id="Footnote_4_672"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_672"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more
+ unmerited suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised
+ by man, whereby more innocent people passed through the fire than
+ were perhaps ever sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first
+ put into action in September 1480, during the reign of the pious
+ and noble-minded Isabella.<a name="FNanchor_1_673" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_673" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The festival of Epiphany in the following year
+ was selected as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the
+ first auto da fé, when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was
+ against that unfortunate people that this inhuman persecution was
+ devised, or at least first used. That one year witnessed the
+ martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the infliction on 17,000 others of
+ punishments only less than death itself. During the
+ administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen
+ years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly
+ 100,000 were, as the phrase went, reconciled.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_674" id="FNanchor_2_674"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_674" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The confiscation of
+ property which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning
+ brought in enormous sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the
+ Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors
+ under Christian government were called, who were oppressed and
+ persecuted in the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from
+ Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But a more important conquest than these—more important, that is,
+ to the supremacy of the Roman See—was the undoubted conquest
+ achieved by the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in
+ the sixteenth century began to find their way into Spain from
+ Germany and England. Finding a congenial soil, the reformation
+ began to spread in Spain with wonderful rapidity. The divines
+ sent by Charles V. into England were themselves converted, and
+ returned full of zeal for the Protestant faith—"Their success,"
+ says Geddes,<a name="FNanchor_3_675" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_675" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> "was such that had not a speedy and full stop
+ been put to their pious labours by the merciless Inquisition, the
+ whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been converted to
+ the Protestant religion, in less time than any other country had
+ ever been before."<a name="FNanchor_4_676" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_676" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> So untrue is it to say that persecution always
+ fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the fetters, which
+ the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of Leon and
+ Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of
+ Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent
+ people. Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility,
+ social, religious, and political, Spain affords a melancholy but
+ instructive spectacle to the nations.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_673" id="Footnote_1_673"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_673"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced into
+ Spain, 1242. Prescott.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_674" id="Footnote_2_674"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_674"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_675" id="Footnote_3_675"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_675"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miscell.
+ Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_676" id="Footnote_4_676"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_676"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Geddes,
+ Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a Romanist author,
+ who says: "the number of converts was so great that had the
+ stop which was put to that evil been delayed but two or three
+ months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had been put into
+ a flame by them."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED" id=
+ "LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED">LIST OF AUTHORITIES
+ CONSULTED.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <p>
+ I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 10px;">
+ A. Arab (in translations):
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (1.) <i>Ibn abd el Hakem.</i> "History of the Conquest of Spain."
+ with notes by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down
+ to 743.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (2.) <i>J.A. Conde.</i> "History of the Domination of the Arabs
+ in Spain," translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols.
+ Bohn, 1854. The author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled
+ his work from Arabian memorials and writings in such sort that
+ those documents may be read as they were written;" (p. 18), "The
+ student of history may read this book as written by an Arabic
+ author."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their
+ modern successors cannot find a good word for it.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_677" id="FNanchor_1_677"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_677" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> De Gayangos, the
+ learned translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though
+ not blind to the "unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the
+ absence of notes and citations of authorities, and the numerous
+ errors and contradictions,"<a name="FNanchor_2_678" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_678" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the
+ foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan
+ Spain. It certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points
+ out<a name="FNanchor_3_679" id="FNanchor_3_679"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_679" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the errors of his
+ predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself,
+ not only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things
+ faithful to his authorities, he is found, where those authorities
+ can be identified, not to be faithful.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_677" id="Footnote_1_677"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_677"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Stanley
+ Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887). Dozy, Preface
+ to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui manquait
+ absolumment de sens historique."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_678" id="Footnote_2_678"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_678"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As to
+ these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in transcribing
+ or extracting the accounts of different historians some facts
+ are sure to be repeated, and others entirely contradicted. See
+ Al Makk., i. p. 29.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_679" id="Footnote_3_679"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_679"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pref., p.
+ 13 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (3.) <i>J.C. Murphy.</i> "History of the Mahometan Empire in
+ Spain," with additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work
+ is based on Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly
+ to be found in Al Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters
+ on the influence, scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs
+ in Europe, are exhaustive and interesting.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (4.) <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari</i>. "History of the
+ Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger
+ work by that author, translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols.
+ London, 1840. This work, which Dozy finds fault with for certain
+ inaccuracies, is on the whole very trustworthy, and its notes
+ form a perfect mine of information for the student wandering
+ helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al Makkari, a native
+ of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the seventeenth
+ century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose
+ evidence is most valuable. Among these are—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ α. <i>Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah</i>, descended
+ from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ β. <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi</i>, flourished in the
+ reign of Abdurrahman III.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ γ. <i>Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib</i>, of Cordova; died, 1044.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ δ. <i>Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm</i>, born at
+ Cordova, 994; died, 1064.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ ε. <i>Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,</i> born
+ at Cordova, 1006.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ ζ. <i>Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al
+ Anssari</i>, Cordova, 1101-1183.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ η. <i>Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn
+ Said</i> of Granada, 1214-1286.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ θ. <i>Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,</i>
+ born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 10px;">
+ B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (1.) <i>Schott's</i> "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort,
+ 1603.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (2.) <i>Florez,</i> "España Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most
+ useful collection of Spanish writers, together with much
+ information about them, written in Spanish.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (3.) <i>Migne's</i> "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most
+ invaluable collection in several score volumes. The following is
+ a list of those consulted:—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (α.) <i>Isidore of Beja</i>, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum
+ Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation
+ of the Chronicle of Isidore of Seville.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (β.) Chronicon <i>Sebastiani</i>, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866.
+ (Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.)
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i> 1146.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (γ.) Chronicon <i>Albeldense</i>, 866-976. (Conde, <i>ibid.</i>,
+ says to 973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was
+ perhaps begun by Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on
+ by the monk Vigila.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (δ.) Chronicon <i>Sampiri</i> "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written
+ about 1000), 869-9S2.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 466-475.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (ε.) <i>Chronicon regum Legionensium</i>, 982-1109, by Pelagius,
+ Bishop of Oviedo—a very doubtful authority, and branded with the
+ epithet "fabulosus."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 270-330.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (ζ.) Chronicon <i>Silensis</i> Monachi, written <i>circa</i>
+ 1100.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott, iv. 1-116.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (η.) <i>Lucas of Tuy</i>, "Chronicon Mundi," written <i>circa</i>
+ 1236.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, i. 246-291.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (θ.) <i>Alfonso</i>, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum
+ Hispanarum," etc.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (ι.) <i>Luitprand</i>, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria
+ attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years
+ 606-960. The author of these is generally called the
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, and very little credit can be placed in his
+ statements.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (κ.) <i>Rodrigo</i>, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs
+ from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died
+ in 1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture
+ and to profane history. He does not even mention the Christian
+ martyrdoms in the ninth century.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, x. 570-579.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (λ.) <i>Annales Bertiniani</i>, from the French point of view.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott, i. 700 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 24px;">
+ (μ.) <i>Johannes Vasaeus</i>, "Hispaniae Chronicon."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some
+ are valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are
+ nearly worthless.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Other authorities there are of a different kind—not historians,
+ but writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light
+ on the history of the time. Among these are—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>a.</i>) <i>Elipandus</i>, Bishop of Toledo; died 810.
+ Letters—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 859-867.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Migetius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 867-869
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Charles the Great.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 870-882.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Albinus (Alcuin).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 918,919
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Fidelis, an abbot (783).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>b</i>.) <i>Felix</i>, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio
+ fidei (799).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 894-1030.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>c</i>.) <i>Beatus</i>, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter
+ to Elipandus.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ci. 1321-1331.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>d</i>.) <i>Letters of Spanish Bishops</i> to Bishops of Gaul.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. and ci.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>e</i>.) <i>Alcuin</i>. Letters—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Felicem haereticum (793).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Elipandum.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistle XC. (800),
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistle CXIII. (800).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ Books—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Adversus Elipandum, iv. books.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Altera ad eosdem.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xcviii. p. 373.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>f.</i>) <i>Adrian</i>, Pope.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus directa,
+ maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 336.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum (782).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xiii. 416.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>g</i>.) Letter from <i>Louis the Débonnaire</i> to the
+ Christians of Merida (826).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxv. 703-966.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>h</i>.) <i>Eulogius</i>, priest of Cordova, and
+ bishop-designate of Toledo. Died 859.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar, sending his book.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins and
+ Martyrs, Oct. 851.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis
+ Sanctorum Liber," 3 books.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>i</i>.) <i>Alvar</i>, Paulus,<a name="FNanchor_1_680" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_680" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> of Cordova, and, according to his letters,
+ both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to
+ the Pseudo-Luitprand.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ <a name="Footnote_1_680" id="Footnote_1_680"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_680"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Robertson
+ says Peter.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 62-81.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Confessio.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 81-88.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to John of Seville,
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 88-91.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 101-129.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To John of Seville.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 129-141.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Speraindeo.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 151-156.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Romanus, a doctor (860).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 164-165.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Saul of Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 167-171.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 171-177.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Eleazar, a transgressor.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 178-189.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 189-217.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 218-219.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 291-292.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Eulogius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 296-299.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Eulogius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, x. 593 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Life of Eulogius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. 219-275.<a name="FNanchor_1_681" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_681" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda
+ sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem omnis
+ vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_681" id="Footnote_1_681"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_681"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ascribed
+ by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of Toledo. Morales
+ doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no mention of
+ Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where <i>praesul</i> is spoken of.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>k</i>.) <i>John of Seville</i>.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xi. pp. 91-101.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 142-147.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>l</i>.) <i>Speraindeo</i>, Abbot, flourished 820.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 148-151.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar (853).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>m</i>.) <i>Saul</i> of Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. pp. 156-164.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to other Bishops.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 165-167.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>n</i>.) <i>Eleazar</i>, an apostate to Judaism.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 177-178.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 189, 190.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 217, 218.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxxi. p. 565.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>o</i>.) <i>Leovigildus</i>, priest of Cordova, flourished
+ 860. "De habitu Clericorum."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 567.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>p</i>.) <i>Cyprianus</i>, arch-priest of Cordova.
+ "Epigrammata."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>q</i>.) <i>Samson</i>, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot
+ of the Monastery of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or
+ Epitaph of Cyprianus.) "Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan.
+ 1, 863).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xi. 300-516.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>r</i>.) <i>Jonas Aurelianensis</i>. "De cultu imaginum." An
+ Answer to Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>s</i>.) <i>De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii</i> Monachi,
+ Aurelii et Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore
+ <i>Aimoino</i> monacho: from Usuard and Odilard, monks.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>t</i>.) <i>Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis</i> (died 973),
+ by John, Abbot of St Arnulph.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>u</i>.) <i>John of Cirita</i>, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xviii. 379 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>v</i>.) <i>Life of St Rudesindus.</i>
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xiv., 392.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>w.</i>) <i>Passio St Nicholai Alsamae</i> regis filii et
+ sociorum martyrum qui passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous
+ account.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>x.</i>) <i>Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae</i> et
+ comitum eius qui passi sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi. 890-894
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>y.</i>) <i>Life of Beatus</i>, by an anonymous author. Not
+ very trustworthy, —<i>e.g.</i>, death of Elipandus placed in 798
+ (sec. 8): mythical council mentioned (sec. 7).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ And the following <i>Charters</i>, etc.:—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xvii. 244.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xviii. 312.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 397.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 326
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de
+ Logio a parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par <i>Loys de Mayerne
+ Turguet</i>. Book xvi. (1608.)
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (2.) <i>John de Mariana</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1_682" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_682" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated
+ from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.)
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_682" id="Footnote_1_682"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_682"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dr Dunham
+ says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in oblivion. No
+ one reads it in Spain."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (3.) <i>Fleury</i>, "History of the Church," translated from the
+ French. (1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxv. p. 917.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (4.) <i>Morales</i>. "Remarks on the State of the Christian
+ Religion under the Arabs at Cordova."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 305-336.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (5.) <i>Froben</i>. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et
+ Felicis."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 338-438.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (6.) <i>Enhueber's</i> "Dissertation against Walchius' view of
+ Adoptionism."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (7.) <i>Dunham</i>. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner),
+ 1832. Buckle, "Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this
+ history, very extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history
+ in the English language of a foreign modern country." It
+ certainly has the merit—no small one in so confused a period—of
+ being clear and succinct; but he has a bias against the Moors.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (8.) <i>W.H. Prescott</i>. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent
+ work. The parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the
+ Introduction and chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is
+ the want of direct citations of authorities used.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (9.) <i>Hardwicke's</i> "History of the Christian Church in the
+ Middle Ages," 1853.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (10.) The Abbé <i>Rohrbacher</i>. "Histoire Universelle de
+ l'Eglise Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (11.) <i>Neander</i>. "General History of the Christian Religion
+ and Church" (Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475;
+ vol. vi. 119-132.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des
+ Arabes," par <i>M. Cardonne</i>. 3 vols., 1765. A history based
+ chiefly on Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde
+ (Pref., p. 14) and Murphy (notes, passim) have shown.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (13.) <i>Dozy</i>. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' à la
+ conquête de l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols.,
+ Leyden, 1861. An invaluable history of the time, being both lucid
+ and thorough.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (14.) <i>E.A. Freeman</i>. "History and Conquests of the
+ Saracens." Six lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated
+ rather as a πάÏεÏγον in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate
+ writer, with a strong bias, however, against chivalry (see
+ Lecture v., p. 182).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (15.) <i>Ockley</i>. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in
+ the Chandos Classics).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (16.) <i>Gibbon</i>. The parts relating to the Saracens are
+ conveniently reprinted in the "Chandos Classics."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (17.) <i>Robertson's</i> "History of the Christian Church." Vol.
+ iii.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (18.) <i>Milman's</i> "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (19.) <i>Stanley</i>. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect.
+ viii.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (20.) <i>Hallam's</i> "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (21.) <i>Geddes</i>. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his
+ Miscellaneous Tracts. 1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found
+ at Granada in 1588; and View of Court of Inquisition in Portugal.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (22.) <i>Lecky's</i> "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in
+ Europe." 2 vols.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (23.) <i>Buckle</i>. "History of Civilisation in England," chap.
+ viii. "Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries."
+ Vol. ii. pp. 425-597.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (24.) <i>Carlyle</i>. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (25.) <i>C.M. Yonge</i>. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden
+ Treasury" Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate
+ in facts. To give one instance only out of many—The authoress
+ says (p. 29), that Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled
+ and died in battle. It is well known (Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that
+ he did neither.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (26.) <i>R. Bosworth Smith.</i> "Mohammed and Mohammedanism."
+ 1874. A brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity
+ being extolled in theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too
+ forcibly reminded of "Brutus is an honourable man." His own
+ accusation of others falls upon himself. P. 61, he says—"Most
+ other writers have approached the subject only to prove a thesis.
+ Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor: they have held a
+ brief for the prosecution or the defence."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (27.) <i>S. Lane-Poole.</i> "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the
+ Nations" Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De
+ Gayangos' translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle
+ of the Cid," and Washington Irving's "Granada."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (28.) <i>Blunt.</i> "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools
+ of Thought." 1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the
+ Adoptionists, and others I have found very useful. There is,
+ however, nothing said of the Priscillianists (of Spain), or the
+ Druses.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (29.) <i>Hughes.</i> "Dictionary of Islam."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (30.) <i>The Koran.</i> Sale's edition.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (31.) <i>Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.</i> Vol. xi.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (32.) <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica.</i> Article on Averroes.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ III. POETRY:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>a.</i>) <i>Lockhart's</i> "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint,
+ with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>b.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted,
+ with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable
+ translation.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>c.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Roderic," with many interesting
+ notes.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>d.</i>) <i>Scott's</i> "Don Roderic."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ IV. REFERRED TO:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>a.</i>) <i>Romey.</i> "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>b.</i>) <i>Reinaud.</i> "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>c.</i>) <i>Moshieim.</i> "Institutes of Ecclesiastical
+ History." Translated by Murdoch. 1845.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ PRINTED BY
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ TURNBULL AND SPEARS,
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ EDINBURGH.
+ </p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain
+(756-1031), by Charles Reginald Haines
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+ </body>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+by Charles Reginald Haines
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+
+Author: Charles Reginald Haines
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and
+the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
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+
+
+CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM
+IN SPAIN
+
+A.D. 756-1031
+
+C.R. HAINES, M.A.
+
+AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE"; "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS";
+"VERSIONS IN VERSE."
+
+LONDON
+
+KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE
+
+1889
+
+[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents,
+there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of
+Chapter VIII.]
+
+TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+Invasion of Spain by the barbarians--Its easy conquest--Quarrels among
+the conquerors--Departure of the Vandals--Visigoths gain the
+supremacy--Conflict with Eastern Empire--Reduction of the Suevi--All
+Spain becomes Gothic--Approach of Saracens--Planting of Christianity in
+Spain--St James--Gospel first preached at
+Elvira--Irenaeus--Persecutions--Martyrs--Council of Elvira--Council of
+Nice--Number of Christians--Paganism
+proscribed--Julian--Arianism--Ulphilas--Conversion of
+barbarians--Degeneracy of religion--Priscillian--His heresy
+condemned--Priscillian burnt--Paganism, in Spain--The Gothic
+Government--Church and State--Power of king--Election of
+bishops--Arianism of Goths--Ermenegild--Bigotry in
+Spain--Jews--Influence of clergy--Of the pope 1-11
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+Period of Gothic rule--Degeneracy of Goths--Causes of their
+fall--Battle of Guadalete--Resistance of towns--Theodomir--Remnant in
+the North--Mohammedanism--Its rise and progress--Reduction of
+Africa--Siege of Constantinople--Attacks on Spain--Tarif--Arabs in
+Gaul--Anarchy in Spain--Christians in the North--Clemency of the
+Arabs--Treaties--Conquest easy--Rhapsodies of
+Isidore--Slaves--Jews--Impartiality of Arab governors--Khalifate
+established--Feuds of Arabs and Berbers--Revolt of Berbers--Syrian
+Arabs--Settlement of Arabs--Effect of Berber wars 11-25
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+Landing of Abdurrahman--Khalifate of Cordova--Condition of
+Christians--Proselytism--Apostates--Arabs and Spaniards--Evidence of
+Christian writers--Condition of the people--Serfs--No revolts--No
+solidarity with the Christians in the North--Relations with Arabs at
+first friendly--The jehad in Spain--Martyrs in battle--Fabulous
+martyr--Anambad, first martyr--Peter of Najuma--No other till 824--John
+and Adulphus--Causes of Martyrdoms--Amalgamation of the two
+peoples--Intermarriage--Children of mixed parents--Nunilo and
+Alodia--Mania for martyrdom--Voluntary martyrdoms--The Spanish
+confessors--Threatened deterioration in the Church--Christianity
+infected with Moslem customs--Religious fervour in
+convents--Fanaticism, of monks--Fresh martyrs--Perfectus, John,
+Isaac--Arab inability to understand the motives of these
+martyrs--Causes of fanaticism--Sanctus--Peter--Walabonsus, etc 25-40
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+Flora and Maria--Their adventures--Trial--Meet Eulogius in
+prison--Their execution--Other martyrs--Hidden Christians--Aurelius,
+Sabigotha, etc--Plan for procuring martyrdom--Miracle in
+prison--Execution--Other martyrs--Death of Abdurrahman II.--Mohammed
+I.--Martyrs--Prodigy upon their execution--Outrage in a
+mosque--Punishment of offenders--Apprehension of king--Meditates a
+persecution--Even a massacre--Series of martyrdoms--Cloister of Tabanos
+suppressed--Columba, Pomposa--Abundius a true martyr--Others
+martyred--Censor of Cordova--Persecution and death of
+Ruderic--Eulogius--Parentage and antecedents--Opposes amalgamation of
+Arabs and Christians--Encourages learning of
+Latin--Imprisonment--Elected Bishop of Toledo--Again
+imprisoned--Trial--Execution--His relics 40-54
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+Doubtful martyrs--No persecution raging--The Muzarabes--Churches in
+Cordova--Arab description of a church--Monasteries outside the
+city--Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova--No ferment at
+Elvira--Enthusiasts not a large body--Their leaders--The moderate
+party--Objections against the martyrs--Voluntary martyrdoms forbidden by
+the Church--Answer of apologists--Evidence as to persecution--Apologists
+inconsistent--Eulogius and Alvar--Reviling of Mohammed--Martyrs worked
+no miracles--Defence of apologists illogical--Martyrs put to death not
+by idolaters--Death without torture--Their bodies corrupted--Moslem
+taunts--Effect of martyrdoms on the Moslems--Prohibition of
+relics--Traffic in relics--They work miracles--Relics taken from Spain
+to France--Expedition of monks for that purpose--St Vincent's
+body--Relics of George, Aurelius, etc., carried off--Return to
+France--Measures of the moderate party--Of the
+Moslems--Reccafredus--supported by the majority of Christians--Fanatics
+coerced--Anathematized--Action of king--Suspects political
+movement--Revolt at Toledo--Grand Council--Measures against
+zealots--Meditated persecution--The extreme party broken
+up--Apostasies--Reason of these--The exceptor Gomez--The decision of the
+Council--Cessation of martyrdoms 54-73
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+National party--Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs--Martyrs in
+battle--Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.--Pelagius--Argentea--The
+monks of Cardena--Eugenia--No real persecution under the Great
+Khalif--General view of Christian Church in Spain under Abdurrahman
+II.--Civil position of Christians--Councils--Neglect of Latin--Arabic
+compulsory--Protests of Alvar, etc.--Latin forgotten--Cultivation of
+Moslem learning--Moslem theology--Church abuses--Simony--Breach of
+canons--Unworthy priests--Rival pastors--Heresy in the
+Church--Depravity of clergy--Their apostasy--Their
+deposition--Muzarabes--Free Christians in the North--The Church in the
+North--Its dangerous position--Cut short by Almanzor--Clergy oppress
+Christians--Count of Cordova--Ill-treats the Christians--Councils--Held
+by Elipandus--By Reccafredus--By Hostegesis--Jews and Moslems
+summoned--Council held by Basilius 73-86
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.--Commander of the Faithful--His
+character--Embassy to the Emperor of the West--Return embassy--John of
+Gorz--Detained in Cordova--Messengers from the king--Cause of
+detention--John of Gorz and John of Cordova--The king's
+threats--Dead-lock--Fresh embassy to Otho--A second embassy from
+Otho--First embassy received--Condescension of Sultan--Tolerance of
+Moslems--Mohammed's injunctions--Tolerant Mohammedan rulers
+elsewhere--Alcuin--Arnold of Citeaux--Bernard, Archbishop of
+Toledo--Christians tolerated, even encouraged--"Officer of
+protection"--Christian courts--Censors--Sclavonian bodyguard--Arab
+pride of race--Partial Amalgamation of races--Alliances between Arabs
+and Christians--Intermarriages--Offspring of these--The maiden
+tribute--Evidence in its favour--No myth--Conversions--Mohammedan view
+of apostasy 86-98
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+Arab factions--Berbers--Spaniards--Muwallads--Despised by
+Arabs--Revolts at Cordova, &c.--Intrigues with the Franks--Letter of
+Louis--Revolt of Toledo--Christians and Muwallads make common
+cause--Omar--Begins life as a bandit--Captured--Escapes--Heads the
+national party--Becomes a Christian--Utterly defeated--Muwallads desert
+him--Death of Omar--Stronghold of Bobastro captured--End of
+rebellion--Christians under Abdurrahman III.--Almanzor--Anarchy--End of
+Khalifate--Knowledge of Christianity and Mohammedanism slight among
+those of the opposite creed--Christian writers on
+Islam--Eulogius--Mohammed's relation to Christianity--Alvar--Unfair to
+Mohammed--His ignorance of the Koran--Prophecy of Daniel.--Moslem
+knowledge of Christianity--Mistaken idea of the Trinity--Ibn Hazm--St
+James of Compostella 98-114
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+Traces of amalgamation of religions--Instances elsewhere--Essential
+differences of Islam and Christianity--Compromise attempted--Influence
+of Islam, over Christianity--Innovating spirit in Spain--Heresy in
+Septimania--Its possible connection with Mohammedanism--Migetian heresy
+as to the Trinity--Its approach to the Mohammedan doctrine--Other
+similar heresies--Adoptionism--Our knowledge of it--Whence
+derived--Connection with Islam--Its author or authors--Probably
+Elipandus--His opponents--His character--Independence--Jealousy of the
+Free Church in the North--Nature of Adoptionism--Not a revival of
+Nestorianism---Origin of the name--Arose from inadvertence--Felix--His
+arguments--Alcuin's answers--Christ, the Son of God by adoption--Unity
+of Persons acknowledged--First mention of theory--Adrian---Extension of
+heresy--Its opponents--Felix amenable to Church discipline--Elipandus
+under Arab rule--Councils--Of Narbonne--Friuli--Ratisbon--Felix abjures
+his heresy--Alcuin--Council of Frankfort--Heresy
+anathematized--Councils of Rome and Aix--Felix again recants--Alcuin's
+book--Elipandus and Felix die in their error--Summary of evidence
+connecting adoptionism with Mohammedanism--Heresy of
+Claudius---Iconoclasm Libri Carolini--Claudius, bishop of
+Turin--Crusade against image-worship--His
+opponents--Arguments--Independence--Summoned before a Council--Refuses
+to attend--Albigensian heresy 114-136
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+Mutual influences of the two creeds--Socially and intellectually--"No
+monks in Islam"--Faquirs--The conventual system adopted by the
+Arabs--Arab account of a convent--Moslem nuns--Islam
+Christianised---Christian spirit in Mohammedanism--Arab
+magnanimity--Moslem miracles---like Christian ones--Enlightened
+Moslems--Philosophy--Freethinkers--Theologians--Almanzor--Moslem
+sceptics--Averroes--The faquis or theologians--Sect of Malik ibn
+Ans--Power of theologians---Decay of Moslem customs--Wine drunk--Music
+cultivated--Silk worn--Statues set up--Turning towards Mecca--Eating of
+sow's flesh--Enfranchisement of Moslem women--Love--Distinguished
+women---Women in mosques--At tournaments--Arab love-poem--Treatise on
+love 136-149
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+Influence of Mohammedanism--Circumcision of Christians--Even of a
+bishop--Customs retained for contrast--Cleanliness rejected as peculiar
+to Moslems--Celibacy of clergy--Chivalry--Origin--Derived from
+Arabs--Favoured by state of Spain--Spain the cradle of chivalry--Arab
+chivalry--Qualifications for a knight--Rules of knighthood--The
+Cid--Almanzor--His generosity--Justice--Moslem military orders--Holy
+wars--Christianity Mohammedanized--The "Apotheosis of
+chivalry"--Chivalry a sort of religion--Social compromise--Culminates
+in the Crusades 149-156
+
+
+
+
+APPENDICES.
+
+
+APPENDIX A.
+
+Jews persecuted by Goths--Help the Saracens--Numbers--Jews in
+France--Illtreated--Accusations against--Eleazar, an apostate--Incites
+the Spanish Moslems against the Christians--Intellectual development of
+Jews in Spain--Come to be disliked by Arabs--Jews and the
+Messiah--Judaism deteriorated--Contact with Islam--Civil position--Jews
+at Toledo--Christian persecution of
+Jews--Massacre--Expulsion--Conversion--The "Mala Sangre"--The
+Inquisition 156-161
+
+
+APPENDIX B.
+
+Spain and the papal power--Early independence--Early importance of
+Spanish Church--Arian Spain--Orthodox Spain--Increase of papal
+influence--Independent spirit of king and clergy--Quarrel with the
+pope--Arab invasion--Papal authority in the North--Crusade
+preached--Intervention of the pope--St James' relics--Claudius of
+Turin--Rejection of pope's claims--Increase of pope's power in
+Spain--Appealed to against Muzarabes--Errors of Migetius--Keeping of
+Easter--Eating of pork--Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems--Fasting on
+Sundays--Elipandus withstands the papal claims--Upholds intercourse
+with Arabs--Rejects papal supremacy--Advance of Christians in the
+North--Extension of power of the pope--Gothic liturgy
+suspected--Suppressed--Authority of pope over king--Appeals from the
+king to the pope--Rupture with the Roman See--Resistance of sovereign
+and barons to the pope--Inquisition established--Victims--Moriscoes
+persecuted--Reformation stamped out--Subjection of Spanish Church 161-173
+
+
+LIST OF AUTHORITIES 175-182
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+THE GOTHS IN SPAIN.
+
+
+Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain, leaving so
+many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi, Alani, and Vandals, at
+the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman governor of Spain, burst into
+that province over the unguarded passes of the Pyrenees.[1] Close on
+their steps followed the Visigoths; whose king, taking in marriage
+Placidia, the sister of Honorius, was acknowledged by the helpless
+emperor independent ruler of such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he
+could conquer and keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious
+provincials offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No
+Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own island;
+no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence against the Roman
+Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian, asserts that they
+preferred the rule of the barbarians. However this may be, the various
+tribes that invaded the country found no serious opposition among the
+Spaniards: the only fighting was between themselves--for the spoil. Many
+years of warfare were necessary to decide this important question of
+supremacy. Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the
+fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their way
+southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the Straits of
+Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had utterly overthrown their
+rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis, and had left an abiding record
+of their brief stay in the name Andalusia.
+
+ [1] "Inter barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam
+ sollicitudinem sustinere."--Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i.
+
+For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their late
+crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of Spain, but
+under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths definitely asserted their
+superiority. Under the latter king the Gothic domination in Spain may be
+said to have begun about ten years before the fall of the Western
+Empire. But the Goths were as yet by no means in possession of the whole
+of Spain. A large part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for,
+though the Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern
+emperor had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces,
+which had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these
+was some portion of Spain.
+
+It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a king
+came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi and to reduce
+the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was not till 622, the
+very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a Gothic king, Swintila,
+finally drove out all the Emperor's troops, and became king in reality
+of all Spain.
+
+Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first indications
+of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours of whose
+irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread, which the Arabs
+aroused even in distant Spain as early as a century after the birth of
+Mohammed, may be appreciated from the despairing lines of Julian,[1]
+bishop of Toledo:--
+
+ "Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos malus implicet error,
+ Demur et infandis gentibus opprobrio!
+ Africa plena viris bellacibus arma minatur,
+ Inque dies victrix gens Agarena furit."
+
+Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results, it
+will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of Christianity
+in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous to the advent of the
+Moslems.
+
+ [1] Migne's "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814.
+
+There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early into
+Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself, who is said
+to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia, Valencia, and
+Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds whatever for supposing
+that James, the brother of John, ever set foot in Spain. The "invention"
+of his remains at Ira Flavia in the 9th century, together with the story
+framed to account for their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far
+from the scene of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to
+need refutation.
+
+The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed (but, it
+seems, against probability) for Illiberis.[1] However that may be, the
+early establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenaeus, who
+appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive doctrine.[2]
+The long roll of Spanish martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian
+(95 A.D.) with the name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the
+succeeding persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but
+she suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's reign
+that nearly all the inhabitants of Caesar Augusta were treacherously
+slaughtered on the sole ground of their being Christians; thus earning
+for their native city from the Christian poet Prudentius,[3] the proud
+title of "patria sanctorum martyrum."
+
+ [1] Florez, "Espana Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff.
+
+ [2] Bk. I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186).
+
+ [3] 348-402 A.D.
+
+The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the same time
+the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman Empire. Diocletian
+indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the very name of Christian and
+abolished their hateful superstition. This even to the Romans must have
+seemed an empty boast, and the result of Diocletian's efforts only
+proved the truth of the old maxim--"the blood of martyrs is the seed of
+the Church."
+
+The Spanish Christians about this time[1] held the first ecclesiastical
+council whose acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or
+Elvira, was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who
+passed eighty canons.
+
+ [1] The date is doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209,
+ places it between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner.
+ Other dates given are 300 and 305.
+
+The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325 was held
+the first General Council of the Church under the presidency of the
+emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed Christian. Within a quarter of a
+century of the time when Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated
+the Christian name, it has been computed that nearly one half of the
+inhabitants of his empire were Christians.
+
+The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in 341
+put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan sacrifices were
+prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a church militant and a
+church triumphant! In 388, after a brief eclipse under Julian,
+Christianity was formally declared by the Senate to be the established
+religion of the Roman Empire.
+
+But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired by the
+church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and court intrigue,
+did not tend to the spiritual advancement of Christianity. Almost
+coincident with the Edict of Milan was the appearance of Arianism,
+which, after dividing the Church against itself for upwards of
+half-a-century, and almost succeeding at one time in imposing itself on
+the whole Church,[1] finally under the missionary zeal of Ulphilas found
+a new life among the barbarian nations that were pressing in upon all
+the northern boundaries of the Empire, ready, like eagles, to swoop down
+and feast upon her mighty carcase.
+
+ [1] At the Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis,"
+ says Jerome, "et Arianum se esse miratus est."
+
+Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals, adopted
+the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by Ulphilas towards
+the close of the fourth century. Consequently the nations that forced
+their way into Southern Gaul, and over the Pyrenees into Spain, were,
+nominally at least, Christians of the Arian persuasion. The extreme
+importance to Spain of the fact of their being Christians at all will be
+readily apprehended by contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials
+with that which befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands
+of our own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later.
+
+Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed from the
+quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had lost much of its
+ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and lascivious dances on the stage
+began to be tolerated even by Christians, though they were denounced by
+the more devout as incompatible with the profession of the Christian
+faith.
+
+Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of Christian
+blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of Avila, was led
+into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian gnostic. What his error
+exactly was is not very clear, but it seems to have comprised some of
+the erroneous doctrines attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the
+new heresy, with which two other bishops besides Priscillian became
+infected, was condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another
+held five years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other
+persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of Ithacius,[1]
+bishop of Sossuba, and Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the
+protests of Martin of Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was
+not thus stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic
+conquest.
+
+There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic
+invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it continued to
+be so during the whole period of Gothic domination.[2] Some Pagans
+undoubtedly lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,[3]
+but that there were any large numbers of them as late as the eighth
+century is improbable.
+
+Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the Gothic
+government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever existed in
+Europe."[4] This is too sweeping a statement, though it must be allowed
+that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic nobles rendered their yoke
+peculiarly galling, while the position of their slaves was wretched
+beyond all example. However, it is not to their civil administration
+that we wish now to draw attention, but rather to the relations of
+Church and State under a Gothic administration which was at first Arian
+and subsequently orthodox.
+
+ [1] See Milman, "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of
+ the Sixteenth Council of Toledo.
+
+ [3] Mason, a bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a
+ Pagan as late as this.
+
+ [4] Dunham's "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210.
+
+The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military
+character, gradually tended to become a theocracy--a result due in great
+measure to the institution of national councils, which were called by
+the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics of the realm. Many
+of the nobles and high dignitaries of the State also took part in these
+assemblies, though they might not vote on purely ecclesiastical matters.
+These councils, of which there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at
+Toledo, the Gothic capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the
+power of ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his
+religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon three) it
+was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer the exercise of
+any other religion than the Catholic, and to vigorously enforce the law
+against all dissentients, especially against that accursed people the
+Jews." The fact of the monarchy becoming elective[1] no doubt
+contributed a good deal to throwing the power into the hands of the
+clergy.
+
+Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops
+subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the other way.
+On the whole it was the king that lost power, though no doubt as a
+compensation he gained somewhat more authority over Church matters. He
+could, for instance, issue temporary regulations with regard to Church
+discipline. Witiza, one of the last of the Gothic kings, seems even to
+have authorized, or at least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.[2]
+The king could preside in cases of appeal in purely ecclesiastical
+affairs; and we know that Recared I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621)
+did in fact exercise this right. He also gained the power of nominating
+and translating bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was
+first conceded to the king.[3] The Fourth Council of Toledo (633)
+enacted that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his
+city, and that his election should be approved by the metropolitan and
+synod of his province: while the Twelfth Council, held forty-eight years
+later, evidently recognizes the validity of their appointment by royal
+warrant alone. Some have referred this innovation back to the despotic
+rule of Theodoric the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century;
+others to the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism
+in Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of
+convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts.
+
+ [1] In 531 A.D.
+
+ [2] Monk of Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca;
+ Robertson, iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27,
+ that Fruela (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these
+ accounts of Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion.
+
+ [3] Robertson, "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183.
+
+The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and nobles is
+a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that invaded Spain at
+the beginning of the fifth century were inoculated with the Arian
+heresy. Of these the Vandals carried their Arianism, which proved to be
+of a very persecuting type, into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation
+the Alani, under the pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed,
+gave up their Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths,
+however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period--until 589
+namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national council
+and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his example being
+followed by many of his nobles and bishops.
+
+The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole remarkably
+tolerant[1] towards both Jews and Catholics, though we have instances
+to the contrary in the cases of Euric and Leovigild, who are said to
+have persecuted the orthodox party. The latter king, indeed, who was
+naturally of a mild and forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures
+by the unfilial and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the
+latter had been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without
+entering into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and
+Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every reason to
+think that Leovigild would have taken no measures against him. Even
+after a second rebellion the king offered to spare his son's life--which
+was forfeit to the State--on condition that he renounced his
+newly-adopted creed, and returned to the Arian fold. His reason--a very
+intelligible one--no doubt was that he might put an end to the risk of a
+third rebellion by separating his son effectually from the intriguing
+party of Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to
+death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words.
+
+ [1] Lecky, "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says
+ that the Arian Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be
+ insufficient grounds for the assertion.
+
+With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to the
+Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above quoted from
+the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was even passed forbidding
+anyone under pain of confiscation of his property and perpetual
+imprisonment, to call in question the Holy Catholic and Apostolic
+Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the definitions of the Fathers;
+the decrees of the Church; and the Sacraments. In the spirit of these
+enactments, severe measures were taken against the Jews, of whom there
+were great numbers in Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the
+first systematic persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was
+"not according to knowledge."[1] A cruel choice was given the Jews
+between baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the
+other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were enforced
+against them. Those who under the pressure of persecution consented to
+be baptised, were forced to swear by the most solemn of oaths that they
+had in very truth renounced their Jewish faith and abhorred its rites.
+Those who still refused to conform were subjected to every indignity and
+outrage. They were obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe
+Sunday and Easter. They were denied the _s connubii_ and the _ius
+honorum_. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a Christian
+vouched for their character. Some who still held out were even driven
+into exile. But this punishment could not have been systematically
+carried out, for the Saracen invasion found great numbers of Jews still
+in Spain. As Dozy[2] well says of the persecutors--"On le voulut bien,
+mais on ne le pouvait pas."
+
+ [1] Apud Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by
+ Southey, Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni
+ Judaeos ad fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem
+ habuit, sed non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit,
+ quos provocare fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum,
+ sive per occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in
+ hoc gaudeo et gaudebo."
+
+ [2] "History of Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26.
+
+Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain turned
+their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the secret
+negotiations between them being discovered, the persecution blazed out
+afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of Toledo[1] decreed that relapsed
+Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be forcibly
+taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to marry among
+themselves.[2]
+
+ [1] Canon 8, de damnatione Judaeorum.
+
+ [2] For the further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix
+ A.
+
+These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the dominant
+influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus received from
+the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema and excommunication
+against the political enemies of the king.[1] Moreover the cordial
+relations which subsisted between the Church and the State, animated as
+they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled the Spanish kings
+to resist the dangerous encroachments of the Papal power, a subject
+which has been more fully treated in an Appendix.[2]
+
+ [1] The councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels
+ against the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the
+ deposed Swintila was excommunicated.
+
+ [2] Appendix B.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+THE SARACENS IN SPAIN.
+
+
+The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively short
+period we are asked by some writers to believe that the invaders quite
+lost their national characteristics, and became, like the Spaniards,
+luxurious and effeminate.[1] Their haughty exclusiveness, and the fact
+of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them for a time
+separate from, and superior to, the subject population, whom they
+despised as slaves, and hated as heretics. But when the religious
+barrier was removed, the social one soon followed, and so completely did
+the conquerors lose their ascendency, that they even surrendered their
+own Teutonic tongue for the corrupt Latin of their subjects.
+
+ [1] Cardonne's "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien
+ differens des leurs ancetres etoient alors enerves par les
+ plaisirs, la douceur du climat; le luxe et les richesses
+ avoient amolli leur courage et corrompu les moeurs." Cp.
+ Dunham, vol. i. 157.
+
+But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is generally
+supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue them. Musa ibn
+Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into Spain, and the first
+governor of that country under Arab rule, when asked by the Khalif
+Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths, answered that "they were lords
+living in luxury and abundance, but champions who did not turn their
+backs to the enemy."[1] There can be no doubt that this praise was well
+deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the country was
+overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be attributed to
+wholesale treachery from one end of the country to the other. But for
+this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to blame. Their treatment of
+the Jews and of their slaves made the defection of these two classes of
+their subjects inevitable.
+
+The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic kingdom as
+the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of successive kings;[2] but
+on the heads of the clergy, even more than of the king, rests the guilt
+of their iniquitous and suicidal policy towards the Arians[3] and the
+Jews. The treachery of Julian,[4] whatever its cause, opened a way for
+the Arabs into the country by betraying into their hands Ceuta, the key
+of the Straits. Success in their first serious battle was secured to
+them by the opportune desertion from the enemy's ranks of the
+disaffected political party under the sons of the late king Witiza,[5]
+and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards apostatized; while the rapid
+subjugation of the whole country was aided and assured by the hosts of
+ill-used slaves who flocked to the Saracen standards, and by the Jews[6]
+who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and deliverers from the hated
+yoke of the uncircumcised Goths.
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation).
+
+ [2] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus
+ Domini ob inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2.
+
+ [3] Arianism lingered on till the middle of the eighth century
+ at least, since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of
+ Alfonso I., that he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam."
+
+ [4] For Julian, or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De
+ Gayangos' note to Al Makkari, i. p. 537, etc.
+
+ [5] Called Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see
+ "Sebast. Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter
+ of Witiza married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King,
+ under the name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of
+ the eighth century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius
+ to Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen
+ _Witizani_, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14.
+
+ [6] The Jews garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp.
+ 280, 282, and De Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852
+ we find the Jews betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew
+ nearly all the Christians.
+
+Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave stand--as
+brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the Normans. The first
+decisive battle in the South[1] lasted, as some writers have declared,
+six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of being
+driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address to his
+soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of Africa, whither
+would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe in front. There is no
+help for you save in your own right hands[2] and the favour of God." Nor
+must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either side,
+amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of Roderic's army was
+disaffected. It is probable that only the Goths made a determined stand;
+and even after such a crushing defeat as they received at Guadalete, and
+after the loss of their king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn
+resistance in Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.[3] One of them,
+Theodomir, after defending himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at
+last by his valour and address contrived to secure for himself, and even
+to hand down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over
+that part of Spain.
+
+ [1] Generally called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De
+ Gayangos on Al Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres
+ or Medina Sidonia.
+
+ [2] "Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i.
+ p. 271; Conde i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation).
+
+ [3] We must not forget also that the mild and politic conduct
+ of the Saracens towards the towns that surrendered, even after
+ resistance, marvellously facilitated their conquest.
+
+But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient
+hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they had
+been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they seem to have
+begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against the invaders. The
+thirty[1] wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it unnecessary to
+pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed that they had power to
+sting; and the handful of patriots, who in the cave of Covadonga
+gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old Gothic line, soon swelled into
+an army, and the army into a nation. Within six years of the death of
+Roderic had begun that onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which,
+with the exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the
+tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to halt,
+until it had regained every foot of ground that had once belonged to the
+Gothic kings.
+
+Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders.
+History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or political point
+of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and the wonderful conquests
+which it made. "The electric spark[2] had indeed fallen on what seemed
+black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved explosive powder and
+blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!" Mohammed began his preaching
+in 609, and confined himself to persuasion till 622, the year of the
+Flight from Mecca. After this a change seems to have come over his
+conduct, if not over his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the
+peaceful and more glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed
+to the human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success,
+however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the defeat
+of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being mostly pacified,
+the first expedition beyond its boundaries was undertaken under
+Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive attempt gave no indications
+of the astonishing successes to be achieved in the near future. Mohammed
+himself died in the following year, yet, in spite of this and the
+consequent revolt of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was
+overrun and Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on
+equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In 637
+Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under the yoke
+of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the rich valley of
+the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The conquest of Egypt only
+formed the stepping-stone to the reduction of Africa, and the victorious
+Moslems did not pause in their career until they reached the Atlantic
+Ocean, and Akbah,[3] riding his horse into the sea, sighed for more
+worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for thinking that it had
+been well for the inhabitants of the New World, if Fortune had delivered
+them into the hands of the generous Arabs rather than to the cruel
+soldiery of Cortes and Pizarro.
+
+ [1] Al Makk., ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon
+ a rock? They must inevitably die."
+
+ [2] Carlyle's "Hero Worship" ad finem.
+
+ [3] Cardonne, i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note.
+
+In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the death of
+Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of Constantinople. Fortunately
+for the cause of civilisation and of Christendom, this long siege of
+several years proved unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717.
+But by the latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the
+Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition into
+Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the crossing of
+the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the East the passage of
+the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam.
+
+There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had
+attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or only
+one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said to have
+been made into that country under Abdullah ibn Sa'd,[1] which resulted
+in the temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad
+is mentioned by Abulfeda[2] as having taken place in Othman's reign
+(644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680) we
+have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja and
+Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that the
+Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded Wamba on
+the throne--a story which seems likely enough when read in the light of
+the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier attacks, however, seem
+to have been mere raids, undertaken without an immediate view to
+permanent conquest.
+
+By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths sent
+help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and, while Julian
+their general still remained true to his allegiance, they beat off the
+Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of that fortress the Arabs
+were enabled to send across the Straits a small reconnoitring detachment
+of five hundred men under Tarif abu Zarah,[3] a Berber. This took place
+in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till April 30,
+711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad. There seems to have
+been a preliminary engagement before the decisive one of Gaudalete (July
+19th-26th)--the Gothic general in the former being stated variously to
+have been Theodomir,[4] Sancho,[5] or Edeco.[6]
+
+ [1] See De Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382.
+
+ [2] "Annales Moslemici," i. p. 262.
+
+ [3] The names of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad
+ have been confused by all the careless writers on Spanish
+ history--_e.g._ Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but Gibbon,
+ Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error. For
+ Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519; and
+ for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation, note
+ 10.
+
+ [4] Al Makk., i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55.
+
+ [5] Cardonne, i. 75.
+
+ [6] Dr Dunham.
+
+It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in
+detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain and
+part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But the Arabs
+made the fatal mistake[1] of leaving a remnant of their enemies
+unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave of
+conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but surely to
+recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of Arab extension in
+the West, and Christian Gaul was never afterwards seriously threatened
+with the calamity of a Mohammedan domination.
+
+The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest and
+the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of disorder,
+almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This state of things was
+one eminently favourable to the growth and consolidation of the infant
+state which was arising among the mountains of the Northwest. In that
+corner of the land, which alone[2] was not polluted by the presence of
+Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits who could not
+brook subjection and valued freedom above all earthly possessions.[3]
+Here all the various nationalities that had from time to time borne
+rule in Spain,
+
+ "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," [4]
+
+all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were gradually
+welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into one compact and
+homogeneous whole.[5] Meanwhile what was the condition of those
+Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under the
+Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared much worse;
+and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no doubt contributed
+largely to the facility of the conquest. The first conqueror, Tarik ibn
+Zeyad, was a man of remarkable generosity and clemency, and his conduct
+fully justified the proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false
+charges before the Sultan Suleiman.[6] "Ask the true believers," he
+said, "ask also the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in
+Africa and in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly,
+covetous, or cruel."
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. 34.
+
+ [2] According to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never
+ been admitted into any town of Biscay before 870.
+
+ [3] Prescott, "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that
+ only the lower orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note
+ he mentions a remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3).
+
+ [4] Southey, "Roderick," Canto IV.
+
+ [5] Thierry, "Dix Ans d'Etudes Historiques," p. 346. "Reserres
+ dans ce coin de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths
+ et Romains, vainqueurs et vaincus, etrangers et indigenes,
+ maitres et esclaves, tous unis dans le meme malheur ... furent
+ egaux dans cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign.
+ Fruela I. (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio
+ (768-774), revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.,"
+ vi. sec. 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem
+ redacti sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in
+ reigns of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and
+ Isab.," p. 4.
+
+ [6] Or his predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined.
+
+The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally contained the
+following provisions: that the citizens should give up all their horses
+and arms; that they might, if they chose, depart, leaving their
+property; that those who remained should, on payment of a small tribute,
+be permitted to follow their own religion, for which purposes certain
+churches were to be left standing; that they should have their own
+judges, and enjoy (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the
+riches of the churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,[1] and
+hostages given. But conditions even better than these were obtained from
+Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by Theodomir in Murcia. The original document
+has been preserved by the Arab historians, and is well worthy of
+transcription:
+
+"In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and Tadmir make
+this treaty of peace--may God confirm and protect it! Tadmir shall
+retain the command over his own people, but over no other people among
+those of his faith. There shall be no wars between his subjects and
+those of the Arabs, nor shall the children or women of his people be led
+captive. They shall not be disturbed in the exercise of their religion:
+their churches shall not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded
+from them, or obligations be laid upon them--those expressed in this
+treaty alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail
+in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile purposes he
+may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself shall pay a tribute
+of a dinar[2] each year, with four measures of wheat and four of barley;
+of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four measures. All the vassals of
+Tadmir, and every man subject to tax, shall pay the half of these
+imposts."[3]
+
+These favourable terms were due in part to the address of Theodomir,[4]
+and partly perhaps to Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians,
+which was also manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of
+King Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This predilection
+for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill favour with the
+Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.[5]
+
+ [1] Conde i. p. 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious
+ avarice.
+
+ [2] Somewhat less than ten shillings.
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76.
+
+ [4] Isidore, sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator,
+ eloquentia mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir
+ Almumenin prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est
+ honoratus."
+
+ [5] Al Makkari, ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into
+ treasonable correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of
+ forming a project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself
+ a Christian, etc.
+
+On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was accomplished
+with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or none of those
+atrocities which generally characterize the subjugation of a whole
+people by men of an alien race and an alien creed. It cannot, however,
+be denied that the only contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance
+on this point with all the Arab accounts.
+
+"Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every limb
+in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature fail in
+depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless and
+immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the whole story
+of sorrow--not to speak of all the disastrous ills which in innumerable
+ages past from Adam even till now in various states and regions of the
+earth a cruel and foul foe has caused to a fair world--whatever Troy in
+Homer's tale endured, whatever Jerusalem suffered that the prophets'
+words might come to pass, whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture
+might be fulfilled--all this, and more, has Spain experienced--Spain
+once full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory, but
+now brought low in shame and dishonour."[1]
+
+ [1] Cp. also Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note,
+ curiously remarks: "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate,
+ but the exaggeration proves the fact."
+
+This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the ravings
+of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as it seems by the
+actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following Isidore after an interval of
+500 years, improves upon him by entering into details, which being in
+many particulars demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked
+upon with suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words
+are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their
+fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women reserved
+for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or destroyed, the national
+substance plundered, oaths and treaties uniformly broken.[1]
+
+To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need only
+compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England by the
+Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The comparison
+will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not impossible that, if the
+invaders had been Franks instead of Moors, the country would have
+suffered even more, as we can see from the actual results effected by
+the invasion of Charles the Great in 777. Placed as they were between
+the devil and the deep sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred
+(had the choice been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than
+to the Franks.[2]
+
+ [1] Dunham, ii. p. 121, note.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona:
+
+ "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis,
+ Maurorum votis adsociata magis."
+
+To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through Spain,
+the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave had only to
+pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but God, and Mohammed is
+his Prophet": and he was immediately free. To the Jews the Moslems
+brought toleration, nay, even influence and power. In fact, since the
+fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the Jews had never enjoyed such
+independence and influence as in Spain during the domination of the
+Arabs. Their genius being thus allowed free scope, they disputed the
+supremacy in literature and the arts with the Arabs themselves.
+
+Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel in
+their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians alike.[1]
+Some indeed increased the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must
+be remembered that this tribute[2] was in the first instance very light,
+and therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression.
+Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause of the
+Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was Abdurrahman al
+Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an Arab writer says:[3] "He
+did equal justice to Moslem and Christian ... he restored to the
+Christians such churches as had been taken from them in contravention of
+the stipulated treaties; but on the other hand he caused all those to be
+demolished, which had been erected by the connivance of interested
+governors." Similarly of his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi
+(721-726), we find it recorded[4] that "he rendered equal justice to
+every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and Christian, or
+between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by Yahya ibn Salmah
+(March-Sept. 726), who is described as injudiciously severe, and dreaded
+for his extreme rigour by Moslems as well as Christians.[5] Isidore says
+that he made the Arabs give back to the Christians the property
+unlawfully taken from them.[6] Similar praise is awarded to Okbah ibn
+ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).[7] Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain
+were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried out with
+regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians, while the Ameers
+were so constantly changing, being sometimes elected by the army, but
+oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by his lieutenant, the governor of
+Africa for the time being. This perpetual shifting of rulers would in
+itself have been fatal to the settlement of the country, had it not been
+brought to an end by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the
+Khalif of Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in
+May 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes which
+threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in Spain. Chief
+among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and the jealousy between
+Berbers and Arabs.
+
+ [1] _E.g._, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore, sec.
+ 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the Christians,
+ those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest of the
+ Moslemah families."
+
+ [2] Merely a small poll-tax (jizyah) at first.
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 105.
+
+ [4] Conde, i. p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says:
+ "Vectigalia Christianis duplicata exagitat."
+
+ [5] Conde, i. 102.
+
+ [6] Isidore, sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio
+ crudelis exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et
+ Mauros pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque
+ Christianis plura restaurat.
+
+ [7] Conde, i. 114, 115.
+
+Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while such
+Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or Beladi
+faction.[1] The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as new converts,
+were also regarded as Nonconformists[2] by the pure Arabs, and
+consequently a quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two
+parties.
+
+As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against the
+Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the following
+year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who had conquered the
+country alone had claims to the spoil.[3] This formidable rising was
+only put down by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the
+continual disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in
+Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in Africa
+was a signal for a similar determined attempt in Spain.[4] The
+reinforcements which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa
+under Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief named
+Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta.
+
+ [1] The two chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of
+ Modhar, son of Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan
+ belonged the Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family.
+ They were also called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2)
+ Descendants of Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the
+ Kelbites and the Yemenites. These were most numerous in
+ Andalus; see Al Makkari, ii. 24.
+
+ [2] Dozy, iii. 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note.
+ Though nominally Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan
+ rites.
+
+ [3] See De Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's
+ "Karta," xiv. _sq._ Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p.
+ 55, says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a
+ leader of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was
+ the leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in
+ 728.
+
+ [4] Al Makkari, ii. 40.
+
+Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan[1] Alfehri taking up the cause
+of the Berbers, procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own
+favour, but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled
+to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta, though
+previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties that they might
+cross over into Spain.
+
+The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn Besher,
+nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising at the same
+time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers were overcome. This
+desirable end accomplished, however, they refused to keep to their
+agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found himself driven to seek anew the
+alliance of the Berbers and also of the Andalusian Arabs against his
+late allies.[2] But the latter proved too strong for the Ameer, who was
+defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of Balj.
+
+ [1] Cardonne, i. p. 135.
+
+ [2] The Syrian Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away
+ from home. The Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered
+ for the worse when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens."
+
+These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the
+accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued
+without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova, Abdurrahman ibn
+Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain.
+
+The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to break up
+the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those of Damascus in
+Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen; of Alurdan[1] in
+Malaga and Regio; of Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia;
+of Wasit in Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of
+Andalusian Arabs.
+
+These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of Spain;
+for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and Western
+marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many of the
+survivors compelled to return to Africa,[2] owing to the famine which
+afflicted the country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab
+dominion were left practically denuded of defenders,[3] and the
+Christians at once advanced their boundaries to the Douro, leaving
+however a strip of desert land as a barrier between them and the
+Moslems. This debateable land they did not occupy till fifty years
+later.[4]
+
+ [1] _I.e._, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [2] Dozy, iii. 24.
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, ii. 69.
+
+ [4] When they built a series of fortresses as Zarnora,
+ Simancas, San Estevan.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA.
+
+
+Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen in May
+756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with this date,
+though it was many years before the new sultan had settled his power on
+a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by the whole of Moslem Spain.
+
+During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened between
+the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we have very
+little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The Arab historians
+are too busy recounting the feuds of their own tribes to pay any
+particular attention to the subject Christians. But we may gather that
+the latter were, on the whole, fairly content with their new
+servitude.[1] The Moslems were not very anxious to proselytize, as the
+conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious diminution of the
+tribute.[2] Those Christians who did apostatize--and we may believe that
+they were chiefly slaves--at once took up a position of legal, though
+not social, equality with the other Moslems. It is no wonder that the
+slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from their hatred for their
+masters, and the obvious temporal advantage of embracing Islam, the
+majority of them knew nothing at all about Christianity.[3] The ranks of
+the converts were recruited from time to time by those who went over to
+Islam to avoid paying the poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of
+some penalty inflicted by the Christian courts.[4] One thing is
+noticeable. In the early years of the conquest there was none of that
+bitterness displayed between the adherents of the rival creeds, to which
+we are so accustomed in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only
+contemporary Christian authority, though he rhapsodizes about the
+devastations committed by the conquerors, and complains of enormous
+tributes exacted, yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems[5] than any
+other Spanish writer before the fourteenth century. "If he hates the
+conquerors," says Dozy,[6] "he hates them rather as men of another race
+than of another creed;" and the marriage of Abdulaziz and Egilona
+awakens in his mind no sentiment of horror.
+
+ [1] This was not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer
+ Almohades overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.
+ See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168.
+
+ [2] As happened in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168,
+ and Gibbon, vi. p. 370.
+
+ [3] Dozy, ii. 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor.
+ Eccles. of Granada" (1638), in which the author points out that
+ even in his day the "old Christians" of Central Spain were so
+ wholly ignorant of all Christian doctrines that they might be
+ expected to renounce Christianity with the utmost ease if again
+ subjected to the Moors.
+
+ [4] Samson, "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5.
+
+ [5] Speaking of Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore,
+ sec. 46, says, "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli
+ unquam ex Arabum gente."
+
+ [6] Dozy, ii. p. 42.
+
+On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian or
+renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the
+conquest.[1] Those serfs who remained Christian, if they worked on State
+lands, payed one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands,
+four-fifths to their Arab owners.[2] The free Christians retained their
+goods, and could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax
+varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.[3] In all probability the
+Christians under Moslem rule were not worse off than their
+coreligionists in Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded
+by the fact that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which
+would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no attempts
+at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the eighth century,
+except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have been led away by the
+ambition of an Arab chief.[4] They were even somewhat indifferent to the
+cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts which
+Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in concert with
+their brethren met with but scant success.[5]
+
+ [1] See especially Conde, Pref. p. vi.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 39.
+
+ [3] Dozy, ii. 40.
+
+ [4] Dozy, ii. 42.
+
+ [5] Cardonne, i. 106.
+
+There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding, which at
+first existed between the Moslems and their Christian subjects,
+gradually gave place to a very different state of things, owing in no
+small degree to the free Christians in the North, whose presence on
+their borders was a continual menace to the Moslem dominion, and a
+perpetual incentive to the subject Christians to rise and assert their
+freedom.
+
+Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications
+scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations that
+existed between the two religions during the 275 years of the Khalifate,
+and the influence which these relations had upon the development of the
+one and the other. It will be agreeable to the natural arrangement to
+take the former question first.
+
+With a view to the better understanding of the position of Christianity
+and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our inquiry, we have thought
+it advisable to point out in a preliminary sketch the development of
+Christianity in Spain previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh
+from their native deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one
+hand and the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the
+fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done, we can
+at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of Christianity and
+Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of the Khalifate of Cordova.
+
+It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in
+obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs, having
+overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain, and the war
+from the very first took the character of a jehad, or religious war--a
+character which it retained with the ever-increasing fanaticism of the
+combatants until every Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed,
+or been driven out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself
+was singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of
+course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their lives
+in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in defence of their
+wives and their children, their homes and their country, their religion
+and their honour. One such instance at least has been recorded by the
+Arab historians,[1] when the Governor, and 400 of the garrison, of
+Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of St George, chose
+rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender upon condition either of
+embracing Islam, or paying tribute.
+
+Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a tissue of
+errors and absurdities,[2] the first martyr properly so called was a
+certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn abi
+Nesah (727-728)--a governor guilty of shedding much Christian blood, if
+Isidore is to be believed.[3]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot
+ being called ever since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of
+ the burnt), as likewise of the great veneration in which it has
+ always been held by the Christians, on account of the courage
+ and endurance displayed in the cause of their religion by those
+ who died in it."
+
+ [2] Florez, "Espana Sagr," xiv. 392.
+
+ [3] Isidore, sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum,
+ quen ibidem innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et
+ Anabadi, illustris episcopi,... quem ipse cremaverat, valde
+ exhaustus," etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but
+ probably Othman ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain.
+
+Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much the same
+tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century, brought about his
+own condemnation and death. He held a responsible post under Government,
+that of receiver of public imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of
+friendship with many of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax
+in his religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from
+motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his life
+was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and thanking
+them for showing their concern for him by coming, he proceeded, "But I
+desire you to be witnesses of this my last will. Whosoever believeth not
+on the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity,
+is blind in heart, and deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth
+Mohammed, your false prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce,
+therefore, these fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and
+earth witness between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the
+hearers resolved to take no notice of these and other like words,
+charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter, having
+unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation of Mohammed,
+cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon he was executed, and
+we cannot be altogether surprised at it.[1]
+
+Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any more
+recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug. 852). In the
+second year of this king's reign, two Christians, John and Adulphus,
+making public profession of their faith, and denouncing Mohammed, were
+put to death on Sept 17, 824.[2]
+
+ [1] We give the account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it,
+ but with great doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer
+ that we have seen mentioning it.
+
+ [2] Florez, x. 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St
+ Cyprian's Church, Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum
+ Georgii etc.," sec. 7.
+
+This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration shown
+by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their Christian subjects;
+and there can be no reasonable doubt that this ill-advised conduct on
+the part of the latter was the main cause of the so-called persecution
+which followed. But besides this fanaticism on the part of a small
+section of the subject Christians, there were other causes at work
+calculated to produce friction between the two peoples. During the
+century which had elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and
+Mohammedans, living side by side under the same government, and one
+which, considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less
+for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and
+magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together. Intermarriages
+had become frequent among them;[1] and these proved the fruitful cause
+of religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious
+troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed I.
+(852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed parents.
+Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father and a Christian
+mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and, apparently, while he
+lived, permitted his children to profess the faith of their mother. On
+his death, the mother married again, and the new husband, being a
+bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as we may suppose, by the _odio
+vitrici_, immediately set about reclaiming his step-children to the true
+faith of Islam, his efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat,
+even to torture,[2] the young confessors. His utmost endeavour to effect
+their conversion failing, he delivered them over to the judge on the
+charge of apostasy, and the judge to the executioner, by whom they were
+beheaded on Oct. 21, 840.[3]
+
+ [1] Due in part no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also
+ below for "the maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97.
+
+ [2] So Miss Yonge.
+
+ [3] This date is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p.
+ 886, and by Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.,"
+ ii. c. 10, of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The
+ Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an
+ eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon,
+ etc."
+
+Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character, where the
+sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,--and we may believe that
+all such cases have not been recorded--yet the vast majority of those
+which followed in the years 851-860 were of a different type. They were
+due to an outbreak of fanatical zeal on the part of a certain section of
+the Christians such as to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the
+Moslem authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian
+subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the less
+enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the Mohammedans.
+The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested itself at this time is
+certainly the most remarkable phenomenon of the kind that has been
+recorded in the annals of the Christian Church. There had been
+occasional instances before of Christians voluntarily offering
+themselves to undergo the penalty of the laws for the crime of being
+Christians. One such instance in the case of a Phrygian, named Quintus,
+had caused grave scandal to the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone
+before the proconsul and professed himself ready to die for the faith,
+when the reality of the death, which he courted, had been brought home
+to him by the sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of
+the Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods. Africa
+also had had her self-accused martyrs.
+
+But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these, both
+by reason of their number and the constancy which they displayed in
+their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is recorded, though there
+may have been some such, where the would-be martyr from fear or any
+other cause forwent his crown. Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing
+the Church on the question of their merit, whether, that is, the
+victims were to be ranked as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a
+written controversy on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if
+rather one-sided, materials for estimating the provocation given, and
+received, on either side.
+
+As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more closely
+together in political and social life, the Church no doubt suffered some
+deterioration. Every interested motive was enlisted in favour of
+dropping as far as possible out of sight[1] those distinctive features
+of Christianity which might be calculated to give offence to the
+Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan customs, which are not in
+the Bible expressly forbidden to a Christian;[2] and, generally, of
+emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with Mohammedanism,
+and ignoring those (far more important ones) in which they differ. The
+Moslems had no such reason for dissembling their convictions, or
+modifying their tenets. Consequently a spiritual paralysis was creeping
+upon the Church, which threatened in the course of time, if not checked,
+to destroy the very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The
+case of Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed
+that this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over
+Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never passed
+under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in danger of
+being swept away by the devouring flames of Mohammedanism, might be
+nursed and cherished, till it could again blaze forth with its former
+brilliancy.
+
+ [1] See below, p. 72, note 5.
+
+ [2] _E.g.,_ circumcision.
+
+Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly vanished: it
+was still to be found among the clergy, and specially among the dwellers
+in convents. Monks and nuns, severed from all worldly influences, in the
+silence of their cloisters, would read the lives of the Saints[1] of
+old, and meditate upon their glorious deeds, and the miracles which
+their faith had wrought. They would brood over such texts as, "Ye shall
+be brought before rulers and kings for My sake;"[2] and, "Every one who
+shall confess Me before men, him will I also confess before My Father,
+which is in Heaven;"[3] till they brought themselves to believe that it
+was their imperative duty to bring themselves before rulers and kings,
+and not only to confess Christ, but to revile Mohammed.
+
+ [1] See Dozy, ii. 112.
+
+ [2] St Mark xiii. 9.
+
+ [3] St Matt. x. 32.
+
+However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not apply, as
+the apologists of their doings have not failed to point out, to the
+first two victims that suffered in this persecution.
+
+Perfectus,[1] a priest of Cordova, who had been brought up in the school
+attached to the church of St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase
+some necessaries for domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in
+the street, and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led
+them to make this strange request, we are not told,[2] but stated thus
+barely it certainly gives us the impression that it was intended to
+bring the priest into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem
+countries that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be scourged,[3]
+if he struck him, killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who
+spoke evil of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he
+heard the blasphemy without taking notice of it.[4] Perfectus,
+therefore, being aware of this law, gave a cautious[5] answer, declining
+to comply with their request until they swore that he should receive no
+hurt in consequence of what he might say. On their giving the required
+stipulation, he quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs
+and false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch
+that if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"[6] and
+proceeded to speak of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor
+and a dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he, the
+encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own filthy lusts,
+delivered you all over to the indulgence of an everlasting sensuality."
+This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the Moslems revere as we revere
+Christ, and the ungenerous advantage taken of the oath, which they had
+made, naturally incensed his hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree.
+They respected their promise, however, and refrained from laying hands
+on him at that time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging
+themselves on a future occasion.[7]
+
+ [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar,
+ "Indic. Lum.," sec. 3.
+
+ [2] See, however, Appendix A, p. 158.
+
+ [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet,
+ et legalis iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui
+ blasphematur, flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur."
+ Neander V., p. 464, note, points out that "blasphemaverit"
+ refers to cursing Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.,"
+ Pref., sec. 5, "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti
+ debere in eos qui talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On
+ hearing of Isaac's death the king published a reminder on this
+ law.
+
+ [4] See p. 91.
+
+ [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer.
+
+ [6] Matt. xxiv. 24.
+
+ [7] "Accensum ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius
+ reponunt." Eulogius, 1.1.
+
+If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and Perfectus,
+being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one, was met[1] by his
+former interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing
+despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being
+questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his words.
+He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the end of the
+month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast month. In prison the
+priest repented his weakness, and when brought again before the judge on
+the Mohammedan Easter, he recanted his recantation, adding, "I have
+cursed and do curse your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan,
+a dealer in witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately
+led off for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the
+King's minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on
+April 18, 850.[2] The apologists, on insufficient evidence, describe the
+death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day in the river, as a
+manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of Perfectus.[3]
+
+ [1] "Dolo circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4.
+
+ [2] Johannes Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest
+ error) in 950, under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time
+ that some writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him,
+ wrongly: "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam
+ persecutionem in Christianos."
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5.
+
+The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no doubt
+the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative painlessness,
+with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was not lost upon the
+brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary retreats and trying by a
+life of religious devotion to cut themselves off from the seductive
+pleasures of an active life.
+
+The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty tradesman,
+named John,[1] who does not seem to have courted his own fate. He had
+aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a habit which he had
+contracted of pronouncing the name of the Prophet in his market
+transactions, taking his name, as they thought, in vain, and with a view
+to attracting buyers.[2] John, being taxed with this, with ill-timed
+pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who wishes to name your Prophet." He
+was haled before the Kadi, and, after receiving 400 stripes,[3] was
+thrown into prison. Subsequently he was taken thence and driven through
+the city riding backwards on an ass, while a crier was sent before him
+through the Christian quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the
+punishment of those, that speak evil of the Prophet of God."
+
+ [1] Eugolius, "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum.
+ sec. 5.
+
+ [2] So Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1.
+ 1.) is not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam,
+ semper eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum
+ per iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa
+ auribus te ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas."
+
+ [3] Or, according to Eulogius, 500.
+
+So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution, brought by
+the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can be more or less
+sustained, but the next instance is of a different character. Isaac,[1]
+a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble and wealthy ancestors, was
+born in 824, and by his knowledge of Arabic, attained in early life to
+the position of an exceptor, or scribe,[2] but gave up his appointment
+at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery of Tabanos, which
+his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had founded near Cordova.
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref.,
+ secs. 2 ff. After his death Isaac was credited with having
+ performed miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have
+ spoken three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable
+ about Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child,
+ to have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven.
+
+ [2] Not, as Florez, a tax-gatherer.
+
+Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he
+voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an "enquirer,"
+begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam. The Kadi,
+congratulating himself on the prospect of such a promising convert,
+gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in fluent Arabic, said: "He
+has lied unto you--may the curse of Heaven consume him!--who full of all
+wickedness has led astray so many men, and doomed them with himself to
+the lowest deep of hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts,
+he hath given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without
+doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing these, and
+other like _chaste_[1] utterances, the judge listened in a sort of
+stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent in
+tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck the monk in
+the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which is made in the
+image of God?"[2] The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him for
+striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy of death
+should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having now recovered his
+self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac, whether drunk or mad, had
+committed a crime which, by an express law of Mohammed's, merited
+condign punishment. He was accordingly beheaded, and, his body being
+burnt, his ashes were cast into the river (June 3, 851). This was done
+to prevent the Christians from carrying off his body, and preserving it
+for the purpose of working miracles.[3]
+
+Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the people, who
+were amazed at the _newness_ of the thing.[4] It was at this point that
+Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these fanatical doings
+by encouraging and helping others to follow Isaac's example.
+
+ [1] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "_Ore pudico_
+ summisque reverentiae ausibus viribusque."
+
+ [2] Cp. Acts xxiii. 3.
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict
+ of the authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer
+ penalties.
+
+ [4] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290.
+
+The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and threw
+their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have struck the
+Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs themselves were as brave
+men as the world has ever seen, and, by the very ordinances of their
+faith, were bound to adventure their lives for their religion in actual
+human conflict with infidel foes, yet they were unable to conceive how
+any man in his senses could willingly deprive himself of life in such a
+way as could do no service to the cause, religious or other, which he
+had at heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense
+antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which
+Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the vanities, nay,
+even of the duties of life, which prompted men and women to immure
+themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from all spheres of human
+usefulness. Life under these circumstances had naturally little to make
+it worth the living, and became all the more easy to relinquish, when
+death, in itself a thing to be desired, was further invested with the
+glories of martyrdom.
+
+The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a monk
+named Sanctius[1] or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three days
+later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a deacon of
+Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus; Habentius, a
+monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while Jeremiah,[2] uncle of
+Isaac, was scourged to death. Their bodies were burned, and the ashes
+cast into the river.
+
+Sisenandus of Badajos[3] found a similar fate on July 16th: four days
+subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and the same
+number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all of whom were
+beheaded.
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, c. iv.
+
+ [3] After his martyrdom he procured the release from prison of
+ Tiberias, priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS.
+
+
+The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful girls,
+whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who seems to have
+regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a Platonic love mingled with
+a sort of religious devotion.
+
+Flora,[1] the daughter of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, was
+born at Cordova. She is said to have practised abstinence even in her
+cradle. At first she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity
+with that faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight
+years before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and
+her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her brother, in
+his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted many Christian
+families, whom he suspected of conniving at her escape, she voluntarily
+surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here am I whom you seek, and for
+whose sake you persecute the people of God. I am a Christian. Do your
+best to annul that confession: none of your torments will be able to
+overcome my faith." Her brother, after trying in vain, by alternate
+threats and blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally
+dragged her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation,
+and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and then
+given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however, to recover,
+and escaped under angelic guidance.[2] Shortly afterwards, while praying
+in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of Walabonsus
+above-mentioned,[3] who had been martyred a few months previously.
+Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife. They
+came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter was educated
+at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under the care of the
+abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's martyrdom, and perhaps, as
+was so often the case, seeing his glorified spirit in a vision, she left
+the cloister, determining to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on
+her way to give herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and
+found Flora there.
+
+ [1] "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu."
+
+ [3] "Life of Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in
+ Spain," says, "Sister of Isaac."
+
+Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth[1] to curse Mohammed,
+of whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own lives.
+The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely imprisoned
+them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought to Flora's
+brother, he induced the judge to make a further examination of her, and
+she was brought out of prison before the Kadi, who, pointing to her
+brother, asked her if she knew him. Flora answered that she did--as her
+brother according to the flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge,
+"that he remains a good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She
+answered that God had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready
+to repeat her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again
+remanded to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown
+upon the streets as prostitutes[2]--a punishment far worse than the
+easy death they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they
+find an unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned
+for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It is
+strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the prison
+itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The support of
+Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm through another
+examination, and the judge, proving too merciful, or too good a Moslem,
+to carry out the above-mentioned threat, they were led forth to die
+(November 24, 851). Before their death they had promised Eulogius to
+intercede before the throne of God for his release, which accordingly is
+brought to pass six days after their own execution.[3]
+
+An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before
+Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near Cordova, and
+Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way (January 13, 852).[4]
+
+ [1] Eulog. to Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by
+ Eulog., sec. 12.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4.
+ Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing
+ out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat
+ propria delectatis,"--a poor consolation, but the only one! He
+ does not seem to have known--or surely he would have quoted
+ it--the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse
+ 35):--"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves,
+ if they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall
+ compel them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful
+ unto such women after their compulsion."
+
+ [3] Eulog., letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100.
+
+ [4] Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix.
+
+There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom, and it
+seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon this subject.
+This, however, was far from being the case. Hitherto the victims had
+been almost without exception priests, monks, and nuns; but the next
+martyrs afford us instances of married couples claiming a share in this
+doubtful honour. These were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a
+Christian mother, and his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of
+Moslem parents, whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and
+was converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.[1] It would seem that
+with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism, some
+good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded adherents of
+Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which they were sinking; for
+these new martyrs were of the class of hidden[2] Christians, who were
+now shamed into avowing their real creed.[3] Yet surely it had been far
+better if they had been content to live like Christians instead of dying
+like suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible
+impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured conviction
+that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties, to give themselves
+up to death. In this resolution they were fortified by the advice and
+encouragement of Eulogius and Alvar,[4] the latter of whom prudently
+warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is sufficient to stand the
+trial.[5] Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her husband in his
+self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave her children being
+overcome by Eulogius,[6] who recommends that they should be given over
+to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora and
+Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose.
+
+ [1] _Ibid._, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2.
+
+ [2] See below, p. 72.
+
+ [3] Aurelius was roused from his religious dissimulation by
+ seeing the sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii.
+ c. x. sec. 5.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 18.
+
+ [5] This would lead us to suppose that the courage of some
+ _had_ failed.
+
+ [6] Eulogius comments:--"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo
+ filiorum affectus respuitur!" The parents not only desert their
+ children, but give away most of their goods to the poor,
+ thereby making their own children of the number.
+
+Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on business
+connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over in Spain,
+impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing, determined to offer
+himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the four persons above
+mentioned.
+
+They then take counsel together how they may best effect their purpose,
+there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring martyrdom for
+themselves to shew the statements of the apologists, that there was a
+fierce persecution raging, to be at least much exaggerated, if not
+entirely without foundation. The plan decided upon, which the devisers
+audaciously attributed to the suggestion of God,[1] was that the women
+should go forth unveiled and with hurried steps to the church, in the
+hope that such an unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and
+occasion the arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and
+they were all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual
+result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them with
+scornful anger.[2] But George, disappointed at his untoward clemency, as
+they were being led away broke out with,[3] "Can you not go down to hell
+without seeking to drag us also thither as your companions?"
+
+This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was no
+doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were dragged
+again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of remonstrance,
+why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,[4] and refused to live,
+promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would become
+Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two days, which
+seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die. They pass the time
+with singing hymns, and are blessed with visits of angels and miraculous
+signs. Their chains drop off, and the gaolers dare not again bind those
+whom Christ Himself had loosed.[5] The authorities, now as ever, anxious
+if possible to avoid extreme penalties, determine to release George,
+because they had not themselves[6] heard his blasphemy. He baulks their
+merciful intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is
+accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27, 852).
+
+Within a month Christopher,[7] a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage,
+and Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are
+executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead bodies
+being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his palace,[8] the king
+saw these bodies, and ordered them to be burnt, and the ashes scattered
+in the river. The same night Abdurrahman II. was struck down with
+apoplexy, and the martyrs' friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from
+Heaven.
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni
+ coepimus _cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus
+ coronam:_ et ita _Domino disfiensante_ visum est nobis ut
+ fugerent sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si
+ forte nos alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est."
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est,
+ et mors pro gloria computatur."
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia claustra
+ adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis aeterna
+ vos cruciamina non adurent?"
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 31.
+
+ [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii."
+ George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy
+ like the others.
+
+ [7] _Ibid._, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+
+ [8] On a "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec.
+ 2. See Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442,
+ note.) "En lo mas cruel de los tormentos subio Abderramen un
+ dia a las azutens o galerias de su Palacio. Descubrio desde
+ alli los cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y
+ atravesados con los palos, mando los quemasen todos paraque no
+ quedase reliquia cumpliose luego la ordsa; pero aquel impio
+ probo bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volvia
+ por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le
+ pego la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerrossle la boca, y no
+ pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle,
+ sus criados a la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de
+ apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entro
+ la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del
+ infierno."
+
+He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and more
+bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the throne than
+Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St Cyprian's church, near
+Cordova, following in the footsteps of so many predecessors, came
+before the Kadi, and reviled Mohammed,--the former being enabled to do
+this with the more point and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree
+master of the Arabic language.[1] Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they
+coveted, and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary
+prodigy occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious
+Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios elementa
+fatentur."
+
+On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted
+partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two eunuchs,
+Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo, a eunuch of
+foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque, and by way of
+preaching--as they said--to the assembled worshippers, they reviled
+their Prophet and their religion. [2] Being set upon and nearly torn in
+pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were rescued by the Kadi,
+who imprisoned them till such time as their sentence should be declared.
+They were condemned to have their hands and feet cut off, and be
+beheaded; which sentence was carried into effect.[3]
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger
+ vocabulary of abuse than most languages: see the account of
+ Prof. Palmer's death in his Life by Besant.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2.
+
+ [3] Eul. (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo
+ stupefacta nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius
+ sentiebat."
+
+Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king knew
+no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this defiance of
+the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a widespread
+disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule. In fact, as we
+shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the banner of revolt in
+favour of their Cordovan brethren at this very time. Mohammed therefore
+seems to have meditated a real persecution, such as should extirpate
+Christianity in his dominions.[1] He is said even to have given orders
+for a general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the
+slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not apostatize.[2] But the
+dispassionate advice of his councillors saved the king from this crime.
+They pointed out that no men of any intelligence, education, or rank
+among the Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and
+that the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their
+actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other advisers seem
+to have diverted the king from his project of a wholesale massacre by
+encouraging him to proceed legally against the Christians with the
+utmost rigour, and by this means to cow them into submission.[3]
+
+These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no other
+executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when Fandila, a
+priest of Tabanos,[4] and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's monastery
+to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward and reviled the
+Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and subsequently beheaded (June 13,
+853). His fate awakened the dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,[5] a
+priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a Gaetulian monk of Alcala de
+Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos
+(the latter being strengthened in her resolve by a celestial vision),
+who, pursuing the usual plan, are beheaded the following day; their
+example being followed by Benildis, a matron (June 15).[6]
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de
+ mortibus resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam
+ totam extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot
+ hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui
+ arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos
+ virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed
+ (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes
+ Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico
+ distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+ "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia
+ Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat."
+
+ [3] _Ibid._ "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem
+ voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus
+ gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt."
+
+ [4] _Ibid._ iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he
+ was a monk of Guadix.
+
+ [5] _Ibid._, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2.
+
+ [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix.
+
+The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the
+Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and shutting them
+up to prevent others giving themselves up.[1] One of these however,
+Columba,[2] sister of Elizabeth and of the abbot Martin, contrived to
+escape. This Columba had persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of
+her mother's efforts to make her marry, which only ceased when the
+mother died. She now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17).
+
+Just one month later Pomposa,[3] from the monastery of St Salvator,
+Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in these
+executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the following year,
+when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems to have really deserved
+the name of martyr, for he was given up to the authorities by the
+treachery of others,[4] and did not seek martyrdom.
+
+Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci
+(Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of Paul, the
+deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same fate (April 30,
+855).[5]
+
+After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an old
+priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave themselves
+up to execution[6] (April 17, 856.) In June of that year a more
+venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his destruction. This
+was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of Cordova (June 28).[7] Exactly
+one month later Aurea, a virgin and sister of the brothers John and
+Adulphus, whose martyrdom has been already mentioned, was brought before
+the magistrate. Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,[8] she
+had long been left unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was
+well known. She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon
+repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a Christian, she
+gained a martyr's crown (July 29).
+
+ [1] So Miss Yonge.
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, c. xi.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium
+ ad martyrium furore pertractum."
+
+ [5] _Ibid._, ch. xiii.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, cc. xiv. xv.
+
+ [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum
+ dolo vel odio circumventus."
+
+ [8] _Ibid._, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis
+ exornabatur."
+
+The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution.
+Ruderic,[1] a priest, whose brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened
+as a peacemaker, in a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With
+the usual fate of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and
+nearly killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and
+had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his brother had
+become a Mussulman before his death.[2] However, Ruderic recovered, and
+made his escape, but being obliged to return to Cordova, met his
+brother, who immediately brought him before the Kadi on a charge of
+apostasy. His life and liberty were promised to him if he would only
+acknowledge that Christ was merely man, and that Mohammed was the
+messenger of God. On refusing, he is imprisoned, and finds in prison a
+certain Salomon, also charged with apostasy from Islam. The two
+fellow-prisoners contract a great friendship and are consequently
+separated. After a third exhortation, they are condemned to death, but
+not before the judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their
+purpose by offers of honour and rewards.[3] They were executed March 13,
+857, and their bodies thrown into the river--even the stones sprinkled
+with their blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the
+Christians should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on
+shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally fortunate,
+informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his body lay in a
+tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum.
+
+Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself contrived
+to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to brave. Whether this
+was due to any unworthy fear of death on his part is not clear, but it
+may have been owing to the respect in which he was held by the Moslem
+authorities. To these he was well known as a man of irreproachable
+character and unaffected piety, and several Arabs of high rank, who were
+his personal friends, shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the
+effects of his folly. Eulogius[4] was descended from a Senatorial family
+of Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he
+devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his
+contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the feet of
+Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica. Besides a
+sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in trade, and another
+brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in government employ.[5]
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff.
+
+ [2] So the Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their
+ victims had abjured their errors before being burnt.
+
+ [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27.
+
+ [4] Life by Alvar, c. i. sec. 2.
+
+ [5] Eul. ad Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni
+ indignatio eo tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a
+ metaphorical allusion to Joseph in Egypt.
+
+Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and his
+desire for the life of a monk,[1] and for the glory of martyrdom. When
+strong measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with
+Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for martyrdom by
+threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were frightened into
+submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,[2] remained firm, in spite of his
+being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a certain Gomez, who was
+a temporising Christian in the king's service.[3]
+
+ [1] Life by Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus
+ enervaretur, quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea
+ sarcina gravabatur."
+
+ [2] "Hic inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est
+ visus susurro."--Life by Alvar, sec. 5.
+
+ [3] This man, says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost
+ his hold on the Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to
+ attack. See below, p. 72.
+
+There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere with and
+check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs which he saw going
+on round him. Believing that such close relations between the peoples
+tended to the spiritual degradation of Christianity, he set himself
+deliberately to embitter those relations, and, as far as he could, to
+make a good understanding impossible. To discourage the learning of
+Arabic by the Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to
+Pampluna the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal,
+and Augustine's "De Civitate Dei."
+
+At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a priest, but
+for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating at the mass on the
+ground that he was himself a great sinner.[1] However, his
+ecclesiastical superior[2] (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him
+take a different view of the question by threatening him with anathema
+if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a prominent
+champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was imprisoned in 851,
+where he wrote treatises in favour of the martyrs, and was released, as
+we have seen, by the intercession of Flora and Maria on November 29th of
+that year.
+
+ [1] He pleads his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he
+ was infected with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous
+ century, which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop
+ of Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez,
+ xi. 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who
+ held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum
+ sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine
+ and Isidore against the error.
+
+ [2] Pontifex proprius.
+
+In 858,[1] on the death of Wistremirus, he was chosen by
+the votes of the people[2] to succeed him as Bishop of Toledo;
+but from some cause, perhaps by the intervention of the
+Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his see. The
+people then determined to have no bishop, if they might
+not have him.[3] Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his
+bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though
+not all bishops holy men."
+
+ [1] "Life of Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10.
+
+ [2] "Communis electio."
+
+ [3] Fleury, v. 547, says another bishop was elected in
+ Eulogius' lifetime; but Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo
+ vivente interdixerunt eligere."
+
+In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a disturber of
+the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had been allowed to
+support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was he permitted to finish
+in prison a book in defence of the martyrs,[1] which had the direct
+tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion of
+Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:--Leocritia, a maiden of
+Arab extraction and of noble birth,[2] had been secretly baptised by
+Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her apostasy, cruelly
+ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to make her renounce Christ.
+She naturally turned to Eulogius and his sister Anulo for advice in her
+afflictions, expressing a wish to escape to a part of Spain where the
+Christian worship was free. As a first step to this, she leaves her
+parents under pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with
+Eulogius. Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people
+imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last betrayed and
+surprised at the house of her protector. They are both dragged before
+the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he persists in defying the laws
+in this way.[3] The bishop defends himself by pleading that Christian
+clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their religion, if asked, as
+he had been by Leocritia.[4] The judge then threatens to have him
+scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to so painful and degrading a
+punishment, repeats the lesson which he had taught to so many others,
+and reviles Mohammed. Even so the judge shows a disposition to treat him
+with leniency, and he is remanded to prison with Leocritia.
+
+When brought up again before the royal Council,[5] an influential friend
+makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush on their
+own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved wisdom and
+blameless character, in defiance of all natural instincts, to throw away
+your life in this manner?" He urges Eulogius to say but one word of
+concession in the hour of peril, promising that he should afterwards be
+free to exercise his religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance.
+But the bishop could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such
+offers with the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us
+on high!"
+
+ [1] See Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295.
+
+ [2] Alvar, Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13.
+
+ [3] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15.
+
+ [4] This kind of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime
+ by the Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171.
+
+ [5] Alvar, "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548.
+
+On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on one
+cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was beheaded on
+March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later. Miraculous appearances
+honoured the body of the martyred bishop, which was buried in the Church
+of St Genesius, whence it was translated in the next year to his own
+church of St Zoilus, and in 883 was given up, together with that of
+Leocritia, to Alphonso III. (866-910) by express stipulation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS.
+
+
+With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms comes to
+an end, and it will be convenient at this point to consider the whole
+question of the relation of the Church to the civil power, and how far
+those "confessors," who were put to death under the circumstances
+already related, were entitled to the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the
+evidence we have on the subject is drawn almost entirely from the
+apologists of their doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of
+some bias. Yet even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no
+real persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as to
+justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots.
+
+If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and Alodia,
+the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single recorded instance
+of a Christian being put to death for his religion by the Arabs in
+Spain before the middle of the ninth century. The Muzarabes,[1] as the
+Christians living under the Arabs were called, enjoyed a remarkable
+degree of freedom in the exercise of their religion--the services and
+rites of the Church being conducted as heretofore.[2] In Cordova alone
+we find mention of the following churches:[3] the Church of St Acislus,
+a former martyr of Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three
+Martyrs--Faustus, Januarius, Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius
+and Eulalia; and of the Virgin Mary.
+
+ [1] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means
+ "those who try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language."
+
+ [2] Eulog. Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he
+ spent the ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis,
+ vespertinum, matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad
+ honorem (Dei) et gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus."
+
+ [3] Florez, x. 245.
+
+Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab writer,
+who died in 1034.[1] "I once entered at night," he says, "into the
+principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green branches
+of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of the thundering
+bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the innumerable lamps dazzled
+my eyes; the priests, decked in rich silken robes of gay and fanciful
+colours, and girt with girdle cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone
+of those present had banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled
+from his mind all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps
+towards the marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the
+hollow of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and
+taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he applied
+to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky lips of a
+beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents captivated his senses, but
+when he had tasted the delicious liquor, the sweetness and flavour
+seemed to overpower him." On leaving the church, the Arab, with true
+Arabian facility, extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By
+the Lord of mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of
+unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a girl that
+their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they put on their gay
+tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before the Almighty." Ahmed
+also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay long among them, began to
+sing round us with their books in their hands; every wretch presented us
+the palm of his withered hand (with the holy water), but they were even
+like the bat, whose safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us
+every attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of
+swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects very
+characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the incongruity of
+an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the lips of a maid," or the
+irrelevancy of a reference to swine's flesh. But the account merits
+attention on other grounds, for it shews how little even the more
+intelligent Moslems understood the ceremonies of the religion which they
+had conquered, though they might be pardoned for thinking that the
+Christians worshipped the Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself
+fell into the same error, and because probably the Roman Church and its
+adherents had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship.
+
+The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been the
+church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,[2] the Christians had
+to give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one
+enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were induced,
+or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and it was pulled
+down to make room for the Great Mosque.[3] In 894 we find that the
+Cordovans were allowed to build a new church.
+
+ [1] Ahmed ibn Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote
+ De Gayangos' translation.
+
+ [2] De Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at
+ first guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750
+ they had to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to
+ sell the other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the
+ destroyed churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p.
+ 29, note 1.
+
+ [3] This was not finished till 793. The original structure cost
+ 80,000 dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II.
+ (961-976) alone spent on it 160,000 dinars.
+
+Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve monasteries and
+churches in the immediate neighbourhood of Cordova: among them the
+monastery of St Christopher, the famous one of Tabanos, suppressed as
+above mentioned, in 854;[1] those of St Felix at Froniano, of St Martin
+at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at Cuteclara, of St Salvator at
+Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS. Justus and Pastor, and of St
+Sebastian.
+
+We have given the names of these churches and monasteries[2] at or near
+Cordova, both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one
+or other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom we
+are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that
+above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new
+churches,[3] but considering the diminution in the numbers of the
+Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a great many, this
+could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover the Christian churches,
+it was ordained, should be open to Moslems as well as Christians, though
+during the performance of mass it seems that they had to be kept closed.
+The Mosques were never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.[4]
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 162.
+
+ [2] Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the
+ Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the
+ Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see
+ Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra
+ received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but
+ Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter).
+
+ [3] Cp. the stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem.
+
+ [4] See Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89.
+
+The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at Cordova,
+did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at Elvira, the
+cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after the Cordovan
+martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the year of the
+conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally finished. What we
+hear about the Christians at Elvira at this time is not to their credit,
+their bishop, Samuel, being notorious as an evil liver.[1] It is in
+Cordova that the main interest at this period centres; and to Cordova we
+will for the present confine our attention.
+
+There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts, both
+those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who aided and
+abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a comparatively small body
+in the Church of Spain; and that their proceedings awakened little short
+of dismay in the minds of the more sensible portion of the Christian
+community, both in the Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree
+in the free North.[2] The chief leaders of the party of zealots--as far
+as we find mention of them--were Saul, bishop of Cordova (850-861),
+Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the monastery of Pegnamellar; while
+Reccafredus, bishop of Seville, and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the
+prominent ecclesiastics on the other side.
+
+ [1] Ibn Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210.
+
+ [2] Yonge, p. 63.
+
+Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with the
+Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of fanaticism, it
+will be interesting to note what was the attitude of the different
+sections of the Church towards the misguided men who gave themselves up
+to death, and their claims to the crown of martyrdom. Those who denied
+the validity of these claims, rested their contention on the grounds,
+that the so-called martyrs had compassed their own destruction, there
+being no persecution at the time; that they had worked no miracles in
+proof of their high claims; that they had been slain by men who believed
+in the true God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and
+that their bodies had corrupted like those of other men.
+
+It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call these
+suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in high places
+had forced them to deny their faith,[1] or interfered with their due
+observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of ostentatious
+pride--and pride was the root of all evil--to court danger. Such conduct
+had never been enjoined by Christ, and was quite alien from the meekness
+and humility of His character.[2]
+
+They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been expressly
+condemned,
+
+(_a._) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the other
+churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms: "We commend not
+those who offer themselves of their own accord, for that is not what the
+gospel teacheth us:"[3]
+
+(_b._) By St Cyprian,[4] who, when brought before the consul and
+questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer
+themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says: "Let
+none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if he speak
+when apprehended:"
+
+(_c._) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who rush to death,
+for there are some, not of us, but only bearing the same name, who give
+themselves up:"[5]
+
+(_d._) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis (_circa_ 305),
+one of the canons of which forbade him to be ranked as a martyr, who
+was killed on the spot for breaking idols:
+
+(_e._) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted on the
+question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged martyrs, gave it
+as his opinion that those should be first excluded who had courted
+martyrdom.[6] One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict XIV. of
+Rome,[7] has ventured to approve what the Church has condemned. Nor is
+this the only instance in which the Roman Church has set aside the
+decisions of an earlier Christendom.
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis
+ violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae
+ piaeque religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis
+ suum incolere iusserat Christianismum."
+
+ [2] Quoting such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse
+ you, and pray for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23,
+ "Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's
+ sake."
+
+ [3] Eusebius iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.)
+
+ [4] Martyred 258.
+
+ [5] See Long's "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21.
+
+ [6] Burton's "History of the Christian Church," p. 336.
+
+ [7] 1740-1748: in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et
+ beatorum canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541.
+
+The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been no
+persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their doings, and
+that those doings themselves were contrary to the teaching and spirit of
+Christianity. The latter part of the charge has already been dealt with,
+and may be considered sustained. As to the other part, the apologists,
+it must be confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes,
+indeed, they deny it point-blank:[1] "as if," says Eulogius, "the
+destruction of our churches,[2] the insults heaped upon our clergy, the
+monthly tax[3] which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived on
+sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are continually
+referred to. "No one," says the same author,[4] "can go out or come in
+amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the street
+without being treated with contumely. They mock at the marks[5] of our
+order. They hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children
+jeer at us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The
+sound of the church-going bell[6] never fails to evoke from Moslem
+hearers the foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a
+pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the Moslems
+would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;[7] and when they
+witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud, "Shew
+them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's people, and
+defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.[8] "Yet," he indignantly
+exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is it, I
+answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a deadly time[9] ...
+are we not bowed beneath the yoke of slavery, burdened with intolerable
+taxes, spoiled of our goods, lashed with the scourges of their abuse,
+made a byword and a proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"[10]
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec.
+ 3.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7.
+
+ [3] Leovigild, "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565.
+
+ [4] Eul., l.l.
+
+ [5] Stigmata.
+
+ [6] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui
+ inhiantes capita moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He
+ adds: "Daily and nightly from their minarets they revile the
+ Lord by their invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib.
+ Ap.," sec. 19, confesses that hearing their call to prayer
+ always moved him to quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all
+ they that worship carved images"--a very irrelevant
+ malediction, as applied to the Moslems.
+
+ [7] Alvar, l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant."
+
+ [8] "Spurcitiarum fimo."--_Ibid._
+
+ [9] "Mortiferum."--"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+
+ [10] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage
+ picture of the Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in
+ tumore cordis elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi,
+ in comestione superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine
+ iustitia invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis
+ nescientes affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes,
+ castitatem velut spurcitiam respuentes."
+
+That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that the
+lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal their dislike
+and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as were at variance with
+their own creed, and moreover regarded priests and monks with especial
+aversion, there can be no doubt. But, on the other hand, there is no
+want of evidence to show that the condition of the Christians was by no
+means so bad as the apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances
+could not fail to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were
+actually to be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the
+Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that
+humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances.
+Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can itself
+be called such, there was none, till it was called into being by the
+action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from all the other facts
+which point to this conclusion, we can call the apologists themselves in
+evidence that there was no real persecution going on at the time of the
+first martyrdoms.
+
+Eulogius[1] admits that the Christians were not let or hindered in the
+free exercise of their religion by saying that this state of things[2]
+was not due to the forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the
+Divine mercy. Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the
+whole position which he is trying to defend, says[3]:--"Though many were
+the victims of persecution, very many others--and you cannot deny
+it--offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it not
+clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we who began
+preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will see that they
+rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the bidding of
+persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye, and--what is made so
+strong a charge against them--that they tired out the forbearance of
+their rulers and princes by insult upon insult."[4]
+
+ [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 29.
+
+ [2] Viz., "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus."
+
+ [3] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+
+ [4] "Fatigasse praesides et principes multis
+ contumeliis."--_Ibid._
+
+As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs were no
+martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the Scriptures quoted by
+his opponents,[1] and refer to the morally blind, who make evil their
+good, and take darkness to be their light;[2] while he brought forward a
+saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will hold the first rank
+in the heavenly companies who have gone to their death unsummoned."[3]
+
+He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the plea
+that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is sufficiently
+ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly assures us that these
+insults and revilings of the prophet were merely a form of preaching[4]
+to the poor benighted Moslems, naively remarking that the Scriptures
+affirm that the Gospel of Christ must be preached to all nations.
+Whereas, then, the Moslems had not been preached to, these martyred
+saints had taken upon themselves the sacred duty of rendering them
+"debtors to the faith."
+
+The second count[5] against the martyrs was that they had worked no
+miracles--a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were almost the
+test of sanctity. Eulogius[6] could only meet the charge by admitting
+the fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages, in
+order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the constancy
+of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true, but not to the
+point). Had he been content with this, he had done wisely; but he goes
+on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth, as even the unbelievers
+can work them."[7] Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did not
+perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were deficient
+in this particular;[8] and yet in other parts of his work he mentions
+miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by Isaac,
+and by Flora, and Maria.[9] So that the worthy priest is placed in this
+dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute them to
+the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were unable to work
+them? if, on the other hand, they did perform these miracles, why not
+adduce them in evidence against the detractors?
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19.
+
+ [2] Isaiah v. 20.
+
+ [3] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of
+ the Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius--a
+ book obviously of no authority.
+
+ [4] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus
+ hactenus exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei
+ tenerentur. Isti enim (_i.e._, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem
+ in eosdem et evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque
+ fidei debitores reddiderunt."
+
+ [5] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13.
+
+ [6] "Lib. Apol.," sec 7.
+
+ [7] "Lib. Apol.," sec. 10.
+
+ [8] Cp. "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 13.
+
+ [9] "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4.
+
+The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not put to
+death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and acknowledging a
+divine law,[1] and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius misses the
+true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully exclaims:--"As if
+they could be said to believe in God, who persecute His Church, and deem
+it hateful to believe in a Christ who was very God and very man."[2]
+
+Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as Eulogius
+points out,[3] pain and torture give no additional claim to the martyr's
+crown.
+
+Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as indeed was
+to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some cases, devoured by
+dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,[4] "since their souls are borne away
+to celestial mansions."
+
+ [1] Eul. "Lib. Apol.," sec. 3.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 12.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 5.
+
+ [4] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 17.
+
+But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that
+Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and scoffs of
+the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true God, does He not
+strike terror into the executioners of his saints by some great
+prodigy? and why do not the martyrs themselves flash forth into miracles
+while the crowd is round them? You rush upon your own destruction, and
+yet you work no wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of
+your creed, thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."[1]
+
+Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than they
+cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled at the
+Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians, from fear of
+death, even apostatized. "Whither," they triumphantly asked,[2] "has
+that bravery of your martyrs vanished? What has become of the rash
+frenzy with which they courted death?" Yet though they affected to
+consider the martyrs as fools or madmen, they could not be blind to the
+effect that their constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld
+their death, and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded
+by the Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of
+martyrs to be preserved[3] and worshipped, and did their best to make
+this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and scattering
+the ashes on the river, though sometimes they contented themselves with
+throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the stream.
+
+ [1] "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 12.
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6.
+
+ [3] See "De Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc.,
+ sec. 11. "Non enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni
+ permittunt." See above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs
+ were more freely given up at the request of the Christians. See
+ "Chron. Silen.," secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender
+ of the body of Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9,
+ where Eulogius mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints
+ Zoilus and Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave
+ up the body of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request.
+ Mariana, viii. 5.
+
+However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly
+carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon as
+the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the admission of
+their admirers themselves, had never worked any miracles when living,
+were enabled, when dead, to perform a series of extraordinary ones,
+which did not finally cease till modern enlightenment had dissipated the
+darkness of the Middle Ages.
+
+We happen to possess a very interesting account of the circumstances
+under which the relics of three of these Cordovan martyrs were
+transferred from the troubled scene of their passion to the more
+peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of France.[1]
+
+It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St Vincent and
+the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of their patron
+saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks, Usuard and Odilard,
+with the king's[2] permission, to procure the precious relics for their
+own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the monks learnt
+that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had been, in fact,
+carried[3] by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior, the bishop of
+that city, had seized it, and it was still held in veneration there, but
+under the name of St Marinus, whose body the monk had stoutly asserted
+it to be. Senior apparently doubted the statement, and tortured Andaldus
+to get the truth out of him, but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St
+Vincent had been deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never
+surrender the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard
+knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated.
+
+ [1] De Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae
+ ex urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.--"Migne," vol. 115,
+ pp. 939 ff.
+
+ [2] Charles the Bald.
+
+ [3] "Under a divine impulse," as usual.
+
+Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at
+Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend, holding
+a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name, mentioned the
+persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem to have travelled
+beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to Cordova, relying on a
+friend there, named Leovigild, to help them to obtain what they wished.
+Travelling in Spain, however, seems to have been by no means safe[1] at
+this period, and their bold resolution is regarded with fear and
+admiration by their friends. The lord of the Gothic marches, Hunifrid,
+being on friendly terms with the Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on
+their behalf, and he entrusts them to the care of a caravan which
+chanced to be just starting for Cordova.
+
+ [1] See sec. 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of
+ the road to Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as
+ "perturbata funeroso Wilihelmi incursu."
+
+On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's Church,
+where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of their arrival
+brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves a very useful friend,
+and Samson, who just at this juncture is made abbot of the monastery at
+Pegnamellar, where the bodies of George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were
+buried--the very relics which they had decided to try and obtain.
+
+The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such
+precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's
+permission to give up the bodies.
+
+This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them of
+returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which Mohammed I. was
+on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had been given that all
+the inhabitants, strangers as well as citizens, except the city guard,
+should go out with the King. However, the Frankish monks were met by an
+unexpected difficulty. In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks
+of Pegnamellar refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much
+difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former
+permission to remove them.
+
+The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems, and
+sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose. George's body
+was found whole, but of the other two, only the head of Nathalia, and
+the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter are united to form one
+corpse, as it is written, "they two shall be one flesh." After a stay in
+Cordova of eight weeks, they set out under the protection of some
+Christians serving in the army. Leovigild, who had been away on the
+King's business, now returns, and escorts them to Toledo. The approach
+of the army having cleared away the brigands who infested those parts,
+the monks with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and
+returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked numbers of
+astonishing miracles.
+
+Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the moderate
+party among the Christians, and by the Moslem authorities, to put an end
+to what seemed so dangerous an agitation. That Reccafredus was not the
+only ecclesiastic of high position who took exception to the new
+movement we learn clearly enough from Alvar,[1] who tells us that
+"bishops, priests, deacons, and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in
+inveighing against the new martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear
+wellnigh denying the faith of Christ, if not in words, yet by their
+acts." We may, therefore, conclude that the greater part of the
+ecclesiastical authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of
+Seville, while the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively
+small one. However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did
+not hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.[2] Eulogius
+complains that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the
+customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove her web
+in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful silence." In this
+passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his imagination, yet there
+must have been a certain amount of truth in the main assertion, for he
+repeats it again and again.[3]
+
+The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who seemed
+to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is founded, who
+were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say, in the presence of
+these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans, under no compulsion, but of
+their own free will, spoken evil of the martyrs of God? Have not the
+shepherds of Christ, the teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots,
+priests, the chiefs of our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly
+denounced the martyrs of our Church as heretics?"[4]
+
+ [1] "Life of Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4--"Omnes sacerdotes quos
+ potuit carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec.
+ 11--"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis,
+ viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ...
+ privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind.
+ Lum.," secs. 14, 18--"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et
+ loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata."
+
+ [3] Eul., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16--"Eremitatem ecclesiarum,
+ compeditionem sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc
+ tempore sacrificium nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad
+ Wilies, sec. 10.
+
+ [4] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14.
+
+Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order forced
+them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's palm by
+speaking evil of the Prophet.[1] Those who disobeyed were threatened
+with unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless
+scourgings.[2] This last statement must be taken with reservation, at
+least if put into the mouth of the Christian party under Reccafredus.
+It is extremely unlikely that Christian bishops and priests should have
+had recourse to such treatment of their coreligionists: yet they had a
+spiritual weapon ready to their hands, and they were not slow to use it.
+They anathematised[3] those who aided and abetted the zealots; and
+Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of
+excommunication.[4]
+
+ [1] _Ibid._, sec. 15--"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam,
+ iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus
+ impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter
+ fecimus."
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12--"Duris
+ tormentis agitati, commoti sunt."
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28--"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi
+ palaestram discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia
+ damnari iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31--"Plerosque
+ patres anathematizantes talia patientes."
+
+ [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+
+This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if not at
+the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close concert with
+them. Eulogius[1] attributes all the evils which had befallen the
+Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots, and
+deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly states that the
+King was urged, even bribed, to take measures against the Christians.[2]
+It is not likely that the King required much persuading. Mohammed at
+least seems to have been thoroughly frightened by the continued
+agitation against Mohammedanism. He naturally suspected some political
+plot at the bottom of it; a supposition which receives some countenance
+from the various references in Eulogius[3] to the martyrs as "Soldiers
+of God" bound to war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted
+fact that the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their
+coreligionists at Cordova.[4] However that may be, the King in 852
+certainly took counsel[5] with his ministers, how the agitation should
+be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand council[6] of
+the Church, when the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were
+in consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to. But
+Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts all
+Christians, who held offices in the palace,[7] or in connection with the
+Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"[8] the royal
+bounty usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all
+churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to those
+previously existing. He made a severe enactment against those who
+reviled Mohammed.[9] He even had in mind to banish all Christians from
+his dominions.[10] This intention, together with the order respecting
+the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to the opportune
+revolt at Toledo.[11]
+
+ [1] Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+
+ [3] See Dozy, ii. 136.
+
+ [4] Conde, i. 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority,
+ that he incited them to revolt under Sindila.
+
+ [5] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv.
+
+ [6] Robertson calls it a Conciliabulum.
+
+ [7] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. Sec. 2.
+
+ [8] "Militares pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i.
+
+ [9] Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv--"Tunc iam procul dubio
+ enecandi nos difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui
+ temerarius exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean
+ that Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice
+ any who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot.
+
+ [10] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"Moslemi ... omne regni
+ sui, sicuti cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur
+ Christicolarum."
+
+ [11] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv.
+
+In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear lest the
+intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the Church in
+Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did much at first to
+aggravate the hardships of the Israelites.[1] He ought not, therefore,
+to have been surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor
+ought he to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians
+observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate; and that
+the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and exactions.[2]
+
+These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the Bishop
+of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party were broken
+up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding, and only venturing
+abroad in disguise and at night--not, as Eulogius is careful to add,
+from fear of death, but because the high prize of martyrdom is not
+reserved for the unworthy many, but for the worthy few.[3]
+
+ [1] _Ibid._, ii. c. xvi.
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18--"_Nunc_ pro suo libito
+ tantummodo exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... _nunc_
+ publicum imponentes censum, _nunc_ rebus nos abdicantes
+ detrimentis atterunt rerum."
+
+ [3] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14--"Quia indigni sumus
+ martyrio, quod quibusdam et non omnibus datum est."
+
+Some even apostatized,[1] while many of those who had applauded the
+proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and blamed them
+for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the suffering Church for an
+early mansion in the skies.[2] Others, in order to retain posts under
+Government, or to court favour with the King, dissembled their religion,
+taking care not to pray, or make the sign of the cross in public.[3]
+Eulogius himself was singled out at the meeting of the King's Council by
+one of the royal secretaries, Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,[4]
+as the ringleader of the new seditious movement. This man was a very
+worldly-minded Christian,[5] and was, no doubt, at this time, in fear of
+losing his lucrative office at Court, which he had obtained by his
+remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in fact, lose his post with all
+the other Christian officers of the Court, but regained it by becoming a
+Moslem;[6] and such was the ardour of the new proselyte that he was
+called "the dove of the mosque."[7]
+
+The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the party of
+which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former writer,
+mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends that it was
+merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken figuratively; and he
+acknowledges that such hypocrisy was unworthy of the prelates and
+officers assembled.[8] Is it not more reasonable to suppose that
+Eulogius and his supporters voted for it--as they seem to have
+done--with a mental reservation, while their opponents honestly
+considered such a step necessary?
+
+ [1] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1--"Fidem praevaricantur,
+ abdicant religionem, Crucifixum detestantur."
+
+ [2] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his
+ letter to Alvar sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few
+ remained firm to their principles.
+
+ [3] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9--"Cum palam coram ethnicis
+ orationem non faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non
+ muniunt ... Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis
+ gratia, pro vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia
+ praeliantes." Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta
+ iussum Domini tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae,
+ caligosasque turres crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium
+ Deo offerens vespertinum."
+
+ [4] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 18. See above, p. 51.
+
+ [5] Ibn al Kuttiya--apud Dozy, ii. 137.
+
+ [6] Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii.
+
+ [7] Dozy, ii. 137.
+
+ [8] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3--"Aliquid
+ commentaremur, quod ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet
+ aures." The "praemissum pontificate decretum" he calls
+ "allegorice editum."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+THE MUZARABES.
+
+
+The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the dubious
+martyrdoms which had for some years become so common, though the spirit,
+which prompted the self-deluded victims, was by no means stifled either
+in Spain or the adjoining countries.[1] Yet the measures taken to put
+down the mania for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for
+some time.
+
+Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians,
+determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the hands of
+the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related hereafter, in
+several parts of Spain. After the battle of Aguilar, or Polei, in 891,
+between the Arab and Spanish factions, 1000 of the defeated Christians
+were given the choice of Islam or death, and all, save one, chose the
+latter alternative.[2]
+
+During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a few
+isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned now. After
+the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,[3] where Abdurrahman defeated
+the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting bishops, who were
+taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a hostage for his own
+release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius. The king, it is said,
+smitten with his beauty, wished to work his abominable will upon the
+boy, but his advances being rejected with disdain, the unhappy youth was
+put to death with great barbarity, refusing to save his life by
+apostasy.[4] A different version of the story is given by a Saxon nun of
+Gaudersheim, named Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty
+years later. She tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who
+thereupon struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by
+decapitation (June 26, 925).[5]
+
+ [1] See "Life of Argentea," secs. 3, 5.
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 287.
+
+ [3] Val du Junqueras, 920 A.D.
+
+ [4] Johannes Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257,
+ disbelieves this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii.
+ 154, is referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the
+ king's liking for a handsome Christian page.
+
+ [5] Sampiro, secs. 26-28.
+
+In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance in
+Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter of the
+great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,[1] and his wife Columba, and was born at
+that chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar
+wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar had
+become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking only for a
+quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for martyrdom; and she
+wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes inclined him in the same
+direction, suggesting that they should seek the crown of martyrdom
+together.[2] On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman in 928, she
+went to Cordova.[3] She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who had
+been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a virgin, with
+whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object becoming known,
+Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of the city. Argentea goes
+to visit him there, and is stopped by the guards, who, finding she is a
+Christian, take her before the judge as a renegade, and she is
+imprisoned with Vulfura. The alternative of Islam instead of death being
+refused, they are both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens
+rebellis," is first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out.
+Her body was buried at the church of the three saints.
+
+In the year 934[4] we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being
+massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense they
+can be regarded as martyrs to their faith.
+
+ [1] Who on becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel.
+ Florez, x. p. 564, ff.
+
+ [2] See "Life of Argentea," by an anonymous author.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 4.
+
+ [4] Dozy, iii. 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may
+ have occurred in 893.
+
+In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;[1] and thirty
+years later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab
+rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken
+prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and a-half
+in prison.[2] They were then brought out and put to death, just when
+Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom them.[3]
+
+There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a persecution of
+the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and the statements of those
+writers who intimate the contrary may be set aside as unsupported by
+evidence.[4]
+
+We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian Church
+and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially--for our
+information is greatest as to those periods--under the two kings
+Abdurrahman II. and III.
+
+Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the Christians,
+until the persecution, which they themselves provoked, began, was very
+tolerable, and the majority of the Christians were quite content with
+their lot. They served in the army, both free men and slaves; they held
+lucrative posts at Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as
+government officials. But though the lay community was well off, the
+clergy and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the
+Church[5] could not be said to be free, though the worship was, since
+the power of summoning councils had now passed to the Arab executive,
+who, as we have seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils.
+Sees were also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not
+unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing the
+emoluments, of bishops.[6]
+
+ [1] Schott., iv. 246.
+
+ [2] Rohrbacher, xii. 192.
+
+ [3] Charter, apud Florez, xiv. 397.
+
+ [4] See above, p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of
+ John Servus Dei, Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard
+ to the late martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been
+ written in 937.
+
+ [5] Dozy, ii. 47.
+
+ [6] Alvar, "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv.
+
+As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin throughout
+the country, and even before the ninth century the Scriptures were
+translated into the tongue of the conquerors [1] by Odoarius, Bishop of
+Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use of any
+language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to use Arabic
+Gospels;[2] and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted to write in
+Latin.[3] Even if this statement be doubtful, we know that Latin came
+gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar utters an eloquent
+protest against this: "Alas, the Christians are ignorant of their own
+tongue, and Latins neglect their language, so that in all the College of
+Christ[4] there is scarcely to be found one who can write an address of
+welcome to his brother intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found
+competent to mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."[5] In the
+department of poetry--the peculiar boast of the Arabs--the Christians
+seem even to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two
+nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance of
+native ballads of which Spain can boast.
+
+We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of Latin,
+by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that language; but
+it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result. We can see from the
+remains of the Spanish writers which we possess that the structure of
+that language had considerably degenerated in Spain.[6]
+
+ [1] Murphy, "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309.
+
+ [2] Yonge, p. 60.
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 239.
+
+ [4] "Omni Christi collegio."
+
+ [5] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+
+ [6] See Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand,
+ writes wonderfully good Latin.
+
+Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely intelligible.
+Moreover, we find Samson[1] directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of
+Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of Orleans
+(839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself a Spaniard, of
+the same defect.
+
+The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing indifference to
+the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated Christians being led to
+devote their time, which might have been more profitably spent on their
+own Scriptures, to becoming acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and
+even to unravelling the intricacies of the controversial theology which
+had grown up round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the
+Koran.[2] The great Fathers of the Church were laid aside unread, and
+even the Prophets and Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to
+study them. While the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the
+lower were sunk in poverty[3] and ignorance.[4] The inevitable result of
+this indifference, ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration
+in the character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too
+many proofs.
+
+ [1] Samson, "Apol.," c. vii.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35--"Ac dum illorum sacramenta
+ inquirimus, et philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum
+ convincendis erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione
+ luculenter diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus
+ laicis invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina
+ quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis
+ Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur
+ amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae
+ diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione
+ praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum
+ avidissime tractunt?"
+
+ [3] Florez, xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31;
+ and for the condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle,
+ "Hist. of Civiliz.," i. 443.
+
+ [4] Dozy (l.l.).
+
+We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of
+Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to low and
+unworthy people;[1] while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova, with
+obtaining his bishopric by bribery.[2] Other irregularities imputed to
+Hostegesis were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary
+to the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to
+extort money from them, till they died under his hands.
+
+Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of unworthy
+men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had to endure in
+silence,[3] many were informally ordained without vouchers for character
+being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy and flocks being
+obtained.[4] Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle of two rival
+pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from the Fathers.[5]
+
+Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no authority
+could be alleged, in contravention of established custom and the
+teaching of the Church. So far was this carried that Samson was accused
+by his opponents of being a heretic and an idolator because he permitted
+the marriage of cousins; dissented from the view that God was ever
+enclosed in the chambers of the Virgin's heart;[6] asserted the
+omnipresence of God, even in idols and the Devil, and this in an actual,
+not a metaphysical, sense;[7] and denied that God sat upon an exalted
+throne above his creatures. From this it is clear that Hostegesis and
+those who thought with him[8] were infected with the anthropomorphite
+heresy.
+
+ [1] Samson, "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2.
+
+ [2] See "Letter to Saul," sec. 3--"Poterant enim quovis
+ asserente canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari,
+ si quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis
+ exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on
+ the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture.
+
+ [3] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268.
+
+ [4] Alvar ad Saulum, sec. 3--"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia
+ clericorum."
+
+ [5] _Ibid._
+
+ [6] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.--"Cubiculum
+ cordis Virginei." This appears to be a quotation from the
+ Gothic liturgy.
+
+ [7] "Per substantiam, non per subtilitatem."--_Ibid._
+
+ [8] Romanus and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6.
+
+Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their
+depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the produce
+of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with difficulty
+extorted from his flock,[1] in bribing the court officials and the
+king's sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was
+indulged in.[2] The clergy were not above pretending illness in order to
+avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem rulers.[3] Some, even in
+the highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and
+apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel, Bishop
+of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a pervert's zeal,
+persecuted the Church he had deserted, imprisoning the clergy, taxing
+his former flock, and even forcing some to embrace Islam.[4]
+
+It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were sometimes
+deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the hands of a
+hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his pretended heresy;
+and, similarly, Valentius,[5] Bishop of Cordova, was deprived of his see
+because he was a supporter of Samson. But these instances reflect more
+discredit on the deposers than on their victims. Instances of deposition
+are not wanting, in the free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh
+Bishop of Compostella (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute
+living, and malversation of Church moneys.[6] On the king's death he
+recovered his see, driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of
+Compostella, suffered the same punishment.[7]
+
+ [1] The offering of one-third for the Church was refused to
+ Hostegesis as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it,
+ "suis codicibus institutis."--Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._ The state of the Church in the North was not much
+ better. See Yonge, p. 86.
+
+ [3] Leovigild de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110.
+
+ [4] Samson, Pref. ii. 4.
+
+ [5] Succeeded Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864.
+
+ [6] Mariana, viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey,
+ "Chronicle of the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86.
+
+ [7] Mariana (1.1.).
+
+When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and when
+Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of Burgundy, and her
+spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were horrified at the laxity in
+morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic Christians. Their addiction to
+poetry and natural science was regarded with suspicious aversion, and
+the pork-eating, circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,[1]
+contracted from an intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many
+marks of the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars
+in Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor
+Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet we are
+told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring churches in the
+territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up again the ordinances of
+the Goths, as formerly observed at Toledo.[2]
+
+The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of
+extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002) swept
+yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating tempest.[3]
+Fifty-two victorious campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead
+against the infidels.[4] Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his
+arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a time left
+desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried off to Cordova to
+serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not, therefore, surprised to
+find that there were many bishops in the North who had lost their sees;
+and this was the case even before the tenth century, for a bishop named
+Sabaricus, being driven from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of
+Mindumetum by Alfonso III. in 867,[5] and twenty years later a bishop
+named Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.[6]
+
+It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the Christian
+Church should be hostile to one another, but it is surprising to
+find--as we do find in some cases--the latter making common cause with
+the Arabs in ill-treating their fellow-countrymen and coreligionists.
+Thus, as we have seen, Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular
+arm,[7] beat and imprisoned the clergy for withholding from him the
+Church tithes, dragging them through the city naked, with a crier crying
+before them:--"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their
+tithes to their bishop."[8] Bishops were even found to make episcopal
+visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the
+intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in their
+names to the civil power for the purpose of taxation.[9] Others obtained
+from the Arabs the privilege of farming the revenues derived from
+Christian taxation, and cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.[10]
+
+ [1] The Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the
+ Arabs not to wash. See Conde, i. 203--"It is related of these
+ people of Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild
+ beasts, and never wash either their persons or their garments."
+
+ [2] "Chron. Albeld.," sec. 58--"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto
+ fuerat statuit."
+
+ [3] "Chron. Silense," sec. 72--"Eadem tempestate in Hispania
+ omnis divinus cultus periit."
+
+ [4] He was not defeated in his last battle, as is generally
+ stated in histories.--See Al Makkari, ii. 197.
+
+ [5] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, xvii. 244.
+
+ [7] "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2.
+
+ [8] _Ibid._
+
+ [9] _Ibid._, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+
+ [10] Eul., 1.1.
+
+These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not
+instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was the son
+of a serf of the Church,[1] and married a cousin of Hostegesis.[2]
+Instead of championing the cause of the Christians, as his position
+should have impelled him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction
+as to call them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to
+Christianity--a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those who
+held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied blackmail on
+the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the bodies of martyrs
+from under the altars of churches, and, showing them to the king, to
+remind him that it had been forbidden to Christians to bury their
+martyrs.[3]
+
+Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis against
+Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of inciting the
+fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should be tested with this
+dilemma. They should be asked whether what the revilers said were true
+or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let them be punished as well as the
+reviler; if 'false,' bid them slay the man themselves; refusing which,
+you will know that they have aided and abetted him to abuse your
+Prophet. In that case, give me permission, and I will slay the three
+myself."[4]
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 268.
+
+ [2] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5.
+
+ [3] Samson, 1.1.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of
+ timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing,
+ deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was
+ killed at Polei(?)--Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab
+ name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the
+ Arabs.--See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2.
+
+We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and
+national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be worth
+while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded, that we may
+contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was one of the most
+characteristic features of the Old Church in Spain that it was united
+so closely with the civil power as almost to render the Government of
+Spain a theocracy. This intimate connection of Church and State was
+naturally overthrown by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing
+how useful such institutions as general councils were likely to be in
+adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both allowed
+purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their jurisdiction,
+and also summoned others in which they took part themselves, together
+with Jews, to the great scandal of the stricter Christians.[1]
+
+To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at Seville by
+Elipandus[2] to condemn the errors of Migetius; and another, held by
+Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of Egila, bishop of
+Elvira.[3] Whether Egila abjured his error is not known, but it is
+certain that he remained bishop.
+
+Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have held a
+council, whereat he renounced his own error of Adoptionism.[4]
+
+ [1] We even find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova
+ had Moslem names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii.
+ 162), and Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99.
+
+ [2] The exact date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235.
+
+ [3] "Pseudo Luitprand," sec. 236, says--"Ad concilium ex
+ omnibus Hispaniae partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian
+ I.'s Letter to the bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is
+ known of this Egila, nor is it certain of what see he was the
+ bishop.
+
+ [4] See below, p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff.
+
+But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly
+political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen how
+Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the Moslem
+authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the fanatical party
+among the Christians; and we have a more particular account of another,
+which was held by Hostegesis, Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of
+Cordova.[1] This council seems to have had some connection with the
+preceding one under Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and
+unscrupulous opponent of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was
+their devoted supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as
+to suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of
+heresy[2] and sacrilege, as has been already mentioned. Hostegesis
+forced his views on the assembled bishops by the help of the secular
+arm, and a sentence of anathema and deposition was accordingly
+pronounced against the unfortunate Abbot.[3] One of the apparently
+consenting bishops was Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement
+had evidently been coerced, for after the close of the council he
+sounded the other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as
+to their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm
+Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect This
+action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of deposition, and
+he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,[4]--the election of the latter
+being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted thereat,[5] and
+neither the clergy nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his
+favour.
+
+ [1] Samson, "Apol.," ii. Pref.
+
+ [2] On the ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio
+ quam similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed
+ creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely
+ qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii.
+
+ [3] "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae
+ fascibus sedentium."--_Ibid_. Samson was rendered incapable of
+ holding office, or even of belonging to the Church.--_Ibid_.
+
+ [4] In 864.
+
+ [5] See above, p. 8.
+
+This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council, held at
+the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who had sided with
+Valentius, but were now terrified into submission, being in attendance;
+while the places of those who refused to come were taken by Jews and
+Moslems.[1] These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an open rupture
+in the Church.[2]
+
+In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful authority)
+by Orontius of Toledo,[3] and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova.
+These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade Khalifs
+of Spain.[4]
+
+ [1] Sayones (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 10.
+
+ [3] "Pseudo Luit," sec. 328.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._ sec. 341.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III.
+
+
+Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked upon as
+the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the throne when quite
+a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the sons of the late Sultan, he
+found the country torn by innumerable factions, and the king's power
+openly defied by rebels, Arab, Berber, and Christian. In person, and
+through his generals, he put down all these rebels, and though not
+uniformly successful against the Christians in the North, yet he
+defeated them in a series of great engagements.[1] He welded all the
+discordant elements under his rule into one great whole,[2] thereby
+giving the Arab domination in Spain another lease of life. In 929 he
+took the title of Amir al Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His
+alliance was sought by the Emperor of the East,[3] and he treated on
+equal terms with the Emperor of Germany and the King of France. To this
+great king, with more truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be
+applied the words of Miss Yonge:--[4]
+
+"He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on the
+character of Solomon--large-hearted, wise, magnificent, tolerant, and
+peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern, ascetic,
+narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were the exquisite
+horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices, inlaid jewellery of
+marble pavements, and slender minarets, to their dark vault-like,
+low-browed churches, and solid castles built out of hard unmanageable
+granite."
+
+ [1] Mutonia (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921).
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 351, from an Arab writer.
+
+ [3] A very interesting account of this embassy from Constantine
+ VII. (947) is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn
+ Khaldun.---See Conde, i. 442.
+
+ [4] P. 57.
+
+We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we saw in
+Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian renegade,
+still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the throne; and his
+treatment of Christians was, throughout his reign, tolerant and politic.
+
+But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very interesting
+fragment that has come down to our own times, describing the embassy of
+a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an abbey near Metz, who carried
+letters from Otho, emperor of Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.[1]
+
+In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop who had
+been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to have caused a
+delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter contained blasphemies
+against Christ, it was determined to write a reply in the king's name,
+such as might perhaps convince Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A
+certain bishop, Adalbero, was appointed to be at the head of the return
+embassy,[2] and he asks the abbot of the monastery of Gorz to give him
+two assistants. Two are chosen, but one of these quarrels with his
+superior, and is expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself
+as a substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with
+great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent longing to
+be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity.
+
+ [1] See "Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot
+ of Arnulph. "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310.
+
+ [2] In 953.
+
+Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors reached
+the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova, where they were
+assigned a house two miles from the palace, and, though well
+entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as the Moorish
+ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an answer, Otho's
+messengers would have to wait nine years. Moreover, they now discovered
+that the king had been already apprised of the contents of the letter,
+which Otho had sent, by a comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom
+John and his companions had taken with them to Barcelona.
+
+The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them not to
+divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them liable to
+punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would consider
+blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John, the Bishop of
+Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they should carry their gifts
+to the king, and say nothing of the letter. But John of Gorz stoutly
+refused to do this, saying that the delivery of the letter was his chief
+duty, and that as Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not
+be surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John of
+Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the Christians stood,
+viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he said, "by the apostle to
+resist the powers that be. In our calamity, we have this one
+consolation, we are allowed to observe our own laws and rites, and our
+rulers, if they see us diligent in our religion, honour us, cherish us,
+and delight in our society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion,
+then, suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other
+things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter should be
+suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian community, and no
+good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf ears. The monk of Gorz
+was resolved on doing what he deemed his plain duty; nor was he content
+to forego his chance of martyrdom, though his action might entail
+disastrous consequences on the Christians subject to the Moors. He
+taunted the bishop with giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better
+die of hunger than eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at
+the fact that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from
+certain meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the
+bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the Saracens.
+
+John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter
+forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience, leaving them
+to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955, however, the king
+sent to them, and asked if they held firm to their previous resolve, and
+on receiving an answer in the affirmative, he threatened all the
+Christians in his dominions with loss of privileges and even death. John
+of Gorz merely answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but
+the latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who remind
+him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would interfere in favour
+of his ambassadors.
+
+John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that Abdurrahman
+should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for instructions for his
+ambassadors under the circumstances. Recemundus,[1] a Christian, offers
+to go as ambassador, if a vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He
+sets out and reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh
+letter, with instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an
+alliance with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting
+down the brigands who infested the marches.
+
+ [1] De Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with
+ Rabi, a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III.
+ in Al Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the
+ bishop who died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De
+ Gayangos (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace.
+
+Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he reached
+Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive the second
+comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So, after three years
+semi-captivity, John is released, and told to prepare himself for the
+king's presence by shaving, washing, and putting on new apparel. He
+declines to go in any otherwise than he is; and even when the king,
+thinking his refusal due to poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk
+accepts the gift and distributes it to the poor, but says he will only
+see the king as a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come
+as he likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the
+king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps of the
+palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour lined both
+sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king, as a great mark of
+distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss, and beckoned him to a seat
+near his own couch. After a silence Abdurrahman apologised to the monk
+for the long delay which he had been obliged to impose on the embassy,
+and which was in no sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose
+virtue and wisdom he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was
+no mere empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him
+whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words, and
+they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to depart
+Abdurrahman says:--"After waiting so long to see one another, shall we
+part so soon?" He suggests that they should have at least three
+interviews. At their next meeting they discourse on the respective power
+of the empires of Otho and the Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by
+the experience of Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal
+subjects to become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them.
+
+So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so pleasant a
+light on the character and the Court of the greatest of Spanish Sultans,
+and proves that the Christians at that time enjoyed considerable
+freedom, and even honour, at the hands of the Moslem Government.
+
+The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter
+brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read words
+against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render himself liable
+to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law to any Moslem--king
+or slave--who listened to abuse of the Prophet without exacting summary
+vengeance from the blasphemer. But--and here was the king's dilemma--he
+could not punish the ambassadors without incurring the enmity of Otho.
+The only possible alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho
+should be asked to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan
+having officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation
+of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the threat
+against the Christians as merely a threat, never really intended to be
+put into execution.
+
+In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the Spanish
+khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions of Islam; but,
+as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been very inconsistent in
+his views with regard to Christians and Jews at different times of his
+career, and while he enjoined the necessity of Holy Wars,[1] he
+permitted the people of the book to be admitted to tribute.[2] In one
+passage he even seems to allow the possibility of salvation to Jews,
+Christians, and Sabians: "Verily they who believe, and those who
+Judaize, and the Sabians, and the Christians--whoever of these believeth
+in God and the last day, and doeth that which is right--there shall come
+no fear on them, neither shall they be grieved."[3] And there is one
+remarkable text to find in the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no
+violence in religion." [4]
+
+Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived upheld
+the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the Persian Sufis,
+is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for me, to judge of men's
+consciences, and I will never interfere with what belongs to the
+tribunal of the great Creator and Lord of the Universe."[5] Again,
+Akbar, one of the greatest kings that ever lived, followed in practice
+the principle thus expressed by his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution
+after all defeats its own ends; it obliges men to conceal their
+opinions, but produces no change in them."[6] Noble sentiments surely,
+and such as we should expect from followers of Christ rather than of
+Mohammed!
+
+ [1] Tradition attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to
+ Mohammed than can be found in the Koran,--_e.g._, "The sword is
+ the key of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause
+ of God, a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two
+ months of fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against
+ the infidel, his sins are forgiven him."
+
+ [2] Koran, xlvii., ad init.
+
+ [3] Koran, v., v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of
+ Acts x. 35.
+
+ [4] Koran, ii., v. 258.
+
+ [5] See Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia,"
+ i. p 583.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11.
+
+Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been conspicuous
+for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin, indeed, does say in his
+letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester, that he does not approve of
+punishing heresy with death, because God, by the mouth of His prophet,
+had said: "I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that the
+wicked turn from his way and live;"[1] but Alcuin was a man of unusual
+mildness and sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus
+testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in the
+Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in connection with
+the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to be forgotten--"Slay all;
+God will know His own."
+
+In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the
+Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a principal
+argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of Valencia in his memorial
+to Philip III. at the end of the sixteenth century.[2]
+
+A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded by
+Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by Alfonso, on
+the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of capitulation certain
+mosques had been expressly reserved to the Moslems, just in the same way
+as certain churches had been reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712.
+But Bernard, by way of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance
+of the king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque.
+Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's
+proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing that
+the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct, came forward
+of their own accord and begged him to pardon the act, and even
+voluntarily surrendered their mosque.[3]
+
+Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion, but
+even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.[4] Almanzor, the champion
+of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays. Christians
+in every reign held high posts at court[5] and throughout the land, and
+not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and Leovigild, who
+were known to sympathise with the party of zealots, were employed by the
+king to write letters to, and negotiate with, the neighbouring kings.
+This was no doubt due to their general trustworthiness, their quickness,
+and their knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin.
+
+ [1] Ezekiel xxxiii. 11.
+
+ [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n.
+
+ [3] Mariana, ix. 10.
+
+ [4] See p. 57. Recent history affords a similar instance from
+ the Christian side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54--"I
+ have made them make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." _Ibid._,
+ p. 249, "I had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship,
+ and endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at
+ the opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha
+ who took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the
+ Mussulman worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable,
+ if sincere, as any Christian."
+
+ [5] Such as secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister.
+
+Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the office
+of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the office of
+protection." The Christians and Jews were under his general
+jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the protection."[1] But
+besides this Arab "Secretary of State for the Christians," the latter
+had their own counts--a relic of the Gothic system--who, however, did
+not always stand up for their interests.[2] There were also Christian
+censors,[3] but it is not known what position they held in the State.
+
+The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at Court, and
+numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's bodyguard, of whom
+under Hakem I. (796-822) there were 2000.[4]
+
+ [1] Al Makk., i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398.
+
+ [2] _E.g._. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus.
+
+ [3] See above, p. 49.
+
+ [4] Conde, i. p. 260.
+
+All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two
+peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion, lived so
+comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a perpetual state of
+warfare between the Arabs and the Christians in the North, which tended
+to keep alive the animosities of the two races in that part of Spain
+which was under Mohammedan rule.[1] Moreover, the pride of race was very
+strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet Said ibn Djoud, in a
+poem called the "battle of the town" (Polei), boasts that the conquerors
+are of the pure race of Adnan and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture;
+while he calls the defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false
+faith,[2] sons of the pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too
+prone to look upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as
+mere canaille.[3]
+
+But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated; and
+Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of fanaticism in
+the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation would have had
+serious results for Christianity in Spain.[4]
+
+The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free Christian
+States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same, when political
+occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of the frontier cities
+sought to make themselves independent by what the Arab writer describes
+as "vile policy and unworthy acts," _i.e._, by seeking the friendship of
+the Christian kings;[5] and there are many instances of these kings
+asking aid, even servilely, from Arab princes.[6]
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 108, puts the distinction between the races very
+ forcibly:--"Ce peuple qui joignait a une gaite franche et vive
+ une sensualite raffinee devait inspirer aux pretres, qui
+ aimaient les retraites eternelles et profondes, les grands
+ renoncements et les terribles expiations, une repugnance
+ extreme et invincible."
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 223.
+
+ [3] "C'etait leur terme consacree." Dozy, ii. 211.
+
+ [4] "Heu pro dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus,
+ iugumque cum infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex
+ cotidiano usu illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis
+ ipsorum contubernia affectamus."--Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18.
+
+ [5] Conde, i. 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.,"
+ sec. 30.
+
+ [6] Al Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II.
+
+Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case, intermarriages
+were common between the two races. The example was early set by the
+widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying Abdulaziz, son of Musa.
+The sons of Witiza also married Arab women, and Sarah, the daughter of
+one of these princes, was the progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs,
+one of her descendants being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means
+son of the Gothic princess.[1] Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all
+the Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named Maria,[2]
+and the mighty Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade
+Christian.[3] These are some instances, but it is not necessary to dwell
+on what was so common an occurrence as intermarriage between the
+peoples, and is forbidden neither by the Koran,[4] nor by the Bible.
+
+However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a more
+particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been supposed to
+have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute of 100 maidens paid
+by the northern kings to the earlier Arab Sultans. Modern historians
+mostly throw doubt upon the story, saying that of the early historians
+none mention it, and that the Arabs do not even allude to it.[5] But if
+Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer does speak of it, as of a thing
+well known. In a letter of Omar[6] ibn Alaftas Almudafar, King of
+Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:--"Do thou remember
+the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy mind those treaties
+wherein thy forefathers offered him the homage even of their own
+daughters, and sent him those damsels in tribute even to the land of our
+rule."
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454.
+
+ [2] Conde, i. 364.
+
+ [3] Dozy, iii. 124.
+
+ [4] Koran, v. 5:--"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those
+ that have received the Scriptures before you."
+
+ [5] Dunham, ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276.
+
+ [6] Conde, ii. 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn
+ Mohammed etc ibn Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos.
+
+The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient
+ballads by the Christian Spaniards. The following are
+two verses from one of these:--
+
+ "For he who gives the Moorish king a hundred maids of Spain
+ Each year when in the season the day comes round again;
+ If he be not a heathen he swells the heathen's train--
+ 'Twere better burn a kingdom than suffer such disdain!
+
+ "If the Moslems must have tribute, make men your tribute-money,
+ Send idle drones to tease them within their hives of honey;
+ For, when 'tis paid with maidens, from every maid there spring
+ Some five or six strong soldiers to serve the Moorish king."[1]
+
+Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to him was
+on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is strong for a fact
+of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much against the writers of
+the ballads.[2]
+
+As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no
+mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca and the
+Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to it in a
+document included in the collection of Florez.[3] "Our ancestors," says
+Ramiro, "the kings of the land--we blush to record it--to free
+themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them yearly
+a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for their beauty,
+fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people." It was to put an end
+to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now ordered a levy _en masse_.
+This, if the document is genuine (and Florez gives no hint to the
+contrary), is good evidence for the fact. Many succeeding writers
+mention it. Lucas of Tuy[4] says that Ramiro was asked for the tribute
+in 842. Johannes Vasaeus[5] speaks of it, as also Alfonso, Bishop of
+Burgos;[6] and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo[7] says that Mauregatus
+(783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help, agreed to
+send this tribute yearly.
+
+On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden tribute
+being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for more than fifty
+years. Most of these Christian maidens probably embraced the religion of
+their husbands, but in some cases they no doubt converted them to their
+own faith.
+
+From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere,
+conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives of
+worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall very much
+against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power declined the
+opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy was, and is,
+unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances for those who
+apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his followers, Ammar ibn
+Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish, renounced his belief in God and in
+Mohammed's mission, but afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed
+received him kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of
+thine, if they forced thee?"[8]
+
+ [1] Lockhart.
+
+ [2] Unless the ballads were written later than 1250--_i.e._,
+ after Rodrigo of Toledo had made the story known by his
+ history.
+
+ [3] "Espana Sagrada," xix. 329--"Privilegiam quod dicitur
+ votoram, anno 844 a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi
+ concessae."
+
+ [4] Lucas Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv.
+
+ [5] "Hispaniae Chronicon," 783 A.D.
+
+ [6] "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51.
+
+ [7] III. c. 7.
+
+ [8] Koran, xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+THE MUWALLADS.
+
+
+That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very numerous at
+first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that the new converts
+formed a large and important party in the State, and almost succeeded in
+wresting the government of Spain from the Arabs. The disorder and civil
+war which may almost be said to have been chronic in Spain during the
+Arab dominion were due to the fact that three distinct races settled in
+that country were striving for the mastery, each of these races being
+itself divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split
+up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the descendants of
+Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and Medina, who claimed
+descent from Adnan.[1] To the latter section belonged the reigning
+family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as the real
+conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently reinforced by
+fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile tribes of Botar and
+Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards, part Christian, part
+Mohammedan; the latter being either renegades themselves or the
+descendants of renegades. These apostates were called by the Arabs
+Mosalimah, or New Moslems,[2] and their descendants Muwallads,[3] or
+those not of Arabic origin. The Christians were either tribute-paying
+Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or free Christians, under Moslem
+supremacy, called Ajemi;[4] or apostates from Islam,[5] called
+Muraddin. The Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the
+equality and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the
+utmost contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.[6] Their condition was even
+worse than that of the Christians, for they were, generally speaking,
+excluded from lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs--a
+dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the
+population.[7] Stronger and more humane than the Berbers, they were
+friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they were even
+superior to the conquering Arabs.[8]
+
+The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by
+religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with another,
+and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were the mainstay of
+the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After breaking with the
+Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining possession of the whole kingdom,
+and carried fire and desolation to the very gates of Cordova.[9]
+
+ [1] See above, p. 23, note 3.
+
+ [2] Cp. "New Christians."
+
+ [3] Pronounced Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted."
+
+ [4] Al Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [5] Al Makkari, ii. 458.
+
+ [6] Cp. "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only
+ regret is that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to
+ despise me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet
+ calls them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258.
+
+ [7] So Dozy, ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab
+ population."
+
+ [8] Dozy, ii. 261.
+
+ [9] Al Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note.
+
+As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain
+theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was suppressed. In
+814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion being put down with
+great severity by the help of the Berbers, the Cordovan Muwallads were
+exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and 8000 to Fez.[1] But though
+exterminated in Cordova, the renegades still mustered strong in Spain.
+At Elvira they rose in Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and
+threw off the Arab yoke;[2] and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn
+Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos and
+Merida.[3] At Seville the Muwallad element was specially strong, as we
+see from the many family names, such as Beni Angelino, Beni Sabarico,
+which betray a Spanish origin. The majority of the inhabitants embraced
+Islam early, and had their mosque by the middle of the ninth century,
+but they retained many Spanish customs and characteristics. When the
+Arabs of Seville revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined
+the latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic
+family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently with all
+their neighbours.
+
+ [1] Dozy, App. B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he
+ of the suburb) from this.
+
+ [2] Ihn Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff.
+
+ [3] In 875. "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184.
+
+It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out the
+history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers against the
+Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of the Muwallads and
+Christians are a necessary part of our subject. The latter, though well
+treated on the whole, naturally looked back with regret to the days of
+their own supremacy, and were ready to intrigue with anyone able to
+assist them against their Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them
+communicating with the kings of France; and there is still extant a
+letter from Louis the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in
+826, which is as follows:--"We have heard of your tribulation, which you
+suffer from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take
+away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz did.
+He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to pay, turned
+you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to disobedient
+vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But you, like brave
+men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we write now to condole with
+you, and to exhort you to continue your resistance, and since your king
+is our enemy as well as yours, let us join in opposing him.
+
+"We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait there
+till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if you will
+desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be secured to you,
+and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes, and shall live under
+your own laws."[1]
+
+The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to have
+effected nothing.
+
+During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the
+voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of
+Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we may
+suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted in favour
+of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that Mohammed
+imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was but the signal
+for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As we have already seen,
+the king set out with an army against the Toledans, who appealed to
+Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough to get such an opportunity for
+weakening the Arab government, Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but
+the Toledans and Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the
+Sultan's troops.[2] Within twenty years, however, Toledo became
+practically independent, except for the payment of tribute.[3]
+
+ [1] Apud Florez, "Espano Sagrada."
+
+ [2] Dozy, ii. 162.
+
+ [3] _Ibid_, p. 182.
+
+From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the population,
+whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the exclusiveness of the old
+Arabs, and ready to make common cause against them. The unity of race
+prevailed over the difference of creed, as it did in the case of the
+English Roman Catholics in the war with Spain, and as it usually will
+under such circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to
+find an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn
+Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from the
+hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count Alfonso,[1] and
+his family had been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather
+Djaffar. Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative
+and honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at Bobastro
+or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and Ronda, in the
+sierra stretching from Granada to Gibraltar.[2] After a brief sojourn in
+Africa, where his ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great
+future, he returned to Spain, and at once began business again as
+brigand at Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.[3] Being captured, he was
+brought to Cordova, but spared on condition of enlisting in the king's
+forces. But he soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the
+Spaniards in the South, Moslem and Christian,[4] whose ardour he aroused
+by such words as these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan,
+who spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will you
+let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you as their
+slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but a desire to
+avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he made alliances at
+different times with the Muwallads in Elvira, Seville, and Saragoza,
+and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan, in Badajos.
+
+ [1] Dozy, ii. 190.
+
+ [2] Al Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [3] In 880 or 881.
+
+ [4] See a description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole
+ ("Moors in Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee,
+ Cordova! when the captain with the great nose and ugly face--he
+ who is guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters--when
+ Ibn Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate
+ be accomplished."
+
+Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by
+Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar was
+further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil, the Count
+of Cordova.[1] The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from Omar's path
+his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak reign, the rebel leader
+was virtual king of the south and east of Spain. The district of
+Regio[2] was made over to him by the king, and Omar's lieutenant, Ibn
+Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo.
+
+This protracted war, which was really one for national independence, was
+carried on year after year with varying success. At one time Omar
+conceived the intention of proclaiming the Abasside Khalifs,[3] at
+another he grasped at the royal power himself; and Abdallah's empire was
+only saved by a seasonable victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).[4]
+The battle was fought on the eve of the Passover, and the Moslems
+taunted their enemies with having such a joyful feast, and so many
+victims to commemorate it with. This shows that a large, perhaps the
+largest, part of Omar's army was Christian. Another indication of this
+is found in a poem of Tarikh ibn Habib,[5] where, speaking of the coming
+destruction of Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill
+of Abu Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian
+soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it is
+certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before this
+battle,[6] as his father had done before him. He took the name of
+Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen, suffered martyrdom.
+This change of creed on Omar's part changed the character of the war,
+and gave it more of a religious,[7] and perhaps less of a national,
+character, for the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became
+Christian and built churches.
+
+ [1] Servandus. Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [2] Where Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335.
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [4] Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the
+ same victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or
+ Aguilar.
+
+ [5] See Dozy, ii. p. 275.
+
+ [6] Ibn Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326.
+
+ [7] In 896, on the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn
+ as Khalia, all the Christians were massacred.--Dozy, ii. p.
+ 327.
+
+Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his
+supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar himself
+did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death. The king's
+successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of man from Abdallah,
+and the reduction of Omar became only a question of time, though, in
+fact, the apostasy of Omar from Islam had made the ultimate success of
+the national party very doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death,
+his son, Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems
+by embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the
+Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs
+surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great rebellion was
+finally extinguished.
+
+So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under
+the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to shake off
+the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the tenth century the
+strong administration of Abdurrahman III., Hakem II., and the great
+Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance of raising the cry of "Spain for
+the Spanish." The danger of a renewal of the rebellion once removed, the
+position of the Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in
+consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself the
+son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt with great
+leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the more devout Moslems.
+Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and even liked, by his Christian
+subjects, and there is no doubt that his victories over the Christian
+States in the North[1] were won very largely with the aid of Christian
+soldiers. His death was the signal for the disruption of the Spanish
+Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when the khalifate was finally
+extinguished, complete anarchy prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers
+made a determined effort to regain their ascendency, and their forces,
+seconded by the Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne
+in 1013. A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different
+factions--Arab, Berber, and Slave--followed, until Hischem III. was
+forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an end,
+after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the North had
+gathered themselves together for a combined advance against the Saracen
+provinces, never again to retrograde, scarcely even to be checked, till
+in 1492 fell Granada, the last stronghold of the Moors in Spain.[2]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. p. 214.
+
+ [2] In 1630 there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.--Al
+ Makk., i. p. 74.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE
+ANOTHER'S CREED.
+
+
+In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and Mohammedans
+were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions and frequent
+intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough knowledge seems to
+have existed, on either side, of the creed of the other party. Such, at
+least, is the conclusion to which we are driven, on reading the only
+direct records which remain on the subject among Arab and Christian
+writers. These on the Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from
+a book on Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his
+disciple, Eulogius;[1] and some rather incoherent denunciations of
+Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,[2] another pupil of the abbot's. In
+these, as might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of
+Mohammed's paradise,[3] and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to
+the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest on good
+authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But among other
+blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is one of which we find
+no mention in the Koran--the assertion, namely, that he would in the
+next world be wedded to the Virgin Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is
+equally incorrect when, in a letter to Alvar,[4] he alleges a promise on
+the part of Mohammed that he would, like Christ, rise again from the
+dead; whereas his body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured
+by dogs. The Christian bishop does not hesitate to add--sepultus est in
+infernum--he was buried in hell.[5]
+
+ [1] Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means
+ wholly sensual.--Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78.
+
+ [4] Sec 9.
+
+ [5] This shows the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom,
+ says Eulogius ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every
+ Christian's duty to kill, were he alive on earth.
+
+It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor write, and
+this appears to have been the opinion of Alvar;[1] but the same witness
+acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and beautiful
+language that even Christians could not help reading and admiring it.[2]
+
+On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to
+Christianity, Eulogius[3] at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed,
+he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of God,[4]
+and His Spirit;[5] a great prophet,[6] endowed with much power from
+God;[7] like Adam in His creation,[8] but not equal to God (the
+Creator);[9] and that by reason of His blameless[10] life, being filled
+with the Holy Spirit,[11] He showed marvellous signs and wonders through
+the power of God,[12] not working by His own Godhead, but as a righteous
+Man, and an obedient servant,[13] obtaining much power and might from
+the Almighty God through prayer."
+
+ [1] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the
+ present day.
+
+ [3] Eul., "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19.
+
+ [4] Koran, ch. iii. 40.
+
+ [5] Koran, ch. ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit."
+
+ [6] Kor., c. iii. 59.
+
+ [7] Kor., c. iii. 45.
+
+ [8] Kor., c. iii. 50.
+
+ [9] Kor., c. ix. 33.
+
+ [10] Kor., c. iii.
+
+ [11] This is a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran,
+ ch. ii. 81, note.
+
+ [12] Kor., ch. v. 110 ff.
+
+ [13] Koran, cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59.
+
+Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius, and he
+even seems to have had a prejudiced idea[1] that the Prophet set himself
+deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those taught by Christ.
+It would be nearer to the truth to say that the divergence between the
+two codes of morals was due to the natural ignorance of an illiterate
+Arabian, brought into contact only with an heretical form of
+Christianity, the real doctrines of which he was therefore not likely to
+know.
+
+According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the
+Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We shall
+realise the absurdity of this when we consider the reverence in which
+Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going so far even as to deny that
+Christ Himself was crucified at all.[2] The true reason for selecting
+Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because the work of
+creation ended on that day.[3]
+
+Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ preached
+chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have preached
+sensuality, though his private life in this respect was by no means
+pure.
+
+Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge was
+never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity enjoins
+fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of such texts as
+Matthew ix. 14,[4] and Isaiah lviii. 6--"Is not this the fast that I
+have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy
+burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one hand; and on the
+other the express injunction of the Koran[5]:--"O true believers, a fast
+is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ... if ye fast,
+it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month of Ramadan shall ye
+fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more astonishing statement
+still:--"Christ ordained that men should abstain from their wives during
+a fast, while Mohammed consecrated those days to carnal pleasure."
+Christ surely gives us no such injunction, though St Paul does say
+something of the kind. The Koran[6] explicitly says--"It is lawful for
+you on the night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a
+garment unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an
+incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya, the
+famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on Abdurrahman
+II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance, that wives should
+be abstained from during the fasting month.[7] Alvar, being a layman,
+may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism critically,
+and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is perhaps the best
+explanation of the matter. In one place[8] he informs us of his
+intention of writing a book on the Cobar,[9] but the work, if ever
+written, has not survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may
+judge by the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere[10] on this theme. In
+that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of Daniel[11] to
+Mohammed, forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not
+the desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of Mohammed.
+He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our revised version
+(v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with the Mohammedan
+Cobar;[12] and the strange god, whom he shall acknowledge, Alvar
+identifies with the devil which inspired the Prophet in the guise of the
+angel Gabriel. All this, as the writer himself allows, is very
+enigmatical.
+
+ [1] See Dozy, ii. 107.
+
+ [2] See Koran, cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes.
+
+ [3] See Sale's note on Koran, c. lxii. 9.
+
+ [4] Cf. also Matt. xi. 19--"The Son of Man came eating and
+ drinking, and they say, Behold a gluttonous man and a
+ wine-bibber."
+
+ [5] Chapter ii. 180.
+
+ [6] Chapter ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day
+ time.
+
+ [7] From Ibn Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108.
+
+ [8] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25.
+
+ [9] _I.e._, the Caaba apparently.
+
+ [10] "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25, ff.
+
+ [11] C. xi. vv. 21, ff.
+
+ [12] ? Caaba.
+
+Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry, asserting
+that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba black stone[1]) as
+they used to do of yore, and that they set apart a holy month, Al Mozem,
+in honour of this idol.[2]
+
+Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of
+Antichrist,[3] or as Antichrist himself.[4]
+
+Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated Moslems
+with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find these to be no
+less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of Christians as to
+Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse the Moslems, for the
+Koran itself, the very foundation and guide of all their religious
+dogmas, is full of incorrect and inconsistent notions on the subject.
+
+The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians worshipped
+a Trinity of Deities--God, Christ, Mary.[5] The inclusion of the Virgin
+Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that worship was paid
+to her even at that early date, as it certainly is among the Roman
+Catholics at this day. As will have been seen from a passage quoted
+above,[6] something very like adoration was already paid to the Virgin
+in the churches of Spain.
+
+ [1] Sale, Introduction to Koran, p. 91.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, sec. 21.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, sec. 53.
+
+ [5] See Koran, v. ad fin.:--"And when God shall say unto Jesus
+ at the last day: O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men,
+ Take me and my mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall
+ answer, Praise be unto thee! it is not for me to say that which
+ I ought not."
+
+ [6] P. 56.
+
+But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali ibn
+Hazm,[1] the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-March 1024),
+will show that some educated Moslems knew enough of the Christian creed
+to appreciate its difficulties:--"We need not be astonished," says Ibn
+Hazm, "at the superstition of men. Look at the Christians! They are so
+numerous that God only knows their numbers. They have among them men of
+great intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they
+believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the three is
+the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that the Father is, and
+is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not, God; that the Messiah is God
+in every respect, and yet not the same as God; that He who has existed
+from all eternity has been created.
+
+"One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites, and which
+number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the Creator Himself was
+scourged, crucified, and put to death; so that the Universe for three
+days was deprived of its Governor."
+
+Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the Moslems
+thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of Spain, round
+whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the north of the
+Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,[2] who, in his account of Almanzor's
+fiftieth expedition against the Christians, says:--"Shant Yakoh
+(Santiago)[3] is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not only by the
+Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring continent, who look upon
+its church with a veneration such as Moslems entertain for the Caaba of
+Mecca; for their Caaba is a colossal idol (statue) which stands in the
+middle of the church. They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage
+from the most distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries
+beyond Rome, pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that
+of Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved by
+Isa (Jesus).--May the blessing of God be on him, and on our
+Prophet!--The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus, because,
+while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he was Bishop of
+Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth preaching the religion
+[of Christ], and calling upon the inhabitants to embrace it, till he
+came to that remote corner of Andalus; that he then returned to Syria,
+where he died at the age of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that,
+after the death of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it
+in that church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of
+his preaching]."
+
+ [1] II. 227, apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a
+ strict Moslem, _averse to judging divine questions by human
+ reasoning_."
+
+ [2] Al Makkari, ii. 293.
+
+ [3] Miss Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub,
+ but what authority has this statement?
+
+In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly cultivated, as
+they were in Spain during the time of Arab domination, and where the
+rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem produced a sustained period of
+intellectual activity such as the world has rarely seen, controversial
+theology could not fail to have been largely developed. But the books,
+if any were written, from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all
+perished, and we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left
+to us as those already quoted.
+
+In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of Spain
+had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences as we can
+from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of the period; from
+our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain, and Mohammedanism in
+Africa, before they were brought into contact in Andalusia, compared
+with what they became after that contact had made itself felt; and from
+the observed effects of such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful
+consideration of these scattered hints we shall see that certain
+effects were visible, which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples
+been allowed to continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had
+there been no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa,
+would in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or
+both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+HERESIES IN SPAIN.
+
+
+Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in history.
+The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a religion, which may
+have been a cross between Judaism, Christianity, and Magianism.[1] But
+Mohammedanism itself has furnished the most marked instances of such
+amalgamation. In Persia Islam combined with the creed of Zoroaster to
+produce Babyism; while in India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused
+together by the genius of Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism.
+
+It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with
+Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity with
+itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to combine with
+it in such a way as to produce a religion like both, and yet different
+from either.[2] Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two cardinal
+doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if they are to remain
+distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity of God, they agree. In
+the other they do, and always must, differ. The divinity of Christ on
+the one side, and the divine mission of Mohammed on the other, are
+totally incompatible doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be
+so. Surrender both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem
+possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a statement
+attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,[3] in recounting the history of the
+successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn Yunas, who during the last
+quarter of the ninth century, while all Moslem Spain was a prey to the
+wildest anarchy, became a leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in
+Merida and the neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and
+Christians in one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion,
+which held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all
+we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most important
+consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence enough that the
+attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt, if it can be called so,
+to combine Islam and Christianity has resulted in that curious compound
+called the religion of the Druses.
+
+ [1] For an attempted compromise between Christianity and
+ Brahmanism, see the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic
+ priest, "Education and Missions," p. 14.
+
+ [2] Cp., however, the Druse religion.
+
+ [3] Dozy, ii. 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the
+ Galician (el Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but
+ there is some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii.
+ 439, and De Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki,
+ _i.e._, of the stock of the Galicians.
+
+But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam and
+Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could hardly fail to
+undergo considerable modifications in themselves by reason of their
+close contact for several centuries.
+
+In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if any)
+of such modification in the so-called heresies which may have arisen in
+Spain during this period. These will require a somewhat strict
+examination to be made to yield up their secret.
+
+The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for introducing
+innovations[1] into the doctrines and practices of the true faith, and
+even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way. The very first
+Council whose acts have come down to us, held at Elvira in Spain, early
+in the fourth century, contains a canon censuring the use of pictures.
+The very first heretics, who were punished for their error with death by
+the hands of their fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the
+Spanish Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the
+Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as
+well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish Council at
+the end of the sixth century, but not universally received in the West
+until 600 years later.[2] And as we have seen, the use of pictures was
+denounced long before the times of the Iconoclasts.
+
+We will now take in order the several heresies that made themselves
+noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab supremacy, and see
+if we can trace any relation between them and the Moslem faith.
+
+To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having arisen
+in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth century.[3] It
+was more practical than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the
+need of confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men
+ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a wholly
+laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the worthy abbe who
+records it: cette doctrine, _si favorable a libertinage_, trouva un
+grand nombre de partisans, et excite encore le zele d'Alcuin.[4]
+
+ [1] Alcuin ad Elipandum, iv. 13---"Audi me, obsecro, patienter,
+ scholastica Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi
+ semper aliquid audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta
+ ecclesiae universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te
+ invenies, unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo."
+
+ [2] Lateran Council, 1215.
+
+ [3] See, however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the
+ province, Ep., 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594.
+
+ [4] Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. de l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309.
+
+That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the Arabs in
+the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course impossible to
+affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in the spirit of the
+verses of the Koran: "O ye who have received[1] the Scripture come to a
+just determination between us and you, that we worship not any except
+God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one of us take not
+the other for lords, beside God." And "They take their priests and monks
+for their lords besides God."[2]
+
+ [1] Chap. iii. p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such
+ terms of agreement as are indisputably consonant to the
+ doctrine of all the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore
+ cannot reasonably be rejected."
+
+ [2] Chap. ix. Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with
+ idolatry both on other grounds and because "they paid too
+ implicit an obedience to their priests and monks, who took upon
+ them to pronounce what things were lawful and what unlawful,
+ and to dispense with the laws of God." See Sale, _Ibid._
+ _Cp._--
+
+ Haughty of heart and brow the warrior came,
+ In look and language proud as proud might be,
+ Vaunting his lordship, lineage, fights, and fame,
+ Yet was that barefoot monk more proud than he.
+ And as the ivy climbs the tallest tree,
+ So round the loftiest soul his toils he wound;
+ And with his spells subdued the fierce and free.
+ Till ermined age and youth in arms renowned
+ Honouring his scourge and hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground.
+
+ And thus it chanced that valour, peerless knight,
+ Who ne'er to king or kaiser veiled his crest,
+ Victorious still in bull-feast or in fight,
+ Since first with mail his limbs he did invest,
+ Stooped ever to that anchoret's behest;
+ Nor reasoned of the right, nor of the wrong,
+ But at his bidding laid the lance in rest,
+ And wrought fell deeds the troubled world along,
+ For he was fierce as brave, and pitiless as strong.
+ --SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix. xxx.
+
+Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed to
+Migetius (_circa_ 750). According to the rather obscure account, which
+has come down to us,[1] he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of
+the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as corporeal,
+the Father being personified in David, the Son in Jesus, and the Holy
+Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe that the doctrine, thus
+crudely stated by Elipandus, was really held by anyone. We may perhaps
+infer[2] that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian (itself a form
+of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons of the Trinity to one,
+acknowledged certain [Greek: energeiai], or powers, emanating from Him,
+which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul respectively. As the first
+and last of these three recipients of the Divine powers were confessedly
+men, it follows that Migetius was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity,
+which is the cardinal doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any
+other doctrine distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly
+he appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,[3] and in
+this he made an approach to Mohammedanism.[4]
+
+ [1] Elipandus to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859.
+
+ [2] With Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec.
+ 29.
+
+ [3] Enhueber, sec. 32.
+
+ [4] Neander, v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the [Greek:
+ Logos] became personal with the assumption of Christ's
+ humanity; that the [Greek: Logos] was the power constituting
+ the personality of Christ. Hence, says Neander, he was accused
+ of asserting that Christ, the son of David according to the
+ flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God, was the Second Person of
+ the Trinity.
+
+A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by those
+who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did not believe
+the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the utterances of the
+prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned men, and, while they claimed
+to take their stand upon the Gospel, pointing to texts like John xx. 17,
+'I ascend unto my Father, and your Father, unto my God and your God,' to
+prove that Christ was merely man."[1] In his answer to Alvar's letter,
+Speraindeo says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;"
+he might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according to
+the abbot, spoke of three powers (_virtutes_) forming one Person, not,
+as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one God.[2] Here we see a
+close resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph; but
+the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer approach to the
+teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John xx. 17 given above, as
+will be seen, if we compare with that text the following passages of the
+Koran, put into the mouth of Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your
+Lord; therefore serve him:"[3] "They are surely infidels who say,
+verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since Christ said, O children of
+Israel, serve God, my Lord and your Lord:"[4] and, "I have not spoken
+unto them any other than what thou didst command me--namely, worship
+God, my Lord and your Lord."[5]
+
+ [1] Alvar's letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in
+ defence of this doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of
+ that day and that hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of
+ heaven, but my Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo
+ refers to Gen. iii. 9, where God the Father seems not to know
+ where Adam is.
+
+ [2] Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a
+ happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made
+ up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple.
+
+ [3] Koran, c. iii. v. 46.
+
+ [4] Kor., c. v. 77.
+
+ [5] Kor., c. v. 118.
+
+We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most remarkable and
+original of those innovations to which Alcuin taunts the Spanish Church
+with being addicted. Unfortunately we derive little of our knowledge of
+the new doctrine from the originators and supporters of it--our
+information on the subject coming chiefly from passages quoted by their
+opponents (notably our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the
+heresy had an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been
+the opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the
+Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman Church,
+held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by lowering the
+character of Christ, to pave the way for a union between Christians and
+Mohammedans."[1] Enhueber,[2] also, in his treatise on this subject,
+quotes a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the
+heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a contact
+with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with them.[3]
+
+Neander[4] thinks that there are some grounds for supposing that Felix,
+one of the authors of the heresy, had been employed in defending
+Christianity against objections brought against it from the Moslem
+standpoint,[5] and in proving the divinity of Christ, so that they might
+be induced to accept it. Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace
+this particular doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the
+Christian view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion.
+
+There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new theory, the
+evidence being of a conflicting character, and pointing now to
+Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all Spain, now to Felix,
+bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.[6]
+
+ [1] Mariana, vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See
+ Blunt, "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism;
+ and Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847--"deceptus uterque contagione
+ forsan insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium
+ Mohametanorum commercio."
+
+ [2] Enhueber, sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4.
+
+ [3] "Usus enim frequenti Maurorum commercio."--_Ibid_.
+
+ [4] V. 219.
+
+ [5] This perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which
+ the Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix.
+ Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to
+ Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni
+ peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem."
+
+ [6] The prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine
+ arose out of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius.
+
+The claims of Felix[1] are supported by Eginhard,[2] Saxo, and Jonas of
+Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled
+"Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the baneful
+heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,[3] says that he is
+convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also was the
+chief offender.
+
+The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow _a priori_
+considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the author. According to
+Neander,[4] he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and he certainly
+uses some very strong language in his writings against his opponents,
+and stands a good deal on his dignity as head of the Spanish Church. For
+instance, speaking of his accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and
+Beatus,[5] a priest of Libana, he says of the former that he wallows in
+the mire of all lasciviousness;[6] that he is totally unfit to officiate
+at God's altar;[7] that he is a false prophet[8] and a heretic; and,
+forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in
+another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of gross
+sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of Astorga,[9]
+accusing him of heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which
+means that instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the
+very opposite.[10]
+
+ [1] See "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305.
+
+ [2] "Annals," 792.
+
+ [3] Alcuin, "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose
+ in Cordova, and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after
+ the latter's recantation.
+
+ [4] Neander (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his
+ writings. An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata
+ Eccl. Tolet), describes him as "parum accurate in sacris
+ litteris versatus."
+
+ [5] Died in 798. Fleury v., p. 236.
+
+ [6] Elipand. Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus."
+
+ [7] "Ab altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this
+ to mean that he was deposed.
+
+ [8] He gave the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and
+ prophesied the end of the world in the near future. See letter
+ of Beatus, book i., sec. 23--"Novissima hora est ... nunc
+ Antichristi multi facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum
+ est illius Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in
+ mundo est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops.
+
+ [9] "Elipandus and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1.
+
+ [10] This practice of punning on names is very common in these
+ writers. "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly
+ occurs. So Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called
+ "hostis Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the
+ bodies of Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very
+ "Leo vigilans."
+
+But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging the
+venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter to the
+bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity," speaks of him as
+most blameless,[1] and confesses that he has heard much of his piety and
+devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard to Felix, in a
+letter to him.[2] Yet in his book against Elipandus, he exclaims, not
+without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of wool on your
+shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing which you minister to
+the people, for all the daily shaving of your beard[3] ... if you
+renounce not these doctrines, you will be numbered with the goats!"
+Another testimony (of doubtful value, however) in Elipandus' favour is
+to be found in the anonymous life of Beatus,[4] where Elipandus is said
+to have succeeded Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his
+reputation for learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain.
+
+ [1] "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam
+ bonam religiosae vitae de vobis."
+
+ [2] "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo
+ Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei
+ Catholicae fervens."
+
+ [3] Beards were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii.,
+ and probably the distinction was much insisted on because of
+ the Moslem custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive
+ dress of the clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern
+ staminia et lana oviuin religiosum adprobat."
+
+ [4] See Migne, xcvi., 890 ff.
+
+Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the Migetian
+errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude with regard to
+the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being dictated to in the
+matter of what was, or what was not, sound doctrine, and, in the letter
+quoted above, he scornfully remarks that he had never heard that it was
+the province of the people of Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in
+the defiant attitude taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a
+jealousy, felt by the old independent Church of Spain under its own
+primate, towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of
+the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be
+Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but the
+bishop of Rome.
+
+It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by Elipandus
+and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that Adoptionism was merely a
+revival of the Bonosian errors, which had long taken root in Spain;[1]
+others, that it was a revival of the Nestorian[2] heresy, a new phase of
+the controversy between the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;[3] or
+that it was an attempt to reform Christianity, purging it from later
+additions.[4] Alcuin, however, speaks of its followers as a new sect,
+unknown to former times.[5] Stated briefly, the new doctrine was that
+Jesus, in so far as His manhood was concerned, was son of God by
+adoption. This error had been foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril
+of Alexandria (348-386):[6] by Hilary of Arles (429-449).[7] The
+Eleventh Council of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a
+hundred years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God
+was His Son by nature, not by adoption.
+
+ [1] Enhueber, Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were
+ condemned at Capua in 389. For their development in Spain, see
+ "Isidore of Seville."
+
+ [2] Condemned at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism
+ with this, see letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?).
+
+ [3] Neander, v., p. 216.
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo.
+
+ [5] Alcuin contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it
+ had anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero
+ anathematizamus Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum,
+ adoptivum fuisse adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse
+ Patrem, quem Filium, quem et Spiritus sanctus (_sic_) et non
+ ipsud, delirat. Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum
+ Sanctum creaturas esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum
+ qui Christum solum Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat.
+ Anathematizamus Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum,
+ et onagrum Etherium, doctorem bestialem ...," etc.
+
+ [6] "Lectures on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God
+ by nature, begotten of the Father, not by adoption."
+
+ [7] De Trinit, v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God--a
+ God by adoption, or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec
+ connuncupatus)."
+
+It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation of
+Nestorianism.[1] It agreed with the latter in repudiating the term
+"Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,[2] but it differed from
+it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in
+Christ. What Felix--and on him devolved the chief onus of defence in the
+controversy--wished to make clear, was that the predicates of Christ's
+two natures could not logically be interchanged.[3] He therefore
+reasoned thus: Christ in respect to His Deity is God, and Son of God;
+with respect to His Manhood He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in
+essence, but by being taken into union with Him, who _is_ in essence
+God, and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity
+from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that humanity,
+be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This relation of Jesus the
+Man to God he preferred to describe by the term Adoption--a word not
+found in Scripture in this connection, "but," says Felix, "implied
+therein,[4] for what is adoption in a son, if it be not election,
+assumption _(susceptio)_." The term itself was no doubt found by Elipandus
+_in_ the Gothic Liturgy;[5] and he most likely used it at first with no
+thought of raising a metaphysical discussion on so knotty a point. Being
+brought to task, however, for using the word by those whom he deemed his
+ecclesiastical inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike
+to acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says
+Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief author of
+the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from ignorance and
+inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a heretic, till, admonished
+of his error, he arrogantly and obstinately defended a position which he
+had only taken up through ignorance."[6]
+
+Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix[7] for his opinion on
+Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great penetration and
+acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine, stating in his answer that
+Christ must be considered with regard to His Divinity as truly God and
+Son of God, but with regard to His Manhood, as Son of God in name only,
+and by adoption.
+
+ [1] See Blunt, "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism.
+
+ [2] Neander, v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary.
+
+ [3] Neander, v. 220.
+
+ [4] Alcuin contra Felicem, iii. c. 8.
+
+ [5] "Elipand. ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio ([Greek:
+ analepsis]) occurs _(a)_ in the Missa de coena Domini:
+ _adoptivi hominis passio;_ _(b)_ in the prayer de tertia feria
+ Pascha: _adoptionis gratia;_ _(c)_ in that de Ascensione:
+ _adoptionem carnis._ The Council of Frankfurt (794) branded the
+ authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did Alcuin) and as
+ the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See Fleury, v. 243.
+
+ [6] Enhueber, "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the
+ same remark in other words.
+
+ [7] See Blunt, Art. on Adoptionism.
+
+To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried on, it
+will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix, and in
+certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:--
+
+_(a.)_ "If Christ, as man, is not the _adopted_ Son of God, then must
+His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and consequently must be
+something different from the manhood of men."[1] To this Alcuin can only
+oppose another dilemma, which, however, is more of the nature of a
+quibble. "If," he says, "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is
+also God, then is God the adopted Son of God?"[2] Here Alcuin confounds
+the predicates of Christ's two natures--the very thing Felix protested
+against--and uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of
+Felix, which was based on this very denial of any interchange of
+predicates.
+
+_(b.)_ Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David, sometimes as Son
+of God. One person can only have two fathers, if one of these be an
+adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin answers: "As a man (body
+and soul) is called the son of his father, so Christ (God and man) is
+called Son of God."[3] But to those who deny that a man's soul is
+derived from his father, this argument would carry no weight.
+
+_(c.)_ Christ stood in a position of natural dependence towards God over
+and above the voluntary submission which He owed to His Father as
+God.[4] This dependence Felix expresses by the term _servus
+conditionalis_, applied to Jesus.[5] He may have been thinking of Matt.
+xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to
+Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him the form of a servant, and was made
+in the likeness of men."[6] Or perhaps he had in his mind, if the theory
+of the influence of Mohammedanism is true, those passages of the Koran
+which speak of Christ as a servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain
+to be a servant unto God,"[7] and, "Jesus is no other than a
+servant."[8]
+
+(_d._) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction between Christ
+the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke xviii. 19, "Why
+callest thou Me good? There is none good, save one, even God;" Mark
+xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour, knoweth no one, not even the
+angels in heaven, neither the Son, but the Father." Texts such as these
+can only be met by a reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16,
+where God is said to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death
+upon the Cross.
+
+ [1] Alcuin contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12.
+
+ [2] Alcuin (_ibid.,_ i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be
+ the adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of
+ God's substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in
+ respect to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of
+ God." But this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also
+ Contra Felic., vii. sec. 2.
+
+ [3] Contra Felic, iii. sec. 2.
+
+ [4] Cp. 1 Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This
+ position of dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem
+ beatae Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur."
+
+ [5] Cp. Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei
+ simul et hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam
+ adoptivum Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35)
+ ... quia, si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei
+ secundum gratiam, profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et
+ cum advocato advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et _cum servo
+ servi_."
+
+ [6] Cf. Acts iii. 13.
+
+ [7] Koran, iv. v. 170.
+
+ [8] Koran, xliii. v. 59.
+
+Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of Christ the
+Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that this adoption,
+though the same in kind[1] as that which enables _us_ to cry Abba,
+Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps specifically
+higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not being entered into
+at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only the point at which His
+adoption was outwardly made manifest by signs of miraculous power, which
+continued till the resurrection. Christ's adoption--according to Felix,
+was assumed at His conception, "His humanity developing in accordance
+with its own laws, but in union with the Logos."[2] It will be seen
+that though Felix wished to keep clear the distinction between Christ as
+God, and as Man, yet he did not carry this separation so far as to
+acknowledge two persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the
+unity of Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct
+personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be recognised
+as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close a manner as to
+amount to an absorption of the human personality into the Divine
+Person."[3] The two natures of Christ had been asserted by the Church
+against the Monophysites, and the two wills against the Monothelites,
+but the Church never went on to admit the two Persons.[4] With regard to
+the contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion
+that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere abstraction,
+a metaphysical link joining two essentially incompatible natures,"[5] or
+that the dispute was only about names, and that by adopted son Felix and
+the others meant nothing really different from the orthodox doctrine.[6]
+
+ [1] See John x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222.
+
+ [2] Neander (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this
+ differently: "There were (according to Felix) two births in our
+ Lord's life--(a) the assumption of man at the conception; (_b_)
+ the adoption of that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii.
+ 16: "Qui est Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes;
+ primam quae secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae
+ per adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem
+ complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam
+ suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in
+ lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo."
+
+ [3] Blunt, article on Adopt.
+
+ [4] Cp. Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina
+ persona est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia
+ vero substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est,
+ substantia res naturae."
+
+ [5] Blunt, _ibid._ Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where
+ he says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual
+ personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved
+ it.
+
+ [6] So Walchius.
+
+The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of Elipandus to
+the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,[1] but it did not attract notice
+till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the orthodox
+bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of the heresy
+having reached him--a heresy, he remarks, never before propounded,
+unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he mentions Ascarius,[2]
+Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over to his views. The new
+doctrine seems to have made its way quickly over a great part of
+Spain,[3] while Felix propagated it with considerable success in
+Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in Spain were Beatus and
+Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and Theudula, Bishop of Seville;
+while beyond its borders Alcuin, Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of
+Lyons, under the direction of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended
+the orthodox position.
+
+ [1] See Migne, 96 p. 848.
+
+ [2] Fleury, v. 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus,
+ asking the latter's opinion on some doubtful points in the new
+ doctrine.
+
+ [3] Jonas of Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac
+ virulenta doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit."
+
+Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the
+overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and suffered
+for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living under a
+Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters or messages. He
+seems even to have received something more than a mere negative support
+from the Arabs, if we are right in so interpreting a passage in the
+letter of Beatus and Etherius.[1] But it is hard to believe that
+Elipandus was on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed,
+from passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was
+rather the case.[2] Neander suggests that it may have been a Gothic
+king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems even more
+unlikely than the other supposition.
+
+The first council called to consider this question was held by the
+suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788, when the
+heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of Gaul.[3]
+
+A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in 791, with
+the same results.[4] But in the following year the heresy was formally
+condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the presidency of
+the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was sent to Rome to be
+further condemned by the Pope, that the whole Western Church might take
+action in the matter. Felix was there induced to write a book condemning
+his own errors, but in spite of this he was not restored to his see.[5]
+On his return, however, to Spain, Felix relapsed into his old heresy,
+which he had never really abjured.[6]
+
+ [1] I. sec. 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae
+ pari certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter
+ virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus
+ auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec.
+ 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum
+ potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit."
+
+ [2] Elip. ad. Albinum, sec. 7--"Oppressione gentis afflicti non
+ possumus tibi rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana
+ dispendia quibus duramus potius quam vivimus."
+
+ [3] There are some doubts about this council.
+
+ [4] Fleury, v. 236. Hefele dates it 796.
+
+ [5] See letter of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for
+ Felix's restoration (794).
+
+ [6] Leo III. said of him, at a council held in Rome (799):
+ "_Fugiens ad paganos consentaneos_ perjuratus effectus est."
+ See Froben, "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336.
+
+In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the orthodox
+position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter, admonishing him of
+his errors, and acknowledging that all his previous utterances on
+theology had been sound and true. Felix answered this letter, but his
+reply is not preserved. To the same, or following, year belongs the
+letter of Elipandus and the bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops
+of Gaul, defending their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of
+Felix.
+
+In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and other
+English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend, and heard his
+heresy again condemned and anathematised, the decree to this effect
+being sent to Elipandus.[1] Alcuin's book was read by Charles, and sent
+into Septimania by the hands of the abbot Benedict.
+
+The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at
+Frankfurt.[2] In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent by him
+first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan clergy, sent
+on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with Paulinus and the
+Pope as his coadjutors.
+
+In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin argued
+for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for Felix again
+recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith discarding the word
+adoption, but still preserving the distinction of predicates belonging
+to the two natures.[3] Alcuin's book, after being revised by Charles,
+was published 800 A.D. Previously to this he had written to Elipandus,
+who answered in no measured terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things,
+of enormous wealth. This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer,
+Alcuin wrote the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which
+was the means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic Gaul.[4]
+But in spite of Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the
+anathemas of the councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up
+his new doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts.
+Elipandus, though very old[5] at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years
+longer, and Felix survived him eight years;[6] and they both died
+persisting in their error.[7]
+
+ [1] Fleury, v. 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne,
+ xcvi. 858, gives us the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac
+ nefanda haeresis Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix
+ (_sic_) Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium."
+
+ [2] Neander, v. 228.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, p. 232.
+
+ [4] Froben, sec, 82. Neander says 10,000.
+
+ [5] Alcuin adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius
+ tantummodo laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte
+ praereptum esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem."
+
+ [6] Or perhaps six.
+
+ [7] No reliance can be placed in the statement of the
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of
+ Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione
+ Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium
+ (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato
+ publice errore _fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae_ confessus
+ est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec.
+ 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of
+ Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his
+ error.
+
+We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy, both from
+its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned above, there are
+some reasons for thinking that it was the outcome of a wish to
+conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as well to recapitulate such
+evidence as we have obtained on this point. But we must not expect to
+find the traces of Mohammedan influence in the development, so much as
+in the origination, of the theory. What we do find is slight enough,
+amounting to no more than this:--
+
+(_a._) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan from genuine
+Christianity--setting aside for a moment the transcendental mystery of
+the Trinity--was the Divinity of Christ. Anything, therefore, that
+tended to emphasise the humanity of Jesus, or to obscure the great fact
+of Christ the Man, being Son of God, which sounded so offensive to
+Mohammedan ears, would so far bring the Christian creed nearer to the
+Mohammedan's acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of
+Christ, to that which appears so often in the Koran.[1] There can be no
+doubt that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical
+conclusion, did contribute to this result:
+
+(_b._) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of the secular
+arm in disseminating his heretical opinions:
+
+(_c._) That the application of the term _Servant_ to Christ, besides
+being authorised by texts from Scripture, is countenanced in two
+passages from the Koran:
+
+(_d._) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain, and his
+relapse into error, implies that it was due to his renewed contact with
+infidels who held similar views:
+
+(_e._) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is said to have
+lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his close intercourse with
+the Arabs:
+
+(_f._) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false prophet, that
+is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a Mohammedan interpretation to
+the Beast in the Revelation of St John.
+
+Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it did
+not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was originated by
+a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,[2]--Claudius, Bishop of Turin. Some
+have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of Iconoclasm, traces
+of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in itself.[3]
+
+Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct
+statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised him,
+and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he on his side
+highly commended them _and the Saracens_.[4] Yet his tendency seems to
+have been against the Judaizing of the Church.[5]
+
+ [1] Fifty years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses
+ certain Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of
+ persecution:--"Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (_i.e._
+ Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et
+ Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones
+ corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes."
+
+ [2] Jonas of Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and
+ says elsewhere, "Felix resuscitur in Claudio."
+
+ [3] Neander, vi. 119.
+
+ [4] Fleury, v. 398.
+
+ [5] Neander, vi. 125.
+
+The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East, undoubtedly
+received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In 719 the Khalif
+destroyed all images in Syria. His example was followed in 730 by the
+Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is said to have been persuaded to
+this measure by a man named Bezer, who had been some years in captivity
+among the Saracens.[1] In 754 the great council of Constantinople
+condemned images. Unfortunately neither the great patriarchates nor the
+Pope were represented, and so this council never obtained-the sanction
+of all Christendom; and its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council
+of Nicaea. In 790 appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to
+find our English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and
+reasonable protest against the worship of images.[2] In 794 this protest
+was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and his
+militia,[3] the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any reform in this
+quarter, and the recognition of images became part and parcel of Roman
+Catholic Christianity.
+
+Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.[4] Though placed over an
+Italian diocese, he soon shewed the independence, which he had imbibed
+in the free air of Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least
+the advantage of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding
+that the people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius
+set to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in his
+bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than other
+Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist training.[5]
+
+These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with the
+Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot of Nimes, a
+friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal, an Irish priest.
+But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was more than a match for
+his opponents in argument.[6]
+
+ [1] Fleury, xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham,
+ Seventh General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv.
+
+ [2] "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut
+ segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius
+ infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."--III. c. 24.
+
+ "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in
+ basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei
+ Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad
+ peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium
+ habere noscantur."--III. c. 21.
+
+ [3] Prescott.
+
+ [4] Neander says 814, Herzog 820.
+
+ [5] Neander, v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from
+ the charge of adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer
+ of the Khalif Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his
+ brother's body at Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my
+ brother's body to the mercy of those who ring bells and adore
+ the cross. Ibn Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. 446.
+
+ [6] Fleury, v. 398, confesses that the case of the
+ image-worshippers rests mainly on tradition and the usage of
+ the Church--meaning that they can draw no support from the
+ Bible. He might have remembered Matt. xv. 7--"Ye make void the
+ Word of God because of your tradition."
+
+Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from his
+opponents' quotation of them.
+
+Briefly expressed, they are as follows:--
+
+_(a.)_ Image-worship is really idol-worship:
+
+_(b.)_ If images are to be adored, much more should those living beings
+be adored, whom the images represent. But we are not permitted to adore
+God's works, much less may we worship the work of men:[1]
+
+_(c.)_ The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus was fastened
+to it: else must we adore other things with which Jesus was similarly
+connected; virgins, for example, for Christ was nine months in a
+virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships, thorns, for with all these Jesus
+was connected. To adore the cross we have never been told, but to bear
+it,[2] that is to deny ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to
+adore it, who are least ready to bear it either spiritually or
+physically.[3]
+
+Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal
+supremacy.[4] Being summoned before a council, with more wisdom than
+Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his cause would be
+prejudged, and contented himself with calling the proposed assembly a
+congregation of asses. He died in 839 in secure possession of his see,
+and with his Iconoclastic belief unshaken.
+
+Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during the
+first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem to have
+been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One more there was,
+the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one hundred and fifty years
+later, and was perhaps the outcome of intercourse with the Mohammedanism
+of Spain.[5]
+
+ [1] Jonas of Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326.
+
+ [2] Luke xiv. 27.
+
+ [3] Jonas, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351.
+
+ [4] See Appendix B, pp. 161-173.
+
+ [5] So Blunt. It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2,
+ from Lucas of Tuy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY.
+
+
+Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal Christianity
+(there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal Mohammedanism), it
+will fall within the scope of our inquiry to estimate the extent to
+which those influences were reciprocally felt by the two religions in
+their social and intellectual aspects; and how far the character of a
+Christian or a Mohammedan was altered by contact with a people
+professing a creed so like, and yet so unlike.[1] This influence we
+shall find more strongly manifested in the action of Christianity on
+Islam, than the reverse.
+
+It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks seems to
+have varied[2] from time to time, is reported to have expressly declared
+that he would have no monks in his religion.[3] Abubeker, his
+successor,--if Gibbon's translation may be trusted,--in his marching
+orders to the army, told them to let monks and their monasteries
+alone.[4] It was not long, however, before an order of itinerant
+monks--the faquirs--arose among the Moslems. In other parts of their
+dominions these became a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class;
+but in Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,[5] though they
+were very numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian
+historian,[6] were nothing more than beggars, able but unwilling to
+work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be applied to all,
+"for there were among them men who, moved by sentiments of piety and
+devotion, left the world and its vanities, and either retired to
+convents to pass the remainder of their days among brethren of the same
+community, or putting on the darwazah, and grasping the faquir's staff,
+went through the country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the
+faithful to compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That
+Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we can
+gather from the above passage and from another place,[7] where a convent
+called Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On
+that passage De Gayangos[8] has an interesting note, in which he quotes
+from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment near
+Malaga.[9] The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close to this city, a
+convent, which was the residence of several religious men living in
+community, and conversant with the principles of Sufism: they have a
+superior to preside over them, and one or more servants to attend to
+their wants. Their internal regulations are really admirable; each
+faquir lives separately in a cell of his own, and meets his comrades
+only at meals or prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the
+community go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he
+wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with two
+meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock, two being
+allowed yearly for each man--one for winter, another for summer. Each
+faquir is furnished likewise with a regular allowance of sugar, soap to
+wash his clothes, oil for his lamp, and a small sum of money to attend
+the bath, all these articles being distributed to them every Friday....
+Most of the faquirs are bachelors, a few only being married. These live
+with their wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to
+the same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers,
+sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted
+chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning each
+faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then that of
+the king;[10] and when the reading is over, a Koran, previously divided
+into sections, is brought in for each man to read in turn, until the
+whole is completed. On Fridays and other-festivals these faquirs are
+obliged to go to the mosque in a body, preceded by their superior....
+They are often visited by guests, whom they entertain for a long time,
+supplying them with food and other necessaries. The formalities observed
+with them are as follows:--If a stranger present himself at the door of
+the convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his
+waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his staff in
+his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the porter of the
+convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what country he comes
+from, what convent he has resided in, or entered on the road, who was
+the superior of it, and other particulars, to ascertain that the visitor
+is not an impostor.... This convent was plentifully endowed with rents
+for the support of its inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in
+lands which was provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga,
+who had been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are
+continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by
+donations in money."
+
+The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is
+sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though this
+particular convent was established at a later time, we cannot doubt that
+the influence, which produced such a modification of the very spirit of
+Islam, must have made itself felt much earlier. This is apparent in the
+analogous case of Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to
+shew,[11] where it is said that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar
+(1030-1043), was followed to the grave even by the damsels who had
+retired into solitude.
+
+ [1] Mohammedanism is even called a _heresy_ by a writer quoted
+ by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244.
+
+ [2] Kor. v. 85--"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to
+ entertain friendship for the true believers who say, We are
+ Christians. This comes to pass, because there are priests and
+ monks among them." Kor. lvii. 27--"As to the monastic state
+ (Deus loquitur), the Christians instituted the same (we did not
+ prescribe it for them) only out of desire to please God, yet
+ they observed not the same as it ought truly to be observed."
+ See also Kor. ix. 34--"Verily many of the priests and monks
+ devour the substance of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of
+ God;" and Kor. xxiii. 55.
+
+ [3] Kor. v. 89. Sale's note.
+
+ [4] So Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii.
+ 209.
+
+ [5] See the interesting account, _ibid._, i. 114.
+
+ [6] Al Makkari.
+
+ [7] Al Makkari, i. 115.
+
+ [8] _Ibid._, i. p. 406, note.
+
+ [9] In the fourteenth century.
+
+ [10] ? Chapter 67.
+
+ [11] Conde, ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to
+ Christian nuns.
+
+But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity, Islam
+shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded with a
+Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such things, but the
+following anecdotes are more in keeping with the Bible than the Koran.
+Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to his son, Hakem I., said:
+"Consider well that all empire is in the hand of God, who bestoweth it
+on whom He will, and from whom He will He taketh it away.[1] But since
+God hath given to us the royal authority and power, which is in our
+hands by His goodness only, let us obey His holy will, which is no other
+than that we do good to all men,[2] and in especial to those placed
+under our protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute
+equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or oppression
+be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the road to perdition.
+Be clement, and do right to all who depend upon thee, for all are the
+creatures of God."[3]
+
+The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the following
+story shews, of the most Christian generosity.[4] One of the faquirs who
+had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the presence
+of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from telling the
+Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem answered: "He who
+bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me pardon thee. Go, and live in
+God's protection."[5]
+
+ [1] Daniel, iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249--"God giveth His
+ kingdom unto whom He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24.
+
+ [2] Galatians vi. 20--"Let us do good unto all men, especially
+ unto them that are of the household of faith."
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 240.
+
+ [4] It is fair to state that Hakem I. was not always so
+ generous.
+
+ [5] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77.
+
+Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are the
+miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories, it must be
+acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and believing in
+miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in the Middle Ages.[1]
+
+We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the invader
+of Spain;[2] of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the prayer of Akbar
+ibn Nafir;[3] of the marvellous cap of Omar;[4] of the wonders that
+distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision shewing
+the tomb of Abu Ayub;[5] but nothing that will bear a comparison with
+the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the clumsy
+and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of the
+Armada.[6] Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid, from Al
+Kusheyri,[7] reminds us forcibly of similar monkish extravagancies. A
+woman came to Baki, and said that, her son being a prisoner in the hands
+of the Franks, she intended to sell her house and go in search of him;
+but before doing so she asked his advice. Leaving her for a moment he
+requested her to wait for his answer. He then went out and prayed
+fervently for her son's release, and telling the mother what he had
+done, dismissed her. Some time after the mother came back with her son
+to thank Baki for his pious interference, which had procured her son's
+release. The son then told his story:--"I was the king's slave, and used
+to go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we were
+employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden as if my
+fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my feet, when lo! I
+saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each side." The inspector
+naturally charged him with trying to escape, but he denied on oath,
+saying that his fetters had fallen off without his knowing how. They
+were then riveted on again with additional nails, but again fell off.
+The youth goes on:--"The Christians then consulted their priests on the
+miraculous occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I
+had a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the
+priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her prayers.
+Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a set-off to this
+there is a remarkable instance of freedom from superstition recorded of
+King Almundhir(881-2).[8] On the occasion of an earthquake, the people
+being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it as a direct interposition of
+God, this enlightened prince did his best to convince them that such
+things were natural phenomena, and had no relation to the good or evil
+that men did,[9] shewing that the earth trembled for Christian and
+Moslem alike, for the most innocent as well as the most injurious of
+creatures without distinction. They, however, refused to be convinced.
+
+ [1] See the story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the
+ bull--Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the
+ earth--Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and
+ restored--_Ibid._, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off by
+ the devil in sight of a large congregation--Isidore of Beja,
+ sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)--Mar. ix. 3.
+
+ [2] Cardonne, i. p. 72.
+
+ [3] _Ibid_, p. 38.
+
+ [4] See Ockley.
+
+ [5] Gibbon, "for such are the manufacture of every religion,"
+ p. 115.
+
+ [6] See Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics
+ found at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous
+ phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of
+ Christianity.
+
+ [7] Al Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355.
+
+ [8] Conde, i. 317.
+
+ [9] Cp. Matt. v. 45: Luke xiii. 4.
+
+This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome of that
+philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in the reign of
+this Sultan's predecessor.[1] The philosophizers were looked upon with
+horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at times
+they were ready to stone and burn the free-thinkers.[2] The works of
+Ibnu Massara, a prominent member of this school, were burnt publicly at
+Cordova;[3] and the great Almanzor, though himself, like the great
+Caesar, indifferent to such questions,[4] by way of gaining the support
+of the masses, was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of
+these philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the
+man's life at the request of a learned faqui.[5]
+
+Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"--if the term be allowable--there were
+Sceptics and Deists,[6] and others who followed the wild speculations of
+Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name was
+Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198), who
+besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that would almost
+constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was not a branch of
+knowledge that could be systematised, but an inward personal power:[7]
+that science and religion could not be fused together. Owing to his
+freedom of thought he was banished to a place near Cordova by Yusuf abu
+Yakub in 1196. He was also persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen,
+son of Almansur,[8] for studying natural philosophy. Another votary of
+the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death by the same
+king.
+
+ [1] Dozy, iii. 18.
+
+ [2] Al Makk., i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics
+ by the pious Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii.
+ 109.
+
+ [3] Al Makk., ii. 121.
+
+ [4] He was supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden
+ study of Natural Science and Astrology.--Al Makk., i. 141. Yet
+ he let the faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be
+ burnt.--Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur
+ (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be
+ burnt.
+
+ [5] Dozy, iii. 261.
+
+ [6] Dozy, iii. 262, 263.
+
+ [7] See article in the "Encyclop. Britann."
+
+ [8] Al Makk., i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that
+ this was a mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub
+ Almansur, and could not be the king meant here. He therefore
+ reads, "Yakub, one of the Beni Abdulmumen."
+
+Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier freethinkers
+lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians originally belonged to
+the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai[1] (711-774), whose doctrines were
+brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of Damascus. But Hischem I., on
+coming to the throne, shewed his preference for the doctrines of Malik
+ibn Aus,[2] and contrived that they should supplant the dogmas of Al
+Auzai. It may be that Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's
+creed, without persuading others to conform to his views, but at all
+events the change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor,
+Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi, Abu
+Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,[3] and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman
+Allakhmi, three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a
+pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in the
+opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a lax
+Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the faquis enough
+power in the State.[4]
+
+In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful enough
+to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman, Abu
+Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise discretion, as
+commendable as it was rare, declared that the distinctions of the Ulema
+were cavils, and that the expositions of the new traditionist "conveyed
+much useful instruction, and inculcated very laudable practices."[5]
+
+Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly
+ascendency, as notably by Ghazali, the "Vivificator," as he was called,
+"of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the rebel against
+authority was excommunicated.[6] Yet the strictly oxthodox party did not
+succeed in arresting--to any appreciable extent--the progress of the
+decay which was threatening to attack even the distinctive features of
+the Mohammedan religion.[7] It is a slight indication of this, that the
+peculiar Moslem dress gradually began to be given up, and the turban was
+only worn by faquis,[8] and even they could not induce the people to
+return to a habit once thought of great importance.[9]
+
+ [1] Al Makk., i. 403. De Gayangos' note.
+
+ [2] Died 780. Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to
+ Hakem I.; and an author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to
+ Abdurrahman I.
+
+ [3] Al Makk., ii. 123.
+
+ [4] Al Makk., i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p.
+ 59.
+
+ [5] Conde, i. 294.
+
+ [6] Dozy, iv. 255.
+
+ [7] In spite of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says
+ that all innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by
+ the people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such,
+ he would have been torn to pieces.
+
+ [8] Dozy, iii. 271.
+
+ [9] Al Makkari, ii. 109.
+
+But in other and more important respects we can see the disintegrating
+effect which intercourse with Christians had upon the social
+institutions of the Koran.[1]
+
+_(a.)_ Wine, which is expressly forbidden by Mohammed,[2] was much drunk
+throughout the country,[3] the example being often set by the king
+himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the first of these to drink the
+forbidden juice.[4] His namesake, Hakem II. (961-976), however, set his
+face against the practice of drinking wine, and even gave orders for all
+the vines in his kingdom to be rooted up--an edict which he recalled at
+the instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin many
+poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be smuggled in
+or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem consequently contented
+himself with forbidding anew the use of spirituous liquors in the most
+stringent terms.[5] Even the faquis had taken to drinking wine, and they
+defended the practice by saying that the prohibition might be
+disregarded by Moslems, who were engaged in a perpetual war with
+infidels.
+
+_(b.)_ Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying of Mohammed
+runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law; to perform music is
+to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to be guilty of
+infidelity."[6] Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very fond of
+music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi a home at his
+Court, when the latter was driven from the East by professional
+jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested against these violations
+of their law. The important sect of Hanbalites in particular, like our
+own Puritans, made a crusade against these abuses. They "caused a great
+commotion in the tenth century in Baghdad by entering people's houses
+and spilling their wine, if they found any, and beating the
+singing-girls they met with and breaking their instruments."[7]
+
+_(c.)_ The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by Mohammed,
+became quite common among the richer classes, though the majority do not
+seem to have indulged themselves in this way.[8]
+
+_(d.)_ The prohibition of sculptures, representing living creatures, was
+disregarded. We find a statue, raised to Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in
+the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built by Abdurrahman III. in honour of
+his beloved mistress. Images of animals are mentioned on the
+fountains,[9] and a lion on the aqueduct.[10] We also hear of a statue
+at the gate of Cordova.[11]
+
+_(e.)_ The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning towards
+Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned by an Arab
+historian,[12] that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah as a
+distinctive nickname, because he did so turn?
+
+_(f.)_ A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to persuade his
+coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not of pigs or
+boars.[13]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The
+ Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit
+ all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of
+ nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves,
+ listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and
+ mirth."
+
+ [2] Kor. v. 93--"Surely wine, lots, and images are an
+ abomination of the work of Satan ... avoid them."
+
+ [3] Al Makkari, ii. p. 171.
+
+ [4] Cardonne, i. p. 252.
+
+ [5] Al Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171.
+
+ [6] Yonge, "Moors in Spain," p. 71.
+
+ [7] Sale, Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [8] Al Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was
+ objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of
+ silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [9] Al Makkari, i. p. 236.
+
+ [10] _Ibid._, p. 241.
+
+ [11] Akbar Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272.
+
+ [12] Al Malckari, 1. 149.
+
+ [13] Hamim, a Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis.
+ Conde, i. 420.
+
+There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the more
+unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact with a
+civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to the Arabs, and
+partly growing up independently side by side with them. But in nothing
+was this shewn more clearly than in the social enfranchisement of the
+Moslem women, whom it is the very essence of Mohammed's teaching to
+regard rather as the goods and chattels than as the equals of man; and
+also in the introduction among the Moslems of a more Christian
+conception of the sacred word--Love.
+
+Consequently we become accustomed to the strange spectacle--strange
+among a Mohammedan people--of women making a mark in the society of men,
+and being regarded as intellectually and socially their equals. Thus we
+hear of an Arabian Sappho, Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of
+Almustakfi Billah;[1] of Aysha, daughter of Ahmad of Cordova--"the
+purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden of her day;"[2] of Mozna, the
+slave and private secretary of Abdurrahman III.[3]
+
+Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were
+admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by Mohammedan
+law,[4] the women being obliged to perform their devotions at home;
+"if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it must be when the men are
+not there; for the Moslems are of opinion that their presence inspires a
+different kind of devotion from that which is requisite in a place
+dedicated to the service of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a
+Moor, censuring the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for
+the reason, among others, that women were there. If the evidence of
+ballads be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at
+festivities and dances.[5] At tournaments they looked on, their bright
+smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their fair hands
+giving the successful champion the meed of victorious valour.[6] Their
+position, in fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of
+Christian ladies.
+
+ [1] Murphy, "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232.
+
+ [2] Conde, i. p. 457.
+
+ [3] For others see Conde, i. 483, 484.
+
+ [4] Sale, Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158.
+
+ [6] See a picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish
+ Antiquities of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad
+ called "The Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109.
+
+The effect of this improvement in the social position of women could not
+fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among the Spanish
+Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross sensuality undergoing a
+process of refinement, as the following extract from Said ibn Djoudi,[1]
+who wrote at the close of the ninth century, will shew. Addressing his
+ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:--
+
+ "O thou, to whom my prayers are given,
+ Compassionate and gentle be
+ To my poor soul, so roughly driven,
+ To fly from me to thee.
+
+ "I call thy name, my vows outpouring,
+ I see thine eyes with tear-drops shine:
+ No monk, his imaged saint adoring,
+ Knows rapture like to mine!"
+
+Of these words Dozy[2] says:--"They might be those of a Provencal
+troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry."
+
+This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly seen in
+a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who was prime
+minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He calls Love[3] a
+mixture of moral affection, delicate gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm
+modest beauty, full of sweet dignity. Being the great grandson of
+Christian parents, perhaps some of their inherited characteristics
+reappeared in him:--"Something pure, something delicate, something
+spiritual which was not Arab."[4]
+
+ [1] Killed, 897.
+
+ [2] II. 229.
+
+ [3] Quoted by Dozy, iii. 350.
+
+ [4] Dozy, 1.1.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY.
+
+
+We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the social
+and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now turn to the
+analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity under the same
+aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no means so marked as in the
+reverse case. One striking instance, however, there is, in which such an
+influence was shewn, and where we should least have thought to find it.
+We have indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be
+circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves off on
+occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we cannot be certain:
+but the fact remains.[1] "Have we not," says Alvar,[2] "the mark of the
+beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we follow the
+pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the circumcision of the
+heart,[3] which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to the corporeal
+rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy, and which can only be
+complied with at the cost of no small pain to ourselves."
+
+Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic rite,[4]
+whether voluntarily, or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know
+that the Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the
+intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be circumcised.[5]
+
+Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the outward
+observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought it necessary to
+abstain from certain meats,[6] those, namely, forbidden by the
+Mohammedan law.
+
+A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his excuse
+that otherwise the Christians could not live with the Saracens.[7] This
+was, naturally, not considered a good reason by the stricter or more
+bigoted party, who regarded with alarm and suspicion any tendency
+towards amalgamation with Mohammedans. If we can credit certain
+chroniclers, a council was even held some years before this time by
+Basilius, Bishop of Cordova, for considering the best method of
+preventing the contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its
+contact with Mohammedanism.[8]
+
+ [1] See John of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above,
+ p. 89.
+
+ [2] Alvar, "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35.
+
+ [3] Romans ii. 29; Galatians v. 2.
+
+ [4] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123.
+
+ [5] See "Life of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.,"
+ ii. c. 4. Cp. "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king,
+ Halihatan (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par
+ lequel il estait mande a tous Chrestiens habitans es terres et
+ villes a luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se
+ faisans circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie."
+
+ [6] See Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. _ad init._--" You are
+ forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and
+ swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled."
+
+ [7] "John of Gorz," 1.1.
+
+ [8] "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501.
+ "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne
+ Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti,
+ illorum caeremoniis communicarent."
+
+Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of contraries,
+and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were, would cling to some
+habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit of opposition to a reverse
+custom among Moslems. Thus we know that the monks in the East became the
+more passionately devoted to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm
+savoured so much of Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more
+objectionable results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the
+people with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from
+being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths were
+the direct invention of the devil.[1] Later on we know that Philip II.,
+the husband of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish
+dominions destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of
+infidelity.[2]
+
+Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a contrast to
+the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is mentioned with
+horror as having a wife and children, one of whom afterwards succeeded
+him, and also married.[3]
+
+One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the marriage
+of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by Fruela I. (757-768)
+in the North, yet concubinage became very common among the clergy;[4]
+and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state of things that Witiza
+wished to compel the clergy to have lawful wives.
+
+ [1] Miss Yonge, p. 67.
+
+ [2] Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136.
+
+ [3] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326--"Conventus Episcoporum
+ pro restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae
+ ac vepres, nec nominandi proles."
+
+ [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.,"
+ ii. cc. 2, 6, we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the
+ Moslems in having harems.
+
+We have left to the last the great and interesting question of the
+origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines of
+Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not with
+justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the present. The
+institution known by that name arose in the age of Charles the Great
+(768-814),[1] and was therefore nearly synchronous with the invasion of
+Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed, referred to the
+military service of fiefs, but all its characteristics, which were
+personal and individual, such as loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point
+to a racial rather than a political source, and these characteristics
+are found in an eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and
+independent spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,[2] "dwelling as it were
+upon a rock, and disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness
+of internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is not
+unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American Indians."
+
+Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can be no
+doubt that its development was largely influenced by the relative
+positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the perpetual war which
+went on between them in that country.
+
+Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps among
+our Saxon forefathers,[3] chivalry soon became religious in character,
+and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against the
+Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be called the
+cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even in the first flush
+of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be truly chivalrous enemies,
+and clearly had nothing to learn from Christians in that respect. The
+very earliest days of Moslem triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit
+displayed at the capture of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy
+contrast to the scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders
+under the heroic Godfrey de Bouillon.
+
+ [1] Hallam, "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392.
+
+ [2] _Ibid._ Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of chivalry
+ have so much resemblance to those which Eastern writers of the
+ same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect Europe for
+ having derived some improvement from imitation of Asia."
+
+ [3] Hallam, "Mid. Ages" (1.1.).
+
+Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of the
+tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely paralleled.
+The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great victory of Alarcos
+(1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners. It cannot, however, be
+denied that the action displeased many of the king's followers, who
+complained of it "as one of the extravagancies proper to monarchs,"[1]
+and Yakub himself repented of it on his deathbed.
+
+In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities
+enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight--such as piety,
+courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art of poetry,
+skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance, and bow.[2]
+Chivalry soon became a recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf
+ben Harun, or Abu Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II.
+(961-976) on its duties and obligations;[3] nor was it long before the
+Moorish kings learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the
+Christian fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood
+conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.[4]
+
+ [1] Conde, iii. 53.
+
+ [2] Al Makk., ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd.
+ and Isab.," p. 159.
+
+ [3] Conde, i. 477.
+
+ [4] Conde, ii. 173.
+
+As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or the
+Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the Moorish
+knight _sans peur et sans reproche;_ and though, if judged by our
+standards, he was by no means _sans reproche_, yet many are the stories
+told of his magnanimity and justice. On one occasion after a battle
+against the Christians, the Count of Garcia being mortally wounded, his
+faithful Castilians refused to leave him, and were hemmed in by
+Almanzor's men. When the latter was urged to give the word, and have the
+knot of Christians put to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He
+who slayeth one man, not having met with violence, will be punished like
+the murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man,
+shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'[1] Make room, sons of
+Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of the
+clement and merciful God." [2]
+
+On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for wedding
+gifts for an enemy[3] of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he
+magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father of the
+Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his seven sons.[4]
+
+It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the romantic
+ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather round any but
+persons who are noted for that virtue, and though the instances should
+be false in letter, yet in spirit they may be eminently true. However
+this may be as respects Almanzor's generosity, of his justice we have
+unimpeachable evidence. The monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says
+that the success of his raids on the Christian territories was due to
+the large pay he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice,
+"which virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's
+lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any Christian."[5]
+
+ [1] Koran, v. 35.
+
+ [2] Yonge, p. 110.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._, p. 80.
+
+ [4] Johannes Vasaeus, 969.
+
+ [5] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 70.
+
+In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the Christian
+Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors--those military orders,
+namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The Rabitos, or Moslemah
+knights," says Conde,[1] "in charge of the frontier, professed
+extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted themselves voluntarily to
+the continual exercise of arms. They were all men of high distinction;
+and bound themselves by a vow to defend the frontier. They were
+forbidden by their rules to fly from the enemy, it being their duty to
+fight and die on the spot they held."
+
+In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived from the
+Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it was the Moors who
+inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy Wars, as an essential
+part of their religion.[2] In this respect Christianity became
+Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry became identified with war
+against the infidel, and found its apotheosis[3] in St. James of
+Compostella, who--a poor fisherman of Galilee--was supposed to have
+fought in person against the Moors at Clavijo.[4] In the ballad we hear
+of Christian knights coming to engage in fight from exactly that same
+belief in the efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated
+the Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms and
+fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those of Leon
+and Astorga,[5] were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de Junqueras
+(921).[6] Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle against the
+Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes repeated mention of
+a right valiant prelate named Hieronymus.[7]
+
+ [1] Conde, ii. p. 119, note--"It seems highly probable that
+ from these arose the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp.
+ Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of
+ Spain were mostly instituted by papal bulls in the last half of
+ the 12th century.
+
+ [2] Islam made Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii.
+ pp. 220-2. Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff.
+
+ [3] Presc., "Ferd.," p. 15.
+
+ [4] Mohammed also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor.
+ iii., ad init.
+
+ [5] "Rodrigo of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they
+ were the bishops of Tuy and Salamanca.
+
+ [6] Mariana, viii. 5. See also _Ibid._, c. 6.
+
+ [7] "Chronicle of Cid" (Southey), p. 371.
+
+Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which engendered
+and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only common ground on
+which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European, could meet. It was in
+fact a sort of compromise between two incompatible religions mutually
+accepted by two different races. Though perhaps not a spiritual
+religion, it was a social one, and served in some measure to mitigate
+the horrors of a war of races and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the
+Crusades, and Richard I. of England and Saladin were the Achilles and
+the Hector of a new Iliad.
+
+With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as a
+compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now conclude.
+In discussing the relations between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we
+have been naturally led to compare not only the religions but their
+adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish between those who profess
+a creed, and the creed which they profess; but at least we may have thus
+been enabled to avoid missing any point essential to the proper
+elucidation of the mutual relations which existed between the two
+greatest religions of the world, and the influence they had upon each
+other.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+A.
+
+THE JEWS IN SPAIN.
+
+
+The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally made them
+the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very numerous colony
+in Spain--for Hadrian had transported thither many thousand
+families--the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in conquering the
+country, both by betraying places to them, and garrisoning captured
+towns while the Arabs went on to fresh conquests. Consequently the
+relations between the Jews and Moslems were for a long time very
+cordial, though this cordiality wore off in the course of time. Their
+numbers seem to have been considerable under the Moslem occupation, and
+whole towns were set apart as Jewries.[1]
+
+In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very strongly
+among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith favoured them.
+They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves were induced by the
+clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became free, as Jews were not
+allowed to have Christian slaves.[2] But it must be admitted that the
+Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it was well known that they
+sold Christian children as slaves to the Moslems of Spain.[3]
+
+ [1] Al Makkari, ii. 452.
+
+ [2] Fleury, v. 408.
+
+ [3] _Ibid._
+
+They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from among the
+Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind, named Eleazar, to
+whom Alvar addressed several letters under the title of "the
+transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon. A Christian of German
+extraction,[1] he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders. In 838,
+while on his way to Rome,[2] he apostatised to Judaism,[3] and opened a
+negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as slaves,
+stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year he let his hair
+and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he married a Jewess, compelling
+his grandson at the same time to apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude
+became so hostile to the Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to
+Charles, praying him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however
+does not seem to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that
+Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the deaths of
+Prefectus and John may have been due to him.[4] After this we hear no
+more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the Arabs
+seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged character.
+Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity to develop their
+natural gifts as they have never had since the capture of Jerusalem by
+Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if
+indeed they did not outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of
+learning in the dark ages.[5] In science generally, and especially in
+the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in learning and
+civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far ahead of the
+Christians.[6]
+
+ [1] "Ann. Bertin.," 839.
+
+ [2] Orationis gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1.
+
+ [3] Florez, xi. p. 20 ff.
+
+ [4] The "Ann. Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to
+ give his Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism,
+ or death. See Rohrbacher, xii. 4.
+
+ [5] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153.
+
+ [6] _Ibid._, p. 134.
+
+The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the gradual
+process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility, and at the
+beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to have been a project
+formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems on the ground of a promise
+made by their forefathers to Mohammed that, if in five centuries their
+Messiah had not appeared, they would be converted to Mohammedanism.[1]
+Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of the Moslems for extorting
+money; at all events the Jews only succeeded in evading the alternative
+by paying a large sum of money. Even in the early years of the conquest
+they were subject to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the
+rumour of the Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish
+Jews, leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem governor,
+Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to restore it on the
+return of the disappointed emigrants.
+
+From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to have lost
+many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth century
+Maimonides,[2] the greatest name among the Spanish Jews, wrote against
+their errors. One of these seems to have been that the books of Moses
+were written before the Creation;[3] another, that there was a series of
+hells in the next world.[4]
+
+Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we hear
+of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs to
+Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and the king's
+confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a few years later. He
+was also distinguished as a physician.[5]
+
+ [1] Conde, ii. 326.
+
+ [2] Fleury, v. 409.
+
+ [3] Cp. the Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p.
+ 50. (Chandos Classics.)
+
+ [4] _Ibid._, p. 72.
+
+ [5] Al Makk., i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos.
+
+While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest provinces of
+Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian territories, was by no
+means unendurable. They were sometimes advanced to important and
+confidential posts, and it was the murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish
+ambassador by the King of Seville which brought about the introduction
+of the Almoravides into Spain.
+
+There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo by the
+Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him that they
+were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar transported into Spain,
+and not the descendants of those Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ.
+Their ancestors, they said, were quite free from the guilt of this act,
+for when Caiaphas had written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice
+respecting the person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews
+returned for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be
+fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be put to
+death. This reply they produced in the original Hebrew.[1] It is
+needless to say that the whole thing was a fabrication.
+
+Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain, the
+tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the Jews. They were
+accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship, desecration of its
+symbols, sacrifice of Christian infants,"[2] and other enormities.
+Severe laws were passed against them, as in the old Gothic times, and
+their freedom was grievously curtailed in the matters of dress,
+residence, and profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear
+yellow caps.[3]
+
+ [1] Southey, "Roder.," i. p. 235, note.
+
+ [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135.
+
+ [3] Al Makk., i. 116.
+
+At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against them, and
+15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain. Many were
+nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to the credit of a
+single saint. These new Christians sometimes attained high
+ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the noble families--the
+taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards to be regarded with the
+greatest horror and aversion.
+
+It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first
+established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In 1492, on
+the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a very large number
+of Jews were expelled from Castile,[1] the evil example being afterwards
+followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the treatment of Jews by
+Christians is indeed one of the darkest in the history of Christianity.
+
+ [1] Variously estimated at 160,000 or 800,000.
+
+
+
+
+B.
+
+SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER.
+
+
+Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a study
+as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from being one of
+the most independent of Churches, she has become the most subservient,
+and therefore the most degraded, of all. The question of how this was
+brought about, apart from its intrinsic interest as illustrating the
+development of a great nation, is well worth investigating, from the
+momentous influence which it has had upon the religious history of the
+world at large. For it is not too much to say that Rome could never have
+made good its ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large
+a part of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion
+of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and unscrupulous
+ability of the Italian pontiffs.
+
+In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a nation,
+has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their
+entirety--doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from the
+first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception of Spain)
+the West of Europe--the birthplace and cradle of the mighty Teutonic
+races--have agreed with equal disdain to reject and trample under their
+feet.
+
+This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in early
+times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its greatness, and
+its prosperity, held a position of complete equality with the Roman and
+other principal churches. The See of Cordova held so high a rank in the
+fourth century that Hosius, its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside
+at the important councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347).
+
+The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made Spain
+still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for the Goths,
+besides being far more independent in character than the Romanized
+Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in consequence, from all
+communion with Rome. The orthodox party, however, gradually gained
+strength, and in 560 the remnants of the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the
+Gothic king's son Ermenegild, with their help, revolted against his
+father. He was finally put to death for his treason, but his brother,
+Recared, on ascending the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the
+orthodox creed, his example being followed by most of his nobles and
+prelates.
+
+The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was the
+signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which was the
+more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great increase of power
+since Spain was cut off from orthodox Christendom by the invasion of the
+Arian Goths.
+
+One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and, saluting him,
+ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The papal authority thus
+acknowledged was soon exercised in--
+
+_(a.)_ Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the laws of the
+land;
+
+_(b.)_ Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such cases;
+
+_(c.)_ Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the Church;
+
+_(d.)_ Sending the pall to metropolitans.
+
+These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the Spanish
+Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the papal practice of
+sending letters to the chief bishops of the country. They became
+invested in consequence with certain important powers, such as those of
+convoking provincial councils; of consecrating suffragans; of holding
+ecclesiastical courts, and watching over the conduct of bishops.[1]
+
+But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church _was_ thus
+conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of the Spanish
+kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very sparing use of his
+power. In two points, in especial, the claims of the pope were
+strenuously resisted.
+
+_(a.)_ The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly forbidden.
+
+_(b.)_ Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted. Thus the
+prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth councils of Toledo,
+defended the orthodoxy of their fellow-bishop, Julian, against the
+strictures of the then pope, Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John
+V., confessed that they had been in the right.[2]
+
+This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find
+manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some reason
+for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion the king,
+Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade appeals to Rome.[3]
+One author even goes so far as to say that the Gothic king and his
+clergy being at variance with the pope, the latter encouraged and
+favoured the Saracen invasion.[4]
+
+ [1] Masdeu, xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham.
+
+ [2] Dunham, i. p. 197.
+
+ [3] See Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He
+ quotes Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132.
+
+ [4] J.S. Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note.
+
+However that may have been, and it certainly looks very improbable, the
+invasion did not help the pope much directly, though indirectly, and as
+events turned out, the Arab domination was undoubtedly the main cause of
+the ultimate subjection of Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in
+this way:--The Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in
+a position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have sought
+help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks. But the
+selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred extending
+their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of Christianity in
+defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish Christians to look to
+the only Christian ruler who could afford them even moral assistance;
+and the popes were not slow to avail themselves of the opportunity thus
+offered for establishing their authority in a new province. It was by
+the intervention of the popes that the war against the Arabs partook of
+the nature of a crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the
+advantage of filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of
+indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a head,
+the pope collected in four years the sum of four million maravedis.[1]
+
+The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being asked and
+obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being miraculously
+discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave to move the see of
+Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St lago,[2] built on the spot
+where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church dates
+from this event, which was of ominous import for the future independence
+of the Church in that country. What the claims of Rome had come to be
+within a quarter of a century of this epoch, we may see from the
+controversy which arose between Claudius, Bishop of Turin, and the papal
+party. Claudius was himself a Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated
+Felix, Bishop of Urgel, one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy.
+Among other doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party,
+Claudius stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom,
+resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains to us
+of his writings,[3] on the grounds, first, that Christ did _not_ say to
+Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be loosed upon earth;"
+meaning by this that the authority vested in Peter was only to be
+exercised during his life; secondly, in answer to the supposed efficacy
+of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius retorts on his accuser, Theodomir,
+abbot of a monastery near Nimes:--"If a doing of penance to be effectual
+involves a journey to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your
+monastery and prevent them from going--as you say is necessary--to Rome
+itself?" As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither
+approved nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to
+all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal life
+could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as to the pope
+being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters called him,
+apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not belong to one "who
+fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils the duties thereof."
+
+ [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n.
+
+ [2] Romey, "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420.
+
+ [3] Jonas of Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff.
+ Fleury, v. 398.
+
+Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved
+contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage a
+congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit Claudius
+remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839.
+
+The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere of his
+interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king unable even to
+call a council of bishops without a papal bull. This became the
+established practice.[1] In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in
+confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make the
+canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular cases.[2]
+
+Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had established
+their independence, the weakness of the Christian Church under Arab
+domination seemed to afford a good opportunity for obtaining from them a
+recognition of the authority of the pope. We accordingly find that an
+appeal was made to the pope towards the close of the eighth century to
+give an authoritative decision with regard to what the appellants deemed
+to be certain irregularities which had found their way into the practice
+of those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian
+readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in accordance
+with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the Bishops of Spain he
+inveighs against the following errors, countenanced by a certain
+Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of Elvira, and sometimes called in
+consequence the Migetian errors:--
+
+_(a.)_ The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already been noticed
+and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a letter to the people of
+Seville (750).[3] The error was not the same as that of the
+Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to the
+twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the following
+day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had been held by the
+Latin Church itself till the sixth century.[4] The fulminations of the
+Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was sufficiently
+general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle which took place at
+the Easter of that year to be placed in the year of the Hegira 278,
+which only began on April 15th, whereas had Easter been observed
+according to the usage of the Latin Church, the Paschal feast would have
+been already past.[5]
+
+_(b.)_ The eating of pork and things strangled.[6] With respect to these
+innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten anathema
+against those who will not abstain from them. It is curious to find the
+Christian Church upholding the eating of pork, when brought into contact
+with the Moslems, and forbidding it elsewhere.
+
+_(c.)_ Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become very
+common, is denounced and forbidden.[7]
+
+_(d.)_ The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against consecrating priests
+without due preparation, and speaks as if there were many false priests,
+wolves in sheep's clothing, dealing havoc in the flock.
+
+_(e.)_ One doubtful authority,[8] who tells us that Adrian ordered
+Cixila, Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not
+fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes.
+
+ [1] "Chron. Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was
+ in Spain holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez,
+ xiv.), sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV.
+ sent Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII.
+ to hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8.
+
+ [2] Mariana, viii. 6.
+
+ [3] Isid. Pac, sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376,
+ 451.
+
+ [4] See Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali
+ Latinorum Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne.
+
+ [5] Dozy, ii. p. 355, note.
+
+ [6] Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235.
+
+ [7] Adrian's Letter to the Spanish Bishops.
+
+ [8] The Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236--"Ex mandatis litterisque
+ Adriani papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a
+ carnibus abstinere" (776 A.D.).
+
+But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the pretensions
+of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed by the venerable
+Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly resisted the encroachments
+of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote
+to Migetius condemning him for certain heresies, and boasts of having
+completely refuted and silenced him;[1] but at the same time Elipandus
+shewed his independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who
+abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant men;
+though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with the pope,[2]
+and could justify his views by a reference to the decision of the Church
+of Jerusalem in the earliest days of Christianity.[3]
+
+Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one, that it
+was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take food touched by
+them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as: "Not that which
+entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but that which proceedeth out
+of the mouth, this defileth the man;" [4] or "to the pure all things are
+pure;"[5] and to point out that Christ ate with publicans and sinners.
+
+But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen, Claudius
+of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which regarded the Roman
+See as alone constituting the Catholic Church and the power of God.[6]
+This he very properly calls a heresy; and indignantly denies that
+Christ's words, "Thou art Peter," &c., apply to the Church of Rome
+alone, affirming that they were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he
+adds, "can the Roman Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God
+without spot or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome
+(Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of
+Christendom."
+
+ [1] Epilandus, Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See
+ Neander, v. 216 ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud
+ Migne, vol. ci.
+
+ [2] See Adrian's Letter to Egila.
+
+ [3] Acts xv. 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3.
+
+ [4] St Matt. xv. 11.
+
+ [5] Titus i. 15.
+
+ [6] See also letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's
+ first book, where he gives us his idea of a _Catholic_ church
+ founded on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which
+ Catholic church may even consist of few members. Neander, v.
+ 230.
+
+Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and continued to be
+established over it, Spain could never have become the priest-ridden
+country which it now is; but the gradual advance of the Christian arms
+in the North brought in its train a more and more complete subserviency
+to the pope.
+
+As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and provinces
+from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist between the
+religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of those who had set
+them free. This was specially apparent in the old Gothic liturgy, which
+the Muzarabic Christians had used all along, and were still using,
+whereas the Christians of Leon and the Asturias had imported a newer
+recension from Rome.
+
+Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome, and
+accordingly a legate,[1] named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from
+John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly into the
+ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at Rome that the mass
+was incorrectly performed according to the Gothic liturgy, and that
+false doctrines were taught. However, Zanclus found that the divergence
+was not sufficiently wide to warrant the suppression of the ancient
+ritual. It may be that the power of the Roman Church was not established
+so securely as to admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient
+church. She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness
+to the primitive usage[2] of the Church against the innovations of the
+Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we find
+that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the question of the old
+Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again. The Gothic and the Roman
+books were subjected, after the absurd fashion of the times, to two
+ordeals--by water and by fire; but in spite of the fact that the Gothic
+liturgy, thanks to its greater solidity and stronger binding, resisted
+both those elements incomparably better than its younger rival, and so,
+if the ordeal went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the
+old native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the pope,
+and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of Leon,[3] and
+Sancho IV. of Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up
+their customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of
+Toledo till late in the fifteenth century.
+
+ [1] Mariana, vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of
+ Marinus, and says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of
+ Toledo.
+
+ [2] Cp. the monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman
+ Catholics, under Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred
+ books and memorials of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar
+ coast in India.
+
+ [3] And I. of Castile.
+
+But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters relating to
+the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon the king himself,
+and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso IX. and all his kingdom
+were laid under an interdict by Celestine III. because he had married
+within forbidden limits, and refused to divorce his wife at the bidding
+of the pope. He did in the end divorce her, but only to repeat the same
+offence with a second wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at
+the hands of Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on
+apace, and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's
+courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices and
+bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X.
+(1252-1284).[1] But this result was not attained without remonstrances
+from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and Isabella, the question
+came to an open rupture between the Spanish Court and the reigning pope,
+Sixtus IV. Isabella, though so ready to submit herself in matters of
+personal religion to the pope and his legates, refused, like her later
+namesake of England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and
+the pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of
+appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if the
+sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the barons of
+theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry IV. (1454-1474),
+the papal legate threw his influence on to the king's side, and
+excommunicated the rebellious barons, they firmly answered that "those
+who had advised the pope that he had a right to interfere in the
+temporal concerns of Castile had deceived him; and that they, the barons
+of the kingdom, had a perfect right to depose their sovereign on
+sufficient grounds, and meant to exercise it."[2]
+
+A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213 Pedro
+II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the Albigensians, and
+down to the time of Charles V., the princes of Aragon were at open
+enmity with the Roman See,[3] and the Aragonese strenuously resisted the
+establishment of the Inquisition.[4]
+
+ [1] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15.
+
+ [2] Prescott, p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the
+ king, if he violated the charter of the realm, might be
+ deposed, and any other _Pagan_ or Christian substituted.
+ _Ibid_, p. 23.
+
+ [3] Lockhart, Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos
+ Classics.)
+
+ [4] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n.
+
+That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more unmerited
+suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised by man, whereby
+more innocent people passed through the fire than were perhaps ever
+sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first put into action in
+September 1480, during the reign of the pious and noble-minded
+Isabella.[1] The festival of Epiphany in the following year was selected
+as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the first auto da fe,
+when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was against that unfortunate
+people that this inhuman persecution was devised, or at least first
+used. That one year witnessed the martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the
+infliction on 17,000 others of punishments only less than death itself.
+During the administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen
+years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly 100,000
+were, as the phrase went, reconciled.[2] The confiscation of property
+which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning brought in enormous
+sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors.
+
+The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the
+Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors under
+Christian government were called, who were oppressed and persecuted in
+the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from Spain.
+
+But a more important conquest than these--more important, that is, to
+the supremacy of the Roman See--was the undoubted conquest achieved by
+the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in the sixteenth
+century began to find their way into Spain from Germany and England.
+Finding a congenial soil, the reformation began to spread in Spain with
+wonderful rapidity. The divines sent by Charles V. into England were
+themselves converted, and returned full of zeal for the Protestant
+faith--"Their success," says Geddes,[3] "was such that had not a speedy
+and full stop been put to their pious labours by the merciless
+Inquisition, the whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been
+converted to the Protestant religion, in less time than any other
+country had ever been before."[4] So untrue is it to say that
+persecution always fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the
+fetters, which the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of
+Leon and Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of
+Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent people.
+Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility, social, religious,
+and political, Spain affords a melancholy but instructive spectacle to
+the nations.
+
+ [1] The inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced
+ into Spain, 1242. Prescott.
+
+ [2] Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146.
+
+ [3] Miscell. Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff.
+
+ [4] Geddes, Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a
+ Romanist author, who says: "the number of converts was so great
+ that had the stop which was put to that evil been delayed but
+ two or three months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had
+ been put into a flame by them."
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED.
+
+
+I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:--
+
+A. Arab (in translations):
+
+(1.) _Ibn abd el Hakem._ "History of the Conquest of Spain." with notes
+by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down to 743.
+
+(2.) _J.A. Conde._ "History of the Domination of the Arabs in Spain,"
+translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols. Bohn, 1854. The
+author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled his work from Arabian
+memorials and writings in such sort that those documents may be read as
+they were written;" (p. 18), "The student of history may read this book
+as written by an Arabic author."
+
+Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their modern
+successors cannot find a good word for it.[1] De Gayangos, the learned
+translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though not blind to the
+"unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the absence of notes and
+citations of authorities, and the numerous errors and
+contradictions,"[2] yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the
+foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan Spain. It
+certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points out[3] the errors of his
+predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself, not
+only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things faithful to
+his authorities, he is found, where those authorities can be identified,
+not to be faithful.
+
+ [1] Stanley Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887).
+ Dozy, Preface to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui
+ manquait absolumment de sens historique."
+
+ [2] As to these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in
+ transcribing or extracting the accounts of different historians
+ some facts are sure to be repeated, and others entirely
+ contradicted. See Al Makk., i. p. 29.
+
+ [3] Pref., p. 13 ff.
+
+(3.) _J.C. Murphy._ "History of the Mahometan Empire in Spain," with
+additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work is based on
+Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly to be found in Al
+Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters on the influence,
+scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs in Europe, are
+exhaustive and interesting.
+
+(4.) _Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari_. "History of the Mohammedan
+Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger work by that author,
+translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols. London, 1840. This work,
+which Dozy finds fault with for certain inaccuracies, is on the whole
+very trustworthy, and its notes form a perfect mine of information for
+the student wandering helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al
+Makkari, a native of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the
+seventeenth century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose
+evidence is most valuable. Among these are--
+
+[Greek: a.] _Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah_, descended
+from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877.
+
+[Greek: b.] _Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi_, flourished in the
+reign of Abdurrahman III.
+
+[Greek: g.] _Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib_, of Cordova; died, 1044.
+
+[Greek: d.] _Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm_, born at
+Cordova, 994; died, 1064.
+
+[Greek: e.] _Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,_ born at
+Cordova, 1006.
+
+[Greek: z.] _Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al
+Anssari_, Cordova, 1101-1183.
+
+[Greek: e.] _Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn
+Said_ of Granada, 1214-1286.
+
+[Greek: th.] _Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,_
+born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406.
+
+B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in--
+
+(1.) _Schott's_ "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort, 1603.
+
+(2.) _Florez,_ "Espana Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most useful
+collection of Spanish writers, together with much information about
+them, written in Spanish.
+
+(3.) _Migne's_ "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most invaluable
+collection in several score volumes. The following is a list of those
+consulted:--
+
+([Greek: a].) _Isidore of Beja_, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum
+Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation of the
+Chronicle of Isidore of Seville.
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280.
+
+([Greek: b].) Chronicon _Sebastiani_, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866.
+(Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.)
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124.
+
+([Greek: g].) Chronicon _Albeldense_, 866-976. (Conde, _ibid._, says to
+973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was perhaps begun by
+Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on by the monk Vigila.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._ 1146.
+
+([Greek: d].) Chronicon _Sampiri_ "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written about
+1000), 869-982.
+ Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457.
+
+([Greek: e].) _Chronicon regum Legionensium_, 982-1109, by Pelagius,
+Bishop of Oviedo--a very doubtful authority, and branded with the
+epithet "fabulosus."
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, pp. 466-475.
+
+([Greek: z].) Chronicon _Silensis_ Monachi, written _circa_ 1100.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 270-330.
+
+([Greek: e].) _Lucas of Tuy_, "Chronicon Mundi," written _circa_ 1236.
+ Sidenote: Schott, iv. 1-116.
+
+([Greek: th].) _Alfonso_, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum
+Hispanarum," etc.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, i. 246-291.
+
+([Greek: i].) _Luitprand_, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria
+attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years
+606-960. The author of these is generally called the Pseudo-Luitprand,
+and very little credit can be placed in his statements.
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179.
+
+([Greek: k].) _Rodrigo_, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs
+from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died in
+1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture and to
+profane history. He does not even mention the Christian martyrdoms in
+the ninth century.
+ Sidenote: Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246
+
+([Greek: l].) _Annales Bertiniani_, from the French point of view.
+ Sidenote: Florez, x. 570-579.
+
+([Greek: m].) _Johannes Vasaeus_, "Hispaniae Chronicon."
+ Sidenote: Schott, i. 700 ff.
+
+The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some are
+valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are nearly
+worthless.
+
+Other authorities there are of a different kind--not historians, but
+writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light on the
+history of the time. Among these are--
+
+(_a._) _Elipandus_, Bishop of Toledo; died 810. Letters--
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi.
+
+ to Migetius.
+ Sidenote: pp. 859-867.
+
+ to Charles the Great.
+ Sidenote: pp. 867-869.
+
+ to Albinus (Alcuin).
+ Sidenote: pp. 870-882.
+
+ to Fidelis, an abbot (783).
+ Sidenote: pp. 918,919.
+
+(_b_.) _Felix_, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio fidei (799).
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888.
+
+(_c_.) _Beatus_, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter to Elipandus.
+ Sidenote: " 894-1030.
+
+(_d_.) _Letters of Spanish Bishops_ to Bishops of Gaul.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, ci. 1321-1331.
+
+(_e_.) _Alcuin_. Letters--
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, c. and ci.
+
+ Ad Felicem haereticum (793).
+
+ Ad Elipandum.
+
+ Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix.
+
+ Epistle XC. (800),
+
+ Epistle CXIII. (800).
+
+ Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800).
+
+Books--
+
+ Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos.
+
+ Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books.
+
+ Adversus Elipandum, iv. books.
+
+ Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum.
+
+ Altera ad eosdem.
+
+(_f._) _Adrian_, Pope.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xcviii. p. 373.
+
+ Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus
+ directa, maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785).
+
+ Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum
+ (782).
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, p. 336.
+
+ Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv.
+
+(_g_.) Letter from _Louis the Debonnaire_ to the Christians of Merida
+(826).
+ Sidenote: Florez, xiii. 416.
+
+(_h_.) _Etdogius_, priest of Cordova, and bishop-designate of Toledo.
+Died 859.
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxv. 703-966.
+
+ Letter to Alvar, sending his book.
+
+ "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins
+ and Martyrs, Oct. 851.
+
+ Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis
+ Sanctorum Liber," 3 books.
+
+ "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857).
+
+ "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae."
+
+(_i_.) _Alvar_, Paulus,[1] of Cordova, and, according to his letters,
+both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to the
+Pseudo-Luitprand.
+ Sidenote: Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi.
+
+ [1] Robertson says Peter.
+
+ Confessio.
+ Sidenote: pp. 62-81.
+
+ Letter to John of Seville,
+ Sidenote: " 81-88.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 88-91.
+
+ To John of Seville.
+ Sidenote: " 101-129.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 129-141.
+
+ To Speraindeo.
+ Sidenote: "Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148.
+
+ To Romanus, a doctor (860).
+ Sidenote: " 151-156.
+
+ To Saul of Cordova.
+ Sidenote: " 164-165.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 167-171.
+
+ To Eleazar, a transgressor.
+ Sidenote: " 171-177.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 178-189.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 189-217.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 218-219.
+
+ To Eulogius.
+ Sidenote: " 291-292.
+
+ To Eulogius.
+ Sidenote: " 296-299.
+
+ Life of Eulogius.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, x. 593 ff.
+
+ Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda
+ sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem
+ omnis vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit."
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. 219-275.[1]
+
+ [1] Ascribed by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of
+ Toledo. Morales doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no
+ mention of Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where _praesul_ is spoken
+ of.
+
+(_k_.) _John of Seville_.
+
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ Sidenote: Florez, xi. pp. 91-101.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, 142-147.
+
+(_l_.) _Speraindeo_, Abbot, flourished 820.
+
+ Letter to Alvar (853).
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, 148-151.
+
+(_m_.) _Saul_ of Cordova.
+
+ Letter to other Bishops.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xi. pp. 156-164.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 165-167.
+
+(_n_.) _Eleazar_, an apostate to Judaism.
+
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ Sidenote: " 177-178.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 189, 190.
+
+ To the Same.
+ Sidenote: " 217, 218.
+
+(_o_.) _Leovigildus_, priest of Cordova, flourished 860. "De habitu
+Clericorum."
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxxi. p. 565.
+
+(_p_.) _Cyprianus_, arch-priest of Cordova. "Epigrammata." Sidenote:
+_Ibid._, p. 567.
+
+(_q_.) _Samson_, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot of the Monastery
+of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or Epitaph of Cyprianus.)
+"Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan. 1, 863).
+
+(_r_.) _Jonas Aurelianensis_. "De cultu imaginum." An Answer to
+Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842).
+ Sidenote: Florez, xi. 300-516.
+
+(_s_.) _De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii_ Monachi, Aurelii et
+Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore _Aimoino_ monacho: from
+Usuard and Odilard, monks.
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff.
+
+(_t_.) _Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis_ (died 973), by John, Abbot of
+St Arnulph.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310.
+
+(_u_.) _John of Cirita_, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671.
+
+(_v_.) _Life of St Rudesindus._
+ Sidenote: Florez, xviii. 379 ff.
+
+(_w._) _Passio St Nicholai Alsamae_ regis filii et sociorum martyrum qui
+passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous account.
+ Sidenote: Florez, xiv., 392.
+
+(_x._) _Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae_ et comitum eius qui passi
+sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii.
+ Sidenote: Florez.
+
+(_y._) _Life of Beatus_, by an anonymous author. Not very
+trustworthy,--_e.g._, death of Elipandus placed in 798 (sec. 8):
+mythical council mentioned (sec. 7).
+ Sidenote: Migne, xcvi. 890-894
+
+And the following _Charters_, etc.:--
+
+ Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826.
+ Sidenote: Florez, xvii. 244.
+
+ Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xviii. 312.
+
+ Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 397.
+
+Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de Logio a
+parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927.
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, xvii. 326
+
+
+II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:--
+
+(1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par _Loys de Mayerne Turguet_. Book
+xvi. (1608.)
+ Sidenote: Schott.
+
+(2.) _John de Mariana_.[1] "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated
+from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.)
+
+ [1] Dr Dunham says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in
+ oblivion. No one reads it in Spain."
+
+(3.) _Fleury_, "History of the Church," translated from the French.
+(1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff.
+
+(4.) _Morales_. "Remarks on the State of the Christian Religion under
+the Arabs at Cordova."
+ Sidenote: Migne, cxv. p. 917.
+
+(5.) _Froben_. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et Felicis."
+ Sidenote: _Ibid._, 305-336.
+
+(6.) _Enhueber's_ "Dissertation against Walchius' view of Adoptionism."
+Sidenote: _Ibid._, 338-438.
+
+(7.) _Dunham_. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner), 1832. Buckle,
+"Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this history, very
+extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history in the English
+language of a foreign modern country." It certainly has the merit--no
+small one in so confused a period--of being clear and succinct; but he
+has a bias against the Moors.
+
+(8.) _W.H. Prescott_. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent work. The
+parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the Introduction and
+chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is the want of direct
+citations of authorities used.
+
+(9.) _Hardwicke's_ "History of the Christian Church in the Middle Ages,"
+1853.
+
+(10.) The Abbe _Rohrbacher_. "Histoire Universelle de l'Eglise
+Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii.
+
+(11.) _Neander_. "General History of the Christian Religion and Church"
+(Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475; vol. vi. 119-132.
+
+(12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des
+Arabes," par _M. Cardonne_. 3 vols., 1765. A history based chiefly on
+Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde (Pref., p. 14) and
+Murphy (notes, passim) have shown.
+
+(13.) _Dozy_. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' a la conquete de
+l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols., Leyden, 1861. An
+invaluable history of the time, being both lucid and thorough.
+
+(14.) _E.A. Freeman_. "History and Conquests of the Saracens." Six
+lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated rather as a [Greek:
+parergon] in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate writer, with a
+strong bias, however, against chivalry (see Lecture v., p. 182).
+
+(15.) _Ockley_. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in
+the Chandos Classics).
+
+(16.) _Gibbon_. The parts relating to the Saracens are conveniently
+reprinted in the "Chandos Classics."
+
+(17.) _Robertson's_ "History of the Christian Church." Vol. iii.
+
+(18.) _Milman's_ "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix.
+
+(19.) _Stanley_. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect.
+viii.
+
+(20.) _Hallam's_ "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry).
+
+(21.) _Geddes_. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his Miscellaneous Tracts.
+1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found at Granada in 1588; and View
+of Court of Inquisition in Portugal.
+
+(22.) _Lecky's_ "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in Europe."
+2 vols.
+
+(23.) _Buckle_. "History of Civilisation in England," chap. viii.
+"Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries." Vol. ii. pp.
+425-597.
+
+(24.) _Carlyle_. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet."
+
+(25.) _C.M. Yonge_. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden Treasury"
+Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate in facts. To give
+one instance only out of many--The authoress says (p. 29), that Ali, the
+son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled and died in battle. It is well known
+(Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that he did neither.
+
+(26.) _R. Bosworth Smith._ "Mohammed and Mohammedanism." 1874. A
+brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity being extolled in
+theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too forcibly reminded of
+"Brutus is an honourable man." His own accusation of others falls upon
+himself. P. 61, he says--"Most other writers have approached the subject
+only to prove a thesis. Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor:
+they have held a brief for the prosecution or the defence."
+
+(27.) _S. Lane-Poole._ "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the Nations"
+Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De Gayangos'
+translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle of the Cid," and
+Washington Irving's "Granada."
+
+(28.) _Blunt._ "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools of Thought."
+1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the Adoptionists, and others I have
+found very useful. There is, however, nothing said of the
+Priscillianists (of Spain), or the Druses.
+
+(29.) _Hughes._ "Dictionary of Islam."
+
+(30.) _The Koran._ Sale's edition.
+
+(31.) _Encyclopaedia Metropolitana._ Vol. xi.
+
+(32.) _Encyclopaedia Britannica._ Article on Averroes.
+
+
+III. POETRY:--
+
+(_a._) _Lockhart's_ "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint, with Introduction,
+in the "Chandos Classics."
+
+(_b._) _Southey's_ "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted, with Introduction,
+in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable
+translation.
+
+(_c._) _Southey's_ "Roderic," with many interesting notes.
+
+(_d._) _Scott's_ "Don Roderic."
+
+
+IV. REFERRED TO:--
+
+(_a._) _Romey._ "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols.
+
+(_b._) _Reinaud._ "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836.
+
+(_c._) _Moshieim._ "Institutes of Ecclesiastical History." Translated
+by Murdoch. 1845.
+
+
+PRINTED BY
+
+TURNBULL AND SPEARS,
+
+EDINBURGH.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain
+(756-1031), by Charles Reginald Haines
+
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+by Charles Reginald Haines
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Christianity and Islam in Spain (756-1031)
+
+Author: Charles Reginald Haines
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2005 [EBook #15262]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Turgut Dincer, Leonard Johnson and
+the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+ <h1>
+ <br />
+ </h1>
+ <h1 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM
+ </h1>
+ <h1 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ IN SPAIN
+ </h1>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ A.D. 756-1031
+ </h2>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <div style="text-align: center;">
+ BY
+ <br />
+ </div>
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ C.R. HAINES, M.A.
+ </h2>
+ <p style="text-align: center;">
+ <font size="-1">AUTHOR OF "ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE";
+ "EDUCATION AND MISSIONS";</font>
+ </p>
+ <div style="text-align: center;"></div>
+ <p style="text-align: center;">
+ <font size="-1">&nbsp;"VERSIONS IN VERSE."</font>
+ </p>
+ <p style="text-align: center;">
+ <font size="-1"><br />
+ <br /></font>
+ </p>
+ <hr style="height: 2px; width: 50%;" />
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ LONDON
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH &amp;CO., PATERNOSTER SQUARE
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ 1889
+ </h3>
+ <p>[Note: While there is only one Chapter IX in the Table of Contents,
+ there are two in text. I believe the first was meant to be part of
+ Chapter VIII.]</p>
+
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Invasion of Spain by the barbarians—Its easy conquest—Quarrels
+ among the conquerors—Departure of the Vandals—Visigoths gain the
+ supremacy—Conflict with Eastern Empire—Reduction of the Suevi—All
+ Spain becomes Gothic—Approach of Saracens—Planting of
+ Christianity in Spain—St James—Gospel first preached at
+ Elvira—Irenaeus—Persecutions—Martyrs —Council of Elvira—Council
+ of Nice—Number of Christians—Paganism
+ proscribed—Julian—Arianism—Ulphilas—Conversion of
+ barbarians—Degeneracy of religion—Priscillian—His heresy
+ condemned—Priscillian burnt—Paganism, in Spain—The Gothic
+ Government—Church and State —Power of king—Election of
+ bishops—Arianism of Goths—Ermenegild—Bigotry in
+ Spain—Jews—Influence of clergy—Of the pope ......1-11
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Period of Gothic rule—Degeneracy of Goths—Causes of their
+ fall—Battle of Guadalete—Resistance of towns—Theodomir—Remnant in
+ the North—Mohammedanism—Its rise and progress—Reduction of
+ Africa—Siege of Constantinople—Attacks on Spain—Tarif—Arabs in
+ Gaul—Anarchy in Spain—Christians in the North—Clemency of the
+ Arabs—Treaties—Conquest easy—Rhapsodies of
+ Isidore—Slaves—Jews—Impartiality of Arab governors—Khalifate
+ established—Feuds of Arabs and Berbers—Revolt of Berbers—Syrian
+ Arabs—Settlement of Arabs—Effect of Berber wars ......11-25
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Landing of Abdurrahman—Khalifate of Cordova—Condition of
+ Christians —Proselytism—Apostates—Arabs and Spaniards—Evidence of
+ Christian writers—Condition of the people—Serfs—No revolts—No
+ solidarity with the Christians in the North—Relations wkh Arabs
+ at first friendly—The jehad in Spain—Martyrs in battle—Fabulous
+ martyr—Anambad, first martyr—Peter of Najuma—No other till
+ 824—John and Adulphus —Causes of Martyrdoms—Amalgamation of the
+ two peoples—Intermarriage —Children of mixed parents—Nunilo and
+ Alodia—Mania for martyrdom—Voluntary martyrdoms—The Spanish
+ confessors—Threatened deterioration in the Church—Christianity
+ infected with Moslem customs —Religious fervour in
+ convents—Fanaticism, of monks—Fresh martyrs —Perfectus, John,
+ Isaac—Arab inability to understand the motives of these
+ martyrs—Causes of fanaticism—Sanctus—Peter—Walabonsus, etc
+ ......25-40
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Flora and Maria—Their adventures—Trial—Meet Eulogius in
+ prison—Their execution—Other martyrs—Hidden Christians—Aurelius,
+ Sabigotha, etc —Plan for procuring martyrdom—Miracle in
+ prison—Execution—Other martyrs—Death of Abdurrahman II.—Mohammed
+ I.—Martyrs—Prodigy upon their execution—Outrage in a
+ mosque—Punishment of offenders—Apprehension of king—Meditates a
+ persecution—Even a massacre—Series of martyrdoms—Cloister of
+ Tabanos suppressed—Columba, Pomposa—Abundius a true martyr—Others
+ martyred—Censor of Cordova—Persecution and death of
+ Ruderic—Eulogius—Parentage and antecedents—Opposes amalgamation
+ of Arabs and Christians—Encourages learning of
+ Latin—Imprisonment—Elected Bishop of Toledo—Again
+ imprisoned—Trial—Execution—His relics ......40-54
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Doubtful martyrs—No persecution raging—The Muzarabes—Churches in
+ Cordova—Arab description of a church—Monasteries outside the
+ city—Voluntary martyrs, chiefly from Cordova—No ferment at
+ Elvira—Enthusiasts not a large body—Their leaders—The moderate
+ party—Objections against the martyrs—Voluntary martyrdoms
+ forbidden by the Church—Answer of apologists—Evidence as to
+ persecution—Apologists inconsistent—Eulogius and Alvar—Reviling
+ of Mohammed—Martyrs worked no miracles—Defence of apologists
+ illogical—Martyrs put to death not by idolaters—Death without
+ torture—Their bodies corrupted—Moslem taunts—Effect of martyrdoms
+ on the Moslems—Prohibition of relics—Traffic in relics—They work
+ miracles—Relics taken from Spain to France —Expedition of monks
+ for that purpose—St Vincent's body—Relics of George, Aurelius,
+ etc., carried off—Return to France—Measures of the moderate
+ party—Of the Moslems—Reccafredus—supported by the majority of
+ Christians—Fanatics coerced—Anathematized—Action of king—Suspects
+ political movement—Revolt at Toledo—Grand Council—Measures
+ against zealots—Meditated persecution—The extreme party broken
+ up—Apostasies—Reason of these—The exceptor Gomez—The decision of
+ the Council—Cessation of martyrdoms ......54-73
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ National party—Revolt of Spaniards against Arabs—Martyrs in
+ battle— Martyrdoms under Abdurrahman III.—Pelagius—Argentea—The
+ monks of Cardena—Eugenia—No real persecution under the Great
+ Khalif— General view of Christian Church in Spain under
+ Abdurrahman II.— Civil position of Christians—Councils—Neglect of
+ Latin—Arabic compulsory —Protests of Alvar, etc.—Latin
+ forgotten—Cultivation of Moslem learning—Moslem theology—Church
+ abuses—Simony—Breach of canons —Unworthy priests—Rival
+ pastors—Heresy in the Church—Depravity of clergy—Their
+ apostasy—Their deposition—Muzarabes—Free Christians in the
+ North—The Church in the North—Its dangerous position—Cut short by
+ Almanzor—Clergy oppress Christians—Count of Cordova—Ill-treats
+ the Christians—Councils—Held by Elipandus—By Reccafredus—By
+ Hostegesis—Jews and Moslems summoned—Council held by Basilius
+ ...... 73-86
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Khalifate saved by Abdurrahman III.—Commander of the Faithful—His
+ character—Embassy to the Emperor of the West—Return embassy—John
+ of Gorz—Detained in Cordova—Messengers from the king—Cause of
+ detention—John of Gorz and John of Cordova—The king's
+ threats—Dead-lock —Fresh embassy to Otho—A second embassy from
+ Otho—First embassy received—Condescension of Sultan—Tolerance of
+ Moslems— Mohammed's injunctions—Tolerant Mohammedan rulers
+ elsewhere— Alcuin—Arnold of Citeaux—Bernard, Archbishop of
+ Toledo—Christians tolerated, even encouraged—"Officer of
+ protection"—Christian courts— Censors—Sclavonian bodyguard—Arab
+ pride of race—Partial Amalgamation of races—Alliances between
+ Arabs and Christians—Intermarriages— Offspring of these—The
+ maiden tribute—Evidence in its favour—No
+ myth—Conversions—Mohammedan view of apostasy ...... 86-98
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Arab factions—Berbers—Spaniards—Muwallads—Despised by
+ Arabs—Revolts at Cordova, &amp;c.—Intrigues with the
+ Franks—Letter of Louis—Revolt of Toledo—Christians and Muwallads
+ make common cause—Omar —Begins life as a
+ bandit—Captured—Escapes—Heads the national party— Becomes a
+ Christian—Utterly defeated—Muwallads desert him—Death of
+ Omar—Stronghold of Bobastro captured—End of rebellion—Christians
+ under Abdurrahman III.—Almanzor—Anarchy—End of
+ Khalifate—<a href="#CHAPTER_VIIIa">Knowledge of Christianity</a> and Mohammedanism slight
+ among those of the opposite creed—Christian writers on
+ Islam—Eulogius—Mohammed's relation to Christianity—Alvar—Unfair
+ to Mohammed—His ignorance of the Koran —Prophecy of
+ Daniel.—Moslem knowledge of Christianity—Mistaken idea of the
+ Trinity—Ibn Hazm—St James of Compostella ...... 98-114
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Traces of amalgamation of religions—Instances elsewhere—Essential
+ differences of Islam and Christianity—Compromise
+ attempted—Influence of Islam, over Christianity—Innovating spirit
+ in Spain—Heresy in Septimania—Its possible connection with
+ Mohammedanism—Migetian heresy as to the Trinity—Its approach to
+ the Mohammedan doctrine—Other similar heresies—Adoptionism—Our
+ knowledge of it—Whence derived—Connection with Islam—Its author
+ or authors—Probably Elipandus—His opponents—His
+ character—Independence—Jealousy of the Free Church in the
+ North—Nature of Adoptionism—Not a revival of Nestorianism—Origin
+ of the name—Arose from inadvertence—Felix—His arguments—Alcuin's
+ answers—Christ, the Son of God by adoption—Unity of Persons
+ acknowledged—First mention of theory—Adrian—-Extension of
+ heresy—Its opponents—Felix amenable to Church
+ discipline—Elipandus under Arab rule—Councils—Of
+ Narbonne—Friuli—Ratisbon—Felix abjures his heresy—Alcuin—Council
+ of Frankfort—Heresy anathematized —Councils of Rome and Aix—Felix
+ again recants—Alcuin's book—Elipandus and Felix die in their
+ error—Summary of evidence connecting adoptionism with
+ Mohammedanism—Heresy of Claudius—-Iconoclasm Libri
+ Carolini—Claudius, bishop of Turin—Crusade against
+ image-worship—His opponents—Arguments—Independence—Summoned
+ before a Council—Refuses to attend—Albigensian heresy ......
+ 114-136
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Mutual influences of the two creeds—Socially and
+ intellectually—"No monks in Islam"—Faquirs—The conventual system
+ adopted by the Arabs—Arab account of a convent—Moslem nuns—Islam
+ Christianised—-Christian spirit in Mohammedanism—Arab
+ magnanimity—Moslem miracles—-like Christian ones—Enlightened
+ Moslems—Philosophy—Freethinkers—Theologians—Almanzor—Moslem
+ sceptics—Averroes—The faquis or theologians—Sect of Malik ibn
+ Ans—Power of theologians—-Decay of Moslem customs—Wine
+ drunk—Music cultivated—Silk worn—Statues set up—Turning towards
+ Mecca—Eating of sow's flesh—Enfranchisement of Moslem
+ women—Love—Distinguished women—-Women in mosques—At
+ tournaments—Arab love-poem—Treatise on love ...... 136-148
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Influence of Mohammedanism—Circumcision of Christians—-Even of a
+ bishop —Customs retained for contrast—Cleanliness rejected as
+ peculiar to Moslems— Celibacy of clergy—Chivalry—Origin—Derived
+ from Arabs— Favoured by state of Spain—Spain the cradle of
+ chivalry—Arab chivalry —Qualifications for a knight—Rules of
+ knighthood—The Cid—Almanzor—His generosity—Justice—Moslem
+ military orders—Holy wars—Christianity Mohammedanized—The
+ "Apotheosis of chivalry"—Chivalry a sort of religion—Social
+ compromise—Culminates in the Crusades ..... 149-156
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ APPENDICES.
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX A.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Jews persecuted by Goths—Help the Saracens—Numbers—Jews in
+ France—Illtreated—Accusations against—Eleazar, an
+ apostate—Incites the Spanish Moslems against the
+ Christians—Intellectual development of Jews in Spain—Come to be
+ disliked by Arabs—Jews and the Messiah—Judaism
+ deteriorated—Contact with Islam—Civil position—Jews at
+ Toledo—Christian persecution of
+ Jews—Massacre—Expulsion—Conversion—The "Mala Sangre"—The
+ Inquisition ...... 156-161
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a href="#APPENDIX_B">APPENDIX B.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Spain and the papal power—Early independence—Early importance of
+ Spanish Church—Arian Spain—Orthodox Spain—Increase of papal
+ influence—Independent spirit of king and clergy—Quarrel with the
+ pope—Arab invasion—Papal authority in the North—Crusade
+ preached—Intervention of the pope—St James' relics—Claudius of
+ Turin—Rejection of pope's claims—Increase of pope's power in
+ Spain—Appealed to against Muzarabes—Errors of Migetius—Keeping of
+ Easter—Eating of pork—Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems—Fasting
+ on Sundays—Elipandus withstands the papal claims—Upholds
+ intercourse with Arabs—Rejects papal supremacy—Advance of
+ Christians in the North—Extension of power of the pope—Gothic
+ liturgy suspected—Suppressed—Authority of pope over king—Appeals
+ from the king to the pope—Rupture with the Roman See—Resistance
+ of sovereign and barons to the pope—Inquisition
+ established—Victims—Moriscoes persecuted—Reformation stamped
+ out—Subjection of Spanish Church ...... 161-173
+ </p>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ LIST OF AUTHORITIES
+ </h3>
+ <p style="margin-right: 40px;">
+ ...... 175-182
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE GOTHS IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Just about the time when the Romans withdrew from Britain,
+ leaving so many of their possessions behind them, the Suevi,
+ Alani, and Vandals, at the invitation of Gerontius, the Roman
+ governor of Spain, burst into that province over the unguarded
+ passes of the Pyrenees.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Close on their steps followed the Visigoths;
+ whose king, taking in marriage Placidia, the sister of Honorius,
+ was acknowledged by the helpless emperor independent ruler of
+ such parts of Southern Gaul and Spain as he could conquer and
+ keep for himself. The effeminate and luxurious provincials
+ offered practically no resistance to the fierce Teutons. No
+ Arthur arose among them, as among the warlike Britons of our own
+ island; no Viriathus even, as in the struggle for independence
+ against the Roman Commonwealth. Mariana, the Spanish historian,
+ asserts that they preferred the rule of the barbarians. However
+ this may be, the various tribes that invaded the country found no
+ serious opposition among the Spaniards: the only fighting was
+ between themselves—for the spoil. Many years of warfare were
+ necessary to decide this important question of supremacy.
+ Fortunately for Spain, the Vandals, who seem to have been the
+ fiercest horde and under the ablest leader, rapidly forced their
+ way southward, and, passing on to fresh conquests, crossed the
+ Straits of Gibraltar in 429: not, however, before they had
+ utterly overthrown their rivals, the Suevi, on the river Baetis,
+ and had left an abiding record of their brief stay in the name
+ Andalusia.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Inter
+ barbaros pauperem libertatem quam inter Romanos tributariam
+ sollicitudinem sustinere."—Mariana, apud Dunham, vol i.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ For a time it seemed likely that the Suevi, in spite of their
+ late crushing defeat, would subject to themselves the whole of
+ Spain, but under Theodoric II. and Euric, the Visigoths
+ definitely asserted their superiority. Under the latter king the
+ Gothic domination in Spain may be said to have begun about ten
+ years before the fall of the Western Empire. But the Goths were
+ as yet by no means in possession of the whole of Spain. A large
+ part of the south was held by imperialist troops; for, though the
+ Western Empire had been extinguished in 476, the Eastern emperor
+ had succeeded by inheritance to all the outlying provinces, which
+ had even nominally belonged to his rival in the West. Among these
+ was some portion of Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was not till 570, the year in which Mohammed was born, that a
+ king came to the Gothic throne strong enough to crush the Suevi
+ and to reduce the imperialist garrisons in the South; and it was
+ not till 622, the very year of the Flight from Mecca, that a
+ Gothic king, Swintila, finally drove out all the Emperor's
+ troops, and became king in reality of all Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Scarcely had this been well done, when we perceive the first
+ indications of the advent of a far more terrible foe, the rumours
+ of whose irresistible prowess had marched before them. The dread,
+ which the Arabs aroused even in distant Spain as early as a
+ century after the birth of Mohammed, may be appreciated from the
+ despairing lines of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Toledo:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"Hei mihi! quam timeo, ne nos
+ malus implicet error,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Demur et infandis gentibus
+ opprobrio!</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Africa plena viris bellacibus
+ arma minatur,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 4em;">Inque dies victrix gens Agarena
+ furit."</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Before giving an account of the Saracen invasion and its results,
+ it will be well to take a brief retrospect of the condition of
+ Christianity in Spain under the Gothic domination, and previous
+ to the advent of the Moslems.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Migne's
+ "Patrologie," vol. xcvi. p. 814.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There can be no doubt that Christianity was brought very early
+ into Spain by the preaching, as is supposed, of St Paul himself,
+ who is said to have made a missionary journey through Andalusia,
+ Valencia, and Aragon. On the other hand, there are no grounds
+ whatever for supposing that James, the brother of John, ever set
+ foot in Spain. The "invention" of his remains at Ira Flavia in
+ the 9th century, together with the story framed to account for
+ their presence in a remote corner of Spain so far from the scene
+ of the Apostle's martyrdom, is a fable too childish to need
+ refutation.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The honour of first hearing the Gospel message has been claimed
+ (but, it seems, against probability) for Illiberis.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However that may be, the early
+ establishment of Christianity in Spain is attested by Irenæus,
+ who appeals to the Spanish Church as retaining the primitive
+ doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The long roll of Spanish
+ martyrs begins in the persecution of Domitian (95 A.D.) with the
+ name of Eugenius, bishop of Toledo. In most of the succeeding
+ persecutions Spain furnished her full quota of martyrs, but she
+ suffered most under Diocletian (303). It was in this emperor's
+ reign that nearly all the inhabitants of Cæsar Augusta were
+ treacherously slaughtered on the sole ground of their being
+ Christians; thus earning for their native city from the Christian
+ poet Prudentius,<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> the proud title of "patria sanctorum
+ martyrum."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Florez,
+ "España Sagrada," vol. iii. pp. 361 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Irenæus, Bk.
+ I. ch. x. 2 (A.D. 186).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> 348-402 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The persecution of Diocletian, though the fiercest, was at the
+ same time the last, which afflicted the Church under the Roman
+ Empire. Diocletian indeed proclaimed that he had blotted out the
+ very name of Christian and abolished their hateful superstition.
+ This even to the Romans must have seemed an empty boast, and the
+ result of Diocletian's efforts only proved the truth of the old
+ maxim—"the blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Spanish Christians about this time<a name="FNanchor_1_6" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_6" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> held the first ecclesiastical council whose
+ acts have come down to us. This Council of Illiberis, or Elvira,
+ was composed of nineteen bishops and thirty-six presbyters, who
+ passed eighty canons.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_6" id="Footnote_1_6"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_6"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The date is
+ doubtful. Blunt, "Early Christianity," p. 209, places it
+ between 314 and 325, though in a hesitating manner. Other dates
+ given are 300 and 305.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The imperial edict of toleration was issued in 313, and in 325
+ was held the first General Council of the Church under the
+ presidency of the emperor, Constantine, himself an avowed
+ Christian. Within a quarter of a century of the time when
+ Diocletian had boasted that he had extirpated the Christian name,
+ it has been computed that nearly one half of the inhabitants of
+ his empire were Christians.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The toleration, so long clamoured for, so lately conceded, was in
+ 341 put an end to by the Christians themselves, and Pagan
+ sacrifices were prohibited. So inconsistent is the conduct of a
+ church militant and a church triumphant! In 388, after a brief
+ eclipse under Julian, Christianity was formally declared by the
+ Senate to be the established religion of the Roman Empire.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But the security, or rather predominance, thus suddenly acquired
+ by the church, resting as it did in part upon royal favour and
+ court intrigue, did not tend to the spiritual advancement of
+ Christianity. Almost coincident with the Edict of Milan was the
+ appearance of Arianism, which, after dividing the Church against
+ itself for upwards of half-a-century, and almost succeeding at
+ one time in imposing itself on the whole Church,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_7" id="FNanchor_1_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_7"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> finally under the missionary zeal of
+ Ulphilas found a new life among the barbarian nations that were
+ pressing in upon all the northern boundaries of the Empire,
+ ready, like eagles, to swoop down and feast upon her mighty
+ carcase.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_7" id="Footnote_1_7"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_7"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> At the
+ Council of Rimini in 360. "Ingemuit totus orbis," says Jerome,
+ "et Arianum se esse miratus est."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Most of these barbaric hordes, like the Goths and the Vandals,
+ adopted the semi-Arian Christianity first preached to them by
+ Ulphilas towards the close of the fourth century. Consequently
+ the nations that forced their way into Southern Gaul, and over
+ the Pyrenees into Spain, were, nominally at least, Christians of
+ the Arian persuasion. The extreme importance to Spain of the fact
+ of their being Christians at all will be readily apprehended by
+ contrasting the fate of the Spanish provincials with that which
+ befell the Christian and Romanized Britons at the hands of our
+ own Saxon forefathers only half-a-century later.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile the Church in Spain, like the Church elsewhere, freed
+ from the quickening and purifying influences of persecution, had
+ lost much of its ancient fervour. Gladiatorial shows and
+ lascivious dances on the stage began to be tolerated even by
+ Christians, though they were denounced by the more devout as
+ incompatible with the profession of the Christian faith.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Spain also furnishes us with the first melancholy spectacle of
+ Christian blood shed by Christian hands. Priscillian, bishop of
+ Avila, was led into error by his intercourse with an Egyptian
+ gnostic. What his error exactly was is not very clear, but it
+ seems to have comprised some of the erroneous doctrines
+ attributed to Manes and Sabellius. In 380, the new heresy, with
+ which two other bishops besides Priscillian became infected, was
+ condemned at a council held at Saragoza, and by another held five
+ years later at Bordeaux. Priscillian himself and six other
+ persons were executed with tortures at the instigation of
+ Ithacius,<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> bishop of Sossuba, and
+ Idacius, bishop of Merida, in spite of the protests of Martin of
+ Tours and others. The heresy itself, however, was not thus
+ stamped out, and continued in Spain until long after the Gothic
+ conquest.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is some reason for supposing that at the time of the Gothic
+ invasion Spain was still in great part Pagan, and that it
+ continued to be so during the whole period of Gothic
+ domination.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Some Pagans undoubtedly
+ lingered on even as late as the end of the sixth century,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_10" id="FNanchor_3_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_10"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but that there were any large numbers of
+ them as late as the eighth century is improbable.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Dr Dunham, who has given a clear and concise account of the
+ Gothic government in Spain, calls it the "most accursed that ever
+ existed in Europe."<a name="FNanchor_4_11" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_11" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> This is too sweeping a statement, though it
+ must be allowed that the haughty exclusiveness of the Gothic
+ nobles rendered their yoke peculiarly galling, while the position
+ of their slaves was wretched beyond all example. However, it is
+ not to their civil administration that we wish now to draw
+ attention, but rather to the relations of Church and State under
+ a Gothic administration which was at first Arian and subsequently
+ orthodox.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Milman,
+ "Latin Christianity," vol. iii. p. 60.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 44, quotes in support of this the second canon of the Sixteenth
+ Council of Toledo.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_10" id="Footnote_3_10"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_10"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mason, a
+ bishop of Merida, was said to have baptized a Pagan as late as
+ this.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_11" id="Footnote_4_11"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_11"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dunham's
+ "Hist. of Spain," vol. i. p. 210.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The Government, which began with being of a thoroughly military
+ character, gradually tended to become a theocracy—a result due in
+ great measure to the institution of national councils, which were
+ called by the king, and attended by all the chief ecclesiastics
+ of the realm. Many of the nobles and high dignitaries of the
+ State also took part in these assemblies, though they might not
+ vote on purely ecclesiastical matters. These councils, of which
+ there were nineteen in all (seventeen held at Toledo, the Gothic
+ capital, and two elsewhere), gradually assumed the power of
+ ratifying the election of the king, and of dictating his
+ religious policy. Thus by the Sixth Council of Toledo (canon
+ three) it was enacted that all kings should swear "not to suffer
+ the exercise of any other religion than the Catholic, and to
+ vigorously enforce the law against all dissentients, especially
+ against that accursed people the Jews." The fact of the monarchy
+ becoming elective<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> no doubt contributed a good deal to throwing
+ the power into the hands of the clergy.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Dr Dunham remarks that these councils tended to make the bishops
+ subservient to the court, but surely the evidence points the
+ other way. On the whole it was the king that lost power, though
+ no doubt as a compensation he gained somewhat more authority over
+ Church matters. He could, for instance, issue temporary
+ regulations with regard to Church discipline. Witiza, one of the
+ last of the Gothic kings, seems even to have authorized, or at
+ least encouraged, the marriage of his clergy.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The king could preside in cases of
+ appeal in purely ecclesiastical affairs; and we know that Recared
+ I. (587-601) and Sisebert (612-621) did in fact exercise this
+ right. He also gained the power of nominating and translating
+ bishops; but it is not clear when this privilege was first
+ conceded to the king.<a name="FNanchor_3_14" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_14" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The Fourth Council of Toledo (633) enacted
+ that a bishop should be elected by the clergy and people of his
+ city, and that his election should be approved by the
+ metropolitan and synod of his province: while the Twelfth
+ Council, held forty-eight years later, evidently recognizes the
+ validity of their appointment by royal warrant alone. Some have
+ referred this innovation back to the despotic rule of Theodoric
+ the Ostrogoth, at the beginning of the sixth century; others to
+ the sudden accumulation of vacant sees on the fall of Arianism in
+ Spain. Another important power possessed by the kings was that of
+ convoking these national councils, and confirming their acts.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> In 531 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Monk of
+ Silo, sec. 14, who follows Sebastian of Salamanca; Robertson,
+ iii. 6. We learn from the "Chron. Sil," sec. 27, that Fruela
+ (757-768) forbade the marriage of clergy. But these accounts of
+ Witiza's reign are all open to suspicion.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_14" id="Footnote_3_14"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_14"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Robertson,
+ "Hist. of Christian Church," vol. iii. p. 183.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The sudden surrender of their Arianism by the Gothic king and
+ nobles is a noticeable phenomenon. All the barbarian races that
+ invaded Spain at the beginning of the fifth century were
+ inoculated with the Arian heresy. Of these the Vandals carried
+ their Arianism, which proved to be of a very persecuting type,
+ into Africa. The Suevi, into which nation the Alani, under the
+ pressure of a common enemy, had soon been absorbed, gave up their
+ Arianism for the orthodox faith about 560. The Visigoths,
+ however, remained Arians until a somewhat later period—until 589
+ namely, when Recared I., the son of Leovigild, held a national
+ council and solemnly abjured the creed of his forefathers, his
+ example being followed by many of his nobles and bishops.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Visigoths, while they remained Arian, were on the whole
+ remarkably tolerant<a name="FNanchor_1_15" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_15" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> towards both Jews and Catholics, though we
+ have instances to the contrary in the cases of Euric and
+ Leovigild, who are said to have persecuted the orthodox party.
+ The latter king, indeed, who was naturally of a mild and
+ forgiving temper, was forced into harsh measures by the unfilial
+ and traitorous conduct of his son Ermenegild. If the latter had
+ been content to avow his conversion to orthodoxy without entering
+ into a treasonable rebellion in concert with the Suevi and
+ Imperialists against his too indulgent father, there is every
+ reason to think that Leovigild would have taken no measures
+ against him. Even after a second rebellion the king offered to
+ spare his son's life—which was forfeit to the State—on condition
+ that he renounced his newly-adopted creed, and returned to the
+ Arian fold. His reason—a very intelligible one—no doubt was that
+ he might put an end to the risk of a third rebellion by
+ separating his son effectually from the intriguing party of
+ Catholics. To call Ermenegild a martyr because he was put to
+ death under such circumstances is surely an abuse of words.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_15" id="Footnote_1_15"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_15"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lecky,
+ "Rise of Rationalism," vol. i. p. 14, note, says that the Arian
+ Goths were intolerant; but there seem to be insufficient
+ grounds for the assertion.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ With the fall of Arianism came a large accession of bigotry to
+ the Spanish Church, as is sufficiently shewn by the canon above
+ quoted from the Sixth Council of Toledo. A subsequent law was
+ even passed forbidding anyone under pain of confiscation of his
+ property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in question the Holy
+ Catholic and Apostolic Church; the Evangelical Institutions; the
+ definitions of the Fathers; the decrees of the Church; and the
+ Sacraments. In the spirit of these enactments, severe measures
+ were taken against the Jews, of whom there were great numbers in
+ Spain. Sisebert (612-621) seems to have been the first systematic
+ persecutor, whose zeal, as even Isidore confesses, was "not
+ according to knowledge."<a name="FNanchor_1_16" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_16" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> A cruel choice was given the Jews between
+ baptism on the one hand, and scourging and destitution on the
+ other. When this proved unavailing, more stringent edicts were
+ enforced against them. Those who under the pressure of
+ persecution consented to be baptised, were forced to swear by the
+ most solemn of oaths that they had in very truth renounced their
+ Jewish faith and abhorred its rites. Those who still refused to
+ conform were subjected to every indignity and outrage. They were
+ obliged to have Christian servants, and to observe Sunday and
+ Easter. They were denied the <i>ius connubii</i> and the <i>ius
+ honorum</i>. Their testimony was invalid in law courts, unless a
+ Christian vouched for their character. Some who still held out
+ were even driven into exile. But this punishment could not have
+ been systematically carried out, for the Saracen invasion found
+ great numbers of Jews still in Spain. As Dozy<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_17" id="FNanchor_2_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_17"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> well says of the persecutors—"On le
+ voulut bien, mais on ne le pouvait pas."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_16" id="Footnote_1_16"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_16"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud
+ Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," vol. vi. p. 502, quoted by Southey,
+ Roderic, p. 255, n. "Sisebertus, qui in initio regni Judaeos ad
+ fidem Christianam permovens, aemulationem quidem habuit, sed
+ non secundum scientiam: potestate enim compulit, quos provocare
+ fidei ratione oportuit. Sed, sicut est scriptum, sive per
+ occasionem sive per veritatem Christus annunciatur, in hoc
+ gaudeo et gaudebo."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_17" id="Footnote_2_17"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_17"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "History of
+ Mussulmans in Spain," vol. ii. p. 26.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Naturally enough, under these circumstances the Jews of Spain
+ turned their eyes to their co-religionists in Africa; but, the
+ secret negotiations between them being discovered, the
+ persecution blazed out afresh, and the Seventeenth Council of
+ Toledo<a name="FNanchor_1_18" id="FNanchor_1_18"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_18" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> decreed that relapsed
+ Jews should be sold as slaves; that their children should be
+ forcibly taken from them; and that they should not be allowed to
+ marry among themselves.<a name="FNanchor_2_19" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_19" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_18" id="Footnote_1_18"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_18"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Canon 8, de
+ damnatione Judaeorum.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_19" id="Footnote_2_19"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_19"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> For the
+ further history of the Jews in Spain, see Appendix A.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ These odious decrees against the Jews must be attributed to the
+ dominant influence of the clergy, who requited the help they thus
+ received from the secular arm by wielding the powers of anathema
+ and excommunication against the political enemies of the
+ king.<a name="FNanchor_1_20" id="FNanchor_1_20"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_20" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover the cordial
+ relations which subsisted between the Church and the State,
+ animated as they were by a strong spirit of independence, enabled
+ the Spanish kings to resist the dangerous encroachments of the
+ Papal power, a subject which has been more fully treated in an
+ Appendix.<a name="FNanchor_2_21" id="FNanchor_2_21"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_21" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_20" id="Footnote_1_20"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_20"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ councils are full of denunciations aimed at the rebels against
+ the king's authority. By the Fourth Council (633) the deposed
+ Swintila was excommunicated.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_21" id="Footnote_2_21"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_21"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Appendix B.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE SARACENS IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The Gothic domination lasted 300 years, and in that comparatively
+ short period we are asked by some writers to believe that the
+ invaders quite lost their national characteristics, and became,
+ like the Spaniards, luxurious and effeminate.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Their haughty exclusiveness, and the
+ fact of their being Arians, may no doubt have tended to keep them
+ for a time separate from, and superior to, the subject
+ population, whom they despised as slaves, and hated as heretics.
+ But when the religious barrier was removed, the social one soon
+ followed, and so completely did the conquerors lose their
+ ascendency, that they even surrendered their own Teutonic tongue
+ for the corrupt Latin of their subjects.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne's
+ "History of Spain," vol. i. p. 62. "Bien différens des leurs
+ ancêtres étoient alors énervés par les plaisirs, la douceur du
+ climat; le luxe et les richesses avoient amolli leur courage et
+ corrompu les moeurs." Cp. Dunham, vol. i. 157.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the Goths had certainly not become so degenerate as is
+ generally supposed. Their Saracen foes did not thus undervalue
+ them. Musa ibn Nosseyr, the organiser of the expedition into
+ Spain, and the first governor of that country under Arab rule,
+ when asked by the Khalif Suleiman for his opinion of the Goths,
+ answered that "they were lords living in luxury and abundance,
+ but champions who did not turn their backs to the enemy."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_23" id="FNanchor_1_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_23"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt that this praise
+ was well deserved. Nor is the comparative ease with which the
+ country was overrun, any proof to the contrary. For that must be
+ attributed to wholesale treachery from one end of the country to
+ the other. But for this the Gothic rulers had only themselves to
+ blame. Their treatment of the Jews and of their slaves made the
+ defection of these two classes of their subjects inevitable.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The old Spanish chroniclers represent the fall of the Gothic
+ kingdom as the direct vengeance of Heaven for the sins of
+ successive kings;<a name="FNanchor_2_24" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_24" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> but on the heads of the clergy, even more than
+ of the king, rests the guilt of their iniquitous and suicidal
+ policy towards the Arians<a name="FNanchor_3_25" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_25" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Jews. The treachery of Julian,<a
+ name="FNanchor_4_26" id= "FNanchor_4_26"></a><a
+ href="#Footnote_4_26" class= "fnanchor">[4]</a> whatever its
+ cause, opened a way for the Arabs into the country by betraying
+ into their hands Ceuta, the key of the Straits. Success in their
+ first serious battle was secured to them by the opportune
+ desertion from the enemy's ranks of the disaffected political
+ party under the sons of the late king Witiza,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_27" id="FNanchor_5_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_27"
+ class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and an archbishop Oppas, who afterwards
+ apostatized; while the rapid subjugation of the whole country was
+ aided and assured by the hosts of ill-used slaves who flocked to
+ the Saracen standards, and by the Jews<a name="FNanchor_6_28" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_28" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> who hailed the Arabs as fellow-Shemites and
+ deliverers from the hated yoke of the uncircumcised Goths.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_23" id="Footnote_1_23"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_23"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ vol. i. p. 297. (De Gayangos' translation).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_24" id="Footnote_2_24"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_24"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Sil.," sec. 17, "recesserat ab Hispania manus Domini ob
+ inveteratam regum malitiam." See above, p. 7, note 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_25" id="Footnote_3_25"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_25"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Arianism
+ lingered on till the middle of the eighth century at least,
+ since Rodrigo of Toledo, iii., sec. 3, says of Alfonso I., that
+ he "extirpavit haeresin Arianam."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_26" id="Footnote_4_26"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_26"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> For Julian,
+ or, more correctly, Ilyan, see De Gayangos' note to Al Makkari,
+ i. p. 537, etc.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_27" id="Footnote_5_27"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_27"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Called
+ Ghittishah by the Arabs. For the Witizan party see "Sebast.
+ Salan," sec. 7; "Chron. Sil.," sec. 15. The daughter of Witiza
+ married a noble Arab. The descendants of the King, under the
+ name Witizani, were known in Spain till the end of the eighth
+ century at least. See Letter of Beatus and Etherius to
+ Elipandus, sec. 61; "Multi hodie ab ipso rege sumunt nomen
+ <i>Witizani</i>, etiam pauperes." See also Al Makkari, ii. 14.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_28" id="Footnote_6_28"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_28"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The Jews
+ garrisoned the taken towns (Al Makkari, i. pp. 280, 282, and De
+ Gayangos' note, p. 531). Even as late as 852 we find the Jews
+ betraying Barcelona to the Moors, who slew nearly all the
+ Christians.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet in spite of all these disadvantages the Goths made a brave
+ stand—as brave, indeed, as our Saxon forefathers against the
+ Normans. The first decisive battle in the South<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_29" id="FNanchor_1_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_29"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> lasted, as some writers have declared,
+ six whole days, and the Arabs were at one time on the point of
+ being driven into the sea. This is apparent from Tarik's address
+ to his soldiers in the heat of battle: "Moslems, conquerors of
+ Africa, whither would you fly? The sea is behind you, and the foe
+ in front. There is no help for you save in your own right
+ hands<a name="FNanchor_2_30" id="FNanchor_2_30"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_30" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the favour of God."
+ Nor must we lay any stress on the disparity of forces on either
+ side, amounting to five to one, for a large proportion of
+ Roderic's army was disaffected. It is probable that only the
+ Goths made a determined stand; and even after such a crushing
+ defeat as they received at Guadalete, and after the loss of their
+ king, the Gothic nobles still offered a stubborn resistance in
+ Merida, Cordova, and elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_3_31" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_31" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of them, Theodomir, after defending
+ himself manfully in Murcia for some time, at last by his valour
+ and address contrived to secure for himself, and even to hand
+ down to his successor Athanagild, a semi-independent rule over
+ that part of Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_29" id="Footnote_1_29"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_29"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Generally
+ called the battle of Guadalete (Wada Lek, see De Gayangos on Al
+ Makk. i. pp. 524, 527), fought either near Xeres or Medina
+ Sidonia.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_30" id="Footnote_2_30"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_30"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Una salus
+ victis nullam sperare salutem." See Al Makk. i. p. 271; Conde
+ i. p. 57 (Bohn's Translation).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_31" id="Footnote_3_31"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_31"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> We must not
+ forget also that the mild and politic conduct of the Saracens
+ towards the towns that surrendered, even after resistance,
+ marvellously facilitated their conquest.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the great proof that the Goths had not lost all their ancient
+ hardihood and nobleness, is afforded by the fact that, when they
+ had been driven into the mountains of the North and West, they
+ seem to have begun at once to organize a fresh resistance against
+ the invaders. The thirty<a name="FNanchor_1_32" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_32" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> wretched barbarians, whom the Arabs thought it
+ unnecessary to pursue into their native fastnesses, soon showed
+ that they had power to sting; and the handful of patriots, who in
+ the cave of Covadonga gathered round Pelayo, a scion of the old
+ Gothic line, soon swelled into an army, and the army into a
+ nation. Within six years of the death of Roderic had begun that
+ onward march of the new Spanish monarchy, which, with the
+ exception of a disastrous twenty-five years at the close of the
+ tenth century, was not destined to retrograde, scarcely even to
+ halt, until it had regained every foot of ground that had once
+ belonged to the Gothic kings.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us turn for a moment to the antecedents of the Arab invaders.
+ History affords no parallel, whether from a religious or
+ political point of view, to the sudden rise of Mohammedanism and
+ the wonderful conquests which it made. "The electric
+ spark<a name="FNanchor_2_33" id="FNanchor_2_33"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_33" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had indeed fallen on
+ what seemed black unnoticeable sand, and lo the sand proved
+ explosive powder and blazed heaven-high from Delhi to Granada!"
+ Mohammed began his preaching in 609, and confined himself to
+ persuasion till 622, the year of the Flight from Mecca. After
+ this a change seems to have come over his conduct, if not over
+ his character, and the Prophet, foregoing the peaceful and more
+ glorious mission of a Heaven-sent messenger, appealed to the
+ human arbitrament of the sword: not with any very marked success,
+ however, the victory of Bedr in 624 being counterbalanced by the
+ defeat of Ohud in in the following year. In 631, Arabia being
+ mostly pacified, the first expedition beyond its boundaries was
+ undertaken under Mohammed's own leadership, but this abortive
+ attempt gave no indications of the astonishing successes to be
+ achieved in the near future. Mohammed himself died in the
+ following year, yet, in spite of this and the consequent revolt
+ of almost all Arabia, within two years Syria was overrun and
+ Damascus taken. Persia, which had contended for centuries on
+ equal terms with Rome, was overthrown in a single campaign. In
+ 637 Jerusalem fell, and the sacred soil of Palestine passed under
+ the yoke of the Saracens. Within three years Alexandria and the
+ rich valley of the Nile were the prize of Amru and his army. The
+ conquest of Egypt only formed the stepping-stone to the reduction
+ of Africa, and the victorious Moslems did not pause in their
+ career until they reached the Atlantic Ocean, and Akbah,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_34" id="FNanchor_3_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_34"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> riding his horse into the sea, sighed
+ for more worlds to conquer. We may be excused perhaps for
+ thinking that it had been well for the inhabitants of the New
+ World, if Fortune had delivered them into the hands of the
+ generous Arabs rather than to the cruel soldiery of Cortes and
+ Pizarro.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_32" id="Footnote_1_32"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_32"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 34. "What are thirty barbarians perched upon a rock? They
+ must inevitably die."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_33" id="Footnote_2_33"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_33"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Carlyle's
+ "Hero Worship" ad finem.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_34" id="Footnote_3_34"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_34"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 37; Gibbon, vi. 348, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 688, that is, in a little more than a generation from the
+ death of Mohammed, the Moslems undertook the siege of
+ Constantinople. Fortunately for the cause of civilisation and of
+ Christendom, this long siege of several years proved
+ unsuccessful, as well as a second attack in 717. But by the
+ latter date the footing in Europe, which the valour of the
+ Byzantines denied them, had already been gained by the expedition
+ into Spain under Tarik in 711. The same year that witnessed the
+ crossing of the Straits of Gibraltar in the West saw also in the
+ East the passage of the Oxus by the eager warriors of Islam.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There seems to be some ground for supposing that the Saracens had
+ attacked Spain even before the time of Tarik. As early as 648, or
+ only one year after the invasion of Africa, an expedition is said
+ to have been made into that country under Abdullah ibn
+ Sa'd,<a name="FNanchor_1_35" id="FNanchor_1_35"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_35" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which resulted in the
+ temporary subjugation of the southern provinces. A second inroad
+ is mentioned by Abulfeda<a name="FNanchor_2_36" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_36" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> as having taken place in Othman's reign
+ (644-656); while for an incursion in the reign of Wamba (671-680)
+ we have the authority of the Spanish historians, Isidore of Beja
+ and Sebastian of Salamanca, the former of whom adds the fact that
+ the Saracens were invited in by Erviga, who afterwards succeeded
+ Wamba on the throne—a story which seems likely enough when read
+ in the light of the subsequent treason of Julian. These earlier
+ attacks, however, seem to have been mere raids, undertaken
+ without an immediate view to permanent conquest.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ By way of retaliation, or with a commendable foresight, the Goths
+ sent help to Carthage when besieged by the Arabs in 695; and,
+ while Julian their general still remained true to his allegiance,
+ they beat off the Saracens from Ceuta. But on the surrender of
+ that fortress the Arabs were enabled to send across the Straits a
+ small reconnoitring detachment of five hundred men under Tarif
+ abu Zarah,<a name="FNanchor_3_37" id="FNanchor_3_37"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_37" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> a Berber. This took
+ place in October 710; but the actual invasion did not occur till
+ April 30, 711, when 12,000 men landed under Tarik ibn Zeyad.
+ There seems to have been a preliminary engagement before the
+ decisive one of Gaudalete (July 19th-26th)—the Gothic general in
+ the former being stated variously to have been Theodomir,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_38" id="FNanchor_4_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_38"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Sancho,<a name="FNanchor_5_39" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_39" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> or Edeco.<a name="FNanchor_6_40" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_40" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_35" id="Footnote_1_35"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_35"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See De
+ Gayangos' note on Al Makkari, i. p. 382.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_36" id="Footnote_2_36"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_36"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annales
+ Moslemici," i. p. 262.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_37" id="Footnote_3_37"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_37"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The names
+ of Tarif ibn Malik abu Zarah and Tarik ibn Zeyad have been
+ confused by all the careless writers on Spanish
+ history—<i>e.g.</i>, Conde, Dunham, Yonge, Southey, etc.; but
+ Gibbon, Freeman, etc., of course do not fall into this error.
+ For Tarif's names see De Gayangos, Al Makk., i. pp. 517, 519;
+ and for Tarik's see "Ibn Abd el Hakem," Jones' translation,
+ note 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_38" id="Footnote_4_38"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_38"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 268; Isidore: Conde, i. 55.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_39" id="Footnote_5_39"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_39"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. 75.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_40" id="Footnote_6_40"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_40"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dr Dunham.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It will not be necessary to pursue the history of the conquest in
+ detail. It is enough to say that in three years almost all Spain
+ and part of Southern Gaul were added to the Saracen empire. But
+ the Arabs made the fatal mistake<a name="FNanchor_1_41" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_41" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> of leaving a remnant of their enemies
+ unconquered in the mountains of Asturia, and hardly had the wave
+ of conquest swept over the country, than it began slowly but
+ surely to recede. The year 733 witnessed the high-water mark of
+ Arab extension in the West, and Christian Gaul was never
+ afterwards seriously threatened with the calamity of a Mohammedan
+ domination.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The period of forty-five years which elapsed between the conquest
+ and the establishment of the Khalifate of Cordova was a period of
+ disorder, almost amounting to anarchy, throughout Spain. This
+ state of things was one eminently favourable to the growth and
+ consolidation of the infant state which was arising among the
+ mountains of the Northwest. In that corner of the land, which
+ alone<a name="FNanchor_2_42" id="FNanchor_2_42"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_42" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not polluted by the
+ presence of Moslem masters, were gathered all those proud spirits
+ who could not brook subjection and valued freedom above all
+ earthly possessions.<a name="FNanchor_3_43" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_43" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Here all the various nationalities that had
+ from time to time borne rule in Spain,
+ </p>
+ <div class="blockquot">
+ <p>
+ "Punic and Roman Kelt and Goth and Greek," <a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_44" id="FNanchor_4_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_44"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ all the various classes, nobles, freemen, and slaves, were
+ gradually welded by the strong pressure of a common calamity into
+ one compact and homogeneous whole.<a name="FNanchor_5_45" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_45" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Meanwhile what was the condition of those
+ Christians who preferred to live in their own homes, but under
+ the Moslem yoke? It must be confessed that they might have fared
+ much worse; and the conciliatory policy pursued by the Arabs no
+ doubt contributed largely to the facility of the conquest. The
+ first conqueror, Tarik ibn Zeyad, was a man of remarkable
+ generosity and clemency, and his conduct fully justified the
+ proud boast which he uttered when arraigned on false charges
+ before the Sultan Suleiman.<a name="FNanchor_6_46" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_46" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> "Ask the true believers," he said, "ask also
+ the Christians, what the conduct of Tarik has been in Africa and
+ in Spain. Let them say if they have ever found him cowardly,
+ covetous, or cruel."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_41" id="Footnote_1_41"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_41"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. 34.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_42" id="Footnote_2_42"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_42"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> According
+ to Sebastian of Salamanca, the Moors had never been admitted
+ into any town of Biscay before 870.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_43" id="Footnote_3_43"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_43"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferdinand and Isabella," seems to think that only the lower
+ orders remained under the Moors. Yet in a note he mentions a
+ remark of Zurita's to the contrary (page 3).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_44" id="Footnote_4_44"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_44"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Southey,
+ "Roderick," Canto IV.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_45" id="Footnote_5_45"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_45"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Thierry,
+ "Dix Ans d'Études Historiques," p. 346. "Reserrés dans ce coin
+ de terre, devenu pour eux toute la patrie, Goths et Romains,
+ vainqueurs et vaincus, étrangers et indigènes, maîtres et
+ esclaves, tous unis dans le même malheur ... furent égaux dans
+ cet exil." Yet there were revolts in every reign. Fruela I.
+ (757-768), revolt of Biscay and Galicia: Aurelio (768-774),
+ revolt of slaves and freedmen, see "Chron. Albeld.," vi. sec.
+ 4, and Rodrigo, iii. c. 5, in pristinam servitutem redacti
+ sunt: Silo (774-783), Galician revolt: also revolts in reigns
+ of Alfonso I., Ramiro I. See Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_46" id="Footnote_6_46"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_46"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or his
+ predecessor, Welid, for the point is not determined.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The terms granted to such towns as surrendered generally
+ contained the following provisions: that the citizens should give
+ up all their horses and arms; that they might, if they chose,
+ depart, leaving their property; that those who remained should,
+ on payment of a small tribute, be permitted to follow their own
+ religion, for which purposes certain churches were to be left
+ standing; that they should have their own judges, and enjoy
+ (within limits) their own laws. In some cases the riches of the
+ churches were also surrendered, as at Merida,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_47" id="FNanchor_1_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_47"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and hostages given. But conditions even
+ better than these were obtained from Abdulaziz, son of Musa, by
+ Theodomir in Murcia. The original document has been preserved by
+ the Arab historians, and is well worthy of transcription:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "In the name of God the Clement and Merciful! Abdulaziz and
+ Tadmir make this treaty of peace—may God confirm and protect it!
+ Tadmir shall retain the command over his own people, but over no
+ other people among those of his faith. There shall be no wars
+ between his subjects and those of the Arabs, nor shall the
+ children or women of his people be led captive. They shall not be
+ disturbed in the exercise of their religion: their churches shall
+ not be burnt, nor shall any services be demanded from them, or
+ obligations be laid upon them—those expressed in this treaty
+ alone excepted.... Tadmir shall not receive our enemies, nor fail
+ in fidelity to us, and he shall not conceal whatever hostile
+ purposes he may know to exist against us. His nobles and himself
+ shall pay a tribute of a dinar<a name="FNanchor_2_48" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_48" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> each year, with four measures of wheat and
+ four of barley; of mead, vinegar, honey, and oil each four
+ measures. All the vassals of Tadmir, and every man subject to
+ tax, shall pay the half of these imposts."<a name="FNanchor_3_49"
+ id="FNanchor_3_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_49" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These favourable terms were due in part to the address of
+ Theodomir,<a name="FNanchor_4_50" id="FNanchor_4_50"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_50" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and partly perhaps to
+ Abdulaziz's own partiality for the Christians, which was also
+ manifested in his marriage with Egilona, the widow of King
+ Roderic, and the deference which he paid to her. This
+ predilection for the Christians brought the son of Musa into ill
+ favour with the Arabs, and he was assassinated in 716.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_51" id="FNanchor_5_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_51"
+ class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_47" id="Footnote_1_47"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_47"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde i. p.
+ 69. This was perhaps due to Musa's notorious avarice.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_48" id="Footnote_2_48"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_48"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Somewhat
+ less than ten shillings.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_49" id="Footnote_3_49"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_49"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ i. 281: Conde, i. p. 76.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_50" id="Footnote_4_50"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_50"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Isidore,
+ sec, 38, says of him: "Fuit scripturarum amator, eloquentia
+ mirificus, in proeliis expeditus, qui et apud Amir Almumenin
+ prudentior inter ceteros inventus, utiliter est honoratus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_51" id="Footnote_5_51"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_51"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. p. 30. He was even accused of entering into treasonable
+ correspondence with the Christians of Galicia; of forming a
+ project for the massacre of Moslems; of being himself a
+ Christian, etc.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On the whole it may be said that the Saracen conquest was
+ accomplished with wonderfully little bloodshed, and with few or
+ none of those atrocities which generally characterize the
+ subjugation of a whole people by men of an alien race and an
+ alien creed. It cannot, however, be denied that the only
+ contemporary Christian chronicler is at variance on this point
+ with all the Arab accounts.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "Who," says Isidore of Beja, "can describe such horrors! If every
+ limb in my body became a tongue, even then would human nature
+ fail in depicting this wholesale ruin of Spain, all its countless
+ and immeasurable woes. But that the reader may hear in brief the
+ whole story of sorrow—not to speak of all the disastrous ills
+ which in innumerable ages past from Adam even till now in various
+ states and regions of the earth a cruel and foul foe has caused
+ to a fair world—whatever Troy in Homer's tale endured, whatever
+ Jerusalem suffered that the prophets' words might come to pass,
+ whatever Babylon underwent that the Scripture might be
+ fulfilled—all this, and more, has Spain experienced—Spain once
+ full of delights, but now of misery, once so exalted in glory,
+ but now brought low in shame and dishonour."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_52" id="FNanchor_1_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_52"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_52" id="Footnote_1_52"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_52"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cp. also
+ Isidore, sec 36. Dunham, ii. p. 121, note, curiously remarks:
+ "Both Isidore and Roderic may exaggerate, but the exaggeration
+ proves the fact."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This is evidently mere rhapsody, of the same character as the
+ ravings of the British monk Gildas, though far less justified as
+ it seems by the actual facts. Rodrigo of Toledo, following
+ Isidore after an interval of 500 years, improves upon him by
+ entering into details, which being in many particulars
+ demonstrably false, may in others be reasonably looked upon with
+ suspicion as exaggerated, if not entirely imaginary. His words
+ are: Children are dashed on the ground, young men beheaded, their
+ fathers fall in battle, the old men are massacred, the women
+ reserved for greater misfortune; every cathedral burnt or
+ destroyed, the national substance plundered, oaths and treaties
+ uniformly broken.<a name="FNanchor_1_53" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_53" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ To appreciate the mildness and generosity of the Arabs, we need
+ only compare their conquest of Spain with the conquest of England
+ by the Saxons, the Danes, and even by the Christian Normans. The
+ comparison will be all in favour of the Arabs. It is not
+ impossible that, if the invaders had been Franks instead of
+ Moors, the country would have suffered even more, as we can see
+ from the actual results effected by the invasion of Charles the
+ Great in 777. Placed as they were between the devil and the deep
+ sea, the Spaniards would perhaps have preferred (had the choice
+ been theirs) to be subject to the Saracens rather than to the
+ Franks.<a name="FNanchor_2_54" id="FNanchor_2_54"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_54" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_53" id="Footnote_1_53"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_53"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dunham, ii.
+ p. 121, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_54" id="Footnote_2_54"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_54"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ p. 41, note, quotes Ermold Nigel on Barcelona:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ &nbsp;
+ </p>
+ <div class="blockquot">
+ <p>
+ "Urbs erat interea Francorum inhospita turnis, Maurorum votis
+ adsociata magis."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ To the down-trodden slaves, who were very numerous all through
+ Spain, the Moslems came in the character of deliverers. A slave
+ had only to pronounce the simple formula: "There is no God but
+ God, and Mohammed is his Prophet": and he was immediately free.
+ To the Jews the Moslems brought toleration, nay, even influence
+ and power. In fact, since the fall of Jerusalem in 588 B.C. the
+ Jews had never enjoyed such independence and influence as in
+ Spain during the domination of the Arabs. Their genius being thus
+ allowed free scope, they disputed the supremacy in literature and
+ the arts with the Arabs themselves.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Many of the earlier governors of Spain were harsh and even cruel
+ in their administration, but it was to Moslems and Christians
+ alike.<a name="FNanchor_1_55" id="FNanchor_1_55"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_55" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Some indeed increased
+ the tribute laid upon the Christians; but it must be remembered
+ that this tribute<a name="FNanchor_2_56" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_56" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> was in the first instance very light, and
+ therefore an increase was not felt severely as an oppression.
+ Moreover, there were not wanting some rulers who upheld the cause
+ of the Christians against illegal exactions. Among these was
+ Abdurrahman al Ghafeki (May-Aug. 721, and 731-732), of whom an
+ Arab writer says:<a name="FNanchor_3_57" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_57" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> "He did equal justice to Moslem and Christian
+ ... he restored to the Christians such churches as had been taken
+ from them in contravention of the stipulated treaties; but on the
+ other hand he caused all those to be demolished, which had been
+ erected by the connivance of interested governors." Similarly of
+ his successor Anbasah ibn Sohaym Alkelbi (721-726), we find it
+ recorded<a name="FNanchor_4_58" id="FNanchor_4_58"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_58" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> that "he rendered equal
+ justice to every man, making no distinction between Mussulman and
+ Christian, or between Christian and Jew." Anbasah was followed by
+ Yahya ibn Salmah (March-Sept. 726), who is described as
+ injudiciously severe, and dreaded for his extreme rigour by
+ Moslems as well as Christians.<a name="FNanchor_5_59" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_59" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Isidore says that he made the Arabs give back
+ to the Christians the property unlawfully taken from
+ them.<a name="FNanchor_6_60" id="FNanchor_6_60"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_60" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Similar praise is
+ awarded to Okbah ibn ulhejaj Asseluli (734-740).<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_61" id="FNanchor_7_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_61"
+ class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Yet though many of the Ameers of Spain
+ were just and upright men, no permanent policy could be carried
+ out with regard to the relations between Moslems and Christians,
+ while the Ameers were so constantly changing, being sometimes
+ elected by the army, but oftener appointed by the Khalif, or by
+ his lieutenant, the governor of Africa for the time being. This
+ perpetual shifting of rulers would in itself have been fatal to
+ the settlement of the country, had it not been brought to an end
+ by the election of Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah as the Khalif of
+ Spain, and the establishment of his dynasty on the throne, in May
+ 756. But even after this important step was taken, the causes
+ which threatened to make anarchy perpetual, were still at work in
+ Spain. Chief among these were the feuds of the Arab tribes, and
+ the jealousy between Berbers and Arabs.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_55" id="Footnote_1_55"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_55"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>E.g.</i>, Alhorr ibn Abdurrahman (717-719); see Isidore,
+ sec. 44, and Conde, i. 94: "He oppressed all alike, the
+ Christians, those who had newly embraced Islam, and the oldest
+ of the Moslemah families."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_56" id="Footnote_2_56"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_56"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Merely a
+ small poll-tax (jizyah) at first.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_57" id="Footnote_3_57"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_57"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 105.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_58" id="Footnote_4_58"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_58"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ p. 99. Isidore, however, sec. 52, says: "Vectigalia Christianis
+ duplicata exagitat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_59" id="Footnote_5_59"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_59"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 102.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_60" id="Footnote_6_60"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_60"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Isidore,
+ sec. 54. Terribilis potestator fere triennio crudelis
+ exaestuat, atque aeri ingenio Hispaniae Sarracenos et Mauros
+ pro pacificis rebus olim ablatis exagitat, atque Christianis
+ plura restaurat.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_61" id="Footnote_7_61"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_61"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 114, 115.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Most of the first conquerors of the country were Berbers, while
+ such Arabs as came in with them belonged mostly to the Maadite or
+ Beladi faction.<a name="FNanchor_1_62" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_62" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Berbers, besides being looked down upon as
+ new converts, were also regarded as Nonconformists<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_63" id="FNanchor_2_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_63"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> by the pure Arabs, and consequently a
+ quarrel was not long in breaking out between the two parties.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As early as 718 the Berbers in Aragon and Catalonia rose against
+ the Arabs under a Jew named Khaulan, who was put to death the
+ following year. In 726 they revolted again, crying that they who
+ had conquered the country alone had claims to the spoil.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_64" id="FNanchor_3_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_64"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> This formidable rising was only put down
+ by the Arabs making common cause against it. But the continual
+ disturbances in Africa kept alive the flame of discontent in
+ Spain, and the great Berber rebellion against the Arab yoke in
+ Africa was a signal for a similar determined attempt in
+ Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_65" id="FNanchor_4_65"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_65" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The reinforcements
+ which the Khalif, Yezid ibn Abdulmalik, sent to Africa under
+ Kolthum ibn Iyadh were defeated by the Berbers under a chief
+ named Meysarah, and shut up in Ceuta.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_62" id="Footnote_1_62"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_62"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The two
+ chief branches of Arabs were (1) Descendants of Modhar, son of
+ Negus, son of Maad, son of Adnan. To this clan belonged the
+ Mecca and Medina Arabs, and the Umeyyade family. They were also
+ called Kaysites, Febrites, and Beladi Arabs. (2) Descendants of
+ Kahtan (Joktan), among whom were reckoned the Kelbites and the
+ Yemenites. These were most numerous in Andalus; see Al Makkari,
+ ii. 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_63" id="Footnote_2_63"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_63"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 124. See Al Makk., ii. 409, De Gayangos' note. Though nominally
+ Moslem, they still kept their Jewish or Pagan rites.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_64" id="Footnote_3_64"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_64"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See De
+ Gayangos, Al Makk. ii. 410, note. He quotes Borbon's "Karta,"
+ xiv. <i>sq.</i> Stanley Lane-Poole, "Moors in Spain," p. 55,
+ says, Monousa, who married the daughter of Eudes, was a leader
+ of the Berbers. Conde, i. 106, says, Othman abi Neza was the
+ leader, but Othman an ibn abi Nesah was Ameer of Spain in 728.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_65" id="Footnote_4_65"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_65"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. 40.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile in Spain, Abdalmalik ibn Kattan<a name="FNanchor_1_66"
+ id="FNanchor_1_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_66" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Alfehri taking up the cause of the Berbers,
+ procured the deposition of Okbah ibn ulhejaj in his own favour,
+ but, this done, broke with his new allies. He was then compelled
+ to ask the help of the Syrian Arabs, who were cooped up in Ceuta,
+ though previously he had turned a deaf ear to their entreaties
+ that they might cross over into Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Syrians gladly accepted this invitation, and under Balj ibn
+ Besher, nephew of Kolthum, crossed the Straits, readily promising
+ at the same time to return to Africa when the Spanish Berbers
+ were overcome. This desirable end accomplished, however, they
+ refused to keep to their agreement, and Abdalmalik soon found
+ himself driven to seek anew the alliance of the Berbers and also
+ of the Andalusian Arabs against his late allies.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_67" id="FNanchor_2_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_67"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But the latter proved too strong for the
+ Ameer, who was defeated and killed by the Yemenite followers of
+ Balj.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_66" id="Footnote_1_66"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_66"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 135.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_67" id="Footnote_2_67"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_67"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The Syrian
+ Arabs seem to have borne a bad character away from home. The
+ Sultan Muawiyah warned his son that they altered for the worse
+ when abroad. See Ockley's "Saracens."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ These feuds of Yemenites against Modharites, complicated by the
+ accession of Berbers now to one side, now to the other, continued
+ without intermission till the first Khalif of Cordova,
+ Abdurrahman ibn Muawiyah, established his power all over Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The successor of Balj and Thaleba ibn Salamah did indeed try to
+ break up the Syrian faction by separating them. He placed those
+ of Damascus in Elvira; of Emesa in Seville; of Kenesrin in Jaen;
+ of Alurdan<a name="FNanchor_1_68" id="FNanchor_1_68"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_68" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in Malaga and Regio; of
+ Palestine in Sidonia or Xeres; of Egypt in Murcia; of Wasit in
+ Cabra; and they thus became merged into the body of Andalusian
+ Arabs.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These Berber wars had an important influence on the future of
+ Spain; for, since the Berbers had settled on all the Northern and
+ Western marches, when they were decimated by civil war, and many
+ of the survivors compelled to return to Africa,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_69" id="FNanchor_2_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_69"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> owing to the famine which afflicted the
+ country from 750 to 755, the frontiers of the Arab dominion were
+ left practically denuded of defenders,<a name="FNanchor_3_70" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_70" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Christians at once advanced their
+ boundaries to the Douro, leaving however a strip of desert land
+ as a barrier between them and the Moslems. This debateable land
+ they did not occupy till fifty years later.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_71" id="FNanchor_4_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_71"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_68" id="Footnote_1_68"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_68"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>I.e.</i>, Jordan. See Al Makkari, i. 356, De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_69" id="Footnote_2_69"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_69"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_70" id="Footnote_3_70"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_70"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ ii. 69.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_71" id="Footnote_4_71"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_71"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> When they
+ built a series of fortresses as Zarnora, Simancas, San Estevan.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE MARTYRDOMS AT CORDOVA.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Abdurrahman Ibn Muawiyah landed in Spain with 750 Berber horsemen
+ in May 756. The Khalifate of Cordova may be said to begin with
+ this date, though it was many years before the new sultan had
+ settled his power on a firm basis, or was recognised as ruler by
+ the whole of Moslem Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ During the forty-five years of civil warfare which intervened
+ between the invasion of Tarik and the landing of Abdurrahman, we
+ have very little knowledge of what the Christians were doing. The
+ Arab historians are too busy recounting the feuds of their own
+ tribes to pay any particular attention to the subject Christians.
+ But we may gather that the latter were, on the whole, fairly
+ content with their new servitude.<a name="FNanchor_1_72" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_72" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The Moslems were not very anxious to
+ proselytize, as the conversion of the Spaniards meant a serious
+ diminution of the tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_73" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_73" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Those Christians who did apostatize—and we may
+ believe that they were chiefly slaves—at once took up a position
+ of legal, though not social, equality with the other Moslems. It
+ is no wonder that the slaves became Mohammedans, for, apart from
+ their hatred for their masters, and the obvious temporal
+ advantage of embracing Islam, the majority of them knew nothing
+ at all about Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_74" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_74" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The ranks of the converts were recruited from
+ time to time by those who went over to Islam to avoid paying the
+ poll-tax, or even to escape the payment of some penalty inflicted
+ by the Christian courts.<a name="FNanchor_4_75" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_75" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> One thing is noticeable. In the early years of
+ the conquest there was none of that bitterness displayed between
+ the adherents of the rival creeds, to which we are so accustomed
+ in later times. Isidore of Beja, the only contemporary Christian
+ authority, though he rhapsodizes about the devastations committed
+ by the conquerors, and complains of enormous tributes exacted,
+ yet speaks more fairly about the Moslems<a name="FNanchor_5_76"
+ id="FNanchor_5_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_76" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> than any other Spanish writer before the
+ fourteenth century. "If he hates the conquerors," says
+ Dozy,<a name="FNanchor_6_77" id="FNanchor_6_77"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_77" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> "he hates them rather
+ as men of another race than of another creed;" and the marriage
+ of Abdulaziz and Egilona awakens in his mind no sentiment of
+ horror.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_72" id="Footnote_1_72"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_72"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This was
+ not so when the fierce Almoravides and fiercer Almohades
+ overran Spain in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. See
+ Freeman's "Saracens," p. 168.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_73" id="Footnote_2_73"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_73"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As happened
+ in Egypt under Amru. See Cardonne, i. p. 168, and Gibbon, vi.
+ p. 370.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_74" id="Footnote_3_74"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_74"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 45, quotes a passage from Pedraca, "Histor. Eccles. of Granada"
+ (1638), in which the author points out that even in his day the
+ "old Christians" of Central Spain were so wholly ignorant of
+ all Christian doctrines that they might be expected to renounce
+ Christianity with the utmost ease if again subjected to the
+ Moors.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_75" id="Footnote_4_75"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_75"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apolog.," ii. cc. 3, 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_76" id="Footnote_5_76"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_76"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Speaking of
+ Omar, the second Khalif of that name, Isidore, sec. 46, says,
+ "Tanta ei sanctimonia ascribitur quanta nulli unquam ex Arabum
+ gente."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_77" id="Footnote_6_77"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_77"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ p. 42.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On the whole the condition of the mass of the people, Christian
+ or renegade, was certainly preferable to their state before the
+ conquest.<a name="FNanchor_1_78" id="FNanchor_1_78"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_78" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Those serfs who
+ remained Christian, if they worked on State lands, payed
+ one-third of the produce to the State; if on private lands,
+ four-fifths to their Arab owners.<a name="FNanchor_2_79" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_79" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The free Christians retained their goods, and
+ could even alienate their lands. They paid a graduated tax
+ varying from thirteen pounds to three guineas.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_80" id="FNanchor_3_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_80"
+ class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In all probability the Christians under
+ Moslem rule were not worse off than their coreligionists in
+ Galicia and Leon. A signal proof of this is afforded by the fact
+ that, in spite of the distracted state of the country, which
+ would seem to hold out a great hope of success, we hear of no
+ attempts at revolt on the part of the subjected Christians in the
+ eighth century, except at Beja, where the Christians seem to have
+ been led away by the ambition of an Arab chief.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_81" id="FNanchor_4_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_81"
+ class="fnanchor">[4]</a> They were even somewhat indifferent to
+ the cause of their coreligionists in the North, and the attempts
+ which Pelayo and his successors made to induce them to rise in
+ concert with their brethren met with but scant success.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_82" id="FNanchor_5_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_82"
+ class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_78" id="Footnote_1_78"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_78"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
+ especially Conde, Pref. p. vi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_79" id="Footnote_2_79"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_79"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 39.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_80" id="Footnote_3_80"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_80"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 40.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_81" id="Footnote_4_81"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_81"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 42.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_82" id="Footnote_5_82"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_82"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. 106.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There can be no doubt, however, that the good understanding,
+ which at first existed between the Moslems and their Christian
+ subjects, gradually gave place to a very different state of
+ things, owing in no small degree to the free Christians in the
+ North, whose presence on their borders was a continual menace to
+ the Moslem dominion, and a perpetual incentive to the subject
+ Christians to rise and assert their freedom.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Our purpose now is to trace out, so far as the scanty indications
+ scattered in the writers of the time will allow, the relations
+ that existed between the two religions during the 275 years of
+ the Khalifate, and the influence which these relations had upon
+ the development of the one and the other. It will be agreeable to
+ the natural arrangement to take the former question first.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With a view to the better understanding of the position of
+ Christianity and Mohammedanism at the very beginning of our
+ inquiry, we have thought it advisable to point out in a
+ preliminary sketch the development of Christianity in Spain
+ previous to the period when the Moslems, fresh from their native
+ deserts of Arabia and Africa, bearing the sword in one hand and
+ the Koran in the other, possessed themselves of one of the
+ fairest provinces of Christendom. This having been already done,
+ we can at once proceed to investigate the mutual relations of
+ Christianity and Mohammedanism in Spain during the 300 years of
+ the Khalifate of Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was in fulfilment of a supposed prophecy of Mohammed's, and in
+ obedience to the precepts of the Koran itself, that the Arabs,
+ having overrun Syria, Egypt, and Africa, passed over into Spain,
+ and the war from the very first took the character of a jehad, or
+ religious war—a character which it retained with the
+ ever-increasing fanaticism of the combatants until every
+ Mohammedan had been forced to abjure his creed, or been driven
+ out of Spain. But, as we have seen, the conquest itself was
+ singularly free from any outbursts of religious frenzy; though of
+ course there must have been many Christians, who laid down their
+ lives in defence of all that was near and dear to them, in
+ defence of their wives and their children, their homes and their
+ country, their religion and their honour. One such instance at
+ least has been recorded by the Arab historians,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_83" id="FNanchor_1_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_83"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> when the Governor, and 400 of the
+ garrison, of Cordova, after three months' siege in the church of
+ St George, chose rather to be burnt in their hold than surrender
+ upon condition either of embracing Islam, or paying tribute.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Omitting the story of the fabulous martyr Nicolaus, as being a
+ tissue of errors and absurdities,<a name="FNanchor_2_84" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_84" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> the first martyr properly so called was a
+ certain bishop, named Anambad, who was put to death by Othman ibn
+ abi Nesah (727-728)—a governor guilty of shedding much Christian
+ blood, if Isidore is to be believed.<a name="FNanchor_3_85" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_85" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_83" id="Footnote_1_83"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_83"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makkari,
+ i. 279, says: "This was the cause of the spot being called ever
+ since the Kenisatu-l-haraki (the church of the burnt), as
+ likewise of the great veneration in which it has always been
+ held by the Christians, on account of the courage and endurance
+ displayed in the cause of their religion by those who died in
+ it."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_84" id="Footnote_2_84"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_84"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez,
+ "España Sagr," xiv. 392.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_85" id="Footnote_3_85"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_85"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isidore,
+ sec. 58, "Munuza quia a sanguine Christianorum, quen ibidem
+ innocentem fuderat, nimium erat crapulatus, et Anabadi,
+ illustris episcopi,.... quem ipse cremaverat, valde exhaustus,"
+ etc. It is doubtful who this Munuza was, but probably Othman
+ ibn abi Nesah, Governor of Spain.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Fifteen years later a Christian named Peter, pursuing very much
+ the same tactics as the pseudo-martyrs in the next century,
+ brought about his own condemnation and death. He held a
+ responsible post under Government, that of receiver of public
+ imposts, and seems to have stood on terms of friendship with many
+ of the Arab nobles. Perhaps he had been rather lax in his
+ religious observances, or even disguised his Christianity from
+ motives of interest. However, he fell sick, and thinking that his
+ life was near its end, he called together his Moslem friends, and
+ thanking them for showing their concern for him by coming, he
+ proceeded, "But I desire you to be witnesses of this my last
+ will. Whosoever believeth not on the Father, the Son, and the
+ Holy Ghost, the Consubstantial Trinity, is blind in heart, and
+ deserveth eternal punishment, as also doth Mohammed, your false
+ prophet, the forerunner of Antichrist. Renounce, therefore, these
+ fables, I conjure you this day, and let heaven and earth witness
+ between us." Though greatly incensed, as was natural, the hearers
+ resolved to take no notice of these and other like words,
+ charitably supposing the sick man to be light-headed; but Peter,
+ having unexpectedly recovered, repeated his former condemnation
+ of Mohammed, cursing him, his book, and his followers. Thereupon
+ he was executed, and we cannot be altogether surprised at
+ it.<a name="FNanchor_1_86" id="FNanchor_1_86"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_86" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Besides these two isolated cases of martyrdom, we do not find any
+ more recorded until the reign of Abdurrahman II. (May 822-Aug.
+ 852). In the second year of this king's reign, two Christians,
+ John and Adulphus, making public profession of their faith, and
+ denouncing Mohammed, were put to death on Sept 17, 824.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_87" id="FNanchor_2_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_87"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_86" id="Footnote_1_86"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_86"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We give the
+ account as Fleury, v. 88 (Bk. 42), gives it, but with great
+ doubts as to its genuineness, no other writer that we have seen
+ mentioning it.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_87" id="Footnote_2_87"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_87"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Florez, x.
+ 358: Fleury, v. 487. They were buried in St Cyprian's Church,
+ Cordova. See "De translatione martyrum Georgii etc.," sec. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This is the first definite indication we have that the toleration
+ shown by the Moslems was beginning to be abused by their
+ Christian subjects; and there can be no reasonable doubt that
+ this ill-advised conduct on the part of the latter was the main
+ cause of the so-called persecution which followed. But besides
+ this fanaticism on the part of a small section of the subject
+ Christians, there were other causes at work calculated to produce
+ friction between the two peoples. During the century which had
+ elapsed since the conquest, the Christians and Mohammedans,
+ living side by side under the same government, and one which,
+ considering the times in which it arose, was remarkable no less
+ for its equity and moderation than for its external splendour and
+ magnificence, had gradually been drawn closer together.
+ Intermarriages had become frequent among them;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_88" id="FNanchor_1_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_88"
+ class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and these proved the fruitful cause of
+ religious dissensions. Accordingly we find that the religious
+ troubles in the reigns of Abdurrahman II. (822-852) and Mohammed
+ I. (852-886) began with the execution of two children of mixed
+ parents. Nunilo and Alodia were the children of a Moslem father
+ and a Christian mother. Their father was a tolerant man, and,
+ apparently, while he lived, permitted his children to profess the
+ faith of their mother. On his death, the mother married again,
+ and the new husband, being a bigoted Mohammedan, and actuated, as
+ we may suppose, by the <i>odio vitrici</i>, immediately set about
+ reclaiming his step-children to the true faith of Islam, his
+ efforts in this direction leading him to ill-treat, even to
+ torture,<a name="FNanchor_2_89" id="FNanchor_2_89"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_89" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the young confessors.
+ His utmost endeavour to effect their conversion failing, he
+ delivered them over to the judge on the charge of apostasy, and
+ the judge to the executioner, by whom they were beheaded on Oct.
+ 21, 840.<a name="FNanchor_3_90" id="FNanchor_3_90"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_90" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_88" id="Footnote_1_88"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_88"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Due in part
+ no doubt to the marriage of captives. See also below for "the
+ maiden tribute," pp. 96, 97.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_89" id="Footnote_2_89"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_89"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So Miss
+ Yonge.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_90" id="Footnote_3_90"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_90"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This date
+ is given by Morales, apud Migne, vol. cxv. p. 886, and by
+ Fleury, v. 487, who accuse Eulogius, "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 10,
+ of being in error when he assigns the date 851. The
+ Pseudo-Luitprand gives 951, vouching for this date as an
+ eye-witness: "Me vivente, in castro Wergeti, id est Castellon,
+ etc."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Though there were some cases of martyrdom of this character,
+ where the sufferers truly earned their title of martyrs,—and we
+ may believe that all such cases have not been recorded—yet the
+ vast majority of those which followed in the years 851-860 were
+ of a different type. They were due to an outbreak of fanatical
+ zeal on the part of a certain section of the Christians such as
+ to overpower the spirit of toleration, which the Moslem
+ authorities had so far shown in dealing with their Christian
+ subjects, and to raise a corresponding tide of bigotry in the
+ less enlightened, and therefore more intolerant, masses of the
+ Mohammedans. The sudden mania for martyrdom which manifested
+ itself at this time is certainly the most remarkable phenomenon
+ of the kind that has been recorded in the annals of the Christian
+ Church. There had been occasional instances before of Christians
+ voluntarily offering themselves to undergo the penalty of the
+ laws for the crime of being Christians. One such instance in the
+ case of a Phrygian, named Quintus, had caused grave scandal to
+ the Church of Smyrna; for, having gone before the proconsul and
+ professed himself ready to die for the faith, when the reality of
+ the death, which he courted, had been brought home to him by the
+ sight of the wild beasts ready to rend him, the courage of the
+ Phrygian had failed, and he had offered incense to the gods.
+ Africa also had had her self-accused martyrs.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But the Spanish confessors have an interest over and above these,
+ both by reason of their number and the constancy which they
+ displayed in their self-imposed task. Not a single instance is
+ recorded, though there may have been some such, where the
+ would-be martyr from fear or any other cause forwent his crown.
+ Moreover these martyrdoms, by dividing the Church on the question
+ of their merit, whether, that is, the victims were to be ranked
+ as true martyrs or not, and, giving rise to a written controversy
+ on the subject, has supplied us with ample, if rather one-sided,
+ materials for estimating the provocation given, and received, on
+ either side.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As time went on, and the Christians and Moslems mingled more
+ closely together in political and social life, the Church no
+ doubt suffered some deterioration. Every interested motive was
+ enlisted in favour of dropping as far as possible out of
+ sight<a name="FNanchor_1_91" id="FNanchor_1_91"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_91" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those distinctive
+ features of Christianity which might be calculated to give
+ offence to the Moslems; of conforming to all those Mohammedan
+ customs, which are not in the Bible expressly forbidden to a
+ Christian;<a name="FNanchor_2_92" id="FNanchor_2_92"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_92" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and, generally, of
+ emphasizing the points on which Christianity agrees with
+ Mohammedanism, and ignoring those (far more important ones) in
+ which they differ. The Moslems had no such reason for dissembling
+ their convictions, or modifying their tenets. Consequently a
+ spiritual paralysis was creeping upon the Church, which
+ threatened in the course of time, if not checked, to destroy the
+ very life of Christianity throughout the peninsula. The case of
+ Africa, from which Islam had extirpated Christianity, showed that
+ this was no imaginary danger. But Spain had this advantage over
+ Africa: it contained a free Christian community which had never
+ passed under the Moslem yoke, where the fire of Christianity, in
+ danger of being swept away by the devouring flames of
+ Mohammedanism, might be nursed and cherished, till it could again
+ blaze forth with its former brilliancy.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_91" id="Footnote_1_91"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_91"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See below,
+ p. 72, note 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_92" id="Footnote_2_92"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_92"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>E.g.,</i> circumcision.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet in Mohammedan Spain religious fervour was not wholly
+ vanished: it was still to be found among the clergy, and
+ specially among the dwellers in convents. Monks and nuns, severed
+ from all worldly influences, in the silence of their cloisters,
+ would read the lives of the Saints<a name="FNanchor_1_93" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_93" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> of old, and meditate upon their glorious
+ deeds, and the miracles which their faith had wrought. They would
+ brood over such texts as, "Ye shall be brought before rulers and
+ kings for My sake;"<a name="FNanchor_2_94" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_94" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, "Every one who shall confess Me before
+ men, him will I also confess before My Father, which is in
+ Heaven;"<a name="FNanchor_3_95" id="FNanchor_3_95"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_95" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> till they brought
+ themselves to believe that it was their imperative duty to bring
+ themselves before rulers and kings, and not only to confess
+ Christ, but to revile Mohammed.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_93" id="Footnote_1_93"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_93"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. 112.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_94" id="Footnote_2_94"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_94"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> St Mark
+ xiii. 9.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_95" id="Footnote_3_95"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_95"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> St Matt. x.
+ 32.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ However, the reproach of fanatical self-destruction will not
+ apply, as the apologists of their doings have not failed to point
+ out, to the first two victims that suffered in this persecution.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Perfectus,<a name="FNanchor_1_96" id="FNanchor_1_96"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_96" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest of Cordova,
+ who had been brought up in the school attached to the church of
+ St Acislus, on going out one day to purchase some necessaries for
+ domestic use, was stopped by some of the Moslems in the street,
+ and asked to give his opinion of their Prophet. What led them to
+ make this strange request, we are not told,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_97" id="FNanchor_2_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_97"
+ class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but stated thus barely it certainly
+ gives us the impression that it was intended to bring the priest
+ into trouble. For it was a well-known law in Moslem countries
+ that if any one cursed a Mohammedan, he was to be
+ scourged,<a name="FNanchor_3_98" id="FNanchor_3_98"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_98" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> if he struck him,
+ killed: the latter penalty also awaiting any one who spoke evil
+ of Mohammed, and extending even to a Mussulman ruler, if he heard
+ the blasphemy without taking notice of it.<a name="FNanchor_4_99"
+ id="FNanchor_4_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_99" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Perfectus, therefore, being aware of this law,
+ gave a cautious<a name="FNanchor_5_100" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_100" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> answer, declining to comply with their request
+ until they swore that he should receive no hurt in consequence of
+ what he might say. On their giving the required stipulation, he
+ quoted the words, "For there shall arise false Christs and false
+ prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; insomuch that
+ if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect,"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_101" id="FNanchor_6_101"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_101" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and proceeded to speak
+ of Mohammed in the usual fashion, as a lying impostor and a
+ dissolute adulterer, concluding with the words, "Thus hath he,
+ the encourager of all lewdness, and the wallower in his own
+ filthy lusts, delivered you all over to the indulgence of an
+ everlasting sensuality." This ill-advised abuse of one, whom the
+ Moslems revere as we revere Christ, and the ungenerous advantage
+ taken of the oath, which they had made, naturally incensed his
+ hearers to an almost uncontrollable degree. They respected their
+ promise, however, and refrained from laying hands on him at that
+ time, with the intention, says Eulogius, of revenging themselves
+ on a future occasion.<a name="FNanchor_7_102" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_102" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_96" id="Footnote_1_96"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_96"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii., ch. i. secs. 1-4: Alvar, "Indic. Lum.,"
+ sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_97" id="Footnote_2_97"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_97"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See,
+ however, Appendix A, p. 158.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_98" id="Footnote_3_98"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_98"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6. "Ecce enim lex publica pendet, et legalis
+ iussa per omnem regnum eorum discurrit, ut, qui blasphematur,
+ flagellatur, et qui percusserit occidatur." Neander V., p. 464,
+ note, points out that "blasphemaverit" refers to cursing
+ Moslems, not Mohammed. Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5,
+ "Irrefragibilis manet sententia, animadverti debere in eos qui
+ talia de ipso non vcrentur profiteri." On hearing of Isaac's
+ death the king published a reminder on this law.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_99" id="Footnote_4_99"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_99"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 91.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_100" id="Footnote_5_100"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_100"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3, calls it a timid answer.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_101" id="Footnote_6_101"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_101"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Matt.
+ xxiv. 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_102" id="Footnote_7_102"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_102"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Accensum
+ ultionis furorem in corde ad perniciem eius reponunt."
+ Eulogius, 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ If this was so, the opportunity soon presented itself, and
+ Perfectus, being abroad on an errand similar to the previous one,
+ was met<a name="FNanchor_1_103" id="FNanchor_1_103"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_103" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by his former
+ interrogators, who, on the charge of reviling Mohammed, and doing
+ despite to their religion, dragged him before the Kadi. Being
+ questioned, his courage at first failed him, and he withdrew his
+ words. He was then imprisoned to await further examination at the
+ end of the month, which happened to be the Ramadhan or fast
+ month. In prison the priest repented his weakness, and when
+ brought again before the judge on the Mohammedan Easter, he
+ recanted his recantation, adding, "I have cursed and do curse
+ your prophet, a messenger not of God, but of Satan, a dealer in
+ witchcraft, an adulterer, and a liar." He was immediately led off
+ for execution, but before his death prophesied that of the King's
+ minister, Nazar, within a year of his own. He was beheaded on
+ April 18, 850.<a name="FNanchor_2_104" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_104" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The apologists, on insufficient evidence,
+ describe the death of two Moslems, who were drowned the same day
+ in the river, as a manifest judgement of Heaven for the murder of
+ Perfectus.<a name="FNanchor_3_105" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_105" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_103" id="Footnote_1_103"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_103"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Dolo
+ circumventum," says Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_104" id="Footnote_2_104"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_104"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Johannes
+ Vasaeus places this persecution (by a manifest error) in 950,
+ under Abdurrahman III., stating at the same time that some
+ writers placed it in 850, but, as it appeared to him, wrongly:
+ "Abdurrahman Halihatan rex Cordobae movit duodecimam
+ persecutionem in Christianos."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_105" id="Footnote_3_105"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_105"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct." ii., ch. i. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The example set by Perfectus did not bear fruit at once, but no
+ doubt the evidence which it gave of the ease and comparative
+ painlessness, with which a martyr's crown could be obtained, was
+ not lost upon the brooding and zealous spirits living in solitary
+ retreats and trying by a life of religious devotion to cut
+ themselves off from the seductive pleasures of an active life.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The next victim, a little more than a year later, was a petty
+ tradesman, named John,<a name="FNanchor_1_106" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_106" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> who does not seem to have courted his own
+ fate. He had aroused the animosity of his Moslem rivals by a
+ habit which he had contracted of pronouncing the name of the
+ Prophet in his market transactions, taking his name, as they
+ thought, in vain, and with a view to attracting buyers.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_107" id="FNanchor_2_107"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_107" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> John, being taxed with
+ this, with ill-timed pleasantry retorted, "Cursed be he who
+ wishes to name your Prophet." He was haled before the Kadi, and,
+ after receiving 400 stripes,<a name="FNanchor_3_108" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_108" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> was thrown into prison. Subsequently he was
+ taken thence and driven through the city riding backwards on an
+ ass, while a crier was sent before him through the Christian
+ quarters, proclaiming: "Such shall be the punishment of those,
+ that speak evil of the Prophet of God."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_106" id="Footnote_1_106"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_106"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eugolius,
+ "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 9; and Alvar, Ind. Lum. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_107" id="Footnote_2_107"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_107"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So
+ Eulogius, 1. 1., and Dozy, ii., 129. Alvar's account (1. 1.) is
+ not very intelligible: "Parvipendens nostrum prophetam, semper
+ eius nomen in derisione frequentas, et mendacium tuum per
+ iuramenta nostrae religionis, ut tibi videtur, falsa auribus te
+ ignorantium Christianum esse semper confirmas."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_108" id="Footnote_3_108"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_108"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Or,
+ according to Eulogius, 500.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ So far we have had cases, where the charge of persecution,
+ brought by the apologists of the martyrs against the Moslems, can
+ be more or less sustained, but the next instance is of a
+ different character. Isaac,<a name="FNanchor_1_109" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_109" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> a monk of Tabanos, and descended from noble
+ and wealthy ancestors, was born in 824, and by his knowledge of
+ Arabic, attained in early life to the position of an exceptor, or
+ scribe,<a name="FNanchor_2_110" id="FNanchor_2_110"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_110" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but gave up his
+ appointment at the age of twenty, in order to enter the monastery
+ of Tabanos, which his uncle and aunt, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, had
+ founded near Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_109" id="Footnote_1_109"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_109"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. ch. ii. sec. 1, also Pref., secs. 2 ff.
+ After his death Isaac was credited with having performed
+ miracles from his earliest years. He was said to have spoken
+ three times in his mother's womb (cp. a similar fable about
+ Jesus in the Koran, c. iii. verse 40), and when a child, to
+ have embraced, unhurt, a globe of fire from Heaven.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_110" id="Footnote_2_110"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_110"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Not, as
+ Florez, a tax-gatherer.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Roused by the tale of Perfectus' death and John's sufferings, he
+ voluntarily went before the Kadi, and, pretending to be an
+ "enquirer," begged him to expound to him the doctrines of Islam.
+ The Kadi, congratulating himself on the prospect of such a
+ promising convert, gravely complied; when Isaac, answering him in
+ fluent Arabic, said: "He has lied unto you—may the curse of
+ Heaven consume him!—who full of all wickedness has led astray so
+ many men, and doomed them with himself to the lowest deep of
+ hell. Filled with Satan, and practising Satanic arts, he hath
+ given his followers a drink of deadly wine, and will without
+ doubt expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation." Hearing
+ these, and other like <i>chaste</i><a name="FNanchor_1_111" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_111" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> utterances, the judge listened in a sort of
+ stupor of rage and astonishment, feelings which even found vent
+ in tears; till, his indignation passing all control, he struck
+ the monk in the face, who then said, "Dost thou strike that which
+ is made in the image of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_112" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_112" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The assessors of the Kadi also reproached him
+ for striking a prisoner, their law being that one who is worthy
+ of death should not suffer other indignities. The Kadi, having
+ now recovered his self-command, gave his decision, that Isaac,
+ whether drunk or mad, had committed a crime which, by an express
+ law of Mohammed's, merited condign punishment. He was accordingly
+ beheaded, and, his body being burnt, his ashes were cast into the
+ river (June 3, 851). This was done to prevent the Christians from
+ carrying off his body, and preserving it for the purpose of
+ working miracles.<a name="FNanchor_3_113" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_113" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Isaac's conduct and fate, Eulogius tells us, electrified the
+ people, who were amazed at the <i>newness</i> of the
+ thing.<a name="FNanchor_4_114" id="FNanchor_4_114"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_114" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was at this point
+ that Eulogius himself began to shew his sympathy with these
+ fanatical doings by encouraging and helping others to follow
+ Isaac's example.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_111" id="Footnote_1_111"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_111"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulogius,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," Pref., sec. 5, "<i>Ore pudico</i> summisque
+ reverentiae ausibus viribusque."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_112" id="Footnote_2_112"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_112"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. Acts
+ xxiii. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_113" id="Footnote_3_113"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_113"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Lib. Apolog.," sec. 35, mentions a proposed edict of the
+ authorities, visiting the seeker of relics with severer
+ penalties.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_114" id="Footnote_4_114"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_114"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Eulog., Letter to Alvar, apud Florez., xi. 290.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The number of misguided men and women that now came forward and
+ threw their lives away is certainly remarkable, and seems to have
+ struck the Moslems as perfectly unaccountable. The Arabs
+ themselves were as brave men as the world has ever seen, and, by
+ the very ordinances of their faith, were bound to adventure their
+ lives for their religion in actual human conflict with infidel
+ foes, yet they were unable to conceive how any man in his senses
+ could willingly deprive himself of life in such a way as could do
+ no service to the cause, religious or other, which he had at
+ heart. They were quite unable to appreciate that intense
+ antagonism towards the world and its perilous environment, which
+ Christianity teaches; that spirit of renouncement of the
+ vanities, nay, even of the duties of life, which prompted men and
+ women to immure themselves in cloisters and retreats, far from
+ all spheres of human usefulness. Life under these circumstances
+ had naturally little to make it worth the living, and became all
+ the more easy to relinquish, when death, in itself a thing to be
+ desired, was further invested with the glories of martyrdom.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The example of Isaac was therefore followed within two days by a
+ monk named Sanctius<a name="FNanchor_1_115" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_115" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> or Sancho, who was executed on June 5th. Three
+ days later were beheaded Peter, a priest of Ecija; Walabonsus, a
+ deacon of Ilipa; Sabinianus and Wistremundus, monks of St Zoilus;
+ Habentius, a monk of St Christopher's Church at Cordova; while
+ Jeremiah,<a name="FNanchor_2_116" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_116" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> uncle of Isaac, was scourged to death. Their
+ bodies were burned, and the ashes cast into the river.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Sisenandus of Badajos<a name="FNanchor_3_117" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_117" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> found a similar fate on July 16th: four days
+ subsequently Paul, a deacon of St Zoilus, gave himself up; and
+ the same number of days later, Theodomir, a monk of Carmona: all
+ of whom were beheaded.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_115" id="Footnote_1_115"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_115"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_116" id="Footnote_2_116"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_116"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_117" id="Footnote_3_117"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_117"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> After his
+ martyrdom he procured the release from prison of Tiberias,
+ priest of Beja! Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. vi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ FANATICISM OF THE MARTYRS.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The next candidates for martyrdom were two young and beautiful
+ girls, whose history we learn from their patron, Eulogius, who
+ seems to have regarded one of these maidens, Flora, with a
+ Platonic love mingled with a sort of religious devotion.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Flora,<a name="FNanchor_1_118" id="FNanchor_1_118"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_118" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the daughter of a
+ Moslem father and a Christian mother, was born at Cordova. She is
+ said to have practised abstinence even in her cradle. At first
+ she was brought up as a Moslem, and lived in conformity with that
+ faith, until, being converted to Christianity about eight years
+ before this time, and finding the intolerance of her father and
+ her brother unbearable, she deserted her home. But when her
+ brother, in his efforts to discover and reclaim her, persecuted
+ many Christian families, whom he suspected of conniving at her
+ escape, she voluntarily surrendered herself to him, saying, "Here
+ am I whom you seek, and for whose sake you persecute the people
+ of God. I am a Christian. Do your best to annul that confession:
+ none of your torments will be able to overcome my faith." Her
+ brother, after trying in vain, by alternate threats and
+ blandishments, to bring her back from her error, finally dragged
+ her before the Kadi; and he, hearing her brother's accusation,
+ and her own confession, ordered her to be barbarously beaten, and
+ then given up nearly dead to her brother. She managed, however,
+ to recover, and escaped under angelic guidance.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_119" id="FNanchor_2_119"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_119" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Shortly afterwards,
+ while praying in a church, she was found by Maria, sister of
+ Walabonsus above-mentioned,<a name="FNanchor_3_120" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_120" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> who had been martyred a few months previously.
+ Their father, being a Christian, converted his unbelieving wife.
+ They came to live at Froniano, near Cordova, and their daughter
+ was educated at the nunnery of Cuteclara, near the city, under
+ the care of the abbess, Artemia. Brooding over her brother's
+ martyrdom, and perhaps, as was so often the case, seeing his
+ glorified spirit in a vision, she left the cloister, determining
+ to follow in his saintly footsteps. While on her way to give
+ herself up, she turned aside into a church to pray, and found
+ Flora there.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_118" id="Footnote_1_118"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_118"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
+ Flora and Maria," by Eulogius, secs. 3 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_119" id="Footnote_2_119"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_119"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 8. "Agelico comitante meatu."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_120" id="Footnote_3_120"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_120"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Life of
+ Flora and Maria," sec. 11. Lane Poole, "Moors in Spain," says,
+ "Sister of Isaac."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Together, then, did these devoted girls go forth<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_121" id="FNanchor_1_121"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_121" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to curse Mohammed, of
+ whom they probably knew next to nothing, and lose their own
+ lives. The judge, however, pitying their youth and beauty, merely
+ imprisoned them. News of his sister's imprisonment being brought
+ to Flora's brother, he induced the judge to make a further
+ examination of her, and she was brought out of prison before the
+ Kadi, who, pointing to her brother, asked her if she knew him.
+ Flora answered that she did—as her brother according to the
+ flesh. "How is it, then," asked the judge, "that he remains a
+ good Moslem, while you have apostatized?" She answered that God
+ had enlightened her; and, on professing herself ready to repeat
+ her former denunciations of the Prophet, she was again remanded
+ to prison. Here she and Maria are threatened with being thrown
+ upon the streets as prostitutes<a name="FNanchor_2_122" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_122" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>—a punishment far worse than the easy death
+ they had desired. This shakes their constancy; when they find an
+ unexpected comforter in Eulogius himself, who is now imprisoned
+ for being an encourager and inciter of defiance to the laws. It
+ is strange that he should have been allowed to carry on in the
+ prison itself the very work for which he had been imprisoned. The
+ support of Eulogius enabled these tender maidens to stand firm
+ through another examination, and the judge, proving too merciful,
+ or too good a Moslem, to carry out the above-mentioned threat,
+ they were led forth to die (November 24, 851). Before their death
+ they had promised Eulogius to intercede before the throne of God
+ for his release, which accordingly is brought to pass six days
+ after their own execution.<a name="FNanchor_3_123" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_123" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ An interval of only a little more than a month elapsed before
+ Gumesindus, a priest of the district called Campania, near
+ Cordova, and Servus Dei, a monk, suffered death in the same way
+ (January 13, 852).<a name="FNanchor_4_124" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_124" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_121" id="Footnote_1_121"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_121"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog. to
+ Alvar, i. sec. 2; "Life of Flora and Maria," by Eulog., sec.
+ 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_122" id="Footnote_2_122"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_122"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 13, and Eulog., "Doc. Mart.," sec. 4.
+ Eulogius tried to lessen the terror of this threat by pointing
+ out that "non polluit mentem aliena corruptio, quam non foedat
+ propria delectatis,"—a poor consolation, but the only one! He
+ does not seem to have known—or surely he would have quoted
+ it—the express injunction of the Koran (xxiv. verse
+ 35):—"Compel not your maidservants to prostitute themselves, if
+ they be willing to live chastely ... but, if any shall compel
+ them thereto, verily God will be gracious and merciful unto
+ such women after their compulsion."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_123" id="Footnote_3_123"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_123"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295. Fleury, v. 100.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_124" id="Footnote_4_124"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_124"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulogius,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ix.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There was now a pause for six months in the race for martyrdom,
+ and it seemed as if the Church had come to its right mind upon
+ this subject. This, however, was far from being the case.
+ Hitherto the victims had been almost without exception priests,
+ monks, and nuns; but the next martyrs afford us instances of
+ married couples claiming a share in this doubtful honour. These
+ were Aurelius, son of a Moslem father and a Christian mother, and
+ his wife Sabigotha (or Nathalia), the daughter of Moslem parents,
+ whose father dying, her mother married a Christian and was
+ converted; and Felix and his wife Liliosa.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_125" id="FNanchor_1_125"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_125" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It would seem that
+ with all the harm that was done by this outbreak of fanaticism,
+ some good was also effected in awaking the worldly-minded
+ adherents of Christianity from the spiritual torpor into which
+ they were sinking; for these new martyrs were of the class of
+ hidden<a name="FNanchor_2_126" id="FNanchor_2_126"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_126" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Christians, who were
+ now shamed into avowing their real creed.<a name="FNanchor_3_127"
+ id="FNanchor_3_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_127" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet surely it had been far better if they had
+ been content to live like Christians instead of dying like
+ suicides. In their case, indeed, we find no sudden irresistible
+ impulse driving them to defy the laws, but a slowly-matured
+ conviction that it was their duty, disregarding all human ties,
+ to give themselves up to death. In this resolution they were
+ fortified by the advice and encouragement of Eulogius and
+ Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_128" id="FNanchor_4_128"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_128" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> the latter of whom
+ prudently warns Aurelius to make sure that his courage is
+ sufficient to stand the trial.<a name="FNanchor_5_129" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_129" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Sabigotha is persuaded to accompany her
+ husband in his self-destruction, her natural reluctance to leave
+ her children being overcome by Eulogius,<a name="FNanchor_6_130"
+ id="FNanchor_6_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_130" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> who recommends that they should be given over
+ to the care of a monastery. A seasonable vision, in which Flora
+ and Maria appear to her, clenches her purpose.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_125" id="Footnote_1_125"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_125"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. ch. x., secs. 1, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_126" id="Footnote_2_126"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_126"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See below,
+ p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_127" id="Footnote_3_127"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_127"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Aurelius
+ was roused from his religious dissimulation by seeing the
+ sufferings of John. See Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. x. sec.
+ 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_128" id="Footnote_4_128"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_128"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 18.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_129" id="Footnote_5_129"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_129"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This would
+ lead us to suppose that the courage of some <i>had</i> failed.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_130" id="Footnote_6_130"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_130"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulogius
+ comments:—"O admirabilis ardor divinus, quo filiorum affectus
+ respuitur!" The parents not only desert their children, but
+ give away most of their goods to the poor, thereby making their
+ own children of the number.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile a foreign monk from Bethlehem, who, being sent on
+ business connected with his monastery to Africa, had crossed over
+ in Spain, impelled by the wild enthusiasm there prevailing,
+ determined to offer himself as a candidate for martyrdom with the
+ four persons above mentioned.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ They then take counsel together how they may best effect their
+ purpose, there being evidently enough difficulty in procuring
+ martyrdom for themselves to shew the statements of the
+ apologists, that there was a fierce persecution raging, to be at
+ least much exaggerated, if not entirely without foundation. The
+ plan decided upon, which the devisers audaciously attributed to
+ the suggestion of God,<a name="FNanchor_1_131" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_131" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> was that the women should go forth unveiled
+ and with hurried steps to the church, in the hope that such an
+ unwonted sight would direct attention to them, and occasion the
+ arrest of the whole number. It fell out as desired, and they were
+ all brought before the judge, and interrogated with the usual
+ result, except that the judge on this occasion dismissed them
+ with scornful anger.<a name="FNanchor_2_132" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_132" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> But George, disappointed at his untoward
+ clemency, as they were being led away broke out with,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_133" id="FNanchor_3_133"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_133" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Can you not go down
+ to hell without seeking to drag us also thither as your
+ companions?"
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This incoherent abuse naturally incensed the soldiers, as it was
+ no doubt intended that it should. Accordingly the prisoners were
+ dragged again before the Kadi, who asked them in a mild tone of
+ remonstrance, why they had abandoned the faith of Islam,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_134" id="FNanchor_4_134"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_134" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and refused to live,
+ promising them at the same time great rewards, if they would
+ become Moslems again. On their refusal they were remanded for two
+ days, which seemed a very long time, so eager were they to die.
+ They pass the time with singing hymns, and are blessed with
+ visits of angels and miraculous signs. Their chains drop off, and
+ the gaolers dare not again bind those whom Christ Himself had
+ loosed.<a name="FNanchor_5_135" id="FNanchor_5_135"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_135" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The authorities, now
+ as ever, anxious if possible to avoid extreme penalties,
+ determine to release George, because they had not
+ themselves<a name="FNanchor_6_136" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_136" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> heard his blasphemy. He baulks their merciful
+ intention by repeating his words on the spot, and he is
+ accordingly led forth and beheaded with the others (July 27,
+ 852).
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Within a month Christopher,<a name="FNanchor_7_137" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_137" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> a monk of Rojana, and of Arab lineage, and
+ Leovigild, a monk of Fraga, both being places near Cordova, are
+ executed for the same offence and in the same manner, their dead
+ bodies being nailed to stakes. While taking the air in his
+ palace,<a name="FNanchor_8_138" id="FNanchor_8_138"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_138" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the king saw these bodies, and ordered them to
+ be burnt, and the ashes scattered in the river. The same night
+ Abdurrahman II. was struck down with apoplexy, and the martyrs'
+ friends hailed it as a manifest judgment from Heaven.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_131" id="Footnote_1_131"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_131"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 27. "Omnes in cornmuni coepimus
+ <i>cogitare quomodo ad desideratum perveniremus coronam:</i> et
+ ita <i>Domino disfiensante</i> visum est nobis ut fugerent
+ sorores nostrae revelatis vultibus ad ecclesiam si forte nos
+ alligandi daretur occasio, et ita factum est."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_132" id="Footnote_2_132"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_132"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. "Exite quibus vita praesens taedium est,
+ et mors pro gloria computatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_133" id="Footnote_3_133"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_133"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 30. "An non poteritis vos infernalia
+ claustra adire, nisi nos comites habeatis? Numquid sine nobis
+ aeterna vos cruciamina non adurent?"
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_134" id="Footnote_4_134"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_134"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 31.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_135" id="Footnote_5_135"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_135"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," sec. 32.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_136" id="Footnote_6_136"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_136"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 33. "Ipsi optimates et priores palatii."
+ George, being a foreigner, could not be charged with apostasy
+ like the others.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_137" id="Footnote_7_137"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_137"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xi. Alvar's Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_138" id="Footnote_8_138"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_138"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> On a
+ "sublime solarium," Eul., "Mem. Sanct.," c. ii. sec. 2. See
+ Ortiz, "Compendio," iii. 52 (apud Buckle, ii. 442, note.) "En
+ lo mas cruel de los tormentos subió Abderramen un dia á las
+ azutens ó galerias de su Palacio. Descubrió desde alli los
+ cuerpos de los Santos marterizados en los patibulos y
+ atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos paraque no
+ quedase reliquia cumplióse luego la órdsa; pero aquel impio
+ probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volviá
+ por la sangre derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le
+ pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces: cerróssle la boca, y no
+ pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un gemido. Conduxeronle,
+ sus criados á la cama, murio aguella misma noche, y antes de
+ apagarse las hoqueras en que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró
+ la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los etemos fuegos del
+ infierno."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ He was succeeded by Mohammed I. (852-886), a less capable and
+ more bigoted ruler than his father. No sooner was he on the
+ throne than Emila, a deacon, and Jeremiah a priest of St
+ Cyprian's church, near Cordova, following in the footsteps of so
+ many predecessors, came before the Kadi, and reviled
+ Mohammed,—the former being enabled to do this with the more point
+ and effect, as he was to a remarkable degree master of the Arabic
+ language.<a name="FNanchor_1_139" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_139" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Emila and Jeremiah won the prize they coveted,
+ and were put to death (September 15, 852). The customary prodigy
+ occurred after the execution, in describing which the pious
+ Eulogius breaks into metre, saying, "Athletas cecidisse pios
+ elementa fatentur."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the following day occurred an outrage which the most bigoted
+ partizans of the martyrs must have blushed to record. Two
+ eunuchs, Rogel, a monk of Parapanda, near Elvira, and Servio Deo,
+ a eunuch of foreign extraction, forced their way into a mosque,
+ and by way of preaching—as they said—to the assembled
+ worshippers, they reviled their Prophet and their religion.
+ <a name="FNanchor_2_140" id="FNanchor_2_140"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_140" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Being set upon and
+ nearly torn in pieces by the infuriated congregation, they were
+ rescued by the Kadi, who imprisoned them till such time as their
+ sentence should be declared. They were condemned to have their
+ hands and feet cut off, and be beheaded; which sentence was
+ carried into effect.<a name="FNanchor_3_141" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_141" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_139" id="Footnote_1_139"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_139"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. Arabic boasts a larger vocabulary of
+ abuse than most languages: see the account of Prof. Palmer's
+ death in his Life by Besant.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_140" id="Footnote_2_140"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_140"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xiii. secs. 1, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_141" id="Footnote_3_141"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_141"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.
+ (1.1), adds: "Et ipsa gentilitas tali spectaculo stupefacta
+ nescio quid de Christianismo indulgentius sentiebat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Upon this fresh provocation the fury and apprehension of the king
+ knew no bounds. He might well be pardoned for thinking that this
+ defiance of the laws, and religious fanaticism, could only mean a
+ widespread disaffection and conspiracy against the Moslem rule.
+ In fact, as we shall see, the Christians of Toledo raised the
+ banner of revolt in favour of their Cordovan brethren at this
+ very time. Mohammed therefore seems to have meditated a real
+ persecution, such as should extirpate Christianity in his
+ dominions.<a name="FNanchor_1_142" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_142" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> He is said even to have given orders for a
+ general massacre of the males among the Christians, and for the
+ slavery, or worse, of the women, if they did not
+ apostatize.<a name="FNanchor_2_143" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_143" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> But the dispassionate advice of his
+ councillors saved the king from this crime. They pointed out that
+ no men of any intelligence, education, or rank among the
+ Christians had taken part in the doings of the zealots, and that
+ the whole body of Christians ought not to be cut off, since their
+ actions were not directed by any individual leader. Other
+ advisers seem to have diverted the king from his project of a
+ wholesale massacre by encouraging him to proceed legally against
+ the Christians with the utmost rigour, and by this means to cow
+ them into submission.<a name="FNanchor_3_144" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_144" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These strong measures apparently produced some effect, for no
+ other executions are recorded for a period of nine months; when
+ Fandila, a priest of Tabanos,<a name="FNanchor_4_145" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_145" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> and chosen by the monks of St Salvator's
+ monastery to be one of their spiritual overseers, came forward
+ and reviled the Prophet: whereupon he was imprisoned and
+ subsequently beheaded (June 13, 853). His fate awakened the
+ dormant fanaticism of Anastasius,<a name="FNanchor_5_146" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_146" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of St Acislus' church; of Felix, a
+ Gaetulian monk of Alcala de Henares; and of Digna, a virgin of St
+ Elizabeth's nunnery at Tabanos (the latter being strengthened in
+ her resolve by a celestial vision), who, pursuing the usual plan,
+ are beheaded the following day; their example being followed by
+ Benildis, a matron (June 15).<a name="FNanchor_6_147" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_147" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_142" id="Footnote_1_142"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_142"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct," ii. c. xii. "Non iam solummodo de mortibus
+ resistentium sibi excogitare coepenint, verum etiam totam
+ extirpare ecclesiam ruminarunt. Quoniam nimio terrore tot
+ hominim recurrentium ad martyrium concussa gentilitas regni sui
+ arbitrabatur imminere excidium, cum tali etiam praecinctos
+ virtute parvulos videret." A similar project is attributed
+ (mistakenly, without doubt) to Abdurrahman.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_143" id="Footnote_2_143"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_143"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, iii. c. vii. sec. 4. "Iusserat enim omnes
+ Christianos generali sententia perdere, feminasque publico
+ distractu disperdere." Cp. also Alvar, Life of Eul., iv. 12.
+ "Rex Mahomad incredibili rabie et effrenata sententia
+ Christicolum genus del ere funditus cogitabat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_144" id="Footnote_3_144"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_144"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> "Multi insaniam modificare nitentes per trucem
+ voluntatis iniquae officium diversis et exquisitis occasionibus
+ gregem Christi impetere tentaverunt."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_145" id="Footnote_4_145"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_145"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> iii. c. vii. secs. 1, 2. Fleury, v. 520, says he
+ was a monk of Guadix.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_146" id="Footnote_5_146"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_146"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. viii. secs. 1, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_147" id="Footnote_6_147"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_147"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. ch. ix.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The cloisters of Tabanos had furnished so many fanatics that the
+ Government now suppressed the place, removing the nuns and
+ shutting them up to prevent others giving themselves up.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_148" id="FNanchor_1_148"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_148" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> One of these however,
+ Columba,<a name="FNanchor_2_149" id="FNanchor_2_149"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_149" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sister of Elizabeth
+ and of the abbot Martin, contrived to escape. This Columba had
+ persisted in remaining a virgin, in spite of her mother's efforts
+ to make her marry, which only ceased when the mother died. She
+ now gave herself up and was beheaded (September 17).
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Just one month later Pomposa,<a name="FNanchor_3_150" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_150" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> from the monastery of St Salvator,
+ Pegnamellar, suffered the same fate. Then there was a pause in
+ these executions, which was not broken till July 11th of the
+ following year, when Abundius, a priest, was martyred. He seems
+ to have really deserved the name of martyr, for he was given up
+ to the authorities by the treachery of others,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_151" id="FNanchor_4_151"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_151" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and did not seek
+ martyrdom.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another similar period elapsed before Amator, a priest of Tucci
+ (Tejada); Peter, a monk of Cordova; and Ludovic, a brother of
+ Paul, the deacon, beheaded four years before, shared the same
+ fate (April 30, 855).<a name="FNanchor_5_152" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_152" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ After nearly a year Witesindus, a repentant renegade; Elias, an
+ old priest of Lusitania; and Paul and Isidore, young monks, gave
+ themselves up to execution<a name="FNanchor_6_153" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_153" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> (April 17, 856.) In June of that
+ year a more venerable victim was, like Abundius, betrayed to his
+ destruction. This was Argimirus, an old monk, once Censor of
+ Cordova (June 28).<a name="FNanchor_7_154" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_154" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> Exactly one month later Aurea, a virgin and
+ sister of the brothers John and Adulphus, whose martyrdom has
+ been already mentioned, was brought before the magistrate.
+ Descended from one of the noblest Arab families,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_155" id="FNanchor_8_155"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_155" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> she had long been left
+ unmolested, though her apostasy to Christianity was well known.
+ She was now frightened into temporary submission; but soon
+ repenting of her compliance, and avowing herself truly a
+ Christian, she gained a martyr's crown (July 29).
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_148" id="Footnote_1_148"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_148"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> So Miss
+ Yonge.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_149" id="Footnote_2_149"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_149"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. x. secs. I, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_150" id="Footnote_3_150"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_150"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. xi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_151" id="Footnote_4_151"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_151"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xii. "Quorundam commento vel fraude gentilium
+ ad martyrium furore pertractum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_152" id="Footnote_5_152"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_152"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ch. xiii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_153" id="Footnote_6_153"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_153"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cc. xiv. xv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_154" id="Footnote_7_154"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_154"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. xv., "Quorundam ethnicorum dolo vel odio
+ circumventus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_155" id="Footnote_8_155"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_155"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. sec. I, "Grandi fastu Arabicae traducis
+ exornabatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The next example affords a similar instance of real persecution.
+ Ruderic,<a name="FNanchor_1_156" id="FNanchor_1_156"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_156" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> a priest, whose
+ brother was a Moslem, unadvisedly intervened as a peacemaker, in
+ a quarrel, in which his brother was engaged. With the usual fate
+ of peacemakers, he was set upon by both parties, and nearly
+ killed. In fact his brother supposed him to be quite dead, and
+ had the body carried through the town, proclaiming that his
+ brother had become a Mussulman before his death.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_157" id="FNanchor_2_157"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_157" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> However, Ruderic
+ recovered, and made his escape, but being obliged to return to
+ Cordova, met his brother, who immediately brought him before the
+ Kadi on a charge of apostasy. His life and liberty were promised
+ to him if he would only acknowledge that Christ was merely man,
+ and that Mohammed was the messenger of God. On refusing, he is
+ imprisoned, and finds in prison a certain Salomon, also charged
+ with apostasy from Islam. The two fellow-prisoners contract a
+ great friendship and are consequently separated. After a third
+ exhortation, they are condemned to death, but not before the
+ judge had done his best to bribe them to forego their purpose by
+ offers of honour and rewards.<a name="FNanchor_3_158" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_158" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> They were executed March 13, 857, and their
+ bodies thrown into the river—even the stones sprinkled with their
+ blood being taken up and cast into the water, lest the Christians
+ should preserve them as relics. Ruderic's body was washed on
+ shore, fresh as when killed; while Salomon, not being equally
+ fortunate, informed a devout Christian in a vision, where his
+ body lay in a tamarisk thicket near the town of Nymphianum.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Hitherto the aider and abettor of these martyrdoms had himself
+ contrived to escape the penalty, which he had urged others to
+ brave. Whether this was due to any unworthy fear of death on his
+ part is not clear, but it may have been owing to the respect in
+ which he was held by the Moslem authorities. To these he was well
+ known as a man of irreproachable character and unaffected piety,
+ and several Arabs of high rank, who were his personal friends,
+ shewed themselves anxious to screen him from the effects of his
+ folly. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_4_159" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_159" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> was descended from a Senatorial family of
+ Cordova, and was educated at the Church of St Zoilus, where he
+ devoted himself to ecclesiastical studies, and soon surpassed his
+ contemporaries in learning. With his friend Alvar he sat at the
+ feet of Speraindeo, an eminent abbot in the province of Baetica.
+ Besides a sister Anulo, Eulogius had two brothers engaged in
+ trade, and another brother, Joseph, who seems to have been in
+ government employ.<a name="FNanchor_5_160" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_160" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_156" id="Footnote_1_156"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_156"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Lib. Apol.," sec. 21 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_157" id="Footnote_2_157"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_157"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> So the
+ Inquisitors in Spain used to pretend that their victims had
+ abjured their errors before being burnt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_158" id="Footnote_3_158"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_158"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Lib. Apol.," sec. 27.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_159" id="Footnote_4_159"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_159"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Life by
+ Alvar, c. i. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_160" id="Footnote_5_160"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_160"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul. ad
+ Wiliesindum, sec. 8, "Joseph, quem saeva tyranni indignatio eo
+ tempore a principatu dejecerat:" unless this is a metaphorical
+ allusion to Joseph in Egypt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Eulogius became early noted for his practice of asceticism, and
+ his desire for the life of a monk,<a name="FNanchor_1_161" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_161" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and for the glory of martyrdom. When strong
+ measures were taken by the authorities, in concert with
+ Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, to stamp out the mania for
+ martyrdom by threats, stripes, and imprisonment, though many were
+ frightened into submission, Eulogius, Alvar tells us,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_162" id="FNanchor_2_162"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_162" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> remained firm, in
+ spite of his being singled out as an "incentor martyrum" by a
+ certain Gomez, who was a temporising Christian in the king's
+ service.<a name="FNanchor_3_163" id="FNanchor_3_163"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_163" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_161" id="Footnote_1_161"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_161"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Life by
+ Alvar, sec. 3, "Ne virtus animi curis Saecularibus enervaretur,
+ quotidie ad caelestia cupiens volare corporea sarcina
+ gravabatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_162" id="Footnote_2_162"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_162"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Hic
+ inadibilis (=firm) nunquam vacillare vel tenui est visus
+ susurro."—Life by Alvar, sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_163" id="Footnote_3_163"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_163"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This man,
+ says Alvar, sec. 6, by a divine judgment, lost his hold on the
+ Christian faith, which he thus scrupled not to attack. See
+ below, p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There is no doubt that Eulogius did all he could to interfere
+ with and check that amalgamation of the Christians and Arabs
+ which he saw going on round him. Believing that such close
+ relations between the peoples tended to the spiritual degradation
+ of Christianity, he set himself deliberately to embitter those
+ relations, and, as far as he could, to make a good understanding
+ impossible. To discourage the learning of Arabic by the
+ Christians, he brought back with him from a journey to Pampluna
+ the classical writings of Virgil, Horace (Satires), Juvenal, and
+ Augustine's "De Civitate Dei."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ At the time when these martyrdoms took place, Eulogius was a
+ priest, but for some reason he tried to abstain from officiating
+ at the mass on the ground that he was himself a great
+ sinner.<a name="FNanchor_1_164" id="FNanchor_1_164"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_164" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> However, his
+ ecclesiastical superior<a name="FNanchor_2_165" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_165" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> (? Saul, Bishop of Cordova), soon made him
+ take a different view of the question by threatening him with
+ anathema if he neglected his duty any longer. Coming forward as a
+ prominent champion of the extreme party in the Church, he was
+ imprisoned in 851, where he wrote treatises in favour of the
+ martyrs, and was released, as we have seen, by the intercession
+ of Flora and Maria on November 29th of that year.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_164" id="Footnote_1_164"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_164"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> He pleads
+ his "delicti onera," ch. i. sec. 7. Perhaps he was infected
+ with one of the "Migetian errors" of the previous century,
+ which was that "priests must be saints." Saul, Bishop of
+ Cordova (850-861), in a letter to another bishop (Florez, xi.
+ 156-163), refers with disapproval to those (? Eulogius) who
+ held that "sacramenta tunc esse solum modo sancta, cum
+ sanctorum fuerint manibus praelibata;" and he quotes Augustine
+ and Isidore against the error.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_165" id="Footnote_2_165"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_165"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Pontifex
+ proprius.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 858,<a name="FNanchor_1_166" id="FNanchor_1_166"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_166" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on the death of
+ Wistremirus, he was chosen by the votes of the people<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_167" id="FNanchor_2_167"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_167" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> to succeed him as
+ Bishop of Toledo; but from some cause, perhaps by the
+ intervention of the Moslems, he was prevented from occupying his
+ see. The people then determined to have no bishop, if they might
+ not have him.<a name="FNanchor_3_168" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_168" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Yet, adds the pious Alvar, he got his
+ bishopric after all, for "all holy men are bishops, though not
+ all bishops holy men."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_166" id="Footnote_1_166"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_166"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
+ Eul.," Alvar, ii. sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_167" id="Footnote_2_167"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_167"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Communis
+ electio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_168" id="Footnote_3_168"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_168"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 547, says another bishop was elected in Eulogius' lifetime; but
+ Alvar's words are "Alium sibi eo vivente interdixerunt
+ eligere."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In the following year he was again imprisoned as being a
+ disturber of the public peace, but as on a former occasion he had
+ been allowed to support and encourage Flora and Maria, so now was
+ he permitted to finish in prison a book in defence of the
+ martyrs,<a name="FNanchor_1_169" id="FNanchor_1_169"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_169" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> which had the direct
+ tendency of inciting others to go and do likewise. The occasion
+ of Eulogius' second imprisonment was as follows:—Leocritia, a
+ maiden of Arab extraction and of noble birth,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_170" id="FNanchor_2_170"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_170" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> had been secretly
+ baptised by Liliosa, the wife of Felix. Her parents, learning her
+ apostasy, cruelly ill-treated, and even beat her, in order to
+ make her renounce Christ. She naturally turned to Eulogius and
+ his sister Anulo for advice in her afflictions, expressing a wish
+ to escape to a part of Spain where the Christian worship was
+ free. As a first step to this, she leaves her parents under
+ pretence of going to a wedding, and takes refuge with Eulogius.
+ Her parents, furious at her escape, get all sorts of people
+ imprisoned on the charge of aiding her; and she is at last
+ betrayed and surprised at the house of her protector. They are
+ both dragged before the Kadi, who asks Eulogius angrily why he
+ persists in defying the laws in this way.<a name="FNanchor_3_171"
+ id="FNanchor_3_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_171" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The bishop defends himself by pleading that
+ Christian clergy are bound to impart a knowledge of their
+ religion, if asked, as he had been by Leocritia.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_172" id="FNanchor_4_172"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_172" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The judge then
+ threatens to have him scourged, but Eulogius, preferring death to
+ so painful and degrading a punishment, repeats the lesson which
+ he had taught to so many others, and reviles Mohammed. Even so
+ the judge shows a disposition to treat him with leniency, and he
+ is remanded to prison with Leocritia.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ When brought up again before the royal Council,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_173" id="FNanchor_5_173"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_173" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> an influential friend
+ makes a last effort to save him, saying: "Fools and idiots rush
+ on their own destruction, but what induces you, a man of approved
+ wisdom and blameless character, in defiance of all natural
+ instincts, to throw away your life in this manner?" He urges
+ Eulogius to say but one word of concession in the hour of peril,
+ promising that he should afterwards be free to exercise his
+ religion as he pleased, without let or hindrance. But the bishop
+ could hardly turn back now, and he rejected all such offers with
+ the ejaculation, "If they only knew the joy that awaits us on
+ high!"
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_169" id="Footnote_1_169"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_169"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
+ Eulog., Letter to Alvar, Florez, xi. 295.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_170" id="Footnote_2_170"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_170"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ Life of Eulog., i. sec. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_171" id="Footnote_3_171"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_171"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Life of Eulog.," i. secs. 14, 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_172" id="Footnote_4_172"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_172"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This kind
+ of proselytism was not held to be a capital crime by the
+ Moslems. See Dozy, ii. 171.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_173" id="Footnote_5_173"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_173"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Life of Eul.," v. sec. 15. Fleury v. 548.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On his way to execution, when struck by one of the bystanders on
+ one cheek, he turned the other meekly to the striker. He was
+ beheaded on March 11, 859, and Leocritia four days later.
+ Miraculous appearances honoured the body of the martyred bishop,
+ which was buried in the Church of St Genesius, whence it was
+ translated in the next year to his own church of St Zoilus, and
+ in 883 was given up, together with that of Leocritia, to Alphonso
+ III. (866-910) by express stipulation.
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ CONTROVERSY CONCERNING THE MARTYRS.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ With the death of Eulogius the series of voluntary martyrdoms
+ comes to an end, and it will be convenient at this point to
+ consider the whole question of the relation of the Church to the
+ civil power, and how far those "confessors," who were put to
+ death under the circumstances already related, were entitled to
+ the name of martyrs. Unfortunately the evidence we have on the
+ subject is drawn almost entirely from the apologists of their
+ doings, and therefore may fairly be suspected of some bias. Yet
+ even from them can be shown conclusively enough that no real
+ persecution was raging in Mohammedan Spain at this time, such as
+ to justify the extreme measures adopted by the party of zealots.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ If we except the cases of John and Adulphus, and of Nunilo and
+ Alodia, the date of which is doubtful, there is not a single
+ recorded instance of a Christian being put to death for his
+ religion by the Arabs in Spain before the middle of the ninth
+ century. The Muzarabes,<a name="FNanchor_1_174" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_174" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> as the Christians living under the Arabs were
+ called, enjoyed a remarkable degree of freedom in the exercise of
+ their religion—the services and rites of the Church being
+ conducted as heretofore.<a name="FNanchor_2_175" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_175" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> In Cordova alone we find mention of the
+ following churches:<a name="FNanchor_3_176" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_176" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> the Church of St Acislus, a former martyr of
+ Cordova; of St Zoilus; of the Three Martyrs—Faustus, Januarius,
+ Martialis; of St Cyprian; of SS. Genesius and Eulalia; and of the
+ Virgin Mary.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_174" id="Footnote_1_174"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_174"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
+ Gayangos on Al Makk., i. p. 420, says the word means "those who
+ try to imitate the Arabs in manners and language."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_175" id="Footnote_2_175"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_175"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.
+ Letter to Alvar. After the death of Flora he says he spent the
+ ninth hour in prayer, then "auctis tripucliis, vespertinum,
+ matutinum, missale sacrificium consequenter ad honorem (Dei) et
+ gloriam nostrarum virginum celebravimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_176" id="Footnote_3_176"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_176"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez, x.
+ 245.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Of the last of these there is an interesting account in an Arab
+ writer, who died in 1034.<a name="FNanchor_1_177" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_177" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "I once entered at night," he says, "into the
+ principal Christian Church. I found it all strewed with green
+ branches of myrtle, and planted with cypress trees. The noise of
+ the thundering bells resounded in my ears; the glare of the
+ innumerable lamps dazzled my eyes; the priests, decked in rich
+ silken robes of gay and fanciful colours, and girt with girdle
+ cords, advanced to adore Jesus. Everyone of those present had
+ banished mirth from his countenance, and expelled from his mind
+ all agreeable ideas; and if they directed their steps towards the
+ marble font it was merely to take sips of water with the hollow
+ of their hands. The priest then rose and stood among them, and
+ taking the wine cup in his hands prepared to consecrate it: he
+ applied to the liquor his parched lips, lips as dark as the dusky
+ lips of a beautiful maid; the fragrancy of its contents
+ captivated his senses, but when he had tasted the delicious
+ liquor, the sweetness and flavour seemed to overpower him." On
+ leaving the church, the Arab, with true Arabian facility,
+ extemporized some verses to the following effect: "By the Lord of
+ mercy! this mansion of God is pervaded with the smell of
+ unfermented red liquor, so pleasant to the youth. It was to a
+ girl that their prayers were addressed, it was for her that they
+ put on their gay tunics, instead of humiliating themselves before
+ the Almighty." Ahmed also says: "the priests, wishing us to stay
+ long among them, began to sing round us with their books in their
+ hands; every wretch presented us the palm of his withered hand
+ (with the holy water), but they were even like the bat, whose
+ safety consists in his hatred for light; offering us every
+ attraction that their drinking of new wine, or their eating of
+ swine's flesh, could afford." This narrative is in many respects
+ very characteristic of an Arab writer, who would not feel the
+ incongruity of an illustration on such a theme drawn from "the
+ lips of a maid," or the irrelevancy of a reference to swine's
+ flesh. But the account merits attention on other grounds, for it
+ shews how little even the more intelligent Moslems understood the
+ ceremonies of the religion which they had conquered, though they
+ might be pardoned for thinking that the Christians worshipped the
+ Virgin Mary, both because Mohammed himself fell into the same
+ error, and because probably the Roman Church and its adherents
+ had already begun to pay her idolatrous worship.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The chief church in Cordova at the conquest seems to have been
+ the church of St Vincent. On the taking of the town,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_178" id="FNanchor_2_178"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_178" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the Christians had to
+ give up half of it to the Arabs, a curious arrangement, but one
+ enforced elsewhere by the Saracens. In 784 the Christians were
+ induced, or compelled, to sell their half for 100,000 dinars, and
+ it was pulled down to make room for the Great Mosque.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_179" id="FNanchor_3_179"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_179" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In 894 we find that
+ the Cordovans were allowed to build a new church.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_177" id="Footnote_1_177"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_177"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ahmed ibn
+ Abdilmalik ibn Shoheyd, Al Makk., i. 246. I quote De Gayangos'
+ translation.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_178" id="Footnote_2_178"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_178"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> De
+ Gayangos on Al Makk., i. 368, says the cathedral was at first
+ guaranteed to the Christians. Some time later than 750 they had
+ to surrender half of it; in 784 they were obliged to sell the
+ other half, and in return were allowed to rebuild the destroyed
+ churches. For the "church of the burnt" see above, p. 29, note
+ 1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_179" id="Footnote_3_179"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_179"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This was
+ not finished till 793. The original structure cost 80,000
+ dinars. Several Khalifs added to it, and Hakem II. (961-976)
+ alone spent on it 160,000 dinars.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Besides these within the walls, there were ten or twelve
+ monasteries and churches in the immediate neighbourhood of
+ Cordova: among them the monastery of St Christopher, the famous
+ one of Tabanos, suppressed as above mentioned, in 854;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_180" id="FNanchor_1_180"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_180" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> those of St Felix at
+ Froniano, of St Martin at Royana, of the Virgin Mary at
+ Cuteclara, of St Salvator at Pegnamellar; and the churches of SS.
+ Justus and Pastor, and of St Sebastian.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We have given the names of these churches and monasteries<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_181" id="FNanchor_2_181"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_181" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> at or near Cordova,
+ both to shew how numerous they were, and also because from one or
+ other of them came nearly all the self-devoted martyrs, of whom
+ we are about to consider the claims. Except in cases like that
+ above-mentioned, the Christians were not allowed to build new
+ churches,<a name="FNanchor_3_182" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_182" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> but considering the diminution in the numbers
+ of the Christians owing to the conquest, and the apostasy of a
+ great many, this could not be reckoned a great hardship. Moreover
+ the Christian churches, it was ordained, should be open to
+ Moslems as well as Christians, though during the performance of
+ mass it seems that they had to be kept closed. The Mosques were
+ never to be polluted by the step of an infidel.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_183" id="FNanchor_4_183"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_183" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_180" id="Footnote_1_180"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_180"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 162.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_181" id="Footnote_2_181"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_181"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Monasteries were established in Spain 150 years before the
+ Saracen conquest. They mostly fared badly at the hands of the
+ Arabs, in spite of the injunctions of the Khalif Abubeker (see
+ Conde, i. 37, and Gibbon), but that of Lorban at Coimbra
+ received a favourable charter in 734 (Fleury, v. 89; but
+ Dunham, ii. 154, doubts the authenticity of the charter).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_182" id="Footnote_3_182"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_182"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the
+ stipulation of Omar at the fall of Jerusalem.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_183" id="Footnote_4_183"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_183"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Charter of Coimbra, apud Fleury, v. 89.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The religious ferment, which manifested itself so strongly at
+ Cordova, did not extend to other parts of Spain. For instance, at
+ Elvira, the cradle of Spanish Christianity, it was shortly after
+ the Cordovan martyrdoms (in 864) that the mosque, founded in the
+ year of the conquest, and left unbuilt for 150 years, was finally
+ finished. What we hear about the Christians at Elvira at this
+ time is not to their credit, their bishop, Samuel, being
+ notorious as an evil liver.<a name="FNanchor_1_184" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_184" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> It is in Cordova that the main interest at
+ this period centres; and to Cordova we will for the present
+ confine our attention.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is abundant evidence to show that the party of enthusiasts,
+ both those who offered themselves for martyrdom, and those who
+ aided and abetted their more impulsive brethren, were a
+ comparatively small body in the Church of Spain; and that their
+ proceedings awakened little short of dismay in the minds of the
+ more sensible portion of the Christian community, both in the
+ Arab part of Spain, and perhaps in a less degree in the free
+ North.<a name="FNanchor_2_185" id="FNanchor_2_185"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_185" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The chief leaders of
+ the party of zealots—as far as we find mention of them—were Saul,
+ bishop of Cordova (850-861), Eulogius, and Samson, abbot of the
+ monastery of Pegnamellar; while Reccafredus, bishop of Seville,
+ and Hostegesis of Malaga, were the prominent ecclesiastics on the
+ other side.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_184" id="Footnote_1_184"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_184"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ibn
+ Khatib, apud Dozy, ii. 210.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_185" id="Footnote_2_185"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_185"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
+ 63.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Before relating what steps the latter took in conjunction with
+ the Moslem authorities to put down the dangerous outbreak of
+ fanaticism, it will be interesting to note what was the attitude
+ of the different sections of the Church towards the misguided men
+ who gave themselves up to death, and their claims to the crown of
+ martyrdom. Those who denied the validity of these claims, rested
+ their contention on the grounds, that the so-called martyrs had
+ compassed their own destruction, there being no persecution at
+ the time; that they had worked no miracles in proof of their high
+ claims; that they had been slain by men who believed in the true
+ God; that they had suffered an easy and immediate death; and that
+ their bodies had corrupted like those of other men.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was an abuse of words, said the party of moderation, to call
+ these suicides by the holy name of martyrs, when no violence in
+ high places had forced them to deny their faith,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_186" id="FNanchor_1_186"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_186" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> or interfered with
+ their due observance of Christianity. It was merely an act of
+ ostentatious pride—and pride was the root of all evil—to court
+ danger. Such conduct had never been enjoined by Christ, and was
+ quite alien from the meekness and humility of His
+ character.<a name="FNanchor_2_187" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_187" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ They might have added that such voluntary martyrdoms had been
+ expressly condemned,
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>a.</i>) By the circular letter of the Church of Smyrna to the
+ other churches, describing Polycarp's martyrdom, in the terms:
+ "We commend not those who offer themselves of their own accord,
+ for that is not what the gospel teacheth us:"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_188" id="FNanchor_3_188"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_188" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>b.</i>) By St Cyprian,<a name="FNanchor_4_189" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_189" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> who, when brought before the consul and
+ questioned, said "our discipline forbiddeth that any should offer
+ themselves of their own accord;" and in his last letter he says:
+ "Let none of you offer himself to the pagans, it is sufficient if
+ he speak when apprehended:"
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>c.</i>) By Clement of Alexandria: "We also blame those who
+ rush to death, for there are some, not of us, but only bearing
+ the same name, who give themselves up:"<a name="FNanchor_5_190"
+ id="FNanchor_5_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_190" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>d.</i>) Implicitly by the synod of Elvira, or Illiberis
+ (<i>circa</i> 305), one of the canons of which forbade him to be
+ ranked as a martyr, who was killed on the spot for breaking
+ idols:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>e.</i>) By Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who, when consulted
+ on the question of reducing the immense lists of acknowledged
+ martyrs, gave it as his opinion that those should be first
+ excluded who had courted martyrdom.<a name="FNanchor_6_191" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_191" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> One bishop alone, and he a late one, Benedict
+ XIV. of Rome,<a name="FNanchor_7_192" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_192" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> has ventured to approve what the Church has
+ condemned. Nor is this the only instance in which the Roman
+ Church has set aside the decisions of an earlier Christendom.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_186" id="Footnote_1_186"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_186"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i., sec. 18, "Quos nulla praesidalis violentia
+ fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctae piaeque
+ religionis amovit:" sec. 23, "Quos liberalitas regis suum
+ incolere iusserat Christianismum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_187" id="Footnote_2_187"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_187"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Quoting
+ such texts as Matt. v. 44, "Bless them that curse you, and pray
+ for them that despitefully use you:" Pet. ii. 23, "Submit
+ yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_188" id="Footnote_3_188"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_188"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eusebius
+ iv. 15. See Neander, i. p. 150. (A.D. 167.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_189" id="Footnote_4_189"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_189"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Martyred
+ 258.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_190" id="Footnote_5_190"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_190"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Long's
+ "M. Aurelius Antoninus," Introd., p. 21.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_191" id="Footnote_6_191"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_191"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Burton's
+ "History of the Christian Church," p. 336.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_192" id="Footnote_7_192"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_192"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> 1740-1748:
+ in his "De Servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum
+ canonizatione," Bk. iii. 16, sec. 7. Fleury, v. 541.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The charges against the zealots were twofold, that there had been
+ no persecution worthy of the name, such as to justify their
+ doings, and that those doings themselves were contrary to the
+ teaching and spirit of Christianity. The latter part of the
+ charge has already been dealt with, and may be considered
+ sustained. As to the other part, the apologists, it must be
+ confessed, answer with a very uncertain sound. Sometimes, indeed,
+ they deny it point-blank:<a name="FNanchor_1_193" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_193" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "as if," says Eulogius, "the destruction of
+ our churches,<a name="FNanchor_2_194" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_194" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> the insults heaped upon our clergy, the
+ monthly tax<a name="FNanchor_3_195" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_195" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> which we pay, the perils of a hard life, lived
+ on sufferance, are nothing." These insults and affronts are
+ continually referred to. "No one," says the same author,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_196" id="FNanchor_4_196"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_196" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "can go out or come in
+ amongst us in security, no one pass a knot of Moslems in the
+ street without being treated with contumely. They mock at the
+ marks<a name="FNanchor_5_197" id="FNanchor_5_197"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_197" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> of our order. They
+ hoot at us and call us fools and vain. The very children jeer at
+ us, and even throw stones and potsherds at the priests. The sound
+ of the church-going bell<a name="FNanchor_6_198" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_198" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> never fails to evoke from Moslem hearers the
+ foulest and most blasphemous language. They even deem it a
+ pollution to touch a Christian's garment." Alvar adds that the
+ Moslems would fall to cursing when they saw the cross;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_199" id="FNanchor_7_199"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_199" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and when they
+ witnessed a burial according to Christian rites, would say aloud,
+ "Shew them no mercy, O God," throwing stones withal at the Lord's
+ people, and defiling their ears with the filthiest abuse.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_200" id="FNanchor_8_200"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_200" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> "Yet," he indignantly
+ exclaims, "you say that this is not a time of persecution; nor is
+ it, I answer, a time of apostles. But I affirm that it is a
+ deadly time<a name="FNanchor_9_201" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_201" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> ... are we not bowed beneath the yoke of
+ slavery, burdened with intolerable taxes, spoiled of our goods,
+ lashed with the scourges of their abuse, made a byword and a
+ proverb, aye, a spectacle to all nations?"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_202" id="FNanchor_10_202"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_202" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_193" id="Footnote_1_193"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_193"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 21: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_194" id="Footnote_2_194"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_194"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>; and Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_195" id="Footnote_3_195"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_195"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild,
+ "De habitu Clericorum." "Migne," 121, p. 565.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_196" id="Footnote_4_196"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_196"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eul., l.l.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_197" id="Footnote_5_197"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_197"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Stigmata.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_198" id="Footnote_6_198"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_198"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 6, "Derisioni et contemptui inhiantes capita
+ moventes infanda iterando congeminant." He adds: "Daily and
+ nightly from their minarets they revile the Lord by their
+ invocation of Allah and Mohammed!" Eul., "Lib. Ap.," sec. 19,
+ confesses that hearing their call to prayer always moved him to
+ quote Psalm xcvi. 7: "Confounded be all they that worship
+ carved images"—a very irrelevant malediction, as applied to the
+ Moslems.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_199" id="Footnote_7_199"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_199"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Alvar,
+ l.l., "Fidei signum opprobrioso elogio decolorant."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_200" id="Footnote_8_200"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_200"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ "Spurcitiarum fimo."—<i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_201" id="Footnote_9_201"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_201"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
+ "Mortiferum."—"Ind. Lum.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_202" id="Footnote_10_202"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_202"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31, gives us a very savage picture of the
+ Moslem character: "Sunt in superbia tumidi, in tumore cordis
+ elati, in delectatione carnalium operum fluidi, in comestione
+ superflui ... sine misericordia crudeles, sine iustitia
+ invasores, sine honore absque veritate, benignitatis nescientes
+ affectum ... humilitatem velut insaniam deridentes, castitatem
+ velut spurcitiam respuentes."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ That there was a certain amount of social ill-treatment, and that
+ the lower classes of Moslems did not take any pains to conceal
+ their dislike and scorn of such Christian beliefs and rites as
+ were at variance with their own creed, and moreover regarded
+ priests and monks with especial aversion, there can be no doubt.
+ But, on the other hand, there is no want of evidence to show that
+ the condition of the Christians was by no means so bad as the
+ apologists would have us suppose. Petty annoyances could not fail
+ to exist anywhere under such circumstances, as were actually to
+ be found in Spain at this time, and we may be sure that the
+ Christian priests in particular did not bear themselves with that
+ humility which might have ensured a mitigation of the annoyances.
+ Organised opposition to Christianity, unless the Moslem rule can
+ itself be called such, there was none, till it was called into
+ being by the action of the fanatics themselves. But apart from
+ all the other facts which point to this conclusion, we can call
+ the apologists themselves in evidence that there was no real
+ persecution going on at the time of the first martyrdoms.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_203" id="FNanchor_1_203"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_203" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> admits that the
+ Christians were not let or hindered in the free exercise of their
+ religion by saying that this state of things<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_204" id="FNanchor_2_204"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_204" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> was not due to the
+ forbearance (forsooth!) of the Moslems, but to the Divine mercy.
+ Alvar, too, in a passage which seems to contradict the whole
+ position which he is trying to defend, says<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_205" id="FNanchor_3_205"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_205" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>:—"Though many were the
+ victims of persecution, very many others—and you cannot deny
+ it—offered themselves a voluntary sacrifice to the Lord. Is it
+ not clear that it was not the Arabs who began persecuting, but we
+ who began preaching? Read the story of the martyrs, and you will
+ see that they rushed voluntarily on their fate, not waiting the
+ bidding of persecutors, nor the snares of informers; aye,
+ and—what is made so strong a charge against them—that they tired
+ out the forbearance of their rulers and princes by insult upon
+ insult."<a name="FNanchor_4_206" id="FNanchor_4_206"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_206" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_203" id="Footnote_1_203"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_203"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 29.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_204" id="Footnote_2_204"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_204"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Viz.,
+ "Quod inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_205" id="Footnote_3_205"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_205"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_206" id="Footnote_4_206"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_206"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Fatigasse
+ praesides et principes multis contumeliis."—<i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As to the other part of the accusation, that voluntary martyrs
+ were no martyrs, Eulogius could only declaim against the
+ Scriptures quoted by his opponents,<a name="FNanchor_1_207" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_207" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and refer to the morally blind, who make evil
+ their good, and take darkness to be their light;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_208" id="FNanchor_2_208"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_208" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> while he brought
+ forward a saying of certain wise men that "those martyrs will
+ hold the first rank in the heavenly companies who have gone to
+ their death unsummoned."<a name="FNanchor_3_209" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_209" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ He also sought to defend the practice of reviling Mohammed by the
+ plea that exorcism was allowed against the devil, which is
+ sufficiently ridiculous; but Alvar goes further, and calmly
+ assures us that these insults and revilings of the prophet were
+ merely a form of preaching<a name="FNanchor_4_210" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_210" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> to the poor benighted Moslems, naïvely
+ remarking that the Scriptures affirm that the Gospel of Christ
+ must be preached to all nations. Whereas, then, the Moslems had
+ not been preached to, these martyred saints had taken upon
+ themselves the sacred duty of rendering them "debtors to the
+ faith."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The second count<a name="FNanchor_5_211" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_211" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> against the martyrs was that they had worked
+ no miracles—a serious deficiency in an age when miracles were
+ almost the test of sanctity. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_6_212" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_212" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> could only meet the charge by admitting the
+ fact, but adding that miracles were frequent in the early ages,
+ in order to establish Christianity on a firm basis; and that the
+ constancy of the martyrs was in itself a miracle (which was true,
+ but not to the point). Had he been content with this, he had done
+ wisely; but he goes on: "Moreover, miracles are no sign of truth,
+ as even the unbelievers can work them."<a name="FNanchor_7_213"
+ id="FNanchor_7_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_213" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> Now, by trying to show why these martyrs did
+ not perform any miracles, he admits by implication that they were
+ deficient in this particular;<a name="FNanchor_8_214" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_214" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> and yet in other parts of his work he mentions
+ miracles performed by these very martyrs, as, for instance, by
+ Isaac, and by Flora, and Maria.<a name="FNanchor_9_215" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_215" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> So that the worthy priest is placed in this
+ dilemma: If miracles are really no sign of truth, why attribute
+ them to the martyrs, when, as is allowed elsewhere, they were
+ unable to work them? if, on the other hand, they did perform
+ these miracles, why not adduce them in evidence against the
+ detractors?
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_207" id="Footnote_1_207"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_207"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 19.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_208" id="Footnote_2_208"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_208"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Isaiah v.
+ 20.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_209" id="Footnote_3_209"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_209"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 24. Taken from some "Acts of the
+ Saints," probably those of SS. Emetherius and Caledonius—a book
+ obviously of no authority.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_210" id="Footnote_4_210"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_210"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 10, "In hac Israelitica gente nullus hactenus
+ exstitit praedicator, per quod debitores fidei tenerentur. Isti
+ enim (<i>i.e.</i>, the martyrs) apostolatus vicem in eosdem et
+ evangelicam praedicationem impleverunt, eosque fidei debitores
+ reddiderunt."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_211" id="Footnote_5_211"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_211"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_212" id="Footnote_6_212"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_212"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lib.
+ Apol.," sec 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_213" id="Footnote_7_213"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_213"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Lib.
+ Apol.," sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_214" id="Footnote_8_214"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_214"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Cp. "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_215" id="Footnote_9_215"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_215"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," Pref., sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The third objection is a curious one, that the martyrs were not
+ put to death by idolaters, but by men worshipping God and
+ acknowledging a divine law,<a name="FNanchor_1_216" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_216" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and therefore were not true martyrs. Eulogius
+ misses the true answer, which is obvious enough, and scornfully
+ exclaims:—"As if they could be said to believe in God, who
+ persecute His Church, and deem it hateful to believe in a Christ
+ who was very God and very man."<a name="FNanchor_2_217" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_217" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Fourthly, the martyrs died a quick and easy death. But, as
+ Eulogius points out,<a name="FNanchor_3_218" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_218" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> pain and torture give no additional claim to
+ the martyr's crown.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Lastly, it was objected that the bodies of these martyrs, as
+ indeed was to be expected, corrupted, and were even, in some
+ cases, devoured by dogs. "What matter," says Eulogius,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_219" id="FNanchor_4_219"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_219" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> "since their souls are
+ borne away to celestial mansions."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_216" id="Footnote_1_216"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_216"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul. "Lib.
+ Apol.," sec. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_217" id="Footnote_2_217"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_217"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_218" id="Footnote_3_218"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_218"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_219" id="Footnote_4_219"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_219"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 17.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But it was not objections brought by fellow-Christians only that
+ Eulogius took upon himself to answer, but also the taunts and
+ scoffs of the Moslems. "Why," said they, "if your God is the true
+ God, does He not strike terror into the executioners of his
+ saints by some great prodigy? and why do not the martyrs
+ themselves flash forth into miracles while the crowd is round
+ them? You rush upon your own destruction, and yet you work no
+ wonders that might induce us to change our opinion of your creed,
+ thereby doing your own side no good, and ours no harm."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_220" id="FNanchor_1_220"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_220" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Yet the constancy of the martyrs affected the Moslems more than
+ they cared to confess, as we may infer from the taunts levelled
+ at the Christians, when, in Mohammed's reign, some Christians,
+ from fear of death, even apostatized. "Whither," they
+ triumphantly asked,<a name="FNanchor_2_221" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_221" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> "has that bravery of your martyrs vanished?
+ What has become of the rash frenzy with which they courted
+ death?" Yet though they affected to consider the martyrs as fools
+ or madmen, they could not be blind to the effect that their
+ constancy was likely to produce on those who beheld their death,
+ and to the reverence with which their relics were regarded by the
+ Christians. They therefore expressly forbade the bodies of
+ martyrs to be preserved<a name="FNanchor_3_222" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_222" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and worshipped, and did their best to make
+ this in certain cases impossible by burning the corpses and
+ scattering the ashes on the river, though sometimes they
+ contented themselves with throwing the bodies, unburnt, into the
+ stream.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_220" id="Footnote_1_220"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_220"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Mem.
+ Sanct.," i. sec. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_221" id="Footnote_2_221"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_221"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. sec. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_222" id="Footnote_3_222"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_222"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See "De
+ Translatione corporum Sanctorum Martyrum," etc., sec. 11. "Non
+ enim, quos martyres faciunt, venerari Saraceni permittunt." See
+ above, p. 38. The bodies of earlier martyrs were more freely
+ given up at the request of the Christians. See "Chron. Silen.,"
+ secs. 95-100; Dozy, iv. 119, for the surrender of the body of
+ Justus; and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," sec. 9, where Eulogius
+ mentions that he had taken the bodies of Saints Zoilus and
+ Austus to Pampluna. Later, Hakem II. (961-976) gave up the body
+ of the boy Pelagius at Ramiro III.'s request. Mariana, viii. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ However, in spite of these regulations, many bodies were secretly
+ carried off and entombed in churches, where they were looked upon
+ as the most precious of possessions; and martyrs, who, by the
+ admission of their admirers themselves, had never worked any
+ miracles when living, were enabled, when dead, to perform a
+ series of extraordinary ones, which did not finally cease till
+ modern enlightenment had dissipated the darkness of the Middle
+ Ages.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We happen to possess a very interesting account of the
+ circumstances under which the relics of three of these Cordovan
+ martyrs were transferred from the troubled scene of their passion
+ to the more peaceful and more superstitious cloisters of
+ France.<a name="FNanchor_1_223" id="FNanchor_1_223"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_223" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was in 858 that Hilduin, the abbot of the monastery of St
+ Vincent and the Holy Cross, near Paris, learning that the body of
+ their patron saint, St Vincent, was at Valencia, sent two monks,
+ Usuard and Odilard, with the king's<a name="FNanchor_2_224" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_224" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> permission, to procure the precious relics for
+ their own monastery. On their way to perform this commission, the
+ monks learnt that the body was no longer at Valencia. It had
+ been, in fact, carried<a name="FNanchor_3_225" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_225" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> by a monk named Andaldus to Saragoza. Senior,
+ the bishop of that city, had seized it, and it was still held in
+ veneration there, but under the name of St Marinus, whose body
+ the monk had stoutly asserted it to be. Senior apparently doubted
+ the statement, and tortured Andaldus to get the truth out of him,
+ but in vain; for the monk, knowing that St Vincent had been
+ deacon of Saragoza, feared that the bishop would never surrender
+ the body if aware of its identity. However, Usuard and Odilard
+ knew not but that the body was that of Marinus, as stated.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_223" id="Footnote_1_223"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_223"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
+ Translatione SS. martyrum Georgii, Aurelii, et Nathaliae ex
+ urbe Cordobae Parisios: auctore Aimoino.—"Migne," vol. 115, pp.
+ 939 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_224" id="Footnote_2_224"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_224"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Charles
+ the Bald.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_225" id="Footnote_3_225"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_225"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Under a
+ divine impulse," as usual.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Disappointed, therefore, in their errand, they lingered about at
+ Barcelona, thinking to pick up some other relics, when a friend,
+ holding a high position in that town, Sunifridus by name,
+ mentioned the persecution at Cordova, news of which does not seem
+ to have travelled beyond Spain. They determine at once to go to
+ Cordova, relying on a friend there, named Leovigild, to help them
+ to obtain what they wished. Travelling in Spain, however, seems
+ to have been by no means safe<a name="FNanchor_1_226" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_226" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> at this period, and their bold resolution is
+ regarded with fear and admiration by their friends. The lord of
+ the Gothic marches, Hunifrid, being on friendly terms with the
+ Wali of Saragoza, writes to him on their behalf, and he entrusts
+ them to the care of a caravan which chanced to be just starting
+ for Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_226" id="Footnote_1_226"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_226"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See sec.
+ 2, and Eul., "Ad Wiliesindum," where he speaks of the road to
+ Gaul as "stipata praedonibus," and of all Gothia as "perturbata
+ funeroso Wilihelmi incursu."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ On reaching Cordova, after many days, they go to St Cyprian's
+ Church, where lay the bodies of John and Adulphus. The rumour of
+ their arrival brings Leovigild (called Abad Salomes), who proves
+ a very useful friend, and Samson, who just at this juncture is
+ made abbot of the monastery at Pegnamellar, where the bodies of
+ George, Aurelius, and Sabigotha were buried—the very relics which
+ they had decided to try and obtain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The monks of the monastery naturally object to parting with such
+ precious possessions, but Samson contrives to get the bishop's
+ permission to give up the bodies.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This was all the more opportune, as a chance was now given them
+ of returning to Barcelona, by joining the expedition which
+ Mohammed I. was on the point of making against Toledo. Orders had
+ been given that all the inhabitants, strangers as well as
+ citizens, except the city guard, should go out with the King.
+ However, the Frankish monks were met by an unexpected difficulty.
+ In the temporary absence of the abbot, the monks of Pegnamellar
+ refused to give up the relics, and it was only with much
+ difficulty that the bishop Saul was induced to confirm his former
+ permission to remove them.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The bodies were now exhumed without the knowledge of the Moslems,
+ and sealed with Charles' own seal, brought for that purpose.
+ George's body was found whole, but of the other two, only the
+ head of Nathalia, and the trunk of Aurelius' body. The two latter
+ are united to form one corpse, as it is written, "they two shall
+ be one flesh." After a stay in Cordova of eight weeks, they set
+ out under the protection of some Christians serving in the army.
+ Leovigild, who had been away on the King's business, now returns,
+ and escorts them to Toledo. The approach of the army having
+ cleared away the brigands who infested those parts, the monks
+ with their precious freight got safely away to Saragoza, and
+ returned with their booty to France, where the relics worked
+ numbers of astonishing miracles.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us return from this digression to the steps taken by the
+ moderate party among the Christians, and by the Moslem
+ authorities, to put an end to what seemed so dangerous an
+ agitation. That Reccafredus was not the only ecclesiastic of high
+ position who took exception to the new movement we learn clearly
+ enough from Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_1_227" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_227" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> who tells us that "bishops, priests, deacons,
+ and 'wise men' of Cordova joined in inveighing against the new
+ martyrdoms, under the impulse of fear wellnigh denying the faith
+ of Christ, if not in words, yet by their acts." We may,
+ therefore, conclude that the greater part of the ecclesiastical
+ authorities were heart and soul with the Bishop of Seville, while
+ the party led by Eulogius and Saul was a comparatively small one.
+ However, strong measures were necessary, and Reccafredus did not
+ hesitate to imprison several priests and clergy.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_228" id="FNanchor_2_228"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_228" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Eulogius complains
+ that the churches were deprived of their ministers, and the
+ customary church rites were in abeyance, "while the spider wove
+ her web in the deserted aisles, tenanted only by a dreadful
+ silence." In this passage the writer doubtless gives reins to his
+ imagination, yet there must have been a certain amount of truth
+ in the main assertion, for he repeats it again and again.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_229" id="FNanchor_3_229"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_229" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The evidence of Alvar is to the same effect: "Have not those who
+ seemed to be columns of the church, the very rocks on which it is
+ founded, who were deemed the elect of God, have they not, I say,
+ in the presence of these Cynics, or rather of these Epicureans,
+ under no compulsion, but of their own free will, spoken evil of
+ the martyrs of God? Have not the shepherds of Christ, the
+ teachers of the Church, bishops, abbots, priests, the chiefs of
+ our hierarchy, and its mighty men, publicly denounced the martyrs
+ of our Church as heretics?"<a name="FNanchor_4_230" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_230" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_227" id="Footnote_1_227"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_227"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Life of
+ Eulog.," ch. i. sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_228" id="Footnote_2_228"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_228"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Life of Eulog.," ii. sec. 4—"Omnes sacerdotes quos potuit
+ carcerali vinculo alligavit." Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec.
+ 11*—"Repleta sunt penetralia carceris clericorum catervis,
+ viduata est ecclesia sacro praesulum et sacerdotum officio ...
+ privata prorsus ecclesia omni sacro ministerio." Alvar, "Ind.
+ Lum.," secs. 14, 18—"Templa Christi a sacrificio desolata, et
+ loca sancta ab ethnicis exstirpata."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_229" id="Footnote_3_229"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_229"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Doc. Mart.," sec. 16—"Eremitatem ecclesiarum, compeditionem
+ sacerdotum ... et quod non est nobis in hoc tempore sacrificium
+ nec holocaustum nee oblatio." Cp. Ep. ad Wilies, sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_230" id="Footnote_4_230"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_230"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 14.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Not content with imprisoning the fanatics, the party of order
+ forced them to swear that they would not snatch at the martyr's
+ palm by speaking evil of the Prophet.<a name="FNanchor_1_231" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_231" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Those who disobeyed were threatened with
+ unheard-of penalties, with loss of limbs, and merciless
+ scourgings.<a name="FNanchor_2_232" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_232" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> This last statement must be taken with
+ reservation, at least if put into the mouth of the Christian
+ party under Reccafredus. It is extremely unlikely that Christian
+ bishops and priests should have had recourse to such treatment of
+ their coreligionists: yet they had a spiritual weapon ready to
+ their hands, and they were not slow to use it. They
+ anathematised<a name="FNanchor_3_233" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_233" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> those who aided and abetted the zealots; and
+ Eulogius himself seems to have narrowly escaped their sentence of
+ excommunication.<a name="FNanchor_4_234" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_234" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_231" id="Footnote_1_231"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_231"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 15—"Ne ad martyrii surgerent palmam,
+ iuramentum extorsimus ... et maledictum ne maledictionibus
+ impeterent, evangelio et cruce educta, vi iurare improbiter
+ fecimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_232" id="Footnote_2_232"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_232"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cp. Alvar, "Life of Eulog.," iv. sec. 12—"Duris
+ tormentis agitati, commoti sunt."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_233" id="Footnote_3_233"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_233"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct." i. sec. 28—"Ne ceteri ad huiusmodi palaestram
+ discurrant schedulis anathematum per loca varia damnari
+ iubentur." Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 31—"Plerosque patres
+ anathematizantes talia patientes."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_234" id="Footnote_4_234"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_234"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This action against the zealots was in all probability taken, if
+ not at the instigation of the Moslem authorities, yet in close
+ concert with them. Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_1_235" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_235" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> attributes all the evils which had befallen
+ the Church, such as the imprisonment of bishops, priests, abbots,
+ and deacons, to the wrath of the King; and Alvar distinctly
+ states that the King was urged, even bribed, to take measures
+ against the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_2_236" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_236" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> It is not likely that the King required much
+ persuading. Mohammed at least seems to have been thoroughly
+ frightened by the continued agitation against Mohammedanism. He
+ naturally suspected some political plot at the bottom of it; a
+ supposition which receives some countenance from the various
+ references in Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_237" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_237" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> to the martyrs as "Soldiers of God" bound to
+ war against His Moslem enemies; and from the undoubted fact that
+ the Christians of Toledo did rise in favour of their
+ coreligionists at Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_4_238" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_238" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> However that may be, the King in 852 certainly
+ took counsel<a name="FNanchor_5_239" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_239" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> with his ministers, how the agitation should
+ be met, and he seems to have assembled a sort of grand
+ council<a name="FNanchor_6_240" id="FNanchor_6_240"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_240" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> of the Church, when
+ the same question was discussed. Stronger measures were in
+ consequence taken, and a more rigorous imprisonment resorted to.
+ But Mohammed went farther than this. He deprived of their posts
+ all Christians, who held offices in the palace,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_241" id="FNanchor_7_241"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_241" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> or in connection with
+ the Court, and withdrew from the Christian "cadet corps,"<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_242" id="FNanchor_8_242"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_242" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> the royal bounty
+ usually extended to them. He ordered the destruction of all
+ churches built since the conquest, and of all later additions to
+ those previously existing. He made a severe enactment against
+ those who reviled Mohammed.<a name="FNanchor_9_243" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_243" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> He even had in mind to banish all Christians
+ from his dominions.<a name="FNanchor_10_244" id=
+ "FNanchor_10_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_244" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a> This intention, together with the order
+ respecting the churches, was not carried out, owing probably to
+ the opportune revolt at Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_11_245" id=
+ "FNanchor_11_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_245" class=
+ "fnanchor">[11]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_235" id="Footnote_1_235"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_235"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ep. ad
+ Wilies, sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_236" id="Footnote_2_236"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_236"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_237" id="Footnote_3_237"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_237"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. 136.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_238" id="Footnote_4_238"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_238"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 249: Dozy, ii. 161, says on Eulogius' authority, that he
+ incited them to revolt under Sindila.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_239" id="Footnote_5_239"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_239"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_240" id="Footnote_6_240"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_240"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Robertson
+ calls it a Conciliabulum.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_241" id="Footnote_7_241"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_241"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. § 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_242" id="Footnote_8_242"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_242"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Militares
+ pueros." Eulog. "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. i.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_243" id="Footnote_9_243"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_243"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Eulog.
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xiv—"Tunc iam procul dubio enecandi nos
+ difficultas fuit adempta, si quisquam vatis sui temerarius
+ exprobator ultro occurreret." This seems to mean that
+ Christians and Saracens were bound to give up to justice any
+ who reviled the Prophet; or else to kill him on the spot.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_244" id="Footnote_10_244"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_244"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"Moslemi ... omne regni sui, sicuti
+ cernitis, genus excludere moliuntur Christicolarum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_245" id="Footnote_11_245"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_245"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In one of his works on this subject, Eulogius expresses a fear
+ lest the intervention of the martyrs should bring disaster on the
+ Church in Spain, just as the intervention of Moses in Egypt did
+ much at first to aggravate the hardships of the
+ Israelites.<a name="FNanchor_1_246" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_246" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> He ought not, therefore, to have been
+ surprised, when such a result actually did follow; nor ought he
+ to complain that now the Moslems would only let the Christians
+ observe their religion in such a way as they chose to dictate;
+ and that the Christians were subjected to all sorts of taxes and
+ exactions.<a name="FNanchor_2_247" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_247" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These combined measures of repression, taken by the King and the
+ Bishop of Seville, soon produced their effect. The extreme party
+ were broken up, some escaping to quieter regions, others hiding,
+ and only venturing abroad in disguise and at night—not, as
+ Eulogius is careful to add, from fear of death, but because the
+ high prize of martyrdom is not reserved for the unworthy many,
+ but for the worthy few.<a name="FNanchor_3_248" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_248" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_246" id="Footnote_1_246"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_246"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. c. xvi.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_247" id="Footnote_2_247"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_247"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Doc. Mart.," sec. 18—"<i>Nunc</i> pro suo libito tantummodo
+ exercere nos sinentes Christianismum ... <i>nunc</i> publicum
+ imponentes censum, <i>nunc</i> rebus nos abdicantes detrimentis
+ atterunt rerum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_248" id="Footnote_3_248"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_248"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. sec. 14—"Quia indigni sumus martyrio, quod
+ quibusdam et non omnibus datum est."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Some even apostatized,<a name="FNanchor_1_249" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_249" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> while many of those who had applauded the
+ proceedings of the martyrs, now called them indiscreet, and
+ blamed them for indulging in a selfish desire to desert the
+ suffering Church for an early mansion in the skies.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_250" id="FNanchor_2_250"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_250" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Others, in order to
+ retain posts under Government, or to court favour with the King,
+ dissembled their religion, taking care not to pray, or make the
+ sign of the cross in public.<a name="FNanchor_3_251" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_251" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Eulogius himself was singled out at the
+ meeting of the King's Council by one of the royal secretaries,
+ Gomez, son of Antonian, son of Julian,<a name="FNanchor_4_252"
+ id="FNanchor_4_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_252" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> as the ringleader of the new seditious
+ movement. This man was a very worldly-minded Christian,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_253" id="FNanchor_5_253"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_253" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and was, no doubt, at
+ this time, in fear of losing his lucrative office at Court, which
+ he had obtained by his remarkable knowledge of Arabic. He did, in
+ fact, lose his post with all the other Christian officers of the
+ Court, but regained it by becoming a Moslem;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_254" id="FNanchor_6_254"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_254" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and such was the
+ ardour of the new proselyte that he was called "the dove of the
+ mosque."<a name="FNanchor_7_255" id="FNanchor_7_255"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_255" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The result of this council was, as we have seen, hostile to the
+ party of which Eulogius and Saul were the chiefs, but the former
+ writer, mentioning the actual decree that was passed, pretends
+ that it was merely a blind to deceive the king, and spoken
+ figuratively; and he acknowledges that such hypocrisy was
+ unworthy of the prelates and officers assembled.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_256" id="FNanchor_8_256"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_256" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Is it not more
+ reasonable to suppose that Eulogius and his supporters voted for
+ it—as they seem to have done—with a mental reservation, while
+ their opponents honestly considered such a step necessary?
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_249" id="Footnote_1_249"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_249"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv. 1—"Fidem praevaricantur, abdicant
+ religionem, Crucifixum detestantur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_250" id="Footnote_2_250"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_250"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. ii. sec. 6. Also in his letter to Alvar
+ sending the "Mem. Sanct.," he says, very few remained firm to
+ their principles.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_251" id="Footnote_3_251"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_251"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 9—"Cum palam coram ethnicis orationem non
+ faciunt, signo crucis oscitantes frontem non muniunt ...
+ Christianos contra fidei suae socios pro regis gratia, pro
+ vendibilibus muneribus et defensione gentilicia praeliantes."
+ Elsewhere he says: "Nullus invenitur qui iuxta iussum Domini
+ tonantis aetherii super montes Babiloniae, caligosasque turres
+ crucis fidei attollat vexillum, sacrificium Deo offerens
+ vespertinum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_252" id="Footnote_4_252"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_252"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5: Alvar, "Ind. Lum.," sec. 18.
+ See above, p. 51.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_253" id="Footnote_5_253"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_253"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Ibn al
+ Kuttiya—apud Dozy, ii. 137.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_254" id="Footnote_6_254"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_254"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eulog.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. ii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_255" id="Footnote_7_255"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_255"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 137.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_256" id="Footnote_8_256"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_256"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," ii. c. xv., sec. 3—"Aliquid commentaremur, quod
+ ipsius tyranni ac populorum serperet aures." The "praemissum
+ pontificate decretum" he calls "allegorice editum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2>
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3>
+ THE MUZARABES.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The death of Eulogius was a signal for the cessation of the
+ dubious martyrdoms which had for some years become so common,
+ though the spirit, which prompted the self-deluded victims, was
+ by no means stifled either in Spain or the adjoining
+ countries.<a name="FNanchor_1_257" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_257" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Yet the measures taken to put down the mania
+ for death succeeded in preventing any fresh outbreak for some
+ time.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Under the weak government of Abdallah (888-912) the Christians,
+ determining to lose their lives to better purpose than at the
+ hands of the executioner, rose in revolt, as will be related
+ hereafter, in several parts of Spain. After the battle of
+ Aguilar, or Polei, in 891, between the Arab and Spanish factions,
+ 1000 of the defeated Christians were given the choice of Islam or
+ death, and all, save one, chose the latter alternative.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_258" id="FNanchor_2_258"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_258" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ During the long reign of Abdurrahman III. (912-961) there were a
+ few isolated cases of martyrdom, which may as well be mentioned
+ now. After the great battle in the Vale of Rushes,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_259" id="FNanchor_3_259"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_259" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> where Abdurrahman
+ defeated the kings of Navarre and Leon, one of the two fighting
+ bishops, who were taken prisoners on that occasion, gave, as a
+ hostage for his own release, a youth of fourteen, named Pelagius.
+ The king, it is said, smitten with his beauty, wished to work his
+ abominable will upon the boy, but his advances being rejected
+ with disdain, the unhappy youth was put to death with great
+ barbarity, refusing to save his life by apostasy.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_260" id="FNanchor_4_260"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_260" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> A different version of
+ the story is given by a Saxon nun of Gaudersheim, named
+ Hroswitha, who wrote a poem on the subject fifty years later. She
+ tells us that the king tried to kiss Pelagius, who thereupon
+ struck him in the face, and was in consequence put to death by
+ decapitation (June 26, 925).<a name="FNanchor_5_261" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_261" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_257" id="Footnote_1_257"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_257"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Life
+ of Argentea," secs. 3, 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_258" id="Footnote_2_258"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_258"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 287.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_259" id="Footnote_3_259"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_259"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Val du
+ Junqueras, 920 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_260" id="Footnote_4_260"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_260"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes
+ Vasaeus ex Commentariis Resendi. Romey, iv. 257, disbelieves
+ this version of the story. Perhaps Al Makk., ii. 154, is
+ referring to the same Pelagius when he mentions the king's
+ liking for a handsome Christian page.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_261" id="Footnote_5_261"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_261"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Sampiro,
+ secs. 26-28.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In the death of Argentea (Ap. 28, 931) we have the last instance
+ in Spain of a Christian seeking martyrdom. She was the daughter
+ of the great rebel Omar ibn Hafsun,<a name="FNanchor_1_262" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_262" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and his wife Columba, and was born at that
+ chieftain's stronghold of Bobastro. Upon her mother's death Omar
+ wished her to take up her mother's duties in the palace, for Omar
+ had become a sort of king on his own domain. She declined, asking
+ only for a quiet retreat, where she might prepare her soul for
+ martyrdom; and she wrote to a devout Christian, whose wishes
+ inclined him in the same direction, suggesting that they should
+ seek the crown of martyrdom together.<a name="FNanchor_2_263" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_263" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> On the destruction of Bobastro by Abdurrahman
+ in 928, she went to Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_3_264" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_264" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> She there met with a Gaul named Vulfura, who
+ had been warned in a dream that in that city he should find a
+ virgin, with whom he was to suffer martyrdom. However, his object
+ becoming known, Vulfura is cast into prison by the governor of
+ the city. Argentea goes to visit him there, and is stopped by the
+ guards, who, finding she is a Christian, take her before the
+ judge as a renegade, and she is imprisoned with Vulfura. The
+ alternative of Islam instead of death being refused, they are
+ both executed, but Argentea, as being an "insolens rebellis," is
+ first scourged with 1000 stripes, and her tongue cut out. Her
+ body was buried at the church of the three saints.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the year 934<a name="FNanchor_4_265" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_265" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> we hear of two hundred monks of Cardena being
+ massacred by the Berbers in Abdurrahman's army; and in some sense
+ they can be regarded as martyrs to their faith.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_262" id="Footnote_1_262"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_262"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Who on
+ becoming a Christian, took the name of Samuel. Florez, x. p.
+ 564, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_263" id="Footnote_2_263"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_263"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See "Life
+ of Argentea," by an anonymous author.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_264" id="Footnote_3_264"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_264"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_265" id="Footnote_4_265"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_265"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 52. Mariana, viii. 6, gives 993, but says it may have occurred
+ in 893.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 953 a martyr named Eugenia is said to have perished;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_266" id="FNanchor_1_266"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_266" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and thirty years
+ later, the last martyrs of whom we have any record under the Arab
+ rule. Dominicus Sarracinus, son of John, and his companions taken
+ prisoners at the capture of Simancas, were kept for two years and
+ a-half in prison.<a name="FNanchor_2_267" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_267" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> They were then brought out and put to death,
+ just when Ramiro III., or his successor, had sent to ransom
+ them.<a name="FNanchor_3_268" id="FNanchor_3_268"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_268" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is no evidence whatever to show that there was a
+ persecution of the Christians under the great Abdurrahman, and
+ the statements of those writers who intimate the contrary may be
+ set aside as unsupported by evidence.<a name="FNanchor_4_269" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_269" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We will now turn back and take a general view of the Christian
+ Church and its condition under the Arabs in Spain, especially—for
+ our information is greatest as to those periods—under the two
+ kings Abdurrahman II. and III.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Under the former of these sovereigns the condition of the
+ Christians, until the persecution, which they themselves
+ provoked, began, was very tolerable, and the majority of the
+ Christians were quite content with their lot. They served in the
+ army, both free men and slaves; they held lucrative posts at
+ Court, or in the houses of the Arab nobles, or as government
+ officials. But though the lay community was well off, the clergy
+ and stricter churchmen had something to complain of; for the
+ Church<a name="FNanchor_5_270" id="FNanchor_5_270"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_270" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> could not be said to
+ be free, though the worship was, since the power of summoning
+ councils had now passed to the Arab executive, who, as we have
+ seen, made even Moslems and Jews sit at these councils. Sees were
+ also put up to auction, and the scandalous spectacle was not
+ unknown, of atheists and heretics holding the titles, and drawing
+ the emoluments, of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_6_271" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_271" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_266" id="Footnote_1_266"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_266"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Schott.,
+ iv. 246.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_267" id="Footnote_2_267"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_267"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Rohrbacher, xii. 192.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_268" id="Footnote_3_268"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_268"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Charter,
+ apud Florez, xiv. 397.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_269" id="Footnote_4_269"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_269"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 36, note 1. A letter also is mentioned of John Servus Dei,
+ Bishop of Toledo, to the Muzarabes with regard to the late
+ martyrdoms and apostasies, purporting to have been written in
+ 937.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_270" id="Footnote_5_270"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_270"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 47.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_271" id="Footnote_6_271"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_271"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ep.," xiii. 3. Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. ii.-iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As was to be expected, Arabic soon began to displace Latin
+ throughout the country, and even before the ninth century the
+ Scriptures were translated into the tongue of the conquerors
+ <a name="FNanchor_1_272" id="FNanchor_1_272"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_272" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> by Odoarius, Bishop of
+ Accita, and John of Seville. Hischem I. (788-796) forbade the use
+ of any language but Arabic, so that his Christian subjects had to
+ use Arabic Gospels;<a name="FNanchor_2_273" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_273" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and the Spaniards were soon not even permitted
+ to write in Latin.<a name="FNanchor_3_274" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_274" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Even if this statement be doubtful, we know
+ that Latin came gradually to be neglected and forgotten. Alvar
+ utters an eloquent protest against this: "Alas, the Christians
+ are ignorant of their own tongue, and Latins neglect their
+ language, so that in all the College of Christ<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_275" id="FNanchor_4_275"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_275" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> there is scarcely to
+ be found one who can write an address of welcome to his brother
+ intelligibly in Latin, while numbers can be found competent to
+ mouth the flowery rhetoric of the Chaldeans."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_276" id="FNanchor_5_276"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_276" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In the department of
+ poetry—the peculiar boast of the Arabs—the Christians seem even
+ to have surpassed their masters; and to the rivalry of the two
+ nations in this art we may attribute the excellence and abundance
+ of native ballads of which Spain can boast.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We have seen how Eulogius did his best to check this neglect of
+ Latin, by introducing into Spain some of the masterpieces in that
+ language; but it is doubtful whether his efforts had much result.
+ We can see from the remains of the Spanish writers which we
+ possess that the structure of that language had considerably
+ degenerated in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_6_277" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_277" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_272" id="Footnote_1_272"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_272"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy,
+ "Hist. Mahom. Empire in Spain," p. 309.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_273" id="Footnote_2_273"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_273"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
+ 60.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_274" id="Footnote_3_274"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_274"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 239.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_275" id="Footnote_4_275"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_275"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Omni
+ Christi collegio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_276" id="Footnote_5_276"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_276"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_277" id="Footnote_6_277"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_277"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
+ Elipandus and Alvar passim. Alcuin, on the other hand, writes
+ wonderfully good Latin.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Some sentences are so ungrammatical as to be scarcely
+ intelligible. Moreover, we find Samson<a name="FNanchor_1_278"
+ id="FNanchor_1_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_278" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> directly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop of
+ Malaga, of not being able to write Latin; and similarly Jonas of
+ Orleans (839) accusing Claudius, Bishop of Turin, who was himself
+ a Spaniard, of the same defect.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The neglect of Latin was accompanied by an increasing
+ indifference to the doctrinal basis of Christianity, educated
+ Christians being led to devote their time, which might have been
+ more profitably spent on their own Scriptures, to becoming
+ acquainted with the Mohammedan religion, and even to unravelling
+ the intricacies of the controversial theology which had grown up
+ round, and overlaid, the original simplicity of the
+ Koran.<a name="FNanchor_2_279" id="FNanchor_2_279"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_279" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The great Fathers of
+ the Church were laid aside unread, and even the Prophets and
+ Apostles, and the Gospel itself, found few to study them. While
+ the higher classes were indifferent to religion, the lower were
+ sunk in poverty<a name="FNanchor_3_280" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_280" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_4_281" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_281" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> The inevitable result of this indifference,
+ ignorance, and poverty, was a visible deterioration in the
+ character of Spanish Christianity, of which there are only too
+ many proofs.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_278" id="Footnote_1_278"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_278"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," c. vii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_279" id="Footnote_2_279"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_279"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 35—"Ac dum illorum sacramenta inquirimus, et
+ philosophorum sectas scire non pro ipsorum convincendis
+ erroribus sed pro elegantia leporis et locutione luculenter
+ diserta. Quis rogo hodie solers in nostris fidelibus laicis
+ invenitur, qui Scripturis sanctis intentus volumina
+ quorumcunque Doctorum Latine conscripta respiciat? Quis
+ Evangelico, quis Prophetico, quis Apostolico ustus tenetur
+ amore? Nonne omnes iuvenes Christiani vultu decori, linguae
+ diserti, habitu gestuque conspicui, Gentilicia eruditione
+ praeclari, Arabico eloquio sublimati, volumina Chaldaeorum
+ avidissime tractunt?"
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_280" id="Footnote_3_280"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_280"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
+ xix. 383, Charter of 993; see also "Dozy," iii. 31; and for the
+ condition of Christians in the Free States, Buckle, "Hist. of
+ Civiliz.," i. 443.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_281" id="Footnote_4_281"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_281"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy
+ (l.l.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We find the abbot Samson distinctly accusing Hostegesis, Bishop
+ of Malaga, of simony, asserting that he sold the priesthood to
+ low and unworthy people;<a name="FNanchor_1_282" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_282" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> while Alvar charges Saul, Bishop of Cordova,
+ with obtaining his bishopric by bribery.<a name="FNanchor_2_283"
+ id="FNanchor_2_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_283" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Other irregularities imputed to Hostegesis
+ were that he held his see from his twentieth year, contrary to
+ the canons of the church, and that he beat priests, in order to
+ extort money from them, till they died under his hands.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Besides the election to the priesthood, by unworthy means, of
+ unworthy men, whose ignorance and impudence the congregation had
+ to endure in silence,<a name="FNanchor_3_284" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_284" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> many were informally ordained without vouchers
+ for character being given, or the assent of their fellow-clergy
+ and flocks being obtained.<a name="FNanchor_4_285" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_285" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Many churches presented the unseemly spectacle
+ of two rival pastors, contrary to the ordinances received from
+ the Fathers.<a name="FNanchor_5_286" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_286" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Changes, too, were made in doctrine and ritual, for which no
+ authority could be alleged, in contravention of established
+ custom and the teaching of the Church. So far was this carried
+ that Samson was accused by his opponents of being a heretic and
+ an idolator because he permitted the marriage of cousins;
+ dissented from the view that God was ever enclosed in the
+ chambers of the Virgin's heart;<a name="FNanchor_6_287" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_287" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> asserted the omnipresence of God, even in
+ idols and the Devil, and this in an actual, not a metaphysical,
+ sense;<a name="FNanchor_7_288" id="FNanchor_7_288"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_288" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> and denied that God
+ sat upon an exalted throne above his creatures. From this it is
+ clear that Hostegesis and those who thought with him<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_289" id="FNanchor_8_289"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_289" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> were infected with the
+ anthropomorphite heresy.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_282" id="Footnote_1_282"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_282"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," Bk. ii., Pref. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_283" id="Footnote_2_283"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_283"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See
+ "Letter to Saul," sec. 3—"Poterant enim quovis asserente
+ canonice incohationis vestrae primordia comprobari, si
+ quadringenti solidi non fuissent palam eunuchis vel aliis
+ exsoluti." Dozy, ii. 140, adds that the money was guaranteed on
+ the episcopal revenues, but this is a conjecture.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_284" id="Footnote_3_284"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_284"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec 5; Dozy, ii. 268.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_285" id="Footnote_4_285"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_285"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alvar ad
+ Saulum, sec. 3—"Sine testimonis, sine connibentia clericorum."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_286" id="Footnote_5_286"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_286"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_287" id="Footnote_6_287"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_287"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 7 and iii.—"Cubiculum cordis Virginei."
+ This appears to be a quotation from the Gothic liturgy.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_288" id="Footnote_7_288"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_288"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Per
+ substantiam, non per subtilitatem."—<i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_289" id="Footnote_8_289"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_289"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Romanus
+ and Sebastianus, Samson, Pref, sec. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Not only did many of the clergy hold heretical views, but their
+ depravity was notorious. Hostegesis did not blush to spend the
+ produce of the church tithes and offerings, which he had with
+ difficulty extorted from his flock,<a name="FNanchor_1_290" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_290" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> in bribing the court officials and the king's
+ sons, giving them feasts at which open and flagrant vice was
+ indulged in.<a name="FNanchor_2_291" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_291" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The clergy were not above pretending illness
+ in order to avoid paying the monthly tax to their Moslem
+ rulers.<a name="FNanchor_3_292" id="FNanchor_3_292"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_292" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Some, even in the
+ highest positions in the Church, denied their Saviour and
+ apostatized to the Moslems; one of these renegades being Samuel,
+ Bishop of Elvira, the uncle of Hostegesis' mother, who, with a
+ pervert's zeal, persecuted the Church he had deserted,
+ imprisoning the clergy, taxing his former flock, and even forcing
+ some to embrace Islam.<a name="FNanchor_4_293" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_293" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is not surprising, therefore, that bishops and clergy were
+ sometimes deposed. Samson, indeed, underwent this disgrace at the
+ hands of a hostile faction under Hostegesis, on the ground of his
+ pretended heresy; and, similarly, Valentius,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_294" id="FNanchor_5_294"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_294" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Bishop of Cordova, was
+ deprived of his see because he was a supporter of Samson. But
+ these instances reflect more discredit on the deposers than on
+ their victims. Instances of deposition are not wanting, in the
+ free states the North. Sisenandus, seventh Bishop of Compostella
+ (940), was deposed by King Sancho for dissolute living, and
+ malversation of Church moneys.<a name="FNanchor_6_295" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_295" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> On the king's death he recovered his see,
+ driving out his successor. Pelayo, another bishop of Compostella,
+ suffered the same punishment.<a name="FNanchor_7_296" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_296" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_290" id="Footnote_1_290"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_290"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ offering of one-third for the Church was refused to Hostegesis
+ as being sacrilegious; so he proceeded to extort it, "suis
+ codicibus institutis."—Samson "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 2
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_291" id="Footnote_2_291"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_291"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> The state of the Church in the North was not much
+ better. See Yonge, p. 86.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_292" id="Footnote_3_292"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_292"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Leovigild
+ de habitu Clericorum. Dozy, ii. 110.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_293" id="Footnote_4_293"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_293"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Samson,
+ Pref. ii. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_294" id="Footnote_5_294"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_294"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Succeeded
+ Saul in 861, and was deposed in 864.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_295" id="Footnote_6_295"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_295"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana,
+ viii. 5. He went over to the Moslems. Southey, "Chronicle of
+ the Cid," p. 228. Yonge, p. 86.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_296" id="Footnote_7_296"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_296"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Mariana
+ (1.1.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ When the kings of Castile gradually drove back the Moors, and
+ when Alfonso took Toledo in 1085, his wife, Constance of
+ Burgundy, and her spiritual adviser, a monk named Bernard, were
+ horrified at the laxity in morals and doctrine of the Muzarabic
+ Christians. Their addiction to poetry and natural science was
+ regarded with suspicious aversion, and the pork-eating,
+ circumcision, and, not least, the cleanly habits,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_297" id="FNanchor_1_297"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_297" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> contracted from an
+ intercourse with Moslems, were looked upon as so many marks of
+ the beast. In 1209 the Crusaders, who had swarmed to the wars in
+ Spain, even wished to turn their pious arms against these poor
+ Muzarabes, so scandalised were they at the un-Romish rites. Yet
+ we are told that Alfonso the Great, when building and restoring
+ churches in the territory newly wrested from the Moors, set up
+ again the ordinances of the Goths, as formerly observed at
+ Toledo.<a name="FNanchor_2_298" id="FNanchor_2_298"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_298" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The free church in the North had itself been in great danger of
+ extinction, when the armies of the great Almanzer (977-1002)
+ swept yearly through the Christian kingdoms like some devastating
+ tempest.<a name="FNanchor_3_299" id="FNanchor_3_299"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_299" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Fifty-two victorious
+ campaigns did that irresistible warrior lead against the
+ infidels.<a name="FNanchor_4_300" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_300" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Barcelona, Pampluna, and Leon fell before his
+ arms, and the sacred city of Compostella was sacked, and for a
+ time left desolate, the bells of St James' shrine being carried
+ off to Cordova to serve as lamps in the grand mosque. We are not,
+ therefore, surprised to find that there were many bishops in the
+ North who had lost their sees; and this was the case even before
+ the tenth century, for a bishop named Sabaricus, being driven
+ from his own see by the Arabs, was given that of Mindumetum by
+ Alfonso III. in 867,<a name="FNanchor_5_301" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_301" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> and twenty years later a bishop named
+ Sebastian received the see of Auria in the same way.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_302" id="FNanchor_6_302"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_302" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is natural enough that the Moslems and the clergy of the
+ Christian Church should be hostile to one another, but it is
+ surprising to find—as we do find in some cases—the latter making
+ common cause with the Arabs in ill-treating their
+ fellow-countrymen and coreligionists. Thus, as we have seen,
+ Hostegesis, relying on the support of the secular arm,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_303" id="FNanchor_7_303"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_303" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> beat and imprisoned
+ the clergy for withholding from him the Church tithes, dragging
+ them through the city naked, with a crier crying before
+ them:—"Such is the punishment of those who will not pay their
+ tithes to their bishop."<a name="FNanchor_8_304" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_304" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> Bishops were even found to make episcopal
+ visitations, getting the names of all their flock, as if with the
+ intention of praying for them individually, and then to hand in
+ their names to the civil power for the purpose of
+ taxation.<a name="FNanchor_9_305" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_305" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> Others obtained from the Arabs the privilege
+ of farming the revenues derived from Christian taxation, and
+ cruelly oppressed their coreligionists.<a name="FNanchor_10_306"
+ id="FNanchor_10_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_306" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_297" id="Footnote_1_297"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_297"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ Christians in the North were vulgarly supposed by the Arabs not
+ to wash. See Conde, i. 203—"It is related of these people of
+ Galicia ... that they live like savages or wild beasts, and
+ never wash either their persons or their garments."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_298" id="Footnote_2_298"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_298"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Albeld.," sec. 58—"Ordinem Gothorum sicuti Toleto fuerat
+ statuit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_299" id="Footnote_3_299"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_299"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Silense," sec. 72—"Eadem tempestate in Hispania omnis divinus
+ cultus periit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_300" id="Footnote_4_300"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_300"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was not
+ defeated in his last battle, as is generally stated in
+ histories.—See Al Makkari, ii. 197.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_301" id="Footnote_5_301"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_301"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Florez,
+ "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 312.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_302" id="Footnote_6_302"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_302"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 244.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_303" id="Footnote_7_303"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_303"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
+ "Praesidali manu fultus." Samson, ii. Pref. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_304" id="Footnote_8_304"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_304"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_305" id="Footnote_9_305"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_305"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, and Eulog., "Mem. Sanct.," iii. c. iv. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_306" id="Footnote_10_306"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_306"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Eul.,
+ 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ These nefarious measures were backed up, even if they were not
+ instigated, by Servandus, the Christian Count of Cordova. He was
+ the son of a serf of the Church,<a name="FNanchor_1_307" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_307" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and married a cousin of Hostegesis.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_308" id="FNanchor_2_308"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_308" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instead of championing
+ the cause of the Christians, as his position should have impelled
+ him to do, he went so far in the opposite direction as to call
+ them up before him, and try to shake their attachment to
+ Christianity—a religion, nominally at least, his own also. Those
+ who held firm he forced to pay increased taxes, and even levied
+ blackmail on the churches. He did not scruple to drag forth the
+ bodies of martyrs from under the altars of churches, and, showing
+ them to the king, to remind him that it had been forbidden to
+ Christians to bury their martyrs.<a name="FNanchor_3_309" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_309" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Following up the hostile measures instituted by Hostegesis
+ against Samson and Valentius, he proceeded to accuse them of
+ inciting the fanatics to revile Mohammed, urging that they should
+ be tested with this dilemma. They should be asked whether what
+ the revilers said were true or not. "If they answer, 'true,' let
+ them be punished as well as the reviler; if 'false,' bid them
+ slay the man themselves; refusing which, you will know that they
+ have aided and abetted him to abuse your Prophet. In that case,
+ give me permission, and I will slay the three myself."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_310" id="FNanchor_4_310"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_310" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_307" id="Footnote_1_307"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_307"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 268.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_308" id="Footnote_2_308"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_308"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref. sec. 5.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_309" id="Footnote_3_309"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_309"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Samson,
+ 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_310" id="Footnote_4_310"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_310"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 9. This same Servandus, the meanest of
+ timeservers, seeing the Sultan's (Abdallah's) cause failing,
+ deserted to the rebel Omar and his Christian following, and was
+ killed at Polei(?)—Ibn Hayyan., apud Dozy, ii. 270. His Arab
+ name was Sherbil, and he was beheaded at Cordova by the
+ Arabs.—See De Gayangos' note on Al Mak., ii. 451, 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We have had occasion to mention one or two cases of Church, and
+ national, Councils held in Spain under the Arabs, and it will be
+ worth while to enumerate all the instances which are recorded,
+ that we may contrast them with those held under the Goths. It was
+ one of the most characteristic features of the Old Church in
+ Spain that it was united so closely with the civil power as
+ almost to render the Government of Spain a theocracy. This
+ intimate connection of Church and State was naturally overthrown
+ by the Arab conquest; but the Moslem rulers, seeing how useful
+ such institutions as general councils were likely to be in
+ adjusting the relations between Mussulmans and Christians, both
+ allowed purely ecclesiastical councils to be called under their
+ jurisdiction, and also summoned others in which they took part
+ themselves, together with Jews, to the great scandal of the
+ stricter Christians.<a name="FNanchor_1_311" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_311" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ To the purely ecclesiastical kind belong a council held at
+ Seville by Elipandus<a name="FNanchor_2_312" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_312" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> to condemn the errors of Migetius; and
+ another, held by Cixila at Toledo in 776, against the errors of
+ Egila, bishop of Elvira.<a name="FNanchor_3_313" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_313" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Whether Egila abjured his error is not known,
+ but it is certain that he remained bishop.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Elipandus is also said, but on very doubtful authority, to have
+ held a council, whereat he renounced his own error of
+ Adoptionism.<a name="FNanchor_4_314" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_314" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_311" id="Footnote_1_311"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_311"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> We even
+ find in 962 that the bishops of Toledo and Cordova had Moslem
+ names, viz., Obeidollah ibn Kasim (Al Makkari, ii. 162), and
+ Akbar ibn Abdallah. Dozy, iii. 99.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_312" id="Footnote_2_312"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_312"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The exact
+ date is unknown. Fleury, ii. p. 235.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_313" id="Footnote_3_313"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_313"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo
+ Luitprand," sec. 236, says—"Ad concilium ex omnibus Hispaniae
+ partibus concurrunt." See also Pope Adrian I.'s Letter to the
+ bishops of Spain in 785. Very little is known of this Egila,
+ nor is it certain of what see he was the bishop.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_314" id="Footnote_4_314"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_314"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See below,
+ p. 131 ad fin. and 166 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the other class of councils, partly ecclesiastical and partly
+ political, seem to have been commoner, and we have already seen
+ how Reccafredus, Bishop of Seville, in conjunction with the
+ Moslem authorities, held such a council, in order to coerce the
+ fanatical party among the Christians; and we have a more
+ particular account of another, which was held by Hostegesis,
+ Bishop of Malaga, and Servandus, Count of Cordova.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_315" id="FNanchor_1_315"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_315" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> This council seems to
+ have had some connection with the preceding one under
+ Reccafredus, for Servandus was a strong and unscrupulous opponent
+ of the party led by Eulogius, while Samson was their devoted
+ supporter, though he did not carry his opinions so far as to
+ suffer martyrdom in his own person. Samson was now accused of
+ heresy<a name="FNanchor_2_316" id="FNanchor_2_316"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_316" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and sacrilege, as has
+ been already mentioned. Hostegesis forced his views on the
+ assembled bishops by the help of the secular arm, and a sentence
+ of anathema and deposition was accordingly pronounced against the
+ unfortunate Abbot.<a name="FNanchor_3_317" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_317" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> One of the apparently consenting bishops was
+ Valentius, Bishop of Cordova, but his judgement had evidently
+ been coerced, for after the close of the council he sounded the
+ other consenting bishops, and some who had not attended, as to
+ their opinions, and found that most of them were ready to affirm
+ Samson's orthodoxy, and a memorial was drawn up to that effect
+ This action of Valentius' brought upon him also a sentence of
+ deposition, and he was succeeded by Stephanus Flaccus,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_318" id="FNanchor_4_318"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_318" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>—the election of the
+ latter being quite informal, as no metropolitan assisted
+ thereat,<a name="FNanchor_5_319" id="FNanchor_5_319"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_319" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and neither the clergy
+ nor laymen of his diocese made a petition in his favour.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_315" id="Footnote_1_315"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_315"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Samson,
+ "Apol.," ii. Pref.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_316" id="Footnote_2_316"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_316"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> On the
+ ground, among others, that he recognised "nescio quam
+ similitudines (besides the Trinity) non creaturas sed
+ creatores." These appear (chap, ix.) to have been merely
+ qualities, such as wisdom, etc. See Samson, chap. iii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_317" id="Footnote_3_317"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_317"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ "Indiscreta simplicitate et metu impiorum in superbiae fascibus
+ sedentium."—<i>Ibid</i>. Samson was rendered incapable of
+ holding office, or even of belonging to the
+ Church.—<i>Ibid</i>.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_318" id="Footnote_4_318"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_318"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In 864.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_319" id="Footnote_5_319"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_319"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 8.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This fresh deposition was formally sanctioned by a new council,
+ held at the church of St Acislus; Flaccus, and some of those who
+ had sided with Valentius, but were now terrified into submission,
+ being in attendance; while the places of those who refused to
+ come were taken by Jews and Moslems.<a name="FNanchor_1_320" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_320" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> These high-handed proceedings nearly led to an
+ open rupture in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_2_321" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_321" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In 914 a council is said to have been held (but on doubtful
+ authority) by Orontius of Toledo,<a name="FNanchor_3_322" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_322" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and twenty years later by Basilius of Cordova.
+ These would fall under the reign of the greatest of the Umeyyade
+ Khalifs of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_4_323" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_323" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_320" id="Footnote_1_320"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_320"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sayones
+ (?) in the Latin. Samson, chap. iii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_321" id="Footnote_2_321"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_321"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_322" id="Footnote_3_322"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_322"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Pseudo
+ Luit," sec. 328.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_323" id="Footnote_4_323"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_323"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> sec. 341.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ SPAIN UNDER ABDURRAHMAN III.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Abdurrahman III., Annasir Lidinillah (912-961), may be looked
+ upon as the Solomon of the Spanish Sultans. Succeeding to the
+ throne when quite a youth, to the exclusion of his uncles, the
+ sons of the late Sultan, he found the country torn by innumerable
+ factions, and the king's power openly defied by rebels, Arab,
+ Berber, and Christian. In person, and through his generals, he
+ put down all these rebels, and though not uniformly successful
+ against the Christians in the North, yet he defeated them in a
+ series of great engagements.<a name="FNanchor_1_324" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_324" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> He welded all the discordant elements under
+ his rule into one great whole,<a name="FNanchor_2_325" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_325" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> thereby giving the Arab domination in Spain
+ another lease of life. In 929 he took the title of Amir al
+ Mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful. His alliance was sought by
+ the Emperor of the East,<a name="FNanchor_3_326" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_326" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and he treated on equal terms with the Emperor
+ of Germany and the King of France. To this great king, with more
+ truth than to his namesake Abdurrahman II., may be applied the
+ words of Miss Yonge:—<a name="FNanchor_4_327" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_327" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "He was of that type of Eastern monarch, that seems moulded on
+ the character of Solomon—large-hearted, wise, magnificent,
+ tolerant, and peaceful. He was as great a contrast to the stern,
+ ascetic, narrow-minded, but earnest Alfonso or Ramiro, as were
+ the exquisite horse-shoe arches, filagree stonework lattices,
+ inlaid jewellery of marble pavements, and slender minarets, to
+ their dark vault-like, low-browed churches, and solid castles
+ built out of hard unmanageable granite."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_324" id="Footnote_1_324"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_324"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mutonia
+ (918); Calaborra; Vale de Junqueras (921).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_325" id="Footnote_2_325"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_325"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 351, from an Arab writer.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_326" id="Footnote_3_326"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_326"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> A very
+ interesting account of this embassy from Constantine VII. (947)
+ is given in Al Makkari, ii. 137, from Ibn Khaldun.—-See Conde,
+ i. 442.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_327" id="Footnote_4_327"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_327"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> P. 57.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We find in this king none of that suspicious jealousy which we
+ saw in Mohammed, even though Omar, the arch rebel, and Christian
+ renegade, still held out at Bobastro, when he ascended the
+ throne; and his treatment of Christians was, throughout his
+ reign, tolerant and politic.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But his claims in this respect will be best seen from a very
+ interesting fragment that has come down to our own times,
+ describing the embassy of a certain John of Gorz, a monk from an
+ abbey near Metz, who carried letters from Otho, emperor of
+ Germany, to the Spanish Sultan.<a name="FNanchor_1_328" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_328" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In 950 Abdurrahman had sent an embassy to the emperor. A bishop
+ who had been at the head of this embassy died, and this seems to
+ have caused a delay in the answer. As the Khalif's letter
+ contained blasphemies against Christ, it was determined to write
+ a reply in the king's name, such as might perhaps convince
+ Abdurrahman of the error of his ways. A certain bishop, Adalbero,
+ was appointed to be at the head of the return embassy,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_329" id="FNanchor_2_329"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_329" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and he asks the abbot
+ of the monastery of Gorz to give him two assistants. Two are
+ chosen, but one of these quarrels with his superior, and is
+ expelled from the body; whereupon John offers himself as a
+ substitute. The abbot only gives his consent to John's going with
+ great reluctance, knowing that the young monk had an ardent
+ longing to be a martyr, if he could only get the opportunity.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_328" id="Footnote_1_328"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_328"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "Vita
+ Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis," 973, by John, Abbot of Arnulph.
+ "Migne," vol. cxxxvii., pp. 239-310.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_329" id="Footnote_2_329"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_329"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 953.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Going through Lyons, and by ship to Barcelona, the ambassadors
+ reached the frontier town, Tortosa, and at last got to Cordova,
+ where they were assigned a house two miles from the palace, and,
+ though well entertained, were informed, to their dismay, that, as
+ the Moorish ambassadors had been made to wait three years for an
+ answer, Otho's messengers would have to wait nine years.
+ Moreover, they now discovered that the king had been already
+ apprised of the contents of the letter, which Otho had sent, by a
+ comrade of the late ambassador-bishop, whom John and his
+ companions had taken with them to Barcelona.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The king employs Hasdai, a Jew, as his go-between; who warns them
+ not to divulge the contents of the letter, as it would make them
+ liable to punishment; for the letter contained what Moslems would
+ consider blasphemy against their Prophet. Soon after this John,
+ the Bishop of Cordova, is sent to them to suggest that they
+ should carry their gifts to the king, and say nothing of the
+ letter. But John of Gorz stoutly refused to do this, saying that
+ the delivery of the letter was his chief duty, and that as
+ Abdurrahman had begun by reviling Christ, he must not be
+ surprised at Otho's retaliating against Mohammed. However, John
+ of Cordova begs him to remember the position in which the
+ Christians stood, viz., under Pagan rule. "We are forbidden," he
+ said, "by the apostle to resist the powers that be. In our
+ calamity, we have this one consolation, we are allowed to observe
+ our own laws and rites, and our rulers, if they see us diligent
+ in our religion, honour us, cherish us, and delight in our
+ society, while they abhor the Jews. As our religion, then,
+ suffers no harm at their hands, let us obey the Moslems in other
+ things." The bishop was anxious, therefore, that the letter
+ should be suppressed, as calculated to do harm to the Christian
+ community, and no good to Otho. His advice, however, fell on deaf
+ ears. The monk of Gorz was resolved on doing what he deemed his
+ plain duty; nor was he content to forego his chance of martyrdom,
+ though his action might entail disastrous consequences on the
+ Christians subject to the Moors. He taunted the bishop with
+ giving his advice from a fear of man. "Better die of hunger than
+ eat the salt of unbelievers;" and expressed horror at the fact
+ that the bishop was circumcised, and also abstained from certain
+ meats in deference to Moslem scruples. It was in vain that the
+ bishop pointed out that otherwise they could not live with the
+ Saracens.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ John of Gorz now expressed his intention of delivering the letter
+ forthwith; but the king denied the ambassadors an audience,
+ leaving them to themselves for six or seven weeks. Early in 955,
+ however, the king sent to them, and asked if they held firm to
+ their previous resolve, and on receiving an answer in the
+ affirmative, he threatened all the Christians in his dominions
+ with loss of privileges and even death. John of Gorz merely
+ answers that the guilt would be on the king's head; but the
+ latter is persuaded to milder counsels by his advisers, who
+ remind him of Otho's power, and the certainty that he would
+ interfere in favour of his ambassadors.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ John of Gorz now proposes the only practicable course, that
+ Abdurrahman should send a fresh embassy to Otho and ask for
+ instructions for his ambassadors under the circumstances.
+ Recemundus,<a name="FNanchor_1_330" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_330" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> a Christian, offers to go as ambassador, if a
+ vacant bishopric be given him as a reward. He sets out and
+ reaches Gorz in February 956. Otho gives him a fresh letter, with
+ instructions to suppress the former one, to conclude an alliance
+ with the Sultan, and make an arrangement with him for putting
+ down the brigands who infested the marches.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_330" id="Footnote_1_330"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_330"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> De
+ Gayangos, on Al Makkari, ii. p. 464, identifies him with Rabi,
+ a bishop mentioned as an ambassador of Abdurrahman III. in Al
+ Makkari, i. 236, ii. 139; but Rabi may have been the bishop who
+ died during the embassy to Otho. Recemundus, as De Gayangos
+ (1.1.) says, was a katib or clerk of the palace.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Leaving Gorz with Dudo, the emperor's legate, on March 30, he
+ reached Cordova on June 1st, but the Sultan declined to receive
+ the second comers till he had received the earlier embassy. So,
+ after three years semi-captivity, John is released, and told to
+ prepare himself for the king's presence by shaving, washing, and
+ putting on new apparel. He declines to go in any otherwise than
+ he is; and even when the king, thinking his refusal due to
+ poverty, sends him a sum of money, the monk accepts the gift and
+ distributes it to the poor, but says he will only see the king as
+ a poor monk. The king good-naturedly said: "Let him come as he
+ likes." On June 21, 956, the ambassadors were conducted to the
+ king's presence along a road thronged with sight-seers. The steps
+ of the palace were laid down with tapestry, and a guard of honour
+ lined both sides of the approach. On John's entrance, the king,
+ as a great mark of distinction, gave him his open palm to kiss,
+ and beckoned him to a seat near his own couch. After a silence
+ Abdurrahman apologised to the monk for the long delay which he
+ had been obliged to impose on the embassy, and which was in no
+ sense due to disrespect for John himself, whose virtue and wisdom
+ he could not but acknowledge. As a proof that this was no mere
+ empty compliment, the king expressed his readiness to give him
+ whatever he asked. John's wrath vanishes at these gracious words,
+ and they talk amicably together. But when the monk asks leave to
+ depart Abdurrahman says:—"After waiting so long to see one
+ another, shall we part so soon?" He suggests that they should
+ have at least three interviews. At their next meeting they
+ discourse on the respective power of the empires of Otho and the
+ Khalif himself; and the Sultan, taught by the experience of
+ Spain, points out the unwisdom of allowing feudal subjects to
+ become too powerful, by dividing kingdoms between them.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ So ends this unique and interesting fragment, which throws so
+ pleasant a light on the character and the Court of the greatest
+ of Spanish Sultans, and proves that the Christians at that time
+ enjoyed considerable freedom, and even honour, at the hands of
+ the Moslem Government.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The reason why the king was unwilling to receive the first letter
+ brought by John was not so much because he was reluctant to read
+ words against Mohammed, as because he would by so doing render
+ himself liable to the penalty of death, which was ordained by law
+ to any Moslem—king or slave—who listened to abuse of the Prophet
+ without exacting summary vengeance from the blasphemer. But—and
+ here was the king's dilemma—he could not punish the ambassadors
+ without incurring the enmity of Otho. The only possible
+ alternative was that suggested by John, that Otho should be asked
+ to withdraw the objectionable letter, without the Sultan having
+ officially read it, and this Abdurrahman adopted. The moderation
+ of the king is conspicuous throughout, for we must regard the
+ threat against the Christians as merely a threat, never really
+ intended to be put into execution.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In showing tolerance towards their Christian subjects, the
+ Spanish khalifs might be thought to have forgotten the traditions
+ of Islam; but, as a matter of fact, Mohammed seems to have been
+ very inconsistent in his views with regard to Christians and Jews
+ at different times of his career, and while he enjoined the
+ necessity of Holy Wars,<a name="FNanchor_1_331" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_331" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> he permitted the people of the book to be
+ admitted to tribute.<a name="FNanchor_2_332" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_332" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> In one passage he even seems to allow the
+ possibility of salvation to Jews, Christians, and Sabians:
+ "Verily they who believe, and those who Judaize, and the Sabians,
+ and the Christians—whoever of these believeth in God and the last
+ day, and doeth that which is right—there shall come no fear on
+ them, neither shall they be grieved."<a name="FNanchor_3_333" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_333" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> And there is one remarkable text to find in
+ the mouth of Mohammed, "Let there be no violence in religion."
+ <a name="FNanchor_4_334" id="FNanchor_4_334"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_334" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Moreover, some of the best Mohammedan rulers that have ever lived
+ upheld the same principle of toleration. Abbas II., one of the
+ Persian Sufis, is reported to have said: "It is for God, not for
+ me, to judge of men's consciences, and I will never interfere
+ with what belongs to the tribunal of the great Creator and Lord
+ of the Universe."<a name="FNanchor_5_335" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_335" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> Again, Akbar, one of the greatest kings that
+ ever lived, followed in practice the principle thus expressed by
+ his minister, Abul Fazl: "Persecution after all defeats its own
+ ends; it obliges men to conceal their opinions, but produces no
+ change in them."<a name="FNanchor_6_336" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_336" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Noble sentiments surely, and such as we should
+ expect from followers of Christ rather than of Mohammed!
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_331" id="Footnote_1_331"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_331"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Tradition
+ attributes even stronger approval of Holy Wars to Mohammed than
+ can be found in the Koran,—<i>e.g.</i>, "The sword is the key
+ of Paradise and Hell. A drop of blood shed in the cause of God,
+ a night spent in arms, are of more avail than two months of
+ fasting and prayer. Whoever falls in battle against the
+ infidel, his sins are forgiven him."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_332" id="Footnote_2_332"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_332"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Koran,
+ xlvii., ad init.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_333" id="Footnote_3_333"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_333"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, v.,
+ v. 73. This may be said in the general sense of Acts x. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_334" id="Footnote_4_334"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_334"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran,
+ ii., v. 258.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_335" id="Footnote_5_335"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_335"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See
+ Freeman's "Saracens," p. 230; from Malcolm's "Persia," i. p
+ 583.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_336" id="Footnote_6_336"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_336"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, from "Ayeen Akbery," p. 11.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet far too often have portions of the Christian Church been
+ conspicuous for intolerance rather than tolerance. Alcuin,
+ indeed, does say in his letter to Aquila, Bishop of Winchester,
+ that he does not approve of punishing heresy with death, because
+ God, by the mouth of His prophet, had said: "I have no pleasure
+ in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way
+ and live;"<a name="FNanchor_1_337" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_337" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> but Alcuin was a man of unusual mildness and
+ sweet reasonableness, as his letters to Felix and Elipandus
+ testify. On the other hand, there were too many frantic bigots in
+ the Church, like Arnold of Citeaux, whose impious words, in
+ connection with the massacre of Albigensians, are not likely to
+ be forgotten—"Slay all; God will know His own."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In fact, so opposed did the Christian spirit come to be to the
+ Mohammedan in this respect, that their toleration was made a
+ principal argument against the Moors by the Archbishop of
+ Valencia in his memorial to Philip III. at the end of the
+ sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_2_338" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_338" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A very melancholy instance of bigotry and intolerance is afforded
+ by Bernard, a French monk, who was made Archbishop of Toledo by
+ Alfonso, on the capture of that city in 1085. By the treaty of
+ capitulation certain mosques had been expressly reserved to the
+ Moslems, just in the same way as certain churches had been
+ reserved for the Christians by Musa in 712. But Bernard, by way
+ of showing his zeal in the cause of God, in defiance of the
+ king's plighted word, chose to perform mass in the chief mosque.
+ Alfonso was furiously angry when he heard of his archbishop's
+ proceedings, but the Moslems, with wonderful forbearance, seeing
+ that the king had not authorised Bernard's outrageous conduct,
+ came forward of their own accord and begged him to pardon the
+ act, and even voluntarily surrendered their mosque.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_339" id="FNanchor_3_339"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_339" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Not only were the Christians allowed to practise their religion,
+ but even, as we have seen above, encouraged in it.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_340" id="FNanchor_4_340"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_340" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Almanzor, the champion
+ of Islam, allowed his Christian servants to rest on Sundays.
+ Christians in every reign held high posts at court<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_341" id="FNanchor_5_341"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_341" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and throughout the
+ land, and not only timeserving Christians but men like Samson and
+ Leovigild, who were known to sympathise with the party of
+ zealots, were employed by the king to write letters to, and
+ negotiate with, the neighbouring kings. This was no doubt due to
+ their general trustworthiness, their quickness, and their
+ knowledge of Arabic as well as Latin.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_337" id="Footnote_1_337"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_337"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ezekiel
+ xxxiii. 11.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_338" id="Footnote_2_338"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_338"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 376, n.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_339" id="Footnote_3_339"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_339"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Mariana,
+ ix. 10.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_340" id="Footnote_4_340"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_340"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See p. 57.
+ Recent history affords a similar instance from the Christian
+ side. See "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 54—"I have made them
+ make a mosque, and keep the Ramadhan." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 249, "I
+ had the mosque cleared out and restored for worship, and
+ endowed the priests and crier, and had a great ceremony at the
+ opening of it.... They blessed me and cursed Zebehr Pasha who
+ took the mosque from them. To me it appears that the Mussulman
+ worships God as well as I do, and is as acceptable, if sincere,
+ as any Christian."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_341" id="Footnote_5_341"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_341"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Such as
+ secretary, farmer of taxes, or even prime minister.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Among the great functionaries of state there was one who held the
+ office of Kitabatu-dh-dhimam, which, being interpreted, is "the
+ office of protection." The Christians and Jews were under his
+ general jurisdiction, and were called "the people of the
+ protection."<a name="FNanchor_1_342" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_342" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But besides this Arab "Secretary of State for
+ the Christians," the latter had their own counts—a relic of the
+ Gothic system—who, however, did not always stand up for their
+ interests.<a name="FNanchor_2_343" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_343" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> There were also Christian censors,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_344" id="FNanchor_3_344"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_344" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> but it is not known
+ what position they held in the State.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The young Christian cadets of noble birth were brought up at
+ Court, and numbers of Sclavonian Christians served in the king's
+ bodyguard, of whom under Hakem I. (796-822) there were
+ 2000.<a name="FNanchor_4_345" id="FNanchor_4_345"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_345" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_342" id="Footnote_1_342"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_342"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. p. 103; and De Gayangos' note, p. 398.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_343" id="Footnote_2_343"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_343"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>E.g.</i>. Servandus. Cp. also Cyprianus.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_344" id="Footnote_3_344"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_344"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 49.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_345" id="Footnote_4_345"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_345"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ p. 260.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ All things considered, it is a matter for surprise that these two
+ peoples, so unlike in race, habits, prejudices, and religion,
+ lived so comparatively quietly side by side in spite of a
+ perpetual state of warfare between the Arabs and the Christians
+ in the North, which tended to keep alive the animosities of the
+ two races in that part of Spain which was under Mohammedan
+ rule.<a name="FNanchor_1_346" id="FNanchor_1_346"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_346" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover, the pride of
+ race was very strong in the pure-blooded Arabs. Thus the poet
+ Said ibn Djoud, in a poem called the "battle of the town"
+ (Polei), boasts that the conquerors are of the pure race of Adnan
+ and Kahtan, without any foreign admixture; while he calls the
+ defeated Spaniards miscreants, followers of a false
+ faith,<a name="FNanchor_2_347" id="FNanchor_2_347"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_347" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> sons of the
+ pale-faces. The haughty Arabs, in fact, were too prone to look
+ upon all the Spaniards, both renegades and Christians, as mere
+ canaille.<a name="FNanchor_3_348" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_348" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But, in spite of this, the races to a certain extent amalgamated;
+ and Eulogius endeavours to prove that, but for the outbreak of
+ fanaticism in the middle of the ninth century, this amalgamation
+ would have had serious results for Christianity in Spain.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_349" id="FNanchor_4_349"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_349" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Arabs did not disdain to seek the alliance of the free
+ Christian States, nor were the latter averse from doing the same,
+ when political occasion demanded it. As early as 798 the Walis of
+ the frontier cities sought to make themselves independent by what
+ the Arab writer describes as "vile policy and unworthy acts,"
+ <i>i.e.</i>, by seeking the friendship of the Christian
+ kings;<a name="FNanchor_5_350" id="FNanchor_5_350"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_350" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and there are many
+ instances of these kings asking aid, even servilely, from Arab
+ princes.<a name="FNanchor_6_351" id="FNanchor_6_351"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_351" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_346" id="Footnote_1_346"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_346"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 108, puts the distinction between the races very forcibly:—"Ce
+ peuple qui joignait à une gaité franche et vive une sensualité
+ raffinée devait inspirer aux prêtres, qui aimaient les
+ retraites éternelles et profondes, les grands renoncéments et
+ les terribles expiations, une répugnance extrême et
+ invincible."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_347" id="Footnote_2_347"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_347"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 223.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_348" id="Footnote_3_348"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_348"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "C'était
+ leur terme consacrée." Dozy, ii. 211.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_349" id="Footnote_4_349"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_349"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Heu pro
+ dolor! quia esse sub Gentibus delicias computamus, iugumque cum
+ infidelibus ducere non renitimur. Et inde ex cotidiano usu
+ illorum sacrilegiis plerumque utimur et magis ipsorum
+ contubernia affectamus."—Eul., "Doc. Martyr," sec. 18.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_350" id="Footnote_5_350"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_350"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 244: "Chron. Alb.," vi. sec. 58: "Chron. Lib.," sec. 30.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_351" id="Footnote_6_351"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_351"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 161, Ordono the Bad and Hakem II.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Again, as was inevitable from the nature of the case,
+ intermarriages were common between the two races. The example was
+ early set by the widow of Roderic, the last Gothic king, marrying
+ Abdulaziz, son of Musa. The sons of Witiza also married Arab
+ women, and Sarah, the daughter of one of these princes, was the
+ progenetrix of a noble family of Arabs, one of her descendants
+ being the historian, Ibn al Kuttiya, which means son of the
+ Gothic princess.<a name="FNanchor_1_352" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_352" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Abdurrahman Anassir, the greatest of all the
+ Spanish Sultans, was the son of a Christian slave, named
+ Maria,<a name="FNanchor_2_353" id="FNanchor_2_353"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_353" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and the mighty
+ Almanzor had for grandmother the daughter of a renegade
+ Christian.<a name="FNanchor_3_354" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_354" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> These are some instances, but it is not
+ necessary to dwell on what was so common an occurrence as
+ intermarriage between the peoples, and is forbidden neither by
+ the Koran,<a name="FNanchor_4_355" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_355" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> nor by the Bible.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ However, there is one point in this connection which deserves a
+ more particular notice. The intermingling of the races has been
+ supposed to have been facilitated in part by the yearly tribute
+ of 100 maidens paid by the northern kings to the earlier Arab
+ Sultans. Modern historians mostly throw doubt upon the story,
+ saying that of the early historians none mention it, and that the
+ Arabs do not even allude to it.<a name="FNanchor_5_356" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_356" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> But if Conde is to be trusted, an Arab writer
+ does speak of it, as of a thing well known. In a letter of
+ Omar<a name="FNanchor_6_357" id="FNanchor_6_357"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_357" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> ibn Alaftas Almudafar,
+ King of Algarve, to Alfonso VI., in 1086, occur the words:—"Do
+ thou remember the time of Mohammed Almanzor, and bring to thy
+ mind those treaties wherein thy forefathers offered him the
+ homage even of their own daughters, and sent him those damsels in
+ tribute even to the land of our rule."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_352" id="Footnote_1_352"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_352"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 15, 22, and De Gayangos' note, p. 454.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_353" id="Footnote_2_353"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_353"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 364.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_354" id="Footnote_3_354"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_354"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 124.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_355" id="Footnote_4_355"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_355"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, v.
+ 5:—"Ye are allowed to marry free women of those that have
+ received the Scriptures before you."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_356" id="Footnote_5_356"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_356"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dunham,
+ ii. 131: Romey's "Histoire d'Espagne," iii. 276.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_357" id="Footnote_6_357"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_357"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ 238: Al Makkari, ii. 256, calls him Omar ibn Mohammed etc ibn
+ Alafthas Almutawakkel, King of Badajos.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The maiden tribute is the subject of several ancient ballads by
+ the Christian Spaniards. The following are two verses from one of
+ these:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"For he who gives the Moorish
+ king a hundred maids of Spain</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Each year when in the season the
+ day comes round again;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">If he be not a heathen he swells
+ the heathen's train—</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">'Twere better burn a kingdom than
+ suffer such disdain!</span>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">"If the Moslems must have
+ tribute, make men your tribute-money,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Send idle drones to tease them
+ within their hives of honey;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For, when 'tis paid with maidens,
+ from every maid there spring</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Some five or six strong soldiers
+ to serve the Moorish king."<a name="FNanchor_1_358" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_358" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a></span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Southey also says that the only old Portuguese ballad known to
+ him was on this subject. The evidence, then, of the ballads is
+ strong for a fact of this kind, telling, too, as it does, so much
+ against the writers of the ballads.<a name="FNanchor_2_359" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_359" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As to the Christian chroniclers, it is quite true that we find no
+ mention of this tribute in the history of Sebastian of Salamanca
+ and the Chronicle of Albeldum, but there is a direct allusion to
+ it in a document included in the collection of Florez.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_360" id="FNanchor_3_360"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_360" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "Our ancestors," says
+ Ramiro, "the kings of the land—we blush to record it—to free
+ themselves from the raids of the Saracens, consented to pay them
+ yearly a shameful tribute of a hundred maidens distinguished for
+ their beauty, fifty of noble birth, and fifty from the people."
+ It was to put an end to this nefarious tribute that Ramiro now
+ ordered a levy <i>en masse</i>. This, if the document is genuine
+ (and Florez gives no hint to the contrary), is good evidence for
+ the fact. Many succeeding writers mention it. Lucas of
+ Tuy<a name="FNanchor_4_361" id="FNanchor_4_361"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_361" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> says that Ramiro was
+ asked for the tribute in 842. Johannes Vasaeus<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_362" id="FNanchor_5_362"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_362" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> speaks of it, as also
+ Alfonso, Bishop of Burgos;<a name="FNanchor_6_363" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_363" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> and lastly, Rodrigo of Toledo<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_364" id="FNanchor_7_364"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_364" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> says that Mauregatus
+ (783-788), having obtained the throne of Leon by Saracen help,
+ agreed to send this tribute yearly.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the whole, then, the evidence is in favour of the maiden
+ tribute being no myth, but of its having been regularly paid for
+ more than fifty years. Most of these Christian maidens probably
+ embraced the religion of their husbands, but in some cases they
+ no doubt converted them to their own faith.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ From different causes, some of which will be mentioned elsewhere,
+ conversions were frequent from one religion to the other. Motives
+ of worldly interest naturally caused the balance in these to fall
+ very much against the Christians, but as the Mohammedan power
+ declined the opposite was the case. Though voluntary apostasy
+ was, and is, unpardonable, Mohammed seems to have made allowances
+ for those who apostatized under compulsion; for when one of his
+ followers, Ammar ibn Yaser, being tortured by the Koreish,
+ renounced his belief in God and in Mohammed's mission, but
+ afterwards came weeping to the Prophet, Mohammed received him
+ kindly, and, wiping his eyes, said: "What fault was it of thine,
+ if they forced thee?"<a name="FNanchor_8_365" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_365" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_358" id="Footnote_1_358"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_358"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Lockhart.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_359" id="Footnote_2_359"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_359"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Unless the
+ ballads were written later than 1250—<i>i.e.</i>, after Rodrigo
+ of Toledo had made the story known by his history.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_360" id="Footnote_3_360"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_360"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Espana
+ Sagrada," xix. 329—"Privilegiam quod dicitur votoram, anno 844
+ a rege Ranemiro I., ecclesiae B. Jacobi concessae."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_361" id="Footnote_4_361"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_361"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Lucas
+ Tudensis, "Chronicon Mundi," bk. iv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_362" id="Footnote_5_362"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_362"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Hispaniae
+ Chronicon," 783 A.D.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_363" id="Footnote_6_363"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_363"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ "Anacephalaiosis," sec. 51.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_364" id="Footnote_7_364"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_364"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> III. c. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_365" id="Footnote_8_365"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_365"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran,
+ xvi. ver. 109, Sale's note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE MUWALLADS.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ That the conversions from Christianity to Islam were very
+ numerous at first we can sufficiently gather from the fact that
+ the new converts formed a large and important party in the State,
+ and almost succeeded in wresting the government of Spain from the
+ Arabs. The disorder and civil war which may almost be said to
+ have been chronic in Spain during the Arab dominion were due to
+ the fact that three distinct races settled in that country were
+ striving for the mastery, each of these races being itself
+ divided into two bitterly hostile factions. The Arabs were split
+ up into the two factions of Yemenite or Beladi Arabs, the
+ descendants of Kahtan, and Modharites, the Arabs of Mecca and
+ Medina, who claimed descent from Adnan.<a name="FNanchor_1_366"
+ id="FNanchor_1_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_366" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> To the latter section belonged the reigning
+ family of Umeyyades. The Berbers, who looked upon themselves as
+ the real conquerors of Spain, and whose numbers were subsequently
+ reinforced by fresh immigrations, were composed of two hostile
+ tribes of Botar and Beranis. Thirdly, there were the Spaniards,
+ part Christian, part Mohammedan; the latter being either
+ renegades themselves or the descendants of renegades. These
+ apostates were called by the Arabs Mosalimah, or New
+ Moslems,<a name="FNanchor_2_367" id="FNanchor_2_367"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_367" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and their descendants
+ Muwallads,<a name="FNanchor_3_368" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_368" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> or those not of Arabic origin. The Christians
+ were either tribute-paying Christians, called Ahlu dh dhimmah; or
+ free Christians, under Moslem supremacy, called Ajemi;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_369" id="FNanchor_4_369"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_369" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or apostates from
+ Islam,<a name="FNanchor_5_370" id="FNanchor_5_370"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_370" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> called Muraddin. The
+ Muwallads, in spite of the Mohammedan doctrine of the equality
+ and brotherhood of Moslems, were looked down upon with the utmost
+ contempt by the pure-blooded Arabs.<a name="FNanchor_6_371" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_371" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Their condition was even worse than that of
+ the Christians, for they were, generally speaking, excluded from
+ lucrative posts, and from all administration of affairs—a
+ dangerous policy, considering that they formed a majority of the
+ population.<a name="FNanchor_7_372" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_372" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> Stronger and more humane than the Berbers,
+ they were friends of order and civilization. Intellectually they
+ were even superior to the conquering Arabs.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_373" id="FNanchor_8_373"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_373" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The natural result of their being Spaniards by race, and Arabs by
+ religion, was that they sided now with one faction and now with
+ another, and at one time, under the weak Abdallah (888-912), were
+ the mainstay of the Sultan against his rebellious subjects. After
+ breaking with the Sultan they almost succeeded in gaining
+ possession of the whole kingdom, and carried fire and desolation
+ to the very gates of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_9_374" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_374" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_366" id="Footnote_1_366"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_366"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See above,
+ p. 23, note 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_367" id="Footnote_2_367"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_367"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. "New
+ Christians."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_368" id="Footnote_3_368"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_368"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pronounced
+ Mulads, hence Mulatto. The word means "adopted."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_369" id="Footnote_4_369"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_369"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 446. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_370" id="Footnote_5_370"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_370"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 458.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_371" id="Footnote_6_371"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_371"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cp.
+ "Gordon in Central Africa," p. 300. "... the only regret is
+ that I am a Christian. Yet they would be the first to despise
+ me if I recanted and became a Mussulman." An Arab poet calls
+ them "sons of slaves," Dozy, ii. 258.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_372" id="Footnote_7_372"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_372"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> So Dozy,
+ ii. p. 52. But perhaps he meant "of the Arab population."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_373" id="Footnote_8_373"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_373"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 261.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_374" id="Footnote_9_374"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_374"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 458. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As early as 805 the Muwallads of Cordova, incited by certain
+ theologians, revolted under Hakem I., but the rising was
+ suppressed. In 814, however, they again rose, and the rebellion
+ being put down with great severity by the help of the Berbers,
+ the Cordovan Muwallads were exiled, 1500 going to Alexandria, and
+ 8000 to Fez.<a name="FNanchor_1_375" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_375" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But though exterminated in Cordova, the
+ renegades still mustered strong in Spain. At Elvira they rose in
+ Abdallah's reign, under a chief named Nabil, and threw off the
+ Arab yoke;<a name="FNanchor_2_376" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_376" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and, previously to this, Abdurrahman ibn
+ Merwan ibn Yunas and Sadoun had headed similar revolts at Badajos
+ and Merida.<a name="FNanchor_3_377" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_377" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> At Seville the Muwallad element was specially
+ strong, as we see from the many family names, such as Beni
+ Angelino, Beni Sabarico, which betray a Spanish origin. The
+ majority of the inhabitants embraced Islam early, and had their
+ mosque by the middle of the ninth century, but they retained many
+ Spanish customs and characteristics. When the Arabs of Seville
+ revolted against the Sultan, the renegade party joined the
+ latter. At Saragoza, the Beni Kasi, descendants of a noble Gothic
+ family, set up an independent kindgom, waging war indifferently
+ with all their neighbours.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_375" id="Footnote_1_375"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_375"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, App.
+ B to vol. ii. Hakem was called Al rabadhi (=he of the suburb)
+ from this.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_376" id="Footnote_2_376"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_376"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ihn
+ Hayyan, apud Al Makkari, ii. 446, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_377" id="Footnote_3_377"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_377"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 875.
+ "Chron Albel.," sec. 62. Dozy, ii. 184.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It does not come within the scope of this inquiry to trace out
+ the history of all the revolts made by the Arabs or Berbers
+ against the Sultan's authority, but the policy and position of
+ the Muwallads and Christians are a necessary part of our subject.
+ The latter, though well treated on the whole, naturally looked
+ back with regret to the days of their own supremacy, and were
+ ready to intrigue with anyone able to assist them against their
+ Arab rulers. Accordingly we find them communicating with the
+ kings of France; and there is still extant a letter from Louis
+ the Debonnaire to the people of Merida, written in 826, which is
+ as follows:— "We have heard of your tribulation, which you suffer
+ from the cruelty of your king Abdurrahman, who has tried to take
+ away your goods, and has oppressed you just as his father Abulaz
+ did. He, making you pay unjust taxes, which you were not bound to
+ pay, turned you from friends into enemies, and from obedient to
+ disobedient vassels, inasmuch as he infringed your liberties. But
+ you, like brave men, we hear, are resisting the tyrant, and we
+ write now to condole with you, and to exhort you to continue your
+ resistance, and since your king is our enemy as well as yours,
+ let us join in opposing him.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "We purpose to send an army to the frontier next summer to wait
+ there till you give us the signal for action. Know then that, if
+ you will desert him and join us, your ancient liberties shall be
+ secured to you, and you shall be free of all taxes and tributes,
+ and shall live under your own laws."<a name="FNanchor_1_378" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_378" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The army promised was sent under the king's son, but seems to
+ have effected nothing.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ During the period of religious disturbance at Cordova, when the
+ voluntary martyrdoms became so frequent, and just at the time of
+ Mohammed's accession, the Christians of Toledo, encouraged, we
+ may suppose, by their proximity to the free Christians, revolted
+ in favour of their coreligionists at Cordova. No wonder then that
+ Mohammed imagined that the outbreak of fanaticism in Cordova was
+ but the signal for a general mutiny of his Christian subjects. As
+ we have already seen, the king set out with an army against the
+ Toledans, who appealed to Ordono I. of Leon for help. Glad enough
+ to get such an opportunity for weakening the Arab government,
+ Ordono sent a large auxiliary force, but the Toledans and
+ Leonnese were defeated with great slaughter by the Sultan's
+ troops.<a name="FNanchor_2_379" id="FNanchor_2_379"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_379" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Within twenty years,
+ however, Toledo became practically independent, except for the
+ payment of tribute.<a name="FNanchor_3_380" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_380" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_378" id="Footnote_1_378"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_378"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Apud
+ Florez, "Españo Sagrada."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_379" id="Footnote_2_379"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_379"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 162.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_380" id="Footnote_3_380"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_380"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid</i>, p. 182.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ From all this it will be clear that the Spanish part of the
+ population, whether Moslem or Christian, was opposed to the
+ exclusiveness of the old Arabs, and ready to make common cause
+ against them. The unity of race prevailed over the difference of
+ creed, as it did in the case of the English Roman Catholics in
+ the war with Spain, and as it usually will under such
+ circumstances. The national party were fortunate enough to find
+ an able leader in the person of the celebrated rebel, Omar ibn
+ Hafsun, who came near to wresting the sovereignty of Spain from
+ the hands of the Umeyyades. Omar was descended from a Count
+ Alfonso,<a name="FNanchor_1_381" id="FNanchor_1_381"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_381" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and his family had
+ been Christians till the apostasy of his grandfather Djaffar.
+ Omar, being a wild unmanageable youth, took up the lucrative and
+ honourable profession of bandit, his headquarters being at
+ Bobastro or Bishter, a stronghold somewhere between Archidona and
+ Ronda, in the sierra stretching from Granada to
+ Gibraltar.<a name="FNanchor_2_382" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_382" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> After a brief sojourn in Africa, where his
+ ambition was inflamed by a prophecy announcing a great future, he
+ returned to Spain, and at once began business again as brigand at
+ Bobastro with nearly 6000 men.<a name="FNanchor_3_383" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_383" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Being captured, he was brought to Cordova, but
+ spared on condition of enlisting in the king's forces. But he
+ soon escaped from Cordova, and became chief of all the Spaniards
+ in the South, Moslem and Christian,<a name="FNanchor_4_384" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_384" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> whose ardour he aroused by such words as
+ these: "Too long have you borne the yoke of the Sultan, who
+ spoils you of your goods, and taxes you beyond your means. Will
+ you let yourselves be trampled on by the Arabs, who look upon you
+ as their slaves? It is not ambition that prompts me to rebel, but
+ a desire to avenge you and myself." To strengthen his cause he
+ made alliances at different times with the Muwallads in Elvira,
+ Seville, and Saragoza, and with the successful rebel, Abdurrahman
+ ibn Merwan, in Badajos.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_381" id="Footnote_1_381"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_381"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 190.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_382" id="Footnote_2_382"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_382"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 437. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_383" id="Footnote_3_383"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_383"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In 880 or
+ 881.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_384" id="Footnote_4_384"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_384"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See a
+ description of him quoted by Stanley Lane-Poole ("Moors in
+ Spain," p. 107) from an Arab writer: "Woe unto thee, Cordova!
+ when the captain with the great nose and ugly face—he who is
+ guarded before by Moslems, and behind by idolaters—when Ibn
+ Hafsun comes before thy gates. Then will thine awful fate be
+ accomplished."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Openly defying the Sultan's forces, he was only kept in check by
+ Almundhir, the king's son, who succeeded his father in 886. Omar
+ was further strengthened by the accession to his side of Sherbil,
+ the Count of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_1_385" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_385" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The death of Almundhir in 888 removed from
+ Omar's path his only able enemy, and, during Abdallah's weak
+ reign, the rebel leader was virtual king of the south and east of
+ Spain. The district of Regio<a name="FNanchor_2_386" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_386" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> was made over to him by the king, and Omar's
+ lieutenant, Ibn Mastarna, was made chief of Priejo.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This protracted war, which was really one for national
+ independence, was carried on year after year with varying
+ success. At one time Omar conceived the intention of proclaiming
+ the Abasside Khalifs,<a name="FNanchor_3_387" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_387" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> at another he grasped at the royal power
+ himself; and Abdallah's empire was only saved by a seasonable
+ victory in 891 at Hisn Belay (or Espiel).<a name="FNanchor_4_388"
+ id="FNanchor_4_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_388" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> The battle was fought on the eve of the
+ Passover, and the Moslems taunted their enemies with having such
+ a joyful feast, and so many victims to commemorate it with. This
+ shows that a large, perhaps the largest, part of Omar's army was
+ Christian. Another indication of this is found in a poem of
+ Tarikh ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_5_389" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_389" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> where, speaking of the coming destruction of
+ Cordova, he says: "The safest place will then be the hill of Abu
+ Abdu, where once stood a church," meaning that Omar's Christian
+ soldiers would respect that sanctuary, and no other. Indeed, it
+ is certain that Omar himself became a Christian some time before
+ this battle,<a name="FNanchor_6_390" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_390" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> as his father had done before him. He took the
+ name of Samuel, and his daughter Argentea, as we have seen,
+ suffered martyrdom. This change of creed on Omar's part changed
+ the character of the war, and gave it more of a
+ religious,<a name="FNanchor_7_391" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_391" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> and perhaps less of a national, character, for
+ the Spanish Moslems fell off from him, when he became Christian
+ and built churches.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_385" id="Footnote_1_385"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_385"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Servandus.
+ Al Makkari, ii. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_386" id="Footnote_2_386"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_386"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Where
+ Islam was almost extinct. Dozy, ii. 335.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_387" id="Footnote_3_387"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_387"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 456. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_388" id="Footnote_4_388"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_388"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Ibn
+ Hayyan, apud Al Makk., ii. p. 452. This seems to be the same
+ victory as that which Dozy (ii. 284) calls Polei or Aguilar.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_389" id="Footnote_5_389"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_389"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. p. 275.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_390" id="Footnote_6_390"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_390"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ibn
+ Hayyan, apud Dozy, ii. p. 326.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_391" id="Footnote_7_391"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_391"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In 896, on
+ the capture of Cazlona by a renegade named Ibn as Khalia, all
+ the Christians were massacred.—Dozy, ii. p. 327.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Towards the close of his reign Abdallah was able to assert his
+ supremacy, though Omar and his followers still held out. Omar
+ himself did not die till 917, some years after Abdallah's death.
+ The king's successor, Abdurrahman III., was a different stamp of
+ man from Abdallah, and the reduction of Omar became only a
+ question of time, though, in fact, the apostasy of Omar from
+ Islam had made the ultimate success of the national party very
+ doubtful, if not impossible. After Omar's death, his son,
+ Djaffar, thought to recover the support of the Spanish Moslems by
+ embracing Islam; but he thereby lost the confidence of the
+ Christians, by whom he was murdered. In 928 his brother Hafs
+ surrendered, with Bobastro, to the Sultan, and the great
+ rebellion was finally extinguished.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ So ended the grand struggle of the national party, first under
+ the-direction of the Muwallads, and then of the Christians, to
+ shake off the Arab and Berber yoke. During the remainder of the
+ tenth century the strong administration of Abdurrahman III.,
+ Hakem II., and the great Almanzor, gave the Christians no chance
+ of raising the cry of "Spain for the Spanish." The danger of a
+ renewal of the rebellion once removed, the position of the
+ Christians does not seem to have been made any worse in
+ consequence of their late disaffection, and Abdurrahman, himself
+ the son of a Christian mother, treated all parties in the revolt
+ with great leniency, even against the wishes and advice of the
+ more devout Moslems. Almanzor, too, made himself respected, and
+ even liked, by his Christian subjects, and there is no doubt that
+ his victories over the Christian States in the North<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_392" id="FNanchor_1_392"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_392" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> were won very largely
+ with the aid of Christian soldiers. His death was the signal for
+ the disruption of the Spanish Khalifate, and from 1010-1031, when
+ the khalifate was finally extinguished, complete anarchy
+ prevailed in Saracen Spain. The Berbers made a determined effort
+ to regain their ascendency, and their forces, seconded by the
+ Christians, succeeded in placing Suleiman on the throne in 1013.
+ A succession of feeble rulers, set up by the different
+ factions—Arab, Berber, and Slave—followed, until Hischem III. was
+ forced to abdicate in 1031, and the Umeyyade dynasty came to an
+ end, after lasting 275 years. By this time the Christians in the
+ North had gathered themselves together for a combined advance
+ against the Saracen provinces, never again to retrograde,
+ scarcely even to be checked, till in 1492 fell Granada, the last
+ stronghold of the Moors in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_2_393" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_393" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_392" id="Footnote_1_392"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_392"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 214.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_393" id="Footnote_2_393"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_393"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In 1630
+ there was not a single Moslem left in Spain.—Al Makk., i. p.
+ 74.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_VIIIa" id="CHAPTER_VIIIa"><ins class="correction"
+ title="Transcriber's Note: This chapter should be part of VIII">CHAPTER IX.</ins></a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS IGNORANT OF ONE
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ ANOTHER'S&nbsp; CREED.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ In spite of the close contact into which the Christians and
+ Mohammedans were brought in Spain, and the numerous conversions
+ and frequent intermarriages between the two sections, no thorough
+ knowledge seems to have existed, on either side, of the creed of
+ the other party. Such, at least, is the conclusion to which we
+ are driven, on reading the only direct records which remain on
+ the subject among Arab and Christian writers. These on the
+ Christian side consist chiefly of quotations from a book on
+ Mohammedanism by the abbot Speraindeo in a work of his disciple,
+ Eulogius;<a name="FNanchor_1_394" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_394" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and some rather incoherent denunciations of
+ Mohammed and his religion by Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_2_395" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_395" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> another pupil of the abbot's. In these, as
+ might be expected, great stress is laid on the sensuality of
+ Mohammed's paradise,<a name="FNanchor_3_396" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_396" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and the lewdness of the Prophet himself. As to
+ the latter, though many of Gibbon's coarse sarcasms do not rest
+ on good authority, very little can be said for the Prophet. But
+ among other blasphemies attributed by Speraindeo to Mohammed is
+ one of which we find no mention in the Koran—the assertion,
+ namely, that he would in the next world be wedded to the Virgin
+ Mary. John, Bishop of Seville, is equally incorrect when, in a
+ letter to Alvar,<a name="FNanchor_4_397" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_397" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> he alleges a promise on the part of Mohammed
+ that he would, like Christ, rise again from the dead; whereas his
+ body, being neglected by his relations, was devoured by dogs. The
+ Christian bishop does not hesitate to add—sepultus est in
+ infernum—he was buried in hell.<a name="FNanchor_5_398" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_398" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_394" id="Footnote_1_394"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_394"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 7.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_395" id="Footnote_2_395"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_395"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," secs. 21-35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_396" id="Footnote_3_396"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_396"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, secs. 23, 24. Mohammed's paradise was by no means
+ wholly sensual.—Sale's Koran. Introd., p. 78.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_397" id="Footnote_4_397"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_397"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sec 9.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_398" id="Footnote_5_398"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_398"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This shows
+ the hatred of Christians for Mohammed, whom, says Eulogius
+ ("Mem. Sanct.," i. sec. 20), it would be every Christian's duty
+ to kill, were he alive on earth.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It is generally supposed that Mohammed could neither read nor
+ write, and this appears to have been the opinion of
+ Alvar;<a name="FNanchor_1_399" id="FNanchor_1_399"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_399" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but the same witness
+ acknowledges that the Koran was composed in such eloquent and
+ beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading
+ and admiring it.<a name="FNanchor_2_400" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_400" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On the important question of Mohammed's position with regard to
+ Christianity, Eulogius<a name="FNanchor_3_401" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_401" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> at least formed a correct judgment. Mohammed,
+ he tells us "blasphemously taught that Christ was the Word of
+ God,<a name="FNanchor_4_402" id="FNanchor_4_402"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_402" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and His
+ Spirit;<a name="FNanchor_5_403" id="FNanchor_5_403"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_403" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a great
+ prophet,<a name="FNanchor_6_404" id="FNanchor_6_404"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_404" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> endowed with much
+ power from God;<a name="FNanchor_7_405" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_405" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> like Adam in His creation,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_406" id="FNanchor_8_406"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_406" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> but not equal to God
+ (the Creator);<a name="FNanchor_9_407" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_407" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> and that by reason of His blameless<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_408" id="FNanchor_10_408"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_408" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> life, being filled
+ with the Holy Spirit,<a name="FNanchor_11_409" id=
+ "FNanchor_11_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_409" class=
+ "fnanchor">[11]</a> He showed marvellous signs and wonders
+ through the power of God,<a name="FNanchor_12_410" id=
+ "FNanchor_12_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_410" class=
+ "fnanchor">[12]</a> not working by His own Godhead, but as a
+ righteous Man, and an obedient servant,<a name="FNanchor_13_411"
+ id="FNanchor_13_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_411" class=
+ "fnanchor">[13]</a> obtaining much power and might from the
+ Almighty God through prayer."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_399" id="Footnote_1_399"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_399"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 26.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_400" id="Footnote_2_400"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_400"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 29. This is more than can be said at the
+ present day.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_401" id="Footnote_3_401"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_401"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eul.,
+ "Lib. Apol.," sec. 19.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_402" id="Footnote_4_402"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_402"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Koran, ch.
+ iii. 40.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_403" id="Footnote_5_403"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_403"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Koran, ch.
+ ii. 81, "strengthened with Holy Spirit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_404" id="Footnote_6_404"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_404"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_405" id="Footnote_7_405"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_405"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii. 45.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_406" id="Footnote_8_406"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_406"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii. 50.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_407" id="Footnote_9_407"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_407"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ ix. 33.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_408" id="Footnote_10_408"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_408"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ iii.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_409" id="Footnote_11_409"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_409"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> This is
+ a mistake of Eulogius. See Sale's note on Koran, ch. ii. 81,
+ note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_12_410" id="Footnote_12_410"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_12_410"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Kor.,
+ ch. v. 110 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_13_411" id="Footnote_13_411"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_13_411"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Koran,
+ cc. iv. ad fin; xliii. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Alvar is much more unfair to Mohammed than his friend Eulogius,
+ and he even seems to have had a prejudiced idea<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_412" id="FNanchor_1_412"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_412" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that the Prophet set
+ himself deliberately to preach doctrines the opposite of those
+ taught by Christ. It would be nearer to the truth to say that the
+ divergence between the two codes of morals was due to the natural
+ ignorance of an illiterate Arabian, brought into contact only
+ with an heretical form of Christianity, the real doctrines of
+ which he was therefore not likely to know.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ According to Alvar, the sixth day of the week was chosen for the
+ Mohammedan holy day, because Christ suffered on that day. We
+ shall realise the absurdity of this when we consider the
+ reverence in which Mohammed held the very name of Christ, going
+ so far even as to deny that Christ Himself was crucified at
+ all.<a name="FNanchor_2_413" id="FNanchor_2_413"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_413" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The true reason for
+ selecting Friday, as alleged by Mohammed himself, was, because
+ the work of creation ended on that day.<a name="FNanchor_3_414"
+ id="FNanchor_3_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_414" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Again, sensuality was preached, says Alvar, because Christ
+ preached chastity. But Mohammed cannot fairly be said to have
+ preached sensuality, though his private life in this respect was
+ by no means pure.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Gluttony was advocated instead of fasting. A more baseless charge
+ was never made; for how can it be contended that Christianity
+ enjoins fasting, while Islam disapproves of it, in the face of
+ such texts as Matthew ix. 14,<a name="FNanchor_4_415" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_415" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> and Isaiah lviii. 6—"Is not this the fast that
+ I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the
+ heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" on the one
+ hand; and on the other the express injunction of the
+ Koran<a name="FNanchor_5_416" id="FNanchor_5_416"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_416" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>:—"O true believers, a
+ fast is ordained you, as it was ordained to those before you ...
+ if ye fast, it will be better for you, if ye knew it. The month
+ of Ramadan shall ye fast." But Alvar goes on to make a more
+ astonishing statement still:—"Christ ordained that men should
+ abstain from their wives during a fast, while Mohammed
+ consecrated those days to carnal pleasure." Christ surely gives
+ us no such injunction, though St Paul does say something of the
+ kind. The Koran<a name="FNanchor_6_417" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_417" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> explicitly says—"It is lawful for you on the
+ night of the fast to go in unto your wives; they are a garment
+ unto you, and you are a garment unto them." We even find an
+ incident recorded by an Arabian writer, where Yahya ibn Yahya,
+ the famous faqui, imposed a penance of a month's extra fast on
+ Abdurrahman II. (822-852) for violating the Prophet's ordinance,
+ that wives should be abstained from during the fasting
+ month.<a name="FNanchor_7_418" id="FNanchor_7_418"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_418" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Alvar, being a layman,
+ may perhaps be supposed not to have studied Mohammedanism
+ critically, and that his zeal was not according to knowledge is
+ perhaps the best explanation of the matter. In one place<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_419" id="FNanchor_8_419"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_419" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> he informs us of his
+ intention of writing a book on the Cobar,<a name="FNanchor_9_420"
+ id="FNanchor_9_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_420" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> but the work, if ever written, has not
+ survived. Nor is this much to be regretted, if we may judge by
+ the wild remarks he indulges in elsewhere<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_421" id="FNanchor_10_421"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_421" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> on this theme. In
+ that passage he seems to apply the obscure prophecy of
+ Daniel<a name="FNanchor_11_422" id="FNanchor_11_422"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_11_422" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> to Mohammed,
+ forgetting that verse 37 speaks of one who "shall regard not the
+ desire of women," a description hardly characteristic of
+ Mohammed. He identifies the God Maozim (Hebr. Mauzim), which our
+ revised version (v. 38) translates the "God of fortresses" with
+ the Mohammedan Cobar;<a name="FNanchor_12_423" id=
+ "FNanchor_12_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_423" class=
+ "fnanchor">[12]</a> and the strange god, whom he shall
+ acknowledge, Alvar identifies with the devil which inspired the
+ Prophet in the guise of the angel Gabriel. All this, as the
+ writer himself allows, is very enigmatical.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_412" id="Footnote_1_412"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_412"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Dozy,
+ ii. 107.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_413" id="Footnote_2_413"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_413"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See Koran,
+ cc. iii. 47; iv. 157; and Sale's notes.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_414" id="Footnote_3_414"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_414"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See Sale's
+ note on Koran, c. lxii. 9.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_415" id="Footnote_4_415"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_415"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cf. also
+ Matt. xi. 19—"The Son of Man came eating and drinking, and they
+ say, Behold a gluttonous man and a wine-bibber."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_416" id="Footnote_5_416"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_416"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Chapter
+ ii. 180.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_417" id="Footnote_6_417"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_417"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Chapter
+ ii. 185. The Mohammedan fast is confined to the day time.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_418" id="Footnote_7_418"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_418"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> From Ibn
+ Khallekan, apud Dozy, ii. 108.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_419" id="Footnote_8_419"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_419"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 25.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_420" id="Footnote_9_420"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_420"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
+ <i>I.e.</i>, the Caaba apparently.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_421" id="Footnote_10_421"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_421"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> "Ind.
+ Lum.," sec. 25, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_422" id="Footnote_11_422"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_422"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> C. xi.
+ vv. 21, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_12_423" id="Footnote_12_423"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_12_423"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> ? Caaba.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Alvar does not scruple even to accuse the Moslems of idolatry,
+ asserting that the Arabian tribes worship their idol (the Caaba
+ black stone<a name="FNanchor_1_424" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_424" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>) as they used to do of yore, and that they set
+ apart a holy month, Al Mozem, in honour of this idol.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_425" id="FNanchor_2_425"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_425" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Finally, Mohammed is spoken of variously as the precursor of
+ Antichrist,<a name="FNanchor_3_426" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_426" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> or as Antichrist himself.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_427" id="FNanchor_4_427"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_427" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Let us now see how far we can gather the opinions of educated
+ Moslems with regard to Christian doctrine and worship. If we find
+ these to be no less one-sided and erroneous than the opinions of
+ Christians as to Mohammedanism, yet can we the more easily excuse
+ the Moslems, for the Koran itself, the very foundation and guide
+ of all their religious dogmas, is full of incorrect and
+ inconsistent notions on the subject.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The most important of these mistakes was that the Christians
+ worshipped a Trinity of Deities—God, Christ, Mary.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_428" id="FNanchor_5_428"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_428" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The inclusion of the
+ Virgin Mary into this Trinity was perhaps due to the fact that
+ worship was paid to her even at that early date, as it certainly
+ is among the Roman Catholics at this day. As will have been seen
+ from a passage quoted above,<a name="FNanchor_6_429" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_429" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> something very like adoration was already paid
+ to the Virgin in the churches of Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_424" id="Footnote_1_424"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_424"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Sale,
+ Introduction to Koran, p. 91.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_425" id="Footnote_2_425"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_425"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.," sec. 25.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_426" id="Footnote_3_426"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_426"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 21.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_427" id="Footnote_4_427"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_427"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, sec. 53.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_428" id="Footnote_5_428"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_428"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Koran,
+ v. ad fin.:—"And when God shall say unto Jesus at the last day:
+ O Jesus, son of Mary, hast thou said unto men, Take me and my
+ mother for two Gods, beside God? he shall answer, Praise be
+ unto thee! it is not for me to say that which I ought not."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_429" id="Footnote_6_429"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_429"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> P. 56.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the following extract from a treatise on Religions, by Ali
+ ibn Hazm,<a name="FNanchor_1_430" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_430" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> the prime minister of Abdurrahman V. (Dec.
+ 1023-March 1024), will show that some educated Moslems knew
+ enough of the Christian creed to appreciate its difficulties:—"We
+ need not be astonished," says Ibn Hazm, "at the superstition of
+ men. Look at the Christians! They are so numerous that God only
+ knows their numbers. They have among them men of great
+ intelligence, and princes of great ability. Nevertheless they
+ believe that three is one, and one is three; that one of the
+ three is the Father, another the Son, another the Spirit; that
+ the Father is, and is not, the Son; that a man is, and is not,
+ God; that the Messiah is God in every respect, and yet not the
+ same as God; that He who has existed from all eternity has been
+ created.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "One of their sects, the members of which they call Jacobites,
+ and which number hundreds of thousands, believes even that the
+ Creator Himself was scourged, crucified, and put to death; so
+ that the Universe for three days was deprived of its Governor."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another extract from an Arabic writer will show us what the
+ Moslems thought of the worship of St James, the patron saint of
+ Spain, round whose shrine rallied the religious revival in the
+ north of the Peninsula. It is Ibn Hayyan,<a name="FNanchor_2_431"
+ id="FNanchor_2_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_431" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> who, in his account of Almanzor's fiftieth
+ expedition against the Christians, says:—"Shant Yakoh
+ (Santiago)<a name="FNanchor_3_432" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_432" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> is one of the sanctuaries most frequented, not
+ only by the Christians of Andalus, but of the neighbouring
+ continent, who look upon its church with a veneration such as
+ Moslems entertain for the Caaba of Mecca; for their Caaba is a
+ colossal idol (statue) which stands in the middle of the church.
+ They swear by it, and repair to it in pilgrimage from the most
+ distant parts, from Rome, as well as other countries beyond Rome,
+ pretending that the tomb to be seen in the church is that of
+ Yakob (James), one of the twelve apostles, and the most beloved
+ by Isa (Jesus).—May the blessing of God be on him, and on our
+ Prophet!—The Christians call this Yakob the brother of Jesus,
+ because, while he lived, he was always with him. They say that he
+ was Bishop of Jerusalem, and that he wandered over the earth
+ preaching the religion [of Christ], and calling upon the
+ inhabitants to embrace it, till he came to that remote corner of
+ Andalus; that he then returned to Syria, where he died at the age
+ of 120 solar years. They pretend likewise that, after the death
+ of Yakob, his disciples carried his body and buried it in that
+ church, as the most remote part, where he had left traces [of his
+ preaching]."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_430" id="Footnote_1_430"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_430"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> II. 227,
+ apud Dozy, iii. 342. Ibn Hazm was, says Dozy, "a strict Moslem,
+ <i>averse to judging divine questions by human reasoning</i>."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_431" id="Footnote_2_431"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_431"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 293.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_432" id="Footnote_3_432"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_432"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miss
+ Yonge, p. 87, says the Arabs called him Sham Yakub, but what
+ authority has this statement?
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In a country where literature and the arts were so keenly
+ cultivated, as they were in Spain during the time of Arab
+ domination, and where the rivalry of Christian, Jew, and Moslem
+ produced a sustained period of intellectual activity such as the
+ world has rarely seen, controversial theology could not fail to
+ have been largely developed. But the books, if any were written,
+ from the Christian or Moslem standpoint, have all perished, and
+ we have only such slight and unsatisfactory notices left to us as
+ those already quoted.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In estimating, therefore, what influences the rival religions of
+ Spain had upon each other, we are driven to draw such inferences
+ as we can from the meagre hints furnished to us by the writers of
+ the period; from our knowledge of what Christianity was in Spain,
+ and Mohammedanism in Africa, before they were brought into
+ contact in Andalusia, compared with what they became after that
+ contact had made itself felt; and from the observed effects of
+ such relations elsewhere. Upon a careful consideration of these
+ scattered hints we shall see that certain effects were visible,
+ which, had the amalgamation of the two peoples been allowed to
+ continue uninterruptedly for a longer period, and had there been
+ no disturbing element in the north of Spain and in Africa, would
+ in all probability have led to some marked modification in one or
+ both religions, and even to their nearer assimilation.
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ HERESIES IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Such mixtures of religions are by no means without example in
+ history. The Sabians, for instance, were the followers of a
+ religion, which may have been a cross between Judaism,
+ Christianity, and Magianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_433" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_433" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But Mohammedanism itself has furnished the
+ most marked instances of such amalgamation. In Persia Islam
+ combined with the creed of Zoroaster to produce Babyism; while in
+ India Hinduism and Mohammedanism, fused together by the genius of
+ Nanak Guru, have resulted in Sikhism.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It may be said that Mohammedanism has been able to unite with
+ Zoroastrianism and Hinduism owing to their very dissimilarity
+ with itself, whereas Christianity is too near akin to Islam to
+ combine with it in such a way as to produce a religion like both,
+ and yet different from either.<a name="FNanchor_2_434" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_434" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Christianity and Mohammedanism, each have two
+ cardinal doctrines (and two only) which cannot be abrogated if
+ they are to remain distinctive creeds. In one of these, the unity
+ of God, they agree. In the other they do, and always must,
+ differ. The divinity of Christ on the one side, and the divine
+ mission of Mohammed on the other, are totally incompatible
+ doctrines. If the one is true, the other cannot be so. Surrender
+ both, and the result is Judaism. No compromise would seem
+ possible. Yet a compromise was attempted, if we can credit a
+ statement attributed by Dozy to Ibn Khaldun,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_435" id="FNanchor_3_435"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_435" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in recounting the
+ history of the successful rebel, Abdurrahman ibn Merwan ibn
+ Yunas, who during the last quarter of the ninth century, while
+ all Moslem Spain was a prey to the wildest anarchy, became a
+ leader of the renegade or Muwallad party in Merida and the
+ neighbourhood. Thinking to unite the Muwallads and Christians in
+ one revolt, he preached to his countrymen a new religion, which
+ held a place halfway between Christianity and Islam. This is all
+ we are told of an endeavour, which might have led to the most
+ important consequences. That we hear no more of it is evidence
+ enough that the attempt proved abortive. The only other attempt,
+ if it can be called so, to combine Islam and Christianity has
+ resulted in that curious compound called the religion of the
+ Druses.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_433" id="Footnote_1_433"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_433"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> For an
+ attempted compromise between Christianity and Brahmanism, see
+ the proceedings of Beschi, a Roman Catholic priest, "Education
+ and Missions," p. 14.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_434" id="Footnote_2_434"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_434"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp.,
+ however, the Druse religion.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_435" id="Footnote_3_435"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_435"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ 184. Dozy adds that Abdurrahman was called the Galician (el
+ Jaliki) in consequence of this attempt of his: but there is
+ some error here, as Ibn Hayyan (see Al Makkari, ii. 439, and De
+ Gayangos' note) says he was called ibn ul'jaliki, <i>i.e.</i>,
+ of the stock of the Galicians.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But though no religion, holding a position midway between Islam
+ and Christianity, arose in Spain, yet those religions could
+ hardly fail to undergo considerable modifications in themselves
+ by reason of their close contact for several centuries.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In respect to Christianity we shall naturally find the traces (if
+ any) of such modification in the so-called heresies which may
+ have arisen in Spain during this period. These will require a
+ somewhat strict examination to be made to yield up their secret.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Church of Spain seems to have gained a reputation for
+ introducing innovations<a name="FNanchor_1_436" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_436" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> into the doctrines and practices of the true
+ faith, and even of priding itself on its ingenuity in this way.
+ The very first Council whose acts have come down to us, held at
+ Elvira in Spain, early in the fourth century, contains a canon
+ censuring the use of pictures. The very first heretics, who were
+ punished for their error with death by the hands of their
+ fellow-Christians, were reared in the bosom of the Spanish
+ Church. The doctrine, novel then, but accepted now by all the
+ Western Churches, of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the
+ Son as well as from the Father, was first formulated in a Spanish
+ Council at the end of the sixth century, but not universally
+ received in the West until 600 years later.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_437" id="FNanchor_2_437"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_437" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> And as we have seen,
+ the use of pictures was denounced long before the times of the
+ Iconoclasts.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We will now take in order the several heresies that made
+ themselves noticeable in Spain, or Gothic Gaul, during the Arab
+ supremacy, and see if we can trace any relation between them and
+ the Moslem faith.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ To take an unimportant one first, a heresy is mentioned as having
+ arisen in Septimania (Gothic Gaul), presumably during the eighth
+ century.<a name="FNanchor_3_438" id="FNanchor_3_438"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_438" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> It was more practical
+ than speculative, and consisted in a denial of the need of
+ confession to a priest, on the (unimpeachable) ground that men
+ ought to confess to God alone. This appears to us Protestants a
+ wholly laudable and reasonable contention; but not so to the
+ worthy abbé who records it: cette doctrine, <i>si favorable à
+ libertinage</i>, trouva un grand nombre de partisans, et excite
+ encore le zèle d'Alcuin.<a name="FNanchor_4_439" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_439" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_436" id="Footnote_1_436"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_436"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin ad
+ Elipandum, iv. 13—"Audi me, obsecro, patienter, scholastica
+ Hispaniae congregatio, tibi loquentem, quae novi semper aliquid
+ audire vel praedicare desideras, non contenta ecclesiae
+ universalis Catholica fide, nisi tu aliquid per te invenies,
+ unde tuum nomen celebrares in mundo."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_437" id="Footnote_2_437"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_437"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Lateran
+ Council, 1215.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_438" id="Footnote_3_438"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_438"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See,
+ however, Alcuin's letter to the clergy of the province, Ep.,
+ 71. Migne, vol. ci. p. 1594.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_439" id="Footnote_4_439"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_439"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ Rohrbacher, "Hist. Univ. dé l'Eglise Cathol.," ix. 309.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ That this error was due in any sense to the influence of the
+ Arabs in the neighbouring territories of Spain, it is of course
+ impossible to affirm, but at all events the reform was quite in
+ the spirit of the verses of the Koran: "O ye who have
+ received<a name="FNanchor_1_440" id="FNanchor_1_440"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_440" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the Scripture come to
+ a just determination between us and you, that we worship not any
+ except God, and associate no creature with Him: and that the one
+ of us take not the other for lords, beside God." And "They take
+ their priests and monks for their lords besides God."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_441" id="FNanchor_2_441"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_441" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_440" id="Footnote_1_440"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_440"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Chap. iii.
+ p. 39. See Sale's note: "that is, come to such terms of
+ agreement as are indisputably consonant to the doctrine of all
+ the prophets and Scriptures, and therefore cannot reasonably be
+ rejected."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_441" id="Footnote_2_441"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_441"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Chap. ix.
+ Mohammed charged the Jews and Christians with idolatry both on
+ other grounds and because "they paid too implicit an obedience
+ to their priests and monks, who took upon them to pronounce
+ what things were lawful and what unlawful, and to dispense with
+ the laws of God." See Sale, <i>Ibid.</i> <i>Cp.</i>—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ &nbsp;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Haughty of heart and brow the
+ warrior came,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">In look and language proud as
+ proud might be,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Vaunting his lordship, lineage,
+ fights, and fame,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Yet was that barefoot monk more
+ proud than he.</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And as the ivy climbs the
+ tallest tree,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">So round the loftiest soul his
+ toils he wound;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And with his spells subdued the
+ fierce and free.</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Till ermined age and youth in
+ arms renowned</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Honouring his scourge and
+ hair-cloth meekly kissed the ground.</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And thus it chanced that
+ valour, peerless knight,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Who ne'er to king or kaiser
+ veiled his crest,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Victorious still in bull-feast
+ or in fight,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Since first with mail his limbs
+ he did invest,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Stooped ever to that anchoret's
+ behest;</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">Nor reasoned of the right, nor
+ of the wrong,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">But at his bidding laid the
+ lance in rest,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 3em;">And wrought fell deeds the
+ troubled world along,</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 2em;">For he was fierce as brave, and
+ pitiless as strong.</span>
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 15em;">—SCOTT'S "Don Roderick," xxix.
+ xxx.</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Let us next consider an heretical view of the Trinity attributed
+ to Migetius (<i>circa</i> 750). According to the rather obscure
+ account, which has come down to us,<a name="FNanchor_1_442" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_442" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> he seems to have regarded the Three Persons of
+ the Trinity, at least in their relations with the world, as
+ corporeal, the Father being personified in David, the Son in
+ Jesus, and the Holy Ghost in Paul. It is difficult to believe
+ that the doctrine, thus crudely stated by Elipandus, was really
+ held by anyone. We may perhaps infer<a name="FNanchor_2_443" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_443" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> that Migetius revived the error of Priscillian
+ (itself a form of Sabellianism), and reducing the Three Persons
+ of the Trinity to one, acknowledged certain ένεÏγειαι or powers,
+ emanating from Him, which were manifested in David, Jesus, Paul
+ respectively. As the first and last of these three recipients of
+ the Divine powers were confessedly men, it follows that Migetius
+ was ready to strip Jesus of that Divinity, which is the cardinal
+ doctrine of Christianity, and which more than any other doctrine
+ distinguishes it from the creed of Mohammed. Accordingly he
+ appears to have actually denied the divinity of the Word,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_444" id="FNanchor_3_444"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_444" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and in this he made an
+ approach to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_4_445" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_445" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_442" id="Footnote_1_442"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_442"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Elipandus
+ to Migetius, sec. 3. See Migne, vol. 96, p. 859.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_443" id="Footnote_2_443"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_443"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> With
+ Enhueber. Dissert, apud Migne, ci., p. 338 ff., sec. 29.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_444" id="Footnote_3_444"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_444"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ sec. 32.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_445" id="Footnote_4_445"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_445"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 216, n., says, Migetius held that the Λογος became personal
+ with the assumption of Christ's humanity; that the Λογος was
+ the power constituting the personality of Christ. Hence, says
+ Neander, he was accused of asserting that Christ, the son of
+ David according to the flesh, and not Christ, the Son of God,
+ was the Second Person of the Trinity.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ A similar, but seemingly not identical, error was propagated by
+ those who, as we learn from a letter of Alvar to Speraindeo, did
+ not believe the Three in One and One in Three, "denying the
+ utterances of the prophets, rejecting the doctrine of learned
+ men, and, while they claimed to take their stand upon the Gospel,
+ pointing to texts like John xx. 17, 'I ascend unto my Father, and
+ your Father, unto my God and your God,' to prove that Christ was
+ merely man."<a name="FNanchor_1_446" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_446" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> In his answer to Alvar's letter, Speraindeo
+ says, "If we speak of the Trinity as one Person, we Judaize;" he
+ might have added, "and Mohammedanize." These heretics, according
+ to the abbot, spoke of three powers (<i>virtutes</i>) forming one
+ Person, not, as the orthodox held, three Persons forming one
+ God.<a name="FNanchor_2_447" id="FNanchor_2_447"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_447" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Here we see a close
+ resemblance to the error mentioned in the preceding paragraph;
+ but the heretics we are now dealing with make an even closer
+ approach to the teaching of Mohammed in their quotation of John
+ xx. 17 given above, as will be seen, if we compare with that text
+ the following passages of the Koran, put into the mouth of
+ Christ: "Verily, God is my Lord, and your Lord; therefore serve
+ him:"<a name="FNanchor_3_448" id="FNanchor_3_448"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_448" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> "They are surely
+ infidels who say, verily, God is Christ, the Son of Mary, since
+ Christ said, O children of Israel, serve God, my Lord and your
+ Lord:"<a name="FNanchor_4_449" id="FNanchor_4_449"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_449" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and, "I have not
+ spoken unto them any other than what thou didst command
+ me—namely, worship God, my Lord and your Lord."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_450" id="FNanchor_5_450"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_450" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_446" id="Footnote_1_446"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_446"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alvar's
+ letter. Florez, xi. 147. Another text quoted in defence of this
+ doctrine of Agnoetism was Matt. xxiv. 36: "Of that day and that
+ hour knoweth no man; no, not the angels of heaven, but my
+ Father only." In answer to this, Speraindeo refers to Gen. iii.
+ 9, where God the Father seems not to know where Adam is.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_447" id="Footnote_2_447"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_447"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Speraindeo's illustration of the Trinity cannot be called a
+ happy one. He likens it to a king, whose power is one, but made
+ up of the man himself, his diadem, and his purple.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_448" id="Footnote_3_448"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_448"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Koran, c.
+ iii. v. 46.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_449" id="Footnote_4_449"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_449"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ v. 77.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_450" id="Footnote_5_450"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_450"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Kor., c.
+ v. 118.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We come next to the famous Adoptionist heresy, the most
+ remarkable and original of those innovations to which Alcuin
+ taunts the Spanish Church with being addicted. Unfortunately we
+ derive little of our knowledge of the new doctrine from the
+ originators and supporters of it—our information on the subject
+ coming chiefly from passages quoted by their opponents (notably
+ our own Alcuin) in controversial works. But that the heresy had
+ an important connection with the Mohammedan religion has been the
+ opinion of many eminent writers on Church history. Mariana, the
+ Spanish historian, and Baronius, the apologist for the Roman
+ Church, held that the object of the new heresiarchs was, "by
+ lowering the character of Christ, to pave the way for a union
+ between Christians and Mohammedans."<a name="FNanchor_1_451" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_451" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Enhueber,<a name="FNanchor_2_452" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_452" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> also, in his treatise on this subject, quotes
+ a tract, "De Primatu Ecclesiae Toletanae," which attributes the
+ heresy to its author, Elipandus, being brought into so close a
+ contact with the Saracens, and living on such friendly terms with
+ them.<a name="FNanchor_3_453" id="FNanchor_3_453"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_453" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Neander<a name="FNanchor_4_454" id="FNanchor_4_454"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_454" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> thinks that there are
+ some grounds for supposing that Felix, one of the authors of the
+ heresy, had been employed in defending Christianity against
+ objections brought against it from the Moslem standpoint,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_455" id="FNanchor_5_455"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_455" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and in proving the
+ divinity of Christ, so that they might be induced to accept it.
+ Felix, therefore, may have been led to embrace this particular
+ doctrine, called Adoptionism, from a wish to bring the Christian
+ view of Christ nearer to the Mohammedan opinion.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is considerable doubt as to who first broached the new
+ theory, the evidence being of a conflicting character, and
+ pointing now to Elipandus, bishop of Toledo and primate of all
+ Spain, now to Felix, bishop of Urgel, in Catalonia.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_456" id="FNanchor_6_456"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_456" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_451" id="Footnote_1_451"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_451"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana,
+ vii. 8. Baronius, "Ann. Eccl." xiii. p. 260. See Blunt,
+ "Dictionary of Religions," etc., article on Adoptionism; and
+ Migne, vol. xcvi. p. 847—"deceptus uterque contagione forsan
+ insidentiurn cervicibus aut e proximo blasphemantium
+ Mohametanorum commercio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_452" id="Footnote_2_452"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_452"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ sec. 26. Mansi, "Coll. Concil," x. 513, sec. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_453" id="Footnote_3_453"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_453"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "Usus enim
+ frequenti Maurorum commercio."—<i>Ibid</i>,
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_454" id="Footnote_4_454"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_454"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> V. 219.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_455" id="Footnote_5_455"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_455"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This
+ perhaps refers to a "disputatio cum sacerdote" which the
+ Emperor Charles the Great had heard of as written by Felix.
+ Alcuin (see "Ep.," 85) knows nothing of it. In his letter to
+ Charles, Alcuin, speaking of a letter from Felix, says: "Inveni
+ peiores errores, quam ante in eius scriptis legerem."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_456" id="Footnote_6_456"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_456"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The
+ prevailing opinion seems to be that the new doctrine arose out
+ of Elipandus' controversy with Migetius.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The claims of Felix<a name="FNanchor_1_457" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_457" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> are supported by Eginhard,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_458" id="FNanchor_2_458"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_458" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Saxo, and Jonas of
+ Orleans; while Paulinus of Aquileia, in his book entitled
+ "Sacrosyllabus," expressly calls Elipandus the author of the
+ baneful heresy; and Alcuin, in his letter to Leidrad,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_459" id="FNanchor_3_459"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_459" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> says that he is
+ convinced that Elipandus, as he was the first in rank, so also
+ was the chief offender.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The evidence being inconclusive, we are driven to follow <i>à
+ priori</i> considerations, and these point to Elipandus as the
+ author. According to Neander,<a name="FNanchor_4_460" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_460" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> he was a violent, excitable, bigoted man; and
+ he certainly uses some very strong language in his writings
+ against his opponents, and stands a good deal on his dignity as
+ head of the Spanish Church. For instance, speaking of his
+ accusers, Etherius, Bishop of Osma, and Beatus,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_461" id="FNanchor_5_461"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_461" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a priest of Libana, he
+ says of the former that he wallows in the mire of all
+ lasciviousness;<a name="FNanchor_6_462" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_462" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> that he is totally unfit to officiate at God's
+ altar;<a name="FNanchor_7_463" id="FNanchor_7_463"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_463" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> that he is a false
+ prophet<a name="FNanchor_8_464" id="FNanchor_8_464"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_464" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and a heretic; and,
+ forgetting the courtesies of controversy, he doesn't hesitate, in
+ another place, to call him an ass. Beatus also he accuses of
+ gross sensuality, and calls him that iniquitous priest of
+ Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_9_465" id="FNanchor_9_465"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_9_465" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> accusing him of
+ heresy, and giving him the title Antiphrasius, which means that
+ instead of being called Beatus, he should have been named the
+ very opposite.<a name="FNanchor_10_466" id=
+ "FNanchor_10_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_466" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_457" id="Footnote_1_457"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_457"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See
+ "Froben Dissertation," Migne, vol. ci. p. 305.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_458" id="Footnote_2_458"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_458"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Annals,"
+ 792.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_459" id="Footnote_3_459"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_459"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Alcuin,
+ "Epist. ad Leidradum," says that the heresy arose in Cordova,
+ and he appeals to Elipandus' letter to Felix after the latter's
+ recantation.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_460" id="Footnote_4_460"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_460"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander
+ (v. p. 217) seems to infer these qualities from his writings.
+ An author, quoted by Enhueber (Tract, de Primata Eccl. Tolet),
+ describes him as "parum accurate in sacris litteris versatus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_461" id="Footnote_5_461"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_461"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Died in
+ 798. Fleury v., p. 236.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_462" id="Footnote_6_462"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_462"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Elipand.
+ Epist., iv. 2, "Carnis immunditia fetidus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_463" id="Footnote_7_463"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_463"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Ab
+ altario Dei extraneus." Neander, v., p. 226, takes this to mean
+ that he was deposed.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_464" id="Footnote_8_464"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_464"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> He gave
+ the Revelation of St John a Moslem application: and prophesied
+ the end of the world in the near future. See letter of Beatus,
+ book i., sec. 23—"Novissima hora est ... nunc Antichristi multi
+ facti sunt. Omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum est illius
+ Antichristi, quem audistis quoniam venit, et nunc in mundo
+ est." See also Alcuin's letter to the Spanish bishops.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_465" id="Footnote_9_465"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_465"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Elipandus
+ and bishops of Spain to those of Gaul," sec. 1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_466" id="Footnote_10_466"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_466"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> This
+ practice of punning on names is very common in these writers.
+ "Infelix Felix" is a poor witticism which constantly occurs. So
+ Samson says of Hostegesis that he ought to be called "hostis
+ Jesu"; and in the account of the Translation of the bodies of
+ Aurelius, etc., we find Leovigild spoken of as a very "Leo
+ vigilans."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But in spite of outbreaks like these we must beware of judging
+ the venerable Elipandus too hardly. Alcuin himself, in his letter
+ to the bishop, written, as he says, "with the pen of charity,"
+ speaks of him as most blameless,<a name="FNanchor_1_467" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_467" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and confesses that he has heard much of his
+ piety and devotion, an admission which he also makes with regard
+ to Felix, in a letter to him.<a name="FNanchor_2_468" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_468" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Yet in his book against Elipandus, he
+ exclaims, not without a touch of bathos: "For all the garments of
+ wool on your shoulders, and the mitre upon your brow, wearing
+ which you minister to the people, for all the daily shaving of
+ your beard<a name="FNanchor_3_469" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_469" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> ... if you renounce not these doctrines, you
+ will be numbered with the goats!" Another testimony (of doubtful
+ value, however) in Elipandus' favour is to be found in the
+ anonymous life of Beatus,<a name="FNanchor_4_470" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_470" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> where Elipandus is said to have succeeded
+ Cixila in the bishopric of Toledo, because of his reputation for
+ learning and piety, which extended throughout Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_467" id="Footnote_1_467"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_467"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ "Sanctissime praesul," sec. 1. Cp. sec. 6, "Audiens famam bonam
+ religiosae vitae de vobis."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_468" id="Footnote_2_468"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_468"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ "Celeberriman tuae sanctitatis audiens famam." The "Pseudo
+ Luitprand" calls him "Vir humilis, prudens, ae in zelo fidei
+ Catholicae fervens."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_469" id="Footnote_3_469"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_469"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Beards
+ were the sign of laymen, see Alvar, "Ep.," xiii., and probably
+ the distinction was much insisted on because of the Moslem
+ custom of wearing long beards. For the distinctive dress of the
+ clergy see the same letter of Alvar, ... "Quern staminia et
+ lana oviuin religiosum adprobat."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_470" id="Footnote_4_470"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_470"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See Migne,
+ xcvi., 890 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Elipandus, who boasted of having refuted and stamped out the
+ Migetian errors, and who also took up so independent an attitude
+ with regard to the See of Rome, was not the man to endure being
+ dictated to in the matter of what was, or what was not, sound
+ doctrine, and, in the letter quoted above, he scornfully remarks
+ that he had never heard that it was the province of the people of
+ Libana to teach the Toledans. Here, as in the defiant attitude
+ taken up towards the Pope, we may perhaps see a jealousy, felt by
+ the old independent Church of Spain under its own primate,
+ towards the new Church, that was growing up in the mountains of
+ the North, the centre of whose religious devotion was soon to be
+ Compostella, and its spiritual head not the primate of Spain, but
+ the bishop of Rome.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is now time to explain what the actual heresy advocated by
+ Elipandus and Felix was. Some have held the opinion that
+ Adoptionism was merely a revival of the Bonosian errors, which
+ had long taken root in Spain;<a name="FNanchor_1_471" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_471" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> others, that it was a revival of
+ the Nestorian<a name="FNanchor_2_472" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_472" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> heresy, a new phase of the controversy between
+ the schools of Antioch and Alexandria;<a name="FNanchor_3_473"
+ id="FNanchor_3_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_473" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> or that it was an attempt to reform
+ Christianity, purging it from later additions.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_474" id="FNanchor_4_474"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_474" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Alcuin, however,
+ speaks of its followers as a new sect, unknown to former
+ times.<a name="FNanchor_5_475" id="FNanchor_5_475"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_475" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Stated briefly, the
+ new doctrine was that Jesus, in so far as His manhood was
+ concerned, was son of God by adoption. This error had been
+ foreseen and condemned in advance by Cyril of Alexandria
+ (348-386):<a name="FNanchor_6_476" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_476" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> by Hilary of Arles (429-449).<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_477" id="FNanchor_7_477"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_477" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The Eleventh Council
+ of Toledo had also guarded against this same error a hundred
+ years before this (675), affirming that Christ the Son of God was
+ His Son by nature, not by adoption.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_471" id="Footnote_1_471"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_471"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ Diss., sec. 25. The errors of Bonosus were condemned at Capua
+ in 389. For their development in Spain, see "Isidore of
+ Seville."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_472" id="Footnote_2_472"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_472"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Condemned
+ at Ephesus, 431. For connection of Adoptionism with this, see
+ letter of Adrian to bishops of Spain (785?).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_473" id="Footnote_3_473"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_473"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
+ v., p. 216.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_474" id="Footnote_4_474"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_474"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, vi., p. 120, see letter of Alvar to Speraindeo.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_475" id="Footnote_5_475"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_475"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin
+ contra Felicem, i., sec. 7. Elipandus denied that it had
+ anything to do with other heresies. "Nos vero anathematizamus
+ Bonosum, qui filium Dei sine matre genitum, adoptivum fuisse
+ adfirmat. Item Sabellium, qui ipsum esse Patrem, quem Filium,
+ quem et Spiritus sanctus (<i>sic</i>) et non ipsud, delirat.
+ Anathematizamus Arium, qui Filium et Spiritum Sanctum creaturas
+ esse existimat. Anathematizamus Manichaeum qui Christum solum
+ Deum et non hominem fuisse praedicat. Anathematizamus
+ Antiphrasium Beatum carnis lasciviae deditum, et onagrum
+ Etherium, doctorem bestialem
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">...," etc.</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_476" id="Footnote_6_476"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_476"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Lectures
+ on the Catechism," xi. "Christ is the Son of God by nature,
+ begotten of the Father, not by adoption."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_477" id="Footnote_7_477"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_477"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> De Trinit,
+ v., p. 7, "The Son of God is not a false God—a God by adoption,
+ or a God by metaphor (nee adoptivus, nec connuncupatus)."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ It is a mistake to suppose Adoptionism to be a mere resuscitation
+ of Nestorianism.<a name="FNanchor_1_478" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_478" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> It agreed with the latter in repudiating the
+ term "Mother of God" as applied to the Virgin Mary,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_479" id="FNanchor_2_479"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_479" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> but it differed from
+ it in the essential point of acknowledging the unity of person in
+ Christ. What Felix—and on him devolved the chief onus of defence
+ in the controversy—wished to make clear, was that the predicates
+ of Christ's two natures could not logically be
+ interchanged.<a name="FNanchor_3_480" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_480" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> He therefore reasoned thus: Christ in respect
+ to His Deity is God, and Son of God; with respect to His Manhood
+ He is also God and Son of God, not indeed in essence, but by
+ being taken into union with Him, who <i>is</i> in essence God,
+ and Son of God. Therefore Christ, unless He derived His humanity
+ from the essence of God, must as man, and in respect of that
+ humanity, be Son of God only in a nuncupative sense. This
+ relation of Jesus the Man to God he preferred to describe by the
+ term Adoption—a word not found in Scripture in this connection,
+ "but," says Felix, "implied therein,<a name="FNanchor_4_481" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_481" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> for what is adoption in a son, if it be not
+ election, assumption <i>(susceptio)</i>." The term itself was no
+ doubt found by Elipandus <i>in</i> the Gothic Liturgy;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_482" id="FNanchor_5_482"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_482" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and he most likely
+ used it at first with no thought of raising a metaphysical
+ discussion on so knotty a point. Being brought to task, however,
+ for using the word by those whom he deemed his ecclesiastical
+ inferiors, he was led to defend it from a natural dislike to
+ acknowledge himself in the wrong. "We can easily believe," says
+ Enhueber, "that Elipandus, who appears to have been the chief
+ author of the heresy at this time, fell into it at first from
+ ignorance and inadvertently, and did not appear openly as a
+ heretic, till, admonished of his error, he arrogantly and
+ obstinately defended a position which he had only taken up
+ through ignorance."<a name="FNanchor_6_483" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_483" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Elipandus also seems to have applied to Felix<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_484" id="FNanchor_7_484"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_484" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> for his opinion on
+ Christ's Sonship; and the latter, who was a man of great
+ penetration and acuteness, first formulated the new doctrine,
+ stating in his answer that Christ must be considered with regard
+ to His Divinity as truly God and Son of God, but with regard to
+ His Manhood, as Son of God in name only, and by adoption.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_478" id="Footnote_1_478"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_478"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Blunt,
+ "Dict. of Relig.," article on Adoptionism.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_479" id="Footnote_2_479"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_479"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 223. Blunt (1.1.) says just the contrary.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_480" id="Footnote_3_480"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_480"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 220.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_481" id="Footnote_4_481"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_481"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Alcuin
+ contra Felicem, iii. c. 8.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_482" id="Footnote_5_482"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_482"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Elipand.
+ ad Albinum," sec, 11. Adoptio assumptio (άνάληψις) occurs
+ <i>(a)</i> in the Missa de coena Domini: <i>adoptivi hominis
+ passio;</i> <i>(b)</i> in the prayer de tertia feria Pascha:
+ <i>adoptionis gratia;</i> <i>(c)</i> in that de Ascensione:
+ <i>adoptionem carnis.</i> The Council of Frankfurt (794)
+ branded the authors of the liturgy as heretics (so also did
+ Alcuin) and as the main cause of the Saracen conquest! See
+ Fleury, v. 243.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_483" id="Footnote_6_483"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_483"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Enhueber,
+ "Dissertatio," sec. 26. Neander, v. 217, has the same remark in
+ other words.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_484" id="Footnote_7_484"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_484"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See Blunt,
+ Art. on Adoptionism.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ To give an idea of the lines on which the controversy was carried
+ on, it will be necessary to state some of the arguments of Felix,
+ and in certain cases Alcuin's rejoinders. These are:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> "If Christ, as man, is not the <i>adopted</i> Son of
+ God, then must His Manhood be derived from the essence of God and
+ consequently must be something different from the manhood of
+ men."<a name="FNanchor_1_485" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_485" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> To this Alcuin can only oppose another dilemma, which,
+ however, is more of the nature of a quibble. "If," he says,
+ "Christ is an adopted Son of God, and Christ is also God, then is
+ God the adopted Son of God?"<a name="FNanchor_2_486" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_486" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Here Alcuin confounds the predicates of
+ Christ's two natures—the very thing Felix protested against—and
+ uses the argument thus obtained against that doctrine of Felix,
+ which was based on this very denial of any interchange of
+ predicates.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Christ is spoken of sometimes as Son of David,
+ sometimes as Son of God. One person can only have two fathers, if
+ one of these be an adoptive father. So is it with Christ. Alcuin
+ answers: "As a man (body and soul) is called the son of his
+ father, so Christ (God and man) is called Son of God."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_487" id="FNanchor_3_487"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_487" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> But to those who deny
+ that a man's soul is derived from his father, this argument would
+ carry no weight.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> Christ stood in a position of natural dependence
+ towards God over and above the voluntary submission which He owed
+ to His Father as God.<a name="FNanchor_4_488" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_488" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> This dependence Felix expresses by the term
+ <i>servus conditionalis</i>, applied to Jesus.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_489" id="FNanchor_5_489"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_489" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> He may have been
+ thinking of Matt. xii. i8, "Behold my servant, whom I have
+ chosen;" and St Paul's Ep. to Philipp. ii. 7, "He took upon. Him
+ the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of
+ men."<a name="FNanchor_6_490" id="FNanchor_6_490"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_490" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Or perhaps he had in
+ his mind, if the theory of the influence of Mohammedanism is
+ true, those passages of the Koran which speak of Christ as a
+ servant, as, "Christ doth not proudly disdain to be a servant
+ unto God,"<a name="FNanchor_7_491" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_491" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> and, "Jesus is no other than a
+ servant."<a name="FNanchor_8_492" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_492" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>d.</i>) To prove that Scripture recognises a distinction
+ between Christ the Man and Christ the God, Felix appeals to Luke
+ xviii. 19, "Why callest thou Me good? There is none good, save
+ one, even God;" Mark xiii. 32, "Of that day, or that hour,
+ knoweth no one, not even the angels in heaven, neither the Son,
+ but the Father." Texts such as these can only be met by a
+ reference to other texts, such as John iii. 16, where God is said
+ to have given His only begotten Son to suffer death upon the
+ Cross.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_485" id="Footnote_1_485"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_485"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Alcuin
+ contra Felicem, ii. sec. 12.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_486" id="Footnote_2_486"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_486"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alcuin
+ (<i>ibid.,</i> i. sec. 13) also answers: "If Christ be the
+ adopted Son of God, because as man, he could not be of God's
+ substance: then must he also be Mary's adopted son in respect
+ to his Deity. But then Mary cannot be the mother of God." But
+ this Alcuin thinks an impious conclusion. Cp. also Contra
+ Felic., vii. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_487" id="Footnote_3_487"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_487"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Contra
+ Felic, iii. sec. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_488" id="Footnote_4_488"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_488"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp. 1
+ Corinth, xi. 3, "The Head of Christ is God." This position of
+ dependence was due, says Felix, "ad ignobilitatem beatae
+ Virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce protestatur."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_489" id="Footnote_5_489"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_489"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cp.
+ Elipandus' "Confession of Faith": "... per istum Dei simul et
+ hominis Filium, adoptivum humanitate et nequaquam adoptivum
+ Divinitate ... qui est Deus inter Deos (John x. 35) ... quia,
+ si conformes sunt omnes sancti huic Filio Dei secundum gratiam,
+ profecto et cum adoptione (sunt) adoptivi, et cum advocato
+ advocati, et cum Christo Christi, et <i>cum servo servi</i>."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_490" id="Footnote_6_490"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_490"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cf. Acts
+ iii. 13.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_491" id="Footnote_7_491"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_491"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Koran, iv.
+ v. 170.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_492" id="Footnote_8_492"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_492"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Koran,
+ xliii. v. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Conceiving, then, that it was logically necessary to speak of
+ Christ the Man as Son of God by adoption, Felix yet admits that
+ this adoption, though the same in kind<a name="FNanchor_1_493"
+ id="FNanchor_1_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_493" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> as that which enables <i>us</i> to cry Abba,
+ Father, yet was more excellent in degree, and even perhaps
+ specifically higher. It differed also from man's adoption in not
+ being entered into at baptism, since Christ's baptism was only
+ the point at which His adoption was outwardly made manifest by
+ signs of miraculous power, which continued till the resurrection.
+ Christ's adoption—according to Felix, was assumed at His
+ conception, "His humanity developing in accordance with its own
+ laws, but in union with the Logos."<a name="FNanchor_2_494" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_494" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> It will be seen that though Felix wished to
+ keep clear the distinction between Christ as God, and as Man, yet
+ he did not carry this separation so far as to acknowledge two
+ persons in Christ. "The Adoptionists acknowledged the unity of
+ Persons, but meant by this a juxtaposition of two distinct
+ personal beings in such a way that the Son of God should be
+ recognised as the vehicle for all predicates, but not in so close
+ a manner as to amount to an absorption of the human personality
+ into the Divine Person."<a name="FNanchor_3_495" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_495" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The two natures of Christ had been asserted by
+ the Church against the Monophysites, and the two wills against
+ the Monothelites, but the Church never went on to admit the two
+ Persons.<a name="FNanchor_4_496" id="FNanchor_4_496"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_496" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> With regard to the
+ contention of Felix, we are consequently driven to the conclusion
+ that either the personality ascribed to Christ was "a mere
+ abstraction, a metaphysical link joining two essentially
+ incompatible natures,"<a name="FNanchor_5_497" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_497" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> or that the dispute was only about names, and
+ that by adopted son Felix and the others meant nothing really
+ different from the orthodox doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_6_498" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_498" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_493" id="Footnote_1_493"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_493"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John
+ x. 35. Cp. Neander, v. p. 222.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_494" id="Footnote_2_494"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_494"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander
+ (l.l.) Blunt, Art. on Adopt., puts this differently: "There
+ were (according to Felix) two births in our Lord's life—(a) the
+ assumption of man at the conception; (<i>b</i>) the adoption of
+ that man at baptism. Cp. Contra Felic., iii. 16: "Qui est
+ Secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes; primam quae
+ secundum carnem est, secundum vero spiritatem, quae per
+ adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem
+ complexus, in semet ipso continet, primam videlicet, quam
+ suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in
+ lavacro [ ] a mortuis resurgendo."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_495" id="Footnote_3_495"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_495"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Blunt,
+ article on Adopt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_496" id="Footnote_4_496"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_496"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cp.
+ Paschasius: "In Christo gemina substantia, non gemina persona
+ est, quia persona personam consumere potest, substantia vero
+ substantiam non potest, siquidem persona res iuris est,
+ substantia res naturae."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_497" id="Footnote_5_497"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_497"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Blunt,
+ <i>ibid.</i> Cp. also Alcuin contra Felic., iv. 5, where he
+ says that Felix, although he shrank from asserting the dual
+ personality of Christ, yet insisted on points which involved
+ it.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_498" id="Footnote_6_498"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_498"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> So
+ Walchius.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The first mention of the new theory appears in a letter of
+ Elipandus to the Abbot Fidelis, written in 783,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_499" id="FNanchor_1_499"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_499" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> but it did not attract
+ notice till a little later. The pope Adrian, in his letter to the
+ orthodox bishops of Spain (785), speaks of the melancholy news of
+ the heresy having reached him—a heresy, he remarks, never before
+ propounded, unless by Nestorius. Together with Elipandus, he
+ mentions Ascarius,<a name="FNanchor_2_500" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_500" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Bishop of Braga, whom Elipandus had won over
+ to his views. The new doctrine seems to have made its way quickly
+ over a great part of Spain,<a name="FNanchor_3_501" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_501" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> while Felix propagated it with considerable
+ success in Septimania. The champions of the orthodox party in
+ Spain were Beatus and Etherius, whom we have mentioned above, and
+ Theudula, Bishop of Seville; while beyond its borders Alcuin,
+ Paulinus of Aquileia, and Agobard of Lyons, under the direction
+ of Charles the Great and the Pope, defended the orthodox
+ position.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_499" id="Footnote_1_499"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_499"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See Migne,
+ 96 p. 848.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_500" id="Footnote_2_500"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_500"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 236, mentions a letter of his to Elipandus, asking the latter's
+ opinion on some doubtful points in the new doctrine.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_501" id="Footnote_3_501"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_501"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans, in his work against Claudius, says: "Hac virulenta
+ doctrina uterque Hispaniam magna ex parte infecit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Felix, being bishop in a province of which Charles claimed the
+ overlordship, was amenable to his ecclesiastical superiors, and
+ suffered for his opinions at their hands; but Elipandus, living
+ under a Mohammedan government, could only be reached by letters
+ or messages. He seems even to have received something more than a
+ mere negative support from the Arabs, if we are right in so
+ interpreting a passage in the letter of Beatus and
+ Etherius.<a name="FNanchor_1_502" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_502" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But it is hard to believe that Elipandus was
+ on such friendly terms with the Arab authorities; indeed, from
+ passages in his writings, we should infer that the opposite was
+ rather the case.<a name="FNanchor_2_503" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_503" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> Neander suggests that it may have been a
+ Gothic king in Galicia who supported Elipandus, but this seems
+ even more unlikely than the other supposition.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The first council called to consider this question was held by
+ the suggestion of the Emperor and the Pope at Narbonne in 788,
+ when the heresy was condemned by twenty-five bishops of
+ Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_3_504" id="FNanchor_3_504"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_504" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A similar provincial council was held by Paulinus at Friuli in
+ 791, with the same results.<a name="FNanchor_4_505" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_505" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> But in the following year the heresy was
+ formally condemned at a full council held at Ratisbon, under the
+ presidency of the Emperor. Here Felix abjured his error, and was
+ sent to Rome to be further condemned by the Pope, that the whole
+ Western Church might take action in the matter. Felix was there
+ induced to write a book condemning his own errors, but in spite
+ of this he was not restored to his see.<a name="FNanchor_5_506"
+ id="FNanchor_5_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_506" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> On his return, however, to Spain, Felix
+ relapsed into his old heresy, which he had never really
+ abjured.<a name="FNanchor_6_507" id="FNanchor_6_507"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_507" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_502" id="Footnote_1_502"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_502"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I. sec.
+ 13. "Et episcopus metropolitanus et princeps terrae pari
+ certamine schismata haereticorum, unus verbi gladio, alter
+ virga regiminis ulciscens, de terra vestra funditus
+ auferantur." See on this passage Neander, v. 227, and cp. sec.
+ 65, "haereticus tamen scripturarum non facit rationem, sed cum
+ potentibus saeculi ecclesiam vincere quaerit."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_503" id="Footnote_2_503"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_503"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Elip. ad.
+ Albinum, sec. 7—"Oppressione gentis afflicti non possumus tibi
+ rescribere cuncta;" also, Ad Felic. "quotidiana dispendia
+ quibus duramus potius quam vivimus."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_504" id="Footnote_3_504"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_504"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> There are
+ some doubts about this council.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_505" id="Footnote_4_505"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_505"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 236. Hefele dates it 796.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_506" id="Footnote_5_506"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_506"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See letter
+ of Spanish bishops to Charles, asking for Felix's restoration
+ (794).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_507" id="Footnote_6_507"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_507"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Leo III.
+ said of him, at a council held in Rome (799): "<i>Fugiens ad
+ paganos consentaneos</i> perjuratus effectus est." See Froben,
+ "Dissert," sec. 24; apud Migne, ci, pp. 305-336.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In 792 Alcuin was summoned from England to come and defend the
+ orthodox position. He wrote at once to Felix a kindly letter,
+ admonishing him of his errors, and acknowledging that all his
+ previous utterances on theology had been sound and true. Felix
+ answered this letter, but his reply is not preserved. To the
+ same, or following, year belongs the letter of Elipandus and the
+ bishops of Spain to Charles and the bishops of Gaul, defending
+ their doctrine, and asking for the restoration of Felix.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In 794 was held another council at Frankfurt, at which Alcuin and
+ other English clergy were present. Felix was summoned to attend,
+ and heard his heresy again condemned and anathematised, the
+ decree to this effect being sent to Elipandus.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_508" id="FNanchor_1_508"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_508" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Alcuin's book was read
+ by Charles, and sent into Septimania by the hands of the abbot
+ Benedict.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The next council was held at Rome in 798 to confirm the one at
+ Frankfurt.<a name="FNanchor_2_509" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_509" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> In 799 came out Felix's answer to Alcuin, sent
+ by him first to Elipandus, and, after being shewn to the Cordovan
+ clergy, sent on to Charles. Alcuin is charged to answer it, with
+ Paulinus and the Pope as his coadjutors.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the same year another council was held at Aix, where Alcuin
+ argued for a week with Felix, and apparently convinced him, for
+ Felix again recanted, and even wrote a confession of faith
+ discarding the word adoption, but still preserving the
+ distinction of predicates belonging to the two natures.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_510" id="FNanchor_3_510"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_510" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Alcuin's book, after
+ being revised by Charles, was published 800 A.D. Previously to
+ this he had written to Elipandus, who answered in no measured
+ terms, accusing Alcuin, among other things, of enormous wealth.
+ This letter was sent through Felix, and, in answer, Alcuin wrote
+ the book against Elipandus, which we now have, and which was the
+ means of converting twenty thousand heretics in Gothic
+ Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_4_511" id="FNanchor_4_511"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_511" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But in spite of
+ Emperor or Pope, of the books of Alcuin, or the anathemas of the
+ councils, neither Felix nor Elipandus really gave up his new
+ doctrines, and even the former continued to make converts.
+ Elipandus, though very old<a name="FNanchor_5_512" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_512" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> at this time (800 A.D.), lived ten years
+ longer, and Felix survived him eight years;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_513" id="FNanchor_6_513"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_513" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and they both died
+ persisting in their error.<a name="FNanchor_7_514" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_514" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_508" id="Footnote_1_508"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_508"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 243, says there was no anathema; but Migne, xcvi. 858, gives us
+ the canon: "Anathematizata esto impia ac nefanda haeresis
+ Elipandi Toletanae sedis Episcopi, et Felix (<i>sic</i>)
+ Orgellitani, eorumque sequacium."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_509" id="Footnote_2_509"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_509"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 228.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_510" id="Footnote_3_510"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_510"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 232.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_511" id="Footnote_4_511"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_511"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Froben,
+ sec, 82. Neander says 10,000.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_512" id="Footnote_5_512"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_512"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Alcuin
+ adv. Elip. Preface to Leidrad: "Non pro eius tantummodo
+ laboravi salute, quem timeo forsan citius vel morte praereptum
+ esse propter decrepitam in eo senectutem."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_513" id="Footnote_6_513"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_513"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Or perhaps
+ six.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_514" id="Footnote_7_514"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_514"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> No
+ reliance can be placed in the statement of the
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, who, in a letter to Recemundus, speaking of
+ Elipandus, says: "Postquam illius erroris sui de adoptione
+ Christi sero et vere poenituit, ad quod manifestandum concilium
+ (795) episcoporum ... collegit; et coram omnibus abiurato
+ publice errore <i>fidem sanctae ecclesiae Romanae</i> confessus
+ est." These words in italics reveal a later hand. Cp. also sec.
+ 259 and Julianus. Alcuin, in a letter to Aquila, bishop of
+ Salisbury, says that Elipandus in 800 A.D. still adhered to his
+ error.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We have dealt somewhat at length with the Adoptionist heresy,
+ both from its interest and importance, and because, as mentioned
+ above, there are some reasons for thinking that it was the
+ outcome of a wish to conciliate Mohammedan opinion. It will be as
+ well to recapitulate such evidence as we have obtained on this
+ point. But we must not expect to find the traces of Mohammedan
+ influence in the development, so much as in the origination, of
+ the theory. What we do find is slight enough, amounting to no
+ more than this:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>a.</i>) That the one point, which repelled the Mohammedan
+ from genuine Christianity—setting aside for a moment the
+ transcendental mystery of the Trinity—was the Divinity of Christ.
+ Anything, therefore, that tended to emphasise the humanity of
+ Jesus, or to obscure the great fact of Christ the Man, being Son
+ of God, which sounded so offensive to Mohammedan ears, would so
+ far bring the Christian creed nearer to the Mohammedan's
+ acceptance, by assimilating the Christian conception of Christ,
+ to that which appears so often in the Koran.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_515" id="FNanchor_1_515"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_515" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There can be no doubt
+ that the theory of adoption, if carried to its logical
+ conclusion, did contribute to this result:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>b.</i>) That Elipandus was accused of receiving the help of
+ the secular arm in disseminating his heretical opinions:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>c.</i>) That the application of the term <i>Servant</i> to
+ Christ, besides being authorised by texts from Scripture, is
+ countenanced in two passages from the Koran:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>d.</i>) That Leo III., speaking of, Felix's return to Spain,
+ and his relapse into error, implies that it was due to his
+ renewed contact with infidels who held similar views:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>e.</i>) That in a passage, quoted by Enhueber, Elipandus is
+ said to have lost his hold on the truth in consequence of his
+ close intercourse with the Arabs:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ (<i>f.</i>) That Elipandus accused Etherius of being a false
+ prophet, that is, for giving, as has been conjectured, a
+ Mohammedan interpretation to the Beast in the Revelation of St
+ John.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Something must now be said of one more doctrine, which, though it
+ did not arise in Spain, nor perhaps much affected it, yet was
+ originated by a Spaniard, and a disciple of Felix,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_516" id="FNanchor_2_516"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_516" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>—Claudius, Bishop of
+ Turin. Some have seen in this doctrine, which was an offshoot of
+ Iconoclasm, traces of Adoptionism, a thing not unlikely in
+ itself.<a name="FNanchor_3_517" id="FNanchor_3_517"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_517" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Of the relations of Claudius to the Saracens we have the direct
+ statement of one of his opponents, who said that the Jews praised
+ him, and called him the wisest among the Christians; and that he
+ on his side highly commended them <i>and the
+ Saracens</i>.<a name="FNanchor_4_518" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_518" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Yet his tendency seems to have been against
+ the Judaizing of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_5_519" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_519" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_515" id="Footnote_1_515"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_515"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fifty
+ years later Alvar ("Ind. Lum.," sec. 9), accuses certain
+ Christians of dissembling their religion under fear of
+ persecution:— "Deum Christum non aperte coram eis (<i>i.e.</i>
+ Saracenis) sed fugatis sermonibus proferunt, Verbum Dei et
+ Spiritum, ut illi asserunt, profitentes, suasque confessiones
+ corde, quasi Deo omnia inspiciente, servantes."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_516" id="Footnote_2_516"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_516"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans (Migne, cvi. p. 330) calls him so, and says elsewhere,
+ "Felix resuscitur in Claudio."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_517" id="Footnote_3_517"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_517"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neander,
+ vi. 119.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_518" id="Footnote_4_518"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_518"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 398.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_519" id="Footnote_5_519"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_519"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander,
+ vi. 125.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The great Iconoclastic reform, which arose in the East,
+ undoubtedly received its originating impulse from the Moslems. In
+ 719 the Khalif destroyed all images in Syria. His example was
+ followed in 730 by the Eastern Emperor, Leo the Isaurian. He is
+ said to have been persuaded to this measure by a man named Bezer,
+ who had been some years in captivity among the Saracens.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_520" id="FNanchor_1_520"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_520" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In 754 the great
+ council of Constantinople condemned images. Unfortunately neither
+ the great patriarchates nor the Pope were represented, and so
+ this council never obtained-the sanction of all Christendom; and
+ its decrees were reversed in 787 at the Council of Nicæa. In 790
+ appeared the Libri Carolini, in which we rejoice to find our
+ English Alcuin helping Charles the Great to make a powerful and
+ reasonable protest against the worship of images.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_521" id="FNanchor_2_521"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_521" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In 794 this protest
+ was upheld by the German Council of Frankfurt. But the Pope, and
+ his militia,<a name="FNanchor_3_522" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_522" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> the monks, made a strenuous opposition to any
+ reform in this quarter, and the recognition of images became part
+ and parcel of Roman Catholic Christianity.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Claudius was made bishop of Turin in 828.<a name="FNanchor_4_523"
+ id="FNanchor_4_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_523" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Though placed over an Italian diocese, he soon
+ shewed the independence, which he had imbibed in the free air of
+ Spain, where the Mohammedan supremacy had at least the advantage
+ of making the supremacy of the Pope impossible. Finding that the
+ people of his diocese paid worship to their images, Claudius set
+ to work to deface, burn, and abolish, all images and crosses in
+ his bishopric. In respect to the crosses he went further than
+ other Iconoclasts, in which we can perhaps trace his Adoptionist
+ training.<a name="FNanchor_5_524" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_524" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These new views did not, as might be expected, find favour with
+ the Catholic party, whose cause was taken up by Theodemir, abbot
+ of Nîmes, a friend of Claudius', by Jonas of Orleans, and Dungal,
+ an Irish priest. But, as in the case of Felix, the heresiarch was
+ more than a match for his opponents in argument.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_525" id="FNanchor_6_525"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_525" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_520" id="Footnote_1_520"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_520"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Fleury,
+ xl. ii. 1, says he was an apostate. See Mendham, Seventh
+ General Council, Introd., pp. xii. xiv.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_521" id="Footnote_2_521"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_521"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ "Adorationem soli Deo debitam imaginibus impertire aut
+ segnitiae est, si utcumque agitur, aut insaniae, vel potius
+ infidelitatis, si pertinaciter defenditur."—III. c. 24.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ "Imagines vero, omni cultura et adoratione seclusa, utrum in
+ basilicis propter memoriam rerum gestarum sint, nullum fidei
+ Catholicae afferre poterunt praeiudicium, quippe cum ad
+ peragenda nostrae salutis mysteria nullum penitus officium
+ habere noscantur."—III. c. 21.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_522" id="Footnote_3_522"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_522"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Prescott.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_523" id="Footnote_4_523"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_523"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Neander
+ says 814, Herzog 820.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_524" id="Footnote_5_524"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_524"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Neander,
+ v. 119. The Spanish Christians were not free from the charge of
+ adoring the cross, as we can see from the answer of the Khalif
+ Abdallah (888) when advised to leave his brother's body at
+ Bobastro: shall I, he said, leave my brother's body to the
+ mercy of those who ring bells and adore the cross. Ibn Hayyan,
+ apud Al Makk., ii. 446.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_525" id="Footnote_6_525"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_525"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 398, confesses that the case of the image-worshippers rests
+ mainly on tradition and the usage of the Church—meaning that
+ they can draw no support from the Bible. He might have
+ remembered Matt. xv. 7—"Ye make void the Word of God because of
+ your tradition."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Claudius' own defence has been lost, but we gather his views from
+ his opponents' quotation of them.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Briefly expressed, they are as follows:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> Image-worship is really idol-worship:
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> If images are to be adored, much more should those
+ living beings be adored, whom the images represent. But we are
+ not permitted to adore God's works, much less may we worship the
+ work of men:<a name="FNanchor_1_526" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_526" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> The cross has no claim to be adored, because Jesus
+ was fastened to it: else must we adore other things with which
+ Jesus was similarly connected; virgins, for example, for Christ
+ was nine months in a virgin's womb; mangers, asses, ships,
+ thorns, for with all these Jesus was connected. To adore the
+ cross we have never been told, but to bear it,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_527" id="FNanchor_2_527"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_527" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> that is to deny
+ ourselves. Those generally are the readiest to adore it, who are
+ least ready to bear it either spiritually or physically.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_528" id="FNanchor_3_528"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_528" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Claudius also had very independent views on the question of papal
+ supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_4_529" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_529" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> Being summoned before a council, with more
+ wisdom than Felix, he refused to attend it, knowing that his
+ cause would be prejudged, and contented himself with calling the
+ proposed assembly a congregation of asses. He died in 839 in
+ secure possession of his see, and with his Iconoclastic belief
+ unshaken.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Such were the heresies which connect themselves with Spain during
+ the first three hundred years of Arab domination, and which seem
+ to have been, in part at least, due to Mohammedan influence. One
+ more there was, the Albigensian heresy, which broke out one
+ hundred and fifty years later, and was perhaps the outcome of
+ intercourse with the Mohammedanism of Spain.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_530" id="FNanchor_5_530"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_530" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_526" id="Footnote_1_526"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_526"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans, apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 326.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_527" id="Footnote_2_527"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_527"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Luke xiv.
+ 27.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_528" id="Footnote_3_528"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_528"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas,
+ apud Migne, vol. cvi. p. 351.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_529" id="Footnote_4_529"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_529"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Appendix B, pp. 161-173.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_530" id="Footnote_5_530"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_530"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> So Blunt.
+ It found followers in Leon. See Mariana, xii. 2, from Lucas of
+ Tuy.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ SOCIAL INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Having considered the effects of Mohammedanism on doctrinal
+ Christianity (there are no traces of similar effects on doctrinal
+ Mohammedanism), it will fall within the scope of our inquiry to
+ estimate the extent to which those influences were reciprocally
+ felt by the two religions in their social and intellectual
+ aspects; and how far the character of a Christian or a Mohammedan
+ was altered by contact with a people professing a creed so like,
+ and yet so unlike.<a name="FNanchor_1_531" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_531" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> This influence we shall find more strongly
+ manifested in the action of Christianity on Islam, than the
+ reverse.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It is well known that Mohammed, though his opinion as to monks
+ seems to have varied<a name="FNanchor_2_532" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_532" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> from time to time, is reported to have
+ expressly declared that he would have no monks in his
+ religion.<a name="FNanchor_3_533" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_533" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> Abubeker, his successor,—if Gibbon's
+ translation may be trusted,—in his marching orders to the army,
+ told them to let monks and their monasteries alone.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_534" id="FNanchor_4_534"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_534" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was not long,
+ however, before an order of itinerant monks—the faquirs—arose
+ among the Moslems. In other parts of their dominions these became
+ a recognised, and in some ways privileged, class; but in
+ Andalusia they did not receive much encouragement,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_535" id="FNanchor_5_535"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_535" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> though they were very
+ numerous even there. Most of them, says the Arabian
+ historian,<a name="FNanchor_6_536" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_536" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> were nothing more than beggars, able but
+ unwilling to work. This remark, however, he tells us, must not be
+ applied to all, "for there were among them men who, moved by
+ sentiments of piety and devotion, left the world and its
+ vanities, and either retired to convents to pass the remainder of
+ their days among brethren of the same community, or putting on
+ the darwázah, and grasping the faquir's staff, went through the
+ country begging a scanty pittance, and moving the faithful to
+ compassion by their wretched and revolting appearance." That
+ Moslem monkeries did exist, especially in rather later times, we
+ can gather from the above passage and from another place,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_537" id="FNanchor_7_537"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_537" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> where a convent called
+ Zawiyatu l'Mahruk (the convent of the burnt) is mentioned. On
+ that passage De Gayangos<a name="FNanchor_8_538" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_538" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> has an interesting note, in which he quotes
+ from an African writer an account of a monastic establishment
+ near Malaga.<a name="FNanchor_9_539" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_539" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> The writer says: "I saw on a mountain, close
+ to this city, a convent, which was the residence of several
+ religious men living in community, and conversant with the
+ principles of Sufism: they have a superior to preside over them,
+ and one or more servants to attend to their wants. Their internal
+ regulations are really admirable; each faquir lives separately in
+ a cell of his own, and meets his comrades only at meals or
+ prayers. Every morning at daybreak the servants of the community
+ go round to each faquir, and inquire of him what provisions he
+ wishes to have for his daily consumption.... They are served with
+ two meals a day. Their dress consists of a coarse woollen frock,
+ two being allowed yearly for each man—one for winter, another for
+ summer. Each faquir is furnished likewise with a regular
+ allowance of sugar, soap to wash his clothes, oil for his lamp,
+ and a small sum of money to attend the bath, all these articles
+ being distributed to them every Friday.... Most of the faquirs
+ are bachelors, a few only being married. These live with their
+ wives in a separate part of the building, but are subject to the
+ same rule, which consists in attending the five daily prayers,
+ sleeping at the convent, and meeting together in a lofty-vaulted
+ chamber, where they perform certain devotions.... In the morning
+ each faquir takes his Koran and reads the first chapter, and then
+ that of the king;<a name="FNanchor_10_540" id=
+ "FNanchor_10_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_540" class=
+ "fnanchor">[10]</a> and when the reading is over, a Koran,
+ previously divided into sections, is brought in for each man to
+ read in turn, until the whole is completed. On Fridays and
+ other-festivals these faquirs are obliged to go to the mosque in
+ a body, preceded by their superior.... They are often visited by
+ guests, whom they entertain for a long time, supplying them with
+ food and other necessaries. The formalities observed with them
+ are as follows:—If a stranger present himself at the door of the
+ convent in the garb of a faquir, namely, with a girdle round his
+ waist, his kneeling-mat suspended between his shoulders, his
+ staff in his right hand, and his drinking vessel in his left, the
+ porter of the convent comes up to him immediately, and asks what
+ country he comes from, what convent he has resided in, or entered
+ on the road, who was the superior of it, and other particulars,
+ to ascertain that the visitor is not an impostor.... This convent
+ was plentifully endowed with rents for the support of its
+ inmates, for besides the considerable revenue in lands which was
+ provided by its founder, a wealthy citizen of Malaga, who had
+ been governor of the city under the Almohades, pious men are
+ continually adding to the funds either by bequests in land or by
+ donations in money."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The resemblance between these faquirs and Christian monks is
+ sufficiently obvious, and need not be dilated upon: and though
+ this particular convent was established at a later time, we
+ cannot doubt that the influence, which produced such a
+ modification of the very spirit of Islam, must have made itself
+ felt much earlier. This is apparent in the analogous case of
+ Moslem nuns, as a passage from an Arab writer seems to
+ shew,<a name="FNanchor_11_541" id="FNanchor_11_541"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_11_541" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> where it is said
+ that the body of the Moorish king, Gehwar (1030-1043), was
+ followed to the grave even by the damsels who had retired into
+ solitude.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_531" id="Footnote_1_531"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_531"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+ Mohammedanism is even called a <i>heresy</i> by a writer quoted
+ by Prescott, "Ferdin. and Isab.," p. 244.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_532" id="Footnote_2_532"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_532"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v.
+ 85—"Thou shalt find those to be most inclinable to entertain
+ friendship for the true believers who say, We are Christians.
+ This comes to pass, because there are priests and monks among
+ them." Kor. lvii. 27—"As to the monastic state (Deus loquitur),
+ the Christians instituted the same (we did not prescribe it for
+ them) only out of desire to please God, yet they observed not
+ the same as it ought truly to be observed." See also Kor. ix.
+ 34—"Verily many of the priests and monks devour the substance
+ of men in vanity, and obstruct the way of God;" and Kor. xxiii.
+ 55.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_533" id="Footnote_3_533"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_533"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Kor. v.
+ 89. Sale's note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_534" id="Footnote_4_534"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_534"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> So
+ Almanzor spared the monk of Compostella. Al Makkari, ii. 209.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_535" id="Footnote_5_535"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_535"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See the
+ interesting account, <i>ibid.</i>, i. 114.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_536" id="Footnote_6_536"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_536"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_537" id="Footnote_7_537"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_537"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, i. 115.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_538" id="Footnote_8_538"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_538"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, i. p. 406, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_539" id="Footnote_9_539"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_539"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> In the
+ fourteenth century.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_540" id="Footnote_10_540"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_540"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> ?
+ Chapter 67.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_541" id="Footnote_11_541"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_541"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Conde,
+ ii. 154. Unless the writer is referring to Christian nuns.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But over and above copying the institutions of Christianity,
+ Islam shews signs of having become to a certain extent pervaded
+ with a Christian spirit. It is easy to be mistaken in such
+ things, but the following anecdotes are more in keeping with the
+ Bible than the Koran. Hischem I. (788-796) in his last words to
+ his son, Hakem I., said: "Consider well that all empire is in the
+ hand of God, who bestoweth it on whom He will, and from whom He
+ will He taketh it away.<a name="FNanchor_1_542" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_542" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But since God hath given to us the royal
+ authority and power, which is in our hands by His goodness only,
+ let us obey His holy will, which is no other than that we do good
+ to all men,<a name="FNanchor_2_543" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_543" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and in especial to those placed under our
+ protection. See thou therefore, O my son, that thou distribute
+ equal justice to rich and poor, nor permit that any wrong or
+ oppression be committed in thy kingdom, for by injustice is the
+ road to perdition. Be clement, and do right to all who depend
+ upon thee, for all are the creatures of God."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_544" id="FNanchor_3_544"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_544" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The son was not inferior to the father, and capable, as the
+ following story shews, of the most Christian generosity.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_545" id="FNanchor_4_545"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_545" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> One of the faquirs who
+ had rebelled against Hakem being captured and brought into the
+ presence of the king, did not shrink in his bigotry and hate from
+ telling the Sultan that in hating him he was obeying God. Hakem
+ answered: "He who bid thee, as thou sayest, hate me, bids me
+ pardon thee. Go, and live in God's protection."<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_546" id="FNanchor_5_546"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_546" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_542" id="Footnote_1_542"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_542"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Daniel,
+ iv. 25, and Koran, ii. v. 249—"God giveth His kingdom unto whom
+ He pleaseth;" and Koran, iii. v. 24.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_543" id="Footnote_2_543"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_543"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Galatians
+ vi. 20—"Let us do good unto all men, especially unto them that
+ are of the household of faith."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_544" id="Footnote_3_544"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_544"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 240.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_545" id="Footnote_4_545"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_545"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> It is fair
+ to state that Hakem I. was not always so generous.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_546" id="Footnote_5_546"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_546"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+ Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 77.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Prone as the Mohammedans were to superstition, and many as are
+ the miracles and wonders, which are described in their histories,
+ it must be acknowledged that their capacity for imagining and
+ believing in miracles never equalled that of Christian priests in
+ the Middle Ages.<a name="FNanchor_1_547" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_547" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ We hear indeed of a vision of Mohammed appearing to Tarik, the
+ invader of Spain;<a name="FNanchor_2_548" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_548" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> of a miraculous spring gushing forth at the
+ prayer of Akbar ibn Nafir;<a name="FNanchor_3_549" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_549" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the marvellous cap of Omar;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_550" id="FNanchor_4_550"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_550" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of the wonders that
+ distinguished the corpse of the murdered Hosein; of the vision
+ shewing the tomb of Abu Ayub;<a name="FNanchor_5_551" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_551" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> but nothing that will bear a comparison with
+ the invention of St James' body at Ira Flavia (Padron), nor the
+ clumsy and unblushing forgery of relics at Granada in the year of
+ the Armada.<a name="FNanchor_6_552" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_552" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the following story of Baki ibn Mokhlid,
+ from Al Kusheyri,<a name="FNanchor_7_553" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_553" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> reminds us forcibly of similar monkish
+ extravagancies. A woman came to Baki, and said that, her son
+ being a prisoner in the hands of the Franks, she intended to sell
+ her house and go in search of him; but before doing so she asked
+ his advice. Leaving her for a moment he requested her to wait for
+ his answer. He then went out and prayed fervently for her son's
+ release, and telling the mother what he had done, dismissed her.
+ Some time after the mother came back with her son to thank Baki
+ for his pious interference, which had procured her son's release.
+ The son then told his story:—"I was the king's slave, and used to
+ go out daily with my brother slaves to certain works on which we
+ were employed. One day, as we were going I felt all of a sudden
+ as if my fetters were being knocked off. I looked down to my
+ feet, when lo! I saw the heavy irons fall down broken on each
+ side." The inspector naturally charged him with trying to escape,
+ but he denied on oath, saying that his fetters had fallen off
+ without his knowing how. They were then riveted on again with
+ additional nails, but again fell off. The youth goes on:—"The
+ Christians then consulted their priests on the miraculous
+ occurrence, and one of them came to me and inquired whether I had
+ a father. I said 'No, but I have a mother.' Well, then, said the
+ priest to the Christians, 'God, no doubt, has listened to her
+ prayers. Set him at liberty,'" which was immediately done. As a
+ set-off to this there is a remarkable instance of freedom from
+ superstition recorded of King Almundhir(881-2).<a name=
+ "FNanchor_8_554" id="FNanchor_8_554"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_554" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> On the occasion of an
+ earthquake, the people being greatly alarmed, and looking upon it
+ as a direct interposition of God, this enlightened prince did his
+ best to convince them that such things were natural phenomena,
+ and had no relation to the good or evil that men did,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_9_555" id="FNanchor_9_555"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_9_555" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> shewing that the earth
+ trembled for Christian and Moslem alike, for the most innocent as
+ well as the most injurious of creatures without distinction.
+ They, however, refused to be convinced.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_547" id="Footnote_1_547"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_547"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See the
+ story of Atahulphus, Bishop of Compostella, and the
+ bull—Alfonso of Burgos, ch. 66: a man swallowed up by the
+ earth—Mariana, viii. 4: Sancho the Great's arm withered and
+ restored—<i>Ibid.</i>, c. 10: a Sabellian heretic carried off
+ by the devil in sight of a large congregation—Isidore of Beja,
+ sec. 69: the miracle of the roses (1050)—Mar. ix. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_548" id="Footnote_2_548"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_548"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_549" id="Footnote_3_549"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_549"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid</i>, p. 38.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_550" id="Footnote_4_550"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_550"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Ockley.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_551" id="Footnote_5_551"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_551"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Gibbon,
+ "for such are the manufacture of every religion," p. 115.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_552" id="Footnote_6_552"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_552"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
+ Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, "an account of MSS. and relics found
+ at Granada." But we must remember that these miraculous
+ phenomena appear much earlier in the history of Islam than of
+ Christianity.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_553" id="Footnote_7_553"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_553"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 129; cp. Conde, i. 355.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_554" id="Footnote_8_554"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_554"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 317.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_555" id="Footnote_9_555"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_555"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Cp. Matt.
+ v. 45: Luke xiii. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ This independence of thought in Almundhir was perhaps an outcome
+ of that philosophic spirit which first shewed itself in Spain in
+ the reign of this Sultan's predecessor.<a name="FNanchor_1_556"
+ id="FNanchor_1_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_556" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The philosophizers were looked upon with
+ horror by the theologians, who worked upon the people, so that at
+ times they were ready to stone and burn the
+ free-thinkers.<a name="FNanchor_2_557" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_557" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> The works of Ibnu Massara, a prominent member
+ of this school, were burnt publicly at Cordova;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_558" id="FNanchor_3_558"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_558" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the great
+ Almanzor, though himself, like the great Caesar, indifferent to
+ such questions,<a name="FNanchor_4_559" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_559" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> by way of gaining the support of the masses,
+ was ready, or pretended to be ready, to execute one of these
+ philosophers. At length, with feigned reluctance, he granted the
+ man's life at the request of a learned faqui.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_560" id="FNanchor_5_560"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_560" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Even among the Mohammedan "clergy"—if the term be allowable—there
+ were Sceptics and Deists,<a name="FNanchor_6_561" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_561" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> and others who followed the wild speculations
+ of Greek philosophy. Among the last of these, the greatest name
+ was Averroes, or more correctly, Abu Walid ibn Roshd (1126-1198),
+ who besides holding peculiar views about the human soul that
+ would almost constitute him a Pantheist, taught that religion was
+ not a branch of knowledge that could be systematised, but an
+ inward personal power:<a name="FNanchor_7_562" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_562" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> that science and religion could not be fused
+ together. Owing to his freedom of thought he was banished to a
+ place near Cordova by Yusuf abu Yakub in 1196. He was also
+ persecuted and put into prison by Abdulmumen, son of
+ Almansur,<a name="FNanchor_8_563" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_563" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> for studying natural philosophy. Another
+ votary of the same forbidden science, Ibn Habib, was put to death
+ by the same king.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_556" id="Footnote_1_556"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_556"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 18.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_557" id="Footnote_2_557"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_557"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 136, 141. They were called Zendik or heretics by the pious
+ Moslems. See also Said of Toledo, apud Dozy, iii. 109.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_558" id="Footnote_3_558"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_558"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 121.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_559" id="Footnote_4_559"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_559"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> He was
+ supposed to be in secret addicted to the forbidden study of
+ Natural Science and Astrology.—Al Makk., i. 141. Yet he let the
+ faquis make an "index expurgatorius" of books to be
+ burnt.—Dozy, iii. 115. His namesake, Yakub Almansur
+ (1184-1199), ordered all books on Logic and Philosophy to be
+ burnt.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_560" id="Footnote_5_560"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_560"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 261.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_561" id="Footnote_6_561"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_561"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 262, 263.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_562" id="Footnote_7_562"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_562"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See
+ article in the "Encyclop. Britann."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_563" id="Footnote_8_563"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_563"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 198. De Gayangos, in a note, points out that this was a
+ mistake: for Abdulmumen was grandfather of Yakub Almansur, and
+ could not be the king meant here. He therefore reads, "Yakub,
+ one of the Beni Abdulmumen."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Side by side with, and in bitter hostility to, the earlier
+ freethinkers lived the faquis or theologians. The Andalusians
+ originally belonged to the Mohammedan sect of Al Auzai<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_564" id="FNanchor_1_564"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_564" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> (711-774), whose
+ doctrines were brought into Spain by the Syrian Arabs of
+ Damascus. But Hischem I., on coming to the throne, shewed his
+ preference for the doctrines of Malik ibn Aus,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_565" id="FNanchor_2_565"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_565" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and contrived that
+ they should supplant the dogmas of Al Auzai. It may be that
+ Hischem I. only shewed a leaning towards Malik's creed, without
+ persuading others to conform to his views, but at all events the
+ change was fully accomplished in the reign of his successor,
+ Hakem I., by the instrumentality of Yahya ibn Yahya Al Seythi,
+ Abu Merwan Abdulmalek ibn Habib,<a name="FNanchor_3_566" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_566" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> and Abdallah Zeyad ibn Abdurrahman Allakhmi,
+ three notable theologians of that reign. Yahya returned from a
+ pilgrimage to the East in 827, and immediately took the lead in
+ the opposition offered to Hakem I. on the ground of his being a
+ lax Mussulman, but, in reality, because he would not give the
+ faquis enough power in the State.<a name="FNanchor_4_567" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_567" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In the reign of Mohammed (852) these faquis had become powerful
+ enough to impeach the orthodoxy of a well-known devout Mussulman,
+ Abu Abdurrahman ibn Mokhli, but the Sultan, with a wise
+ discretion, as commendable as it was rare, declared that the
+ distinctions of the Ulema were cavils, and that the expositions
+ of the new traditionist "conveyed much useful instruction, and
+ inculcated very laudable practices."<a name="FNanchor_5_568" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_568" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Efforts were made from time to time to overthrow this priestly
+ ascendency, as notably by Ghàzali, the "Vivificator," as he was
+ called, "of religious knowledge." This attempt failed, and the
+ rebel against authority was excommunicated.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_569" id="FNanchor_6_569"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_569" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Yet the strictly
+ oxthodox party did not succeed in arresting—to any appreciable
+ extent—the progress of the decay which was threatening to attack
+ even the distinctive features of the Mohammedan religion.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_7_570" id="FNanchor_7_570"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_7_570" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It is a slight
+ indication of this, that the peculiar Moslem dress gradually
+ began to be given up, and the turban was only worn by
+ faquis,<a name="FNanchor_8_571" id="FNanchor_8_571"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_571" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and even they could
+ not induce the people to return to a habit once thought of great
+ importance.<a name="FNanchor_9_572" id=
+ "FNanchor_9_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_572" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_564" id="Footnote_1_564"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_564"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 403. De Gayangos' note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_565" id="Footnote_2_565"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_565"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Died 780.
+ Al Makk., i. 113, 343, ascribes the change to Hakem I.; and an
+ author quoted, i. p. 403, ascribes it to Abdurrahman I.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_566" id="Footnote_3_566"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_566"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 123.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_567" id="Footnote_4_567"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_567"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 113, implies the reverse of this. Dozy, ii. p. 59.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_568" id="Footnote_5_568"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_568"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 294.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_569" id="Footnote_6_569"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_569"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Dozy, iv.
+ 255.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_570" id="Footnote_7_570"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_570"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In spite
+ of Al Makkari's statement, i. 112, where he says that all
+ innovations and heretical practices were abhorred by the
+ people. If the Khalif, he says, had countenanced any such, he
+ would have been torn to pieces.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_571" id="Footnote_8_571"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_571"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Dozy, iii.
+ 271.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_572" id="Footnote_9_572"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_572"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 109.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But in other and more important respects we can see the
+ disintegrating effect which intercourse with Christians had upon
+ the social institutions of the Koran.<a name="FNanchor_1_573" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_573" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> Wine, which is expressly forbidden by
+ Mohammed,<a name="FNanchor_2_574" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_574" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> was much drunk throughout the country,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_575" id="FNanchor_3_575"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_575" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the example being
+ often set by the king himself. Hakem I. seems to have been the
+ first of these to drink the forbidden juice.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_576" id="FNanchor_4_576"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_576" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> His namesake, Hakem
+ II. (961-976), however, set his face against the practice of
+ drinking wine, and even gave orders for all the vines in his
+ kingdom to be rooted up—an edict which he recalled at the
+ instance of his councillors, who pointed out that it would ruin
+ many poor families, and would not cure the evil, as wine would be
+ smuggled in or illicitly made of figs or other fruit. Hakem
+ consequently contented himself with forbidding anew the use of
+ spirituous liquors in the most stringent terms.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_577" id="FNanchor_5_577"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_577" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Even the faquis had
+ taken to drinking wine, and they defended the practice by saying
+ that the prohibition might be disregarded by Moslems, who were
+ engaged in a perpetual war with infidels.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Music was much cultivated, yet a traditionary saying
+ of Mohammed runs thus: "To hear music is to sin against the law;
+ to perform music is to sin against religion; to enjoy music is to
+ be guilty of infidelity."<a name="FNanchor_6_578" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_578" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Abdurrahman II. (822-852) in especial was very
+ fond of music, and gave the great musician Ziryab or Ali ibn Nafi
+ a home at his Court, when the latter was driven from the East by
+ professional jealousy. Strict Mohammedans always protested
+ against these violations of their law. The important sect of
+ Hanbalites in particular, like our own Puritans, made a crusade
+ against these abuses. They "caused a great commotion in the tenth
+ century in Baghdad by entering people's houses and spilling their
+ wine, if they found any, and beating the singing-girls they met
+ with and breaking their instruments."<a name="FNanchor_7_579" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_579" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> The wearing of silk, which had been disapproved of by
+ Mohammed, became quite common among the richer classes, though
+ the majority do not seem to have indulged themselves in this
+ way.<a name="FNanchor_8_580" id="FNanchor_8_580"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_8_580" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(d.)</i> The prohibition of sculptures, representing living
+ creatures, was disregarded. We find a statue, raised to
+ Abdurrahman's wife Zahra, in the Medinatu'l Zahra, a palace built
+ by Abdurrahman III. in honour of his beloved mistress. Images of
+ animals are mentioned on the fountains,<a name="FNanchor_9_581"
+ id="FNanchor_9_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_581" class=
+ "fnanchor">[9]</a> and a lion on the aqueduct.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_10_582" id="FNanchor_10_582"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_10_582" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> We also hear of a
+ statue at the gate of Cordova.<a name="FNanchor_11_583" id=
+ "FNanchor_11_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_583" class=
+ "fnanchor">[11]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(e.)</i> The Spanish Arabs even seem to have given up turning
+ towards Mecca: for what else can we infer from a fact mentioned
+ by an Arab historian,<a name="FNanchor_12_584" id=
+ "FNanchor_12_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_584" class=
+ "fnanchor">[12]</a> that Abu Obeydah was called Sahibu l'Kiblah
+ as a distinctive nickname, because he did so turn?
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(f.)</i> A reformer seems even to have arisen, who wished to
+ persuade his coreligionists to eat the flesh of sows, though not
+ of pigs or boars.<a name="FNanchor_13_585" id=
+ "FNanchor_13_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_585" class=
+ "fnanchor">[13]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_573" id="Footnote_1_573"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_573"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii., App. 28. Author quoted by De Gayangos: The
+ Moslems in the eleventh century "began to drink wine and commit
+ all manner of excesses. The rulers of Andalus thought of
+ nothing else than purchasing singing-women and slaves,
+ listening to their music, and passing the time in revelry and
+ mirth."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_574" id="Footnote_2_574"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_574"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Kor. v.
+ 93—"Surely wine, lots, and images are an abomination of the
+ work of Satan ... avoid them."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_575" id="Footnote_3_575"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_575"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 171.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_576" id="Footnote_4_576"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_576"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cardonne,
+ i. p. 252.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_577" id="Footnote_5_577"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_577"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, i. p. 108; ii. p. 171.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_578" id="Footnote_6_578"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_578"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Yonge,
+ "Moors in Spain," p. 71.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_579" id="Footnote_7_579"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_579"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Sale,
+ Koran, Introduc., p. 122. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_580" id="Footnote_8_580"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_580"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. p. 109. In 678 Yezid, son of Muawiyah, was
+ objected to as a drunkard, a lover of music, and a wearer of
+ silk. See Ockley, p. 358. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_9_581" id="Footnote_9_581"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_9_581"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, i. p. 236.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_10_582" id="Footnote_10_582"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_10_582"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 241.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_11_583" id="Footnote_11_583"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_11_583"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Akbar
+ Madjmoua. Dozy, ii. p. 272.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_12_584" id="Footnote_12_584"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_12_584"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Al
+ Malckari, 1. 149.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_13_585" id="Footnote_13_585"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_13_585"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Hamim, a
+ Berber, in 936. He was crucified by the faquis. Conde, i. 420.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ There is good reason to suppose that all this relaxation of the
+ more unreasonable prohibitions of the Koran was due to contact
+ with a civilised and Christian nation, partly in subjection to
+ the Arabs, and partly growing up independently side by side with
+ them. But in nothing was this shewn more clearly than in the
+ social enfranchisement of the Moslem women, whom it is the very
+ essence of Mohammed's teaching to regard rather as the goods and
+ chattels than as the equals of man; and also in the introduction
+ among the Moslems of a more Christian conception of the sacred
+ word—Love.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Consequently we become accustomed to the strange
+ spectacle—strange among a Mohammedan people—of women making a
+ mark in the society of men, and being regarded as intellectually
+ and socially their equals. Thus we hear of an Arabian Sappho,
+ Muatammud ibn Abbad Volada, daughter of Almustakfi
+ Billah;<a name="FNanchor_1_586" id="FNanchor_1_586"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_586" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> of Aysha, daughter of
+ Ahmad of Cordova—"the purest, loveliest, and most learned maiden
+ of her day;"<a name="FNanchor_2_587" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_587" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> of Mozna, the slave and private secretary of
+ Abdurrahman III.<a name="FNanchor_3_588" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_588" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Again, contrary to the invariable practice elsewhere, women were
+ admitted into the mosques in Spain. This was forbidden by
+ Mohammedan law,<a name="FNanchor_4_589" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_589" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> the women being obliged to perform their
+ devotions at home; "if," says Sale, "they visit the mosques, it
+ must be when the men are not there; for the Moslems are of
+ opinion that their presence inspires a different kind of devotion
+ from that which is requisite in a place dedicated to the service
+ of God." Sale also quotes from the letter of a Moor, censuring
+ the Roman Catholic manner of performing the mass, for the reason,
+ among others, that women were there. If the evidence of ballads
+ be accepted, we shall find the Moorish ladies appearing at
+ festivities and dances.<a name="FNanchor_5_590" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_590" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> At tournaments they looked on, their bright
+ smiles heartening the knights on to do brave deeds, and their
+ fair hands giving the successful champion the meed of victorious
+ valour.<a name="FNanchor_6_591" id="FNanchor_6_591"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_591" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Their position, in
+ fact, as Prescott remarks, became assimilated to that of
+ Christian ladies.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_586" id="Footnote_1_586"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_586"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Murphy,
+ "Hist. of Moh. Empire in Spain," p. 232.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_587" id="Footnote_2_587"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_587"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ p. 457.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_588" id="Footnote_3_588"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_588"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> For others
+ see Conde, i. 483, 484.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_589" id="Footnote_4_589"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_589"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Sale,
+ Introd., Koran, p. 84. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_590" id="Footnote_5_590"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_590"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 158.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_591" id="Footnote_6_591"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_591"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See a
+ picture in the Alhambra, given in Murphy's "Moorish Antiquities
+ of Spain," Lockhart, Pref., p. 13; and the ballad called "The
+ Bullfight of Ghazal," st. v. p. 109.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The effect of this improvement in the social position of women
+ could not fail to reflect itself in the conception of love among
+ the Spanish Arabs; and, accordingly, we find their gross
+ sensuality undergoing a process of refinement, as the following
+ extract from Said ibn Djoudi,<a name="FNanchor_1_592" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_592" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> who wrote at the close of the ninth century,
+ will shew. Addressing his ideal mistress, Djehama, he says:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 80px;">
+ "O thou, to whom my prayers are given,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compassionate and gentle
+ be</span>
+ <br />
+ To my poor soul, so roughly driven,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">To fly from me to thee.</span>
+ <br />
+ <br />
+ "I call thy name, my vows outpouring,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">I see thine eyes with tear-drops
+ shine:</span>
+ <br />
+ No monk, his imaged saint adoring,
+ <br />
+ <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Knows rapture like to
+ mine!"</span>
+ <br />
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Of these words Dozy<a name="FNanchor_2_593" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_593" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> says:—"They might be those of a Provençal
+ troubadour. They breathe the delicateness of Christian chivalry."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This Christianising of the feeling of love is even more clearly
+ seen in a passage from a treatise on Love by Ali ibn Hazm, who
+ was prime minister to Abdurrahman V. (Dec. 1023-Mar. 1024). He
+ calls Love<a name="FNanchor_3_594" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_594" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> a mixture of moral affection, delicate
+ gallantry, enthusiasm, and a calm modest beauty, full of sweet
+ dignity. Being the great grandson of Christian parents, perhaps
+ some of their inherited characteristics reappeared in
+ him:—"Something pure, something delicate, something spiritual
+ which was not Arab."<a name="FNanchor_4_595" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_595" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_592" id="Footnote_1_592"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_592"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Killed,
+ 897.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_593" id="Footnote_2_593"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_593"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> II. 229.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_594" id="Footnote_3_594"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_594"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Quoted by
+ Dozy, iii. 350.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_595" id="Footnote_4_595"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_595"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dozy, 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON CHRISTIANITY.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ We have so far investigated the influence of Christianity on the
+ social and intellectual character of Mohammedanism; let us now
+ turn to the analogous influence of Mohammedanism on Christianity
+ under the same aspects. This, as was to be expected, is by no
+ means so marked as in the reverse case. One striking instance,
+ however, there is, in which such an influence was shewn, and
+ where we should least have thought to find it. We have
+ indisputable evidence that many Christians submitted to be
+ circumcised. Whether this was for the sake of passing themselves
+ off on occasion as Mussulmans, or for some other reason, we
+ cannot be certain: but the fact remains.<a name="FNanchor_1_596"
+ id="FNanchor_1_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_596" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "Have we not," says Alvar,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_597" id="FNanchor_2_597"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_597" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> "the mark of the
+ beast, when setting at nought the customs of the fathers, we
+ follow the pestilent ways of the Gentiles; when, neglecting the
+ circumcision of the heart,<a name="FNanchor_3_598" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_598" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> which is chiefly commanded us, we submit to
+ the corporeal rite, which ought to be avoided for its ignominy,
+ and which can only be complied with at the cost of no small pain
+ to ourselves."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Even bishops did not shrink from conforming to this Semitic
+ rite,<a name="FNanchor_4_599" id="FNanchor_4_599"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_599" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> whether voluntarily,
+ or under compulsion, we cannot say; but we know that the
+ Mohammedan king, under whom this occurred, had at one time the
+ intention of forcing all his Christian subjects to be
+ circumcised.<a name="FNanchor_5_600" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_600" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another sign of an approximation made by Christians to the
+ outward observances of Moslems, was that some among them thought
+ it necessary to abstain from certain meats,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_601" id="FNanchor_6_601"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_601" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> those, namely,
+ forbidden by the Mohammedan law.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A bishop, being taxed with compliance of this kind, gave as his
+ excuse that otherwise the Christians could not live with the
+ Saracens.<a name="FNanchor_7_602" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_602" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a> This was, naturally, not considered a good
+ reason by the stricter or more bigoted party, who regarded with
+ alarm and suspicion any tendency towards amalgamation with
+ Mohammedans. If we can credit certain chroniclers, a council was
+ even held some years before this time by Basilius, Bishop of
+ Cordova, for considering the best method of preventing the
+ contamination of the purity of the Christian faith by its contact
+ with Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_8_603" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_603" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_596" id="Footnote_1_596"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_596"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See John
+ of Cordova, in the "Life of John of Gorz," above, p. 89.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_597" id="Footnote_2_597"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_597"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Alvar,
+ "Ind. Lum.", sec. 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_598" id="Footnote_3_598"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_598"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Romans ii.
+ 29; Galatians v. 2.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_599" id="Footnote_4_599"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_599"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See "Life
+ of John of Gorz," sec. 123.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_600" id="Footnote_5_600"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_600"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See "Life
+ of John of Gorz," sec. 123; Samson, "Apolog.," ii. c. 4. Cp.
+ "Loys de Mayerne Turguet," xvii. 13. The king, Halihatan
+ (Abdurrahman III.), 950 published an edict, "par lequel il
+ estait mandé a tous Chrestiens habitans és terres et villes a
+ luy subjectes de laisser la religion de Jesu, et se faisans
+ circoncire prendre cette de Mahomet, sur peine de vie."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_601" id="Footnote_6_601"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_601"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See
+ Appendix B, p. 167; and Koran v. <i>ad init.</i>—" You are
+ forbidden to eat that which dieth of itself, and blood, and
+ swine's flesh ... and that which hath been strangled."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_602" id="Footnote_7_602"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_602"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "John of
+ Gorz," 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_603" id="Footnote_8_603"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_603"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+ "Pseudo-Luit.", sec. 341. Cp. "Chron. Juliani," sec. 501.
+ "Viritanus coegit concilium Toleto ad inveniendum remedium ne
+ Muzarabes Toletani, imo totius Hispaniae, Saracenis conjuncti,
+ illorum caeremoniis communicarent."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Sometimes, however, the contact with Islam acted by way of
+ contraries, and Christian bigots, such as the monks often were,
+ would cling to some habit or rite of their own from a mere spirit
+ of opposition to a reverse custom among Moslems. Thus we know
+ that the monks in the East became the more passionately devoted
+ to their image-worship, because Iconoclasm savoured so much of
+ Mohammedanism. In the same way, but with far more objectionable
+ results, the clergy in Spain did their best to impress the people
+ with the idea that cleanliness of apparel and person, far from
+ being next to godliness, was incompatible with it, and that baths
+ were the direct invention of the devil.<a name="FNanchor_1_604"
+ id="FNanchor_1_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_604" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Later on we know that Philip II., the husband
+ of our Queen Mary, had all public baths in his Spanish dominions
+ destroyed, on the ground that they were relics of
+ infidelity.<a name="FNanchor_2_605" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_605" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Celibacy of the clergy, again, was strongly advocated as a
+ contrast to the polygamy of Mohammedans; and an abbot, Saulus, is
+ mentioned with horror as having a wife and children, one of whom
+ afterwards succeeded him, and also married.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_606" id="FNanchor_3_606"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_606" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ One of the last acts of a Gothic king had been to enforce the
+ marriage of the clergy, and though this act was repealed by
+ Fruela I. (757-768) in the North, yet concubinage became very
+ common among the clergy;<a name="FNanchor_4_607" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_607" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> and it was perhaps to remedy a similar state
+ of things that Witiza wished to compel the clergy to have lawful
+ wives.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_604" id="Footnote_1_604"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_604"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Miss
+ Yonge, p. 67.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_605" id="Footnote_2_605"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_605"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ Lane-Poole, "Story of the Moors," p. 136.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_606" id="Footnote_3_606"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_606"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
+ "Esp. Sagr.," xviii. 326—"Conventus Episcoporum pro
+ restoratione monasterii." The children are called "Spinae ac
+ vepres, nec nominandi proles."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_607" id="Footnote_4_607"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_607"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 16. From Samson, "Apol.," ii. cc. 2, 6,
+ we learn that Christians had begun to imitate the Moslems in
+ having harems.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ We have left to the last the great and interesting question of
+ the origin of chivalry. Though forming no part of the doctrines
+ of Christianity or Islam, chivalry and its influences could not
+ with justice be wholly overlooked in a discussion like the
+ present. The institution known by that name arose in the age of
+ Charles the Great (768-814),<a name="FNanchor_1_608" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_608" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and was therefore nearly synchronous with the
+ invasion of Europe by the Arabs. Its origin has been, indeed,
+ referred to the military service of fiefs, but all its
+ characteristics, which were personal and individual, such as
+ loyalty, courtesy, munificence, point to a racial rather than a
+ political source, and these characteristics are found in an
+ eminent degree among the Arabs. "The solitary and independent
+ spirit of chivalry," says Hallam,<a name="FNanchor_2_609" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_609" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> "dwelling as it were upon a rock, and
+ disdaining injustice or falsehood from a consciousness of
+ internal dignity, without any calculation of the consequences, is
+ not unlike what we sometimes read of Arabian chiefs or American
+ Indians."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Whatever the precise origin of chivalry may have been, there can
+ be no doubt that its development was largely influenced by the
+ relative positions of Arabs and Christians in Spain, and the
+ perpetual war which went on between them in that country.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Though not a religious institution at the outset, except perhaps
+ among our Saxon forefathers,<a name="FNanchor_3_610" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_610" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> chivalry soon became religious in character,
+ and its golden age of splendour was during the crusades against
+ the Moslems of Spain and Palestine. Spain itself may almost be
+ called the cradle of chivalry; and it must be allowed that even
+ in the first flush of conquest the Arabs shewed themselves to be
+ truly chivalrous enemies, and clearly had nothing to learn from
+ Christians in that respect. The very earliest days of Moslem
+ triumph, saw the same chivalrous spirit displayed at the capture
+ of Jerusalem, forming a strange and melancholy contrast to the
+ scene at its recapture subsequently by the Crusaders under the
+ heroic Godfrey de Bouillon.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_608" id="Footnote_1_608"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_608"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Hallam,
+ "Mid. Ages.," iii. 392.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_609" id="Footnote_2_609"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_609"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i> Cp. p. 402. "The characteristic virtues of
+ chivalry have so much resemblance to those which Eastern
+ writers of the same period extol, that I am disposed to suspect
+ Europe for having derived some improvement from imitation of
+ Asia."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_610" id="Footnote_3_610"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_610"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Hallam,
+ "Mid. Ages" (1.1.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Similarly the last triumph of the Moors in Spain, at the end of
+ the tenth century, furnished an instance of generosity rarely
+ paralleled. The Almohade king, Yakub Almansur, after the great
+ victory of Alarcos (1193), released 20,000 Christian prisoners.
+ It cannot, however, be denied that the action displeased many of
+ the king's followers, who complained of it "as one of the
+ extravagancies proper to monarchs,"<a name="FNanchor_1_611" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_611" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> and Yakub himself repented of it on his
+ deathbed.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In many passages of the Arabian writers we find those qualities
+ enumerated which ought to distinguish the Moorish knight—such as
+ piety, courtesy, prowess in war, the gift of eloquence, the art
+ of poetry, skill on horseback, and dexterity with sword, lance,
+ and bow.<a name="FNanchor_2_612" id="FNanchor_2_612"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_612" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Chivalry soon became a
+ recognised art, and we hear of a certain Yusuf ben Harun, or Abu
+ Amar, addressing an elegant poem to Hakem II. (961-976) on its
+ duties and obligations;<a name="FNanchor_3_613" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_613" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> nor was it long before the Moorish kings
+ learnt to confer knighthood on their vassals after the Christian
+ fashion, and we have an instance of this in a knighthood
+ conferred by the king of Seville in 1068.<a name="FNanchor_4_614"
+ id="FNanchor_4_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_614" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_611" id="Footnote_1_611"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_611"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde,
+ iii. 53.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_612" id="Footnote_2_612"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_612"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ ii. 401, from Ibn Hayyan. Cp. Prescott, "Ferd. and Isab.," p.
+ 159.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_613" id="Footnote_3_613"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_613"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Conde, i.
+ 477.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_614" id="Footnote_4_614"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_614"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ 173.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ As the ideal knight of Spanish romance was Ruy Diaz de Bivar, or
+ the Cid, so we may perhaps regard the historic Almanzor as the
+ Moorish knight <i>sans peur et sans reproche;</i> and though, if
+ judged by our standards, he was by no means <i>sans reproche</i>,
+ yet many are the stories told of his magnanimity and justice. On
+ one occasion after a battle against the Christians, the Count of
+ Garcia being mortally wounded, his faithful Castilians refused to
+ leave him, and were hemmed in by Almanzor's men. When the latter
+ was urged to give the word, and have the knot of Christians put
+ to the sword, he said: "Is it not written? 'He who slayeth one
+ man, not having met with violence, will be punished like the
+ murderer of all mankind, and he who saveth the life of one man,
+ shall be rewarded like the rescuer of all.'<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_615" id="FNanchor_1_615"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_615" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Make room, sons of
+ Ishmael, make way; let the Christians live and bless the name of
+ the clement and merciful God." <a name="FNanchor_2_616" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_616" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ On another occasion Almanzor is asked by the Count of Lara for
+ wedding gifts for an enemy<a name="FNanchor_3_617" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_617" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> of the Arabs, another Christian count, and he
+ magnanimously sends the gifts; or we see him releasing the father
+ of the Infantes of Lara, on hearing of the dreadful death of his
+ seven sons.<a name="FNanchor_4_618" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_618" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It must be admitted that these instances savour too much of the
+ romantic ballad style, but anecdotes of generosity do not gather
+ round any but persons who are noted for that virtue, and though
+ the instances should be false in letter, yet in spirit they may
+ be eminently true. However this may be as respects Almanzor's
+ generosity, of his justice we have unimpeachable evidence. The
+ monk who wrote the "Chronicle of Silo," says that the success of
+ his raids on the Christian territories was due to the large pay
+ he offered his soldiers, and also to his extreme justice, "which
+ virtue," says the chronicler, "as I learned from my father's
+ lips, Almanzor held dearer, if I may so say, than any
+ Christian."<a name="FNanchor_5_619" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_619" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_615" id="Footnote_1_615"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_615"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Koran, v.
+ 35.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_616" id="Footnote_2_616"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_616"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Yonge, p.
+ 110.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_617" id="Footnote_3_617"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_617"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 80.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_618" id="Footnote_4_618"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_618"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Johannes
+ Vasaeus, 969.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_619" id="Footnote_5_619"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_619"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Sil.," sec. 70.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ In connection with chivalry there is one institution which the
+ Christian Spaniards seem to have borrowed from the Moors—those
+ military orders, namely, which were so numerous in Spain. "The
+ Rabitos, or Moslemah knights," says Conde,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_620" id="FNanchor_1_620"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_620" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> "in charge of the
+ frontier, professed extraordinary austerity of life, and devoted
+ themselves voluntarily to the continual exercise of arms. They
+ were all men of high distinction; and bound themselves by a vow
+ to defend the frontier. They were forbidden by their rules to fly
+ from the enemy, it being their duty to fight and die on the spot
+ they held."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In any case, whether the Christian military orders were derived
+ from the Moorish, or the reverse, one thing is certain, that it
+ was the Moors who inoculated the Christians with a belief in Holy
+ Wars, as an essential part of their religion.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_621" id="FNanchor_2_621"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_621" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In this respect
+ Christianity became Mohammedanized first in Spain. Chivalry
+ became identified with war against the infidel, and found its
+ apotheosis<a name="FNanchor_3_622" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_622" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> in St. James of Compostella, who—a poor
+ fisherman of Galilee—was supposed to have fought in person
+ against the Moors at Clavijo.<a name="FNanchor_4_623" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_623" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> In the ballad we hear of Christian knights
+ coming to engage in fight from exactly that same belief in the
+ efficacy and divine institution of holy wars, as animated the
+ Arab champions. The clergy, and even the bishops, took up arms
+ and fought against the enemies of their faith. Two bishops, those
+ of Leon and Astorga,<a name="FNanchor_5_624" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_624" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> were taken prisoners at the battle of Val de
+ Junqueras (921).<a name="FNanchor_6_625" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_625" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> Sisenandus of Compostella was killed in battle
+ against the Northmen (979); and the "Chronicle of the Cid" makes
+ repeated mention of a right valiant prelate named
+ Hieronymus.<a name="FNanchor_7_626" id=
+ "FNanchor_7_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_626" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_620" id="Footnote_1_620"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_620"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ p. 119, note—"It seems highly probable that from these arose
+ the military orders of Spain in the East." Cp. Prescott, "Ferd.
+ and Isab.," p. 122. The military orders of Spain were mostly
+ instituted by papal bulls in the last half of the 12th century.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_621" id="Footnote_2_621"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_621"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Islam made
+ Christianity military, Milman, "Lat. Chr.," ii. pp. 220-2.
+ Lecky, "Hist. Eur. Moral," p. 262, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_622" id="Footnote_3_622"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_622"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Presc.,
+ "Ferd.," p. 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_623" id="Footnote_4_623"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_623"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Mohammed
+ also imagined celestial aid in battle, see Kor. iii., ad init.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_624" id="Footnote_5_624"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_624"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> "Rodrigo
+ of Toledo," iii. p. 4. Johannes Vasaeus says they were the
+ bishops of Tuy and Salamanca.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_625" id="Footnote_6_625"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_625"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mariana,
+ viii. 5. See also <i>Ibid.</i>, c. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_626" id="Footnote_7_626"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_626"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Chronicle
+ of Cid" (Southey), p. 371.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Yet, in spite of all this, in spite of the fanaticism which
+ engendered and accompanied it, chivalry proved to be the only
+ common ground on which Christian and Moslem, Arab and European,
+ could meet. It was in fact a sort of compromise between two
+ incompatible religions mutually accepted by two different races.
+ Though perhaps not a spiritual religion, it was a social one, and
+ served in some measure to mitigate the horrors of a war of races
+ and creeds. Chivalry culminated in the Crusades, and Richard I.
+ of England and Saladin were the Achilles and the Hector of a new
+ Iliad.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ With this short discussion of the origin and value of chivalry as
+ a compromise between Christianity and Mohammedanism, we will now
+ conclude. In discussing the relations between Christianity and
+ Mohammedanism, we have been naturally led to compare not only the
+ religions but their adherents, for it is difficult to distinguish
+ between those who profess a creed, and the creed which they
+ profess; but at least we may have thus been enabled to avoid
+ missing any point essential to the proper elucidation of the
+ mutual relations which existed between the two greatest religions
+ of the world, and the influence they had upon each other.
+ </p>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="APPENDIX_A" id="APPENDIX_A">APPENDIX.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ A.
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ THE JEWS IN SPAIN.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ The persecution of the Jews by the Gothic Spaniards naturally
+ made them the implacable enemies of the Christians. Being a very
+ numerous colony in Spain—for Hadrian had transported thither many
+ thousand families—the Jews gave the Arabs very effective help in
+ conquering the country, both by betraying places to them, and
+ garrisoning captured towns while the Arabs went on to fresh
+ conquests. Consequently the relations between the Jews and
+ Moslems were for a long time very cordial, though this cordiality
+ wore off in the course of time. Their numbers seem to have been
+ considerable under the Moslem occupation, and whole towns were
+ set apart as Jewries.<a name="FNanchor_1_627" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_627" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In France the prejudice against the Jews shewed itself very
+ strongly among the clergy, though Louis I. and his wife Judith
+ favoured them. They were generally ill-treated, and their slaves
+ were induced by the clergy to be baptized. Thereupon they became
+ free, as Jews were not allowed to have Christian slaves.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_628" id="FNanchor_2_628"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_628" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> But it must be
+ admitted that the Franks had reason for disliking the Jews, as it
+ was well known that they sold Christian children as slaves to the
+ Moslems of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_3_629" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_629" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_627" id="Footnote_1_627"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_627"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Al
+ Makkari, ii. 452.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_628" id="Footnote_2_628"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_628"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 408.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_629" id="Footnote_3_629"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_629"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ They also seem to have been able to make some proselytes from
+ among the Christians, and we hear of one apostate of this kind,
+ named Eleazar, to whom Alvar addressed several letters under the
+ title of "the transgressor." This man's original name was Bodon.
+ A Christian of German extraction,<a name="FNanchor_1_630" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_630" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> he was brought up with a view to Holy Orders.
+ In 838, while on his way to Rome,<a name="FNanchor_2_631" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_631" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> he apostatised to Judaism,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_632" id="FNanchor_3_632"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_632" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and opened a
+ negotiation with the Jews in France to sell his companions as
+ slaves, stipulating only to keep his own grandson. The next year
+ he let his hair and beard grow, and went to Spain, where he
+ married a Jewess, compelling his grandson at the same time to
+ apostatise. In 845 or 847 his attitude became so hostile to the
+ Christians in Spain, that the latter wrote to Charles, praying
+ him to demand Eleazar as his subject, which however does not seem
+ to have been done. There seems good reason to believe that
+ Eleazar stirred up the Moslems against the Christians, and the
+ deaths of Prefectus and John may have been due to him.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_633" id="FNanchor_4_633"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_633" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> After this we hear no
+ more of Eleazar; but the position of the Jews with regard to the
+ Arabs seems to have been for long after this of a most privileged
+ character. Consequently the Jews in Spain had such an opportunity
+ to develop their natural gifts as they have never had since the
+ capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar; and they shewed
+ themselves no whit behind the Arabs, if indeed they did not
+ outstrip them, in keeping alive the flame of learning in the dark
+ ages.<a name="FNanchor_5_634" id="FNanchor_5_634"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_634" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In science generally,
+ and especially in the art of medicine they had few rivals, and in
+ learning and civilisation they were, no less than the Arabs, far
+ ahead of the Christians.<a name="FNanchor_6_635" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_635" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_630" id="Footnote_1_630"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_630"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Ann.
+ Bertin.," 839.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_631" id="Footnote_2_631"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_631"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Orationis
+ gratia, "Ann. Bert," 1.1.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_632" id="Footnote_3_632"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_632"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Florez,
+ xi. p. 20 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_633" id="Footnote_4_633"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_633"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The "Ann.
+ Bert." say that he induced Abdurrahman II. to give his
+ Christian subjects the choice between Islam, Judaism, or death.
+ See Rohrbacher, xii. 4.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_634" id="Footnote_5_634"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_634"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab." p. 153.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_635" id="Footnote_6_635"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_635"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 134.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ The good understanding between the Jews and the Arabs with the
+ gradual process of time gave place to an ill-concealed hostility,
+ and at the beginning of the twelfth century there seems even to
+ have been a project formed for forcing the Jews to become Moslems
+ on the ground of a promise made by their forefathers to Mohammed
+ that, if in five centuries their Messiah had not appeared, they
+ would be converted to Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_1_636" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_636" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> Perhaps this was only a pretext on the part of
+ the Moslems for extorting money; at all events the Jews only
+ succeeded in evading the alternative by paying a large sum of
+ money. Even in the early years of the conquest they were subject
+ to the rapacity of their rulers, for when, on the rumour of the
+ Messiah having appeared in Syria, many of the Spanish Jews,
+ leaving their goods, started off to join him, the Moslem
+ governor, Anbasa, seized the property so left, and refused to
+ restore it on the return of the disappointed emigrants.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ From their contact with Arabs and Christians the Jews seem to
+ have lost many of their distinctive beliefs, and in the twelfth
+ century Maimonides,<a name="FNanchor_2_637" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_637" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> the greatest name among the Spanish Jews,
+ wrote against their errors. One of these seems to have been that
+ the books of Moses were written before the Creation;<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_638" id="FNanchor_3_638"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_638" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> another, that there
+ was a series of hells in the next world.<a name="FNanchor_4_639"
+ id="FNanchor_4_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_639" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Many Jews attained to very high positions among the Arabs, and we
+ hear of a certain Hasdai ibn Bahrut, who was inspector of customs
+ to Abdurrahman III., ambassador to the King of Leon in 955, and
+ the king's confidential messenger to the monk, John of Gorz, a
+ few years later. He was also distinguished as a
+ physician.<a name="FNanchor_5_640" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_640" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_636" id="Footnote_1_636"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_636"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Conde, ii.
+ 326.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_637" id="Footnote_2_637"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_637"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Fleury, v.
+ 409.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_638" id="Footnote_3_638"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_638"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cp. the
+ Moslem belief about the Koran. Sale, Introduc., p. 50. (Chandos
+ Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_639" id="Footnote_4_639"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_639"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 72.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_640" id="Footnote_5_640"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_640"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i., App. v. p. xxiv. Note by De Gayangos.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ While the Arabs still retained their hold on the fairest
+ provinces of Spain, the lot of the Jews, even in Christian
+ territories, was by no means unendurable. They were sometimes
+ advanced to important and confidential posts, and it was the
+ murder of Alfonso VI.'s Jewish ambassador by the King of Seville
+ which brought about the introduction of the Almoravides into
+ Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ There is a strange story told of the Jews at the taking of Toledo
+ by the Christians in 1085. They waited on Alfonso and assured him
+ that they were part of the ten tribes whom Nebuchadnezzar
+ transported into Spain, and not the descendants of those
+ Jerusalem Jews who crucified Christ. Their ancestors, they said,
+ were quite free from the guilt of this act, for when Caiaphas had
+ written to the Toledan synagogue for their advice respecting the
+ person who claimed to be the Messiah, the Toledan Jews returned
+ for answer, that in their judgment the prophecies seemed to be
+ fulfilled in Him, and therefore He ought not by any means to be
+ put to death. This reply they produced in the original
+ Hebrew.<a name="FNanchor_1_641" id="FNanchor_1_641"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_641" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is needless to say
+ that the whole thing was a fabrication.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Gradually, as the Christians recovered their supremacy in Spain,
+ the tide of prejudice set more and more strongly against the
+ Jews. They were accused of "contempt for the Catholic worship,
+ desecration of its symbols, sacrifice of Christian
+ infants,"<a name="FNanchor_2_642" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_642" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and other enormities. Severe laws were passed
+ against them, as in the old Gothic times, and their freedom was
+ grievously curtailed in the matters of dress, residence, and
+ profession. As a distinctive badge they had to wear yellow
+ caps.<a name="FNanchor_3_643" id="FNanchor_3_643"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_643" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_641" id="Footnote_1_641"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_641"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Southey,
+ "Roder.," i. p. 235, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_642" id="Footnote_2_642"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_642"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," pp. 134, 135.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_643" id="Footnote_3_643"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_643"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Al Makk.,
+ i. 116.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ At the end of the fourteenth century the people rose against
+ them, and 15,000 Jews were massacred in different parts of Spain.
+ Many were nominally converted, and 35,000 conversions were put to
+ the credit of a single saint. These new Christians sometimes
+ attained high ecclesiastical dignities, and intermarried with the
+ noble families—the taint of which "mala sangre" came afterwards
+ to be regarded with the greatest horror and aversion.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ It was against the converted Jews that the Inquisition was first
+ established, and they chiefly suffered under it at first. In
+ 1492, on the final extinction of the Arab dominion in Spain, a
+ very large number of Jews were expelled from Castile,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_644" id="FNanchor_1_644"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_644" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the evil example being
+ afterwards followed in other parts of Spain. The story of the
+ treatment of Jews by Christians is indeed one of the darkest in
+ the history of Christianity.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_644" id="Footnote_1_644"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_644"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Variously
+ estimated at 160,000 or 800,000.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 45%;" />
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="APPENDIX_B" id="APPENDIX_B">B.</a>
+ </h3>
+ <h3 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ SPAIN AND THE PAPAL POWER.
+ </h3>
+ <p>
+ Perhaps no part of the history of Spain affords so interesting a
+ study as the consideration of those gradual steps by which, from
+ being one of the most independent of Churches, she has become the
+ most subservient, and therefore the most degraded, of all. The
+ question of how this was brought about, apart from its intrinsic
+ interest as illustrating the development of a great nation, is
+ well worth investigating, from the momentous influence which it
+ has had upon the religious history of the world at large. For it
+ is not too much to say that Rome could never have made good its
+ ascendency, spiritual no less than temporal, over so large a part
+ of mankind, had not the material resources and the blind devotion
+ of Spain been ready to back the haughty pretensions and
+ unscrupulous ability of the Italian pontiffs.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ In fact, Spain is the only country, apart from Italy, that as a
+ nation, has accepted the monstrous doctrines of Rome in all their
+ entirety—doctrines which the whole Christian East repudiated from
+ the first with scorn, and which the North and (with the exception
+ of Spain) the West of Europe—the birthplace and cradle of the
+ mighty Teutonic races—have agreed with equal disdain to reject
+ and trample under their feet.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This result is all the more remarkable, from the fact that in
+ early times the Church of Spain, from its rapid extension, its
+ greatness, and its prosperity, held a position of complete
+ equality with the Roman and other principal churches. The See of
+ Cordova held so high a rank in the fourth century that Hosius,
+ its venerable bishop, was chosen to preside at the important
+ councils of Nice (325) and Sardica (347).
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Gothic invasion at the beginning of the fifth century made
+ Spain still less likely to acknowledge any supremacy of Rome, for
+ the Goths, besides being far more independent in character than
+ the Romanized Kelts, were Arian heretics, and cut off, in
+ consequence, from all communion with Rome. The orthodox party,
+ however, gradually gained strength, and in 560 the remnants of
+ the Suevi abjured Arianism, and the Gothic king's son Ermenegild,
+ with their help, revolted against his father. He was finally put
+ to death for his treason, but his brother, Recared, on ascending
+ the throne in 589, avowed his conversion to the orthodox creed,
+ his example being followed by most of his nobles and prelates.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The reception of Recared and his Court into the Catholic fold was
+ the signal for an attempt to establish the papal authority, which
+ was the more dangerous now, as the popes had gained a great
+ increase of power since Spain was cut off from orthodox
+ Christendom by the invasion of the Arian Goths.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ One of Recared's first acts was to write to the pope and,
+ saluting him, ask him for his advice in spiritual matters. The
+ papal authority thus acknowledged was soon exercised in—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> Deciding ecclesiastical appeals without regard to the
+ laws of the land;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Sending to Spain pontifical judges to hear such
+ cases;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> Sending legates to watch over the discipline of the
+ Church;
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(d.)</i> Sending the pall to metropolitans.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ These metropolitans, unknown in the earlier history of the
+ Spanish Church, came gradually to be recognised, owing to the
+ papal practice of sending letters to the chief bishops of the
+ country. They became invested in consequence with certain
+ important powers, such as those of convoking provincial councils;
+ of consecrating suffragans; of holding ecclesiastical courts, and
+ watching over the conduct of bishops.<a name="FNanchor_1_645" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_645" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But though a certain authority over the Spanish Church <i>was</i>
+ thus conceded to the pope, yet owing to the independent spirit of
+ the Spanish kings and clergy, he contented himself with a very
+ sparing use of his power. In two points, in especial, the claims
+ of the pope were strenuously resisted.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> The purchase of dispensations from Rome was expressly
+ forbidden.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> Papal infallibility was a dogma by no means admitted.
+ Thus the prelates of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth
+ councils of Toledo, defended the orthodoxy of their
+ fellow-bishop, Julian, against the strictures of the then pope,
+ Bendict II.; and Benedict's successor, John V., confessed that
+ they had been in the right.<a name="FNanchor_2_646" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_646" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ This spirit of opposition to the supremacy of the pope we find
+ manifested to the last by the Spanish kings, and there is some
+ reason for thinking that in the very year of the Saracen invasion
+ the king, Witiza, held a synod, which emphatically forbade
+ appeals to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_3_647" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_647" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> One author even goes so far as to say that the
+ Gothic king and his clergy being at variance with the pope, the
+ latter encouraged and favoured the Saracen invasion.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_4_648" id="FNanchor_4_648"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_648" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_645" id="Footnote_1_645"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_645"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Masdeu,
+ xi. p. 167, ff., quoted by Dr Dunham.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_646" id="Footnote_2_646"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_646"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dunham, i.
+ p. 197.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_647" id="Footnote_3_647"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_647"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See
+ Hardwicke's "Church in the Middle Ages," p. 42. He quotes
+ Gieselar, "Ch. Hist.," iii-132.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_648" id="Footnote_4_648"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_648"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> J.S.
+ Semler, quoted by Mosheim, ii. 120, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ However that may have been, and it certainly looks very
+ improbable, the invasion did not help the pope much directly,
+ though indirectly, and as events turned out, the Arab domination
+ was undoubtedly the main cause of the ultimate subjection of
+ Spain to the papal yoke, which happened in this way:—The
+ Christian Church in the North being, though free, yet in a
+ position of great danger and weakness, would naturally have
+ sought help from their nearest Christian neighbours, the Franks.
+ But the selfish and ambitious policy of the latter, who preferred
+ extending their temporal dominion to fighting as champions of
+ Christianity in defence of others, naturally forced the Spanish
+ Christians to look to the only Christian ruler who could afford
+ them even moral assistance; and the popes were not slow to avail
+ themselves of the opportunity thus offered for establishing their
+ authority in a new province. It was by the intervention of the
+ popes that the war against the Arabs partook of the nature of a
+ crusade, a form of warfare which carried with it the advantage of
+ filling the treasury of the Bishops of Rome. By means of
+ indulgences, granting exemption from purgatory at 200 maravedis a
+ head, the pope collected in four years the sum of four million
+ maravedis.<a name="FNanchor_1_649" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_649" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The first important instance of the Pope's intervention being
+ asked and obtained was in 808, when, the body of St James being
+ miraculously discovered, Alfonso wrote to the pope asking leave
+ to move the see of Ira Flavia (Padron) to the new church of St
+ lago,<a name="FNanchor_2_650" id="FNanchor_2_650"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_650" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> built on the spot
+ where the relics were found. The birth of the new Spanish Church
+ dates from this event, which was of ominous import for the future
+ independence of the Church in that country. What the claims of
+ Rome had come to be within a quarter of a century of this epoch,
+ we may see from the controversy which arose between Claudius,
+ Bishop of Turin, and the papal party. Claudius was himself a
+ Spaniard, and a pupil of the celebrated Felix, Bishop of Urgel,
+ one of the authors of the Adoptionist heresy. Among other
+ doctrines obnoxious to the so-called Catholic party, Claudius
+ stoutly resisted the papal claim to be the head of Christendom,
+ resting his opposition, so far as we can gather from what remains
+ to us of his writings,<a name="FNanchor_3_651" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_651" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> on the grounds, first, that Christ did
+ <i>not</i> say to Peter, "What thou loosest in heaven, shall be
+ loosed upon earth;" meaning by this that the authority vested in
+ Peter was only to be exercised during his life; secondly, in
+ answer to the supposed efficacy of a pilgrimage to Rome, Claudius
+ retorts on his accuser, Theodomir, abbot of a monastery near
+ Nîmes:—"If a doing of penance to be effectual involves a journey
+ to Rome, why do you keep so many monks in your monastery and
+ prevent them from going—as you say is necessary—to Rome itself?"
+ As to the journey itself, Claudius said that he neither approved
+ nor disapproved of it, knowing that it was not prejudicial to
+ all, nor useful to all: but this he was assured of, that eternal
+ life could not be gained by a mere journey to Rome; thirdly, as
+ to the pope being the Dominicus Apostolicus, as his supporters
+ called him, apostolic, says Claudius, is a title that does not
+ belong to one "who fills the see of an apostle, but who fulfils
+ the duties thereof."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_649" id="Footnote_1_649"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_649"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 64, n.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_650" id="Footnote_2_650"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_650"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Romey,
+ "Hist. d'Esp.," iii. 420.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_651" id="Footnote_3_651"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_651"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonas of
+ Orleans, iii., apud Migne, vol. civ. p. 375 ff. Fleury, v. 398.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Being summoned to appear before a council, the bishop proved
+ contumacious, and refused to go, calling the proposed assemblage
+ a congregation of asses. In spite of his independence of spirit
+ Claudius remained Bishop of Turin till his death in 839.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The pope's authority being once recognised in Spain, the sphere
+ of his interference rapidly enlarged, and we soon find the king
+ unable even to call a council of bishops without a papal bull.
+ This became the established practice.<a name="FNanchor_1_652" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_652" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> In the tenth century Bermudo II. (982-999), in
+ confirming the laws of the Goths, took the opportunity to make
+ the canons and decrees of the pope binding in secular
+ cases.<a name="FNanchor_2_653" id="FNanchor_2_653"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_653" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Meanwhile, even before the free Christians in the North had
+ established their independence, the weakness of the Christian
+ Church under Arab domination seemed to afford a good opportunity
+ for obtaining from them a recognition of the authority of the
+ pope. We accordingly find that an appeal was made to the pope
+ towards the close of the eighth century to give an authoritative
+ decision with regard to what the appellants deemed to be certain
+ irregularities which had found their way into the practice of
+ those Christians who were under the Arab yoke. The Pope Adrian
+ readily undertook to define what was, and what was not, in
+ accordance with Christianity. In a letter addressed to the
+ Bishops of Spain he inveighs against the following errors,
+ countenanced by a certain Migetius, and by Egila, Bishop of
+ Elvira, and sometimes called in consequence the Migetian errors:—
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(a.)</i> The wrong celebration of Easter. This had already
+ been noticed and condemned by Peter, a deacon of Toledo, in a
+ letter to the people of Seville (750).<a name="FNanchor_3_654"
+ id="FNanchor_3_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_654" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> The error was not the same as that of the
+ Quarto-decimani, but consisted apparently in deferring Easter to
+ the twenty-second day, if the full moon fell on the 14th, and the
+ following day was Sunday. Curiously enough this very error had
+ been held by the Latin Church itself till the sixth
+ century.<a name="FNanchor_4_655" id="FNanchor_4_655"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_655" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The fulminations of
+ the Pope failed in suppressing the error. As late as 891 it was
+ sufficiently general in Andalusia to cause the date of a battle
+ which took place at the Easter of that year to be placed in the
+ year of the Hegira 278, which only began on April 15th, whereas
+ had Easter been observed according to the usage of the Latin
+ Church, the Paschal feast would have been already past.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_5_656" id="FNanchor_5_656"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_5_656" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(b.)</i> The eating of pork and things strangled.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_6_657" id="FNanchor_6_657"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_6_657" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> With respect to these
+ innocent articles of food, the pope goes so far as to threaten
+ anathema against those who will not abstain from them. It is
+ curious to find the Christian Church upholding the eating of
+ pork, when brought into contact with the Moslems, and forbidding
+ it elsewhere.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(c.)</i> Intermarriage with Jews and Moslems, which had become
+ very common, is denounced and forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_7_658"
+ id="FNanchor_7_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_658" class=
+ "fnanchor">[7]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(d.)</i> The Pope cautions the Spanish Church against
+ consecrating priests without due preparation, and speaks as if
+ there were many false priests, wolves in sheep's clothing,
+ dealing havoc in the flock.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ <i>(e.)</i> One doubtful authority,<a name="FNanchor_8_659" id=
+ "FNanchor_8_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_659" class=
+ "fnanchor">[8]</a> who tells us that Adrian ordered Cixila,
+ Bishop of Toledo, to hold a council and condemn Egila for not
+ fasting on Sundays, according to the decrees of previous popes.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_652" id="Footnote_1_652"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_652"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> "Chron.
+ Sil.," sec. 13, who says that in 1109 a legate was in Spain
+ holding a council at Leon. "Chron. Sampiri," (Florez, xiv.),
+ sec. 6 (a later addition), says that in 869 Alfonso IV. sent
+ Severus and Sideric, asking the leave of Pope John VIII. to
+ hold a council and consecrate a church. Cp. Mariana, vii. 8.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_653" id="Footnote_2_653"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_653"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Mariana,
+ viii. 6.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_654" id="Footnote_3_654"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_654"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Isid. Pac,
+ sec. 77. See Migne, vol. xcviii. pp. 339, 376, 451.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_655" id="Footnote_4_655"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_655"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+ Victorius Aquitanus, quoted by Noris "de Paschali Latinorum
+ Cyclo." (iii. 786), apud Migne.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_656" id="Footnote_5_656"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_656"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Dozy, ii.
+ p. 355, note.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_657" id="Footnote_6_657"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_657"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Florez,
+ "Esp. Sagr.," v. 514: Fleury, ii. 235.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_7_658" id="Footnote_7_658"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_7_658"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Adrian's
+ Letter to the Spanish Bishops.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_8_659" id="Footnote_8_659"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_8_659"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, sec. 236—"Ex mandatis litterisque Adriani
+ papae contra Egilanum ... nolentem Dei Sabbate a carnibus
+ abstinere" (776 A.D.).
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But though there was a strong party in Spain favouring the
+ pretensions of the pope, yet many of the clergy and laity, headed
+ by the venerable Elipandus, Bishop of Toledo (782-810), boldly
+ resisted the encroachments of the Bishop of Rome. Elipandus
+ himself, as Primate of all Spain, wrote to Migetius condemning
+ him for certain heresies, and boasts of having completely refuted
+ and silenced him;<a name="FNanchor_1_660" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_660" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> but at the same time Elipandus shewed his
+ independence of the Roman Pontiff by characterising those who
+ abstained from pork and things strangled as foolish and ignorant
+ men; though Migetius in this matter was in thorough accord with
+ the pope,<a name="FNanchor_2_661" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_661" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> and could justify his views by a reference to
+ the decision of the Church of Jerusalem in the earliest days of
+ Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_3_662" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_662" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Another doctrine combated by Elipandus was the unscriptural one,
+ that it was unlawful to eat with unbelievers, or even to take
+ food touched by them. It was easy for him to quote texts such as:
+ "Not that which entereth into the mouth defileth the man; but
+ that which proceedeth out of the mouth, this defileth the man;"
+ <a name="FNanchor_4_663" id="FNanchor_4_663"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_4_663" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> or "to the pure all
+ things are pure;"<a name="FNanchor_5_664" id=
+ "FNanchor_5_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_664" class=
+ "fnanchor">[5]</a> and to point out that Christ ate with
+ publicans and sinners.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But the assumption which Elipandus, like his fellow-countrymen,
+ Claudius of Turin, later, especially attacked, was that which
+ regarded the Roman See as alone constituting the Catholic Church
+ and the power of God.<a name="FNanchor_6_665" id=
+ "FNanchor_6_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_665" class=
+ "fnanchor">[6]</a> This he very properly calls a heresy; and
+ indignantly denies that Christ's words, "Thou art Peter,"
+ &amp;c., apply to the Church of Rome alone, affirming that they
+ were spoken of the whole Church. "How," he adds, "can the Roman
+ Church be, as you say it is, the very power of God without spot
+ or blemish, when we know that at least one bishop of Rome
+ (Liberius) has been branded as a heretic by the common voice of
+ Christendom."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_660" id="Footnote_1_660"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_660"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Epilandus,
+ Letter to Migetius. Migne, xcviii. p. 859. See Neander, v. 216
+ ff. n. Enhueber, "Dissert," secs. 29, 33, apud Migne, vol. ci.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_661" id="Footnote_2_661"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_661"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See
+ Adrian's Letter to Egila.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_662" id="Footnote_3_662"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_662"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Acts xv.
+ 19, 29. See, however, Epist. to Timothy, i. 3.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_663" id="Footnote_4_663"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_663"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> St Matt.
+ xv. 11.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_5_664" id="Footnote_5_664"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_5_664"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Titus i.
+ 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_6_665" id="Footnote_6_665"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_6_665"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See also
+ letter to Alcuin, and Felix's answer to Alcuin's first book,
+ where he gives us his idea of a <i>Catholic</i> church founded
+ on our Lord Christ (and not on the pope), ... which Catholic
+ church may even consist of few members. Neander, v. 230.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ Had the Arab domination embraced the whole of Spain, and
+ continued to be established over it, Spain could never have
+ become the priest-ridden country which it now is; but the gradual
+ advance of the Christian arms in the North brought in its train a
+ more and more complete subserviency to the pope.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ As the kings of Castile and Leon gradually won back towns and
+ provinces from the Arabs, some difference was observed to exist
+ between the religious usages of the newly freed Christians and of
+ those who had set them free. This was specially apparent in the
+ old Gothic liturgy, which the Muzarabic Christians had used all
+ along, and were still using, whereas the Christians of Leon and
+ the Asturias had imported a newer recension from Rome.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Rumours of these discrepancies in religious ritual reached Rome,
+ and accordingly a legate,<a name="FNanchor_1_666" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_666" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> named Zanclus, was sent to Spain in 925 from
+ John X. to inquire into matters of religion, and particularly
+ into the ceremony of the mass, the opinion being prevalent at
+ Rome that the mass was incorrectly performed according to the
+ Gothic liturgy, and that false doctrines were taught. However,
+ Zanclus found that the divergence was not sufficiently wide to
+ warrant the suppression of the ancient ritual. It may be that the
+ power of the Roman Church was not established so securely as to
+ admit of an interference so unpalatable to the ancient church.
+ She was content to bide her time; for such a standing witness to
+ the primitive usage<a name="FNanchor_2_667" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_667" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> of the Church against the innovations of the
+ Roman See could not long be allowed to continue. Accordingly, we
+ find that very soon after the fall of Toledo in 1085, the
+ question of the old Gothic liturgy came up for discussion again.
+ The Gothic and the Roman books were subjected, after the absurd
+ fashion of the times, to two ordeals—by water and by fire; but in
+ spite of the fact that the Gothic liturgy, thanks to its greater
+ solidity and stronger binding, resisted both those elements
+ incomparably better than its younger rival, and so, if the ordeal
+ went for anything, should have been hailed victorious, the old
+ native liturgy was partially suppressed at the bidding of the
+ pope, and by the consent of the Spanish king Alfonso VI. of
+ Leon,<a name="FNanchor_3_668" id="FNanchor_3_668"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_668" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and Sancho IV. of
+ Aragon. Yet the Muzarabic Christians were loath to give up their
+ customary liturgy, and it remained in use in several churches of
+ Toledo till late in the fifteenth century.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_666" id="Footnote_1_666"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_666"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mariana,
+ vi. 9. Pseudo-Luit. gives the legate the name of Marinus, and
+ says he was sent in 932 to Basilius, Bishop of Toledo.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_667" id="Footnote_2_667"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_667"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Cp. the
+ monstrous way in which the Portuguese Roman Catholics, under
+ Don Alexis de Menezes, destroyed the sacred books and memorials
+ of the ancient Syrian Church on the Malabar coast in India.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_668" id="Footnote_3_668"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_668"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> And I. of
+ Castile.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ But the interference of the pope was not confined to matters
+ relating to the Spanish Church at large, his heavy hand fell upon
+ the king himself, and at the end of the twelfth century Alfonso
+ IX. and all his kingdom were laid under an interdict by Celestine
+ III. because he had married within forbidden limits, and refused
+ to divorce his wife at the bidding of the pope. He did in the end
+ divorce her, but only to repeat the same offence with a second
+ wife, Berengaria, and incur the same penalty at the hands of
+ Innocent III. Encroachments on the king's power went on apace,
+ and gradually appeals came to be referred to Rome from the king's
+ courts, and the pope took upon himself to appoint to benefices
+ and bishoprics; a usurpation which was countenanced by Alfonso X.
+ (1252-1284).<a name="FNanchor_1_669" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_669" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> But this result was not attained without
+ remonstrances from the Cortes, and finally, under Ferdinand and
+ Isabella, the question came to an open rupture between the
+ Spanish Court and the reigning pope, Sixtus IV. Isabella, though
+ so ready to submit herself in matters of personal religion to the
+ pope and his legates, refused, like her later namesake of
+ England, to bate one jot of her ecclesiastical rights; and the
+ pope had to give way, contenting himself with the barren power of
+ appointing those nominated by the sovereigns of the land. But if
+ the sovereign was jealous of his rights, no less so were the
+ barons of theirs, and when in the war of the barons with Henry
+ IV. (1454-1474), the papal legate threw his influence on to the
+ king's side, and excommunicated the rebellious barons, they
+ firmly answered that "those who had advised the pope that he had
+ a right to interfere in the temporal concerns of Castile had
+ deceived him; and that they, the barons of the kingdom, had a
+ perfect right to depose their sovereign on sufficient grounds,
+ and meant to exercise it."<a name="FNanchor_2_670" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_670" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a>
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ A similarly independent spirit shewed itself in Aragon. In 1213
+ Pedro II. died fighting against the papal persecutor of the
+ Albigensians, and down to the time of Charles V., the princes of
+ Aragon were at open enmity with the Roman See,<a name=
+ "FNanchor_3_671" id="FNanchor_3_671"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_671" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and the Aragonese
+ strenuously resisted the establishment of the
+ Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_4_672" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_672" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a>
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_669" id="Footnote_1_669"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_669"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 15.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_670" id="Footnote_2_670"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_670"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ p. 72. Cp. the charter of Aragon, whereby the king, if he
+ violated the charter of the realm, might be deposed, and any
+ other <i>Pagan</i> or Christian substituted. <i>Ibid</i>, p.
+ 23.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_671" id="Footnote_3_671"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_671"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lockhart,
+ Introduction to Spanish ballads, p. 9. (Chandos Classics.)
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_672" id="Footnote_4_672"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_672"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 26, n.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p>
+ That fatal instrument of religious bigotry, the cause of more
+ unmerited suffering and more unmixed evil than any other devised
+ by man, whereby more innocent people passed through the fire than
+ were perhaps ever sacrificed at the altar of Moloch, was first
+ put into action in September 1480, during the reign of the pious
+ and noble-minded Isabella.<a name="FNanchor_1_673" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_673" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> The festival of Epiphany in the following year
+ was selected as an appropriate date for the manifestation of the
+ first auto da fé, when six Jews were burnt at Seville; for it was
+ against that unfortunate people that this inhuman persecution was
+ devised, or at least first used. That one year witnessed the
+ martyrdom of 2000 persons, and the infliction on 17,000 others of
+ punishments only less than death itself. During the
+ administration of Thomas of Torquemada, which lasted eighteen
+ years, more than 10,000 persons perished at the stake, nearly
+ 100,000 were, as the phrase went, reconciled.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_2_674" id="FNanchor_2_674"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_2_674" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The confiscation of
+ property which accompanied all this burning and imprisoning
+ brought in enormous sums into the coffers of the Inquisitors.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The Jews being burnt, converted, or expelled the country, the
+ Inquisition was turned upon the wretched Moriscoes, as the Moors
+ under Christian government were called, who were oppressed and
+ persecuted in the same way as the Jews, and finally driven from
+ Spain.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ But a more important conquest than these—more important, that is,
+ to the supremacy of the Roman See—was the undoubted conquest
+ achieved by the Inquisition over the reforming doctrines which in
+ the sixteenth century began to find their way into Spain from
+ Germany and England. Finding a congenial soil, the reformation
+ began to spread in Spain with wonderful rapidity. The divines
+ sent by Charles V. into England were themselves converted, and
+ returned full of zeal for the Protestant faith—"Their success,"
+ says Geddes,<a name="FNanchor_3_675" id=
+ "FNanchor_3_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_675" class=
+ "fnanchor">[3]</a> "was such that had not a speedy and full stop
+ been put to their pious labours by the merciless Inquisition, the
+ whole kingdom of Spain had in all likelihood been converted to
+ the Protestant religion, in less time than any other country had
+ ever been before."<a name="FNanchor_4_676" id=
+ "FNanchor_4_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_676" class=
+ "fnanchor">[4]</a> So untrue is it to say that persecution always
+ fails of its object! In Spain it has riveted the fetters, which
+ the weakness and superstition of the earlier kings of Leon and
+ Castile, together with the piety and misdirected enthusiasm of
+ Isabella, placed upon a proud and once peculiarly independent
+ people. Plunged in the depths of ignorance and imbecility,
+ social, religious, and political, Spain affords a melancholy but
+ instructive spectacle to the nations.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_673" id="Footnote_1_673"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_673"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The
+ inquisitional code was drawn up in 1233, and introduced into
+ Spain, 1242. Prescott.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_674" id="Footnote_2_674"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_674"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Prescott,
+ "Ferd. and Isab.," p. 146.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_675" id="Footnote_3_675"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_675"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Miscell.
+ Tracts. Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," pp. 1, ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_4_676" id="Footnote_4_676"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_4_676"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Geddes,
+ Pref. to "Spanish Martyrs," p. 3, 4, quotes a Romanist author,
+ who says: "the number of converts was so great that had the
+ stop which was put to that evil been delayed but two or three
+ months longer, I am persuaded that all Spain had been put into
+ a flame by them."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+ <h2 style="font-weight: normal;">
+ <a name="LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED" id=
+ "LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES_CONSULTED">LIST OF AUTHORITIES
+ CONSULTED.</a>
+ </h2>
+ <p>
+ I. ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 10px;">
+ A. Arab (in translations):
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (1.) <i>Ibn abd el Hakem.</i> "History of the Conquest of Spain."
+ with notes by J.H. Jones, Ph.D., 1858. This work only goes down
+ to 743.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (2.) <i>J.A. Conde.</i> "History of the Domination of the Arabs
+ in Spain," translated from the Spanish by Mrs Foster. 3 vols.
+ Bohn, 1854. The author (Preface, p. 2) says that "he has compiled
+ his work from Arabian memorials and writings in such sort that
+ those documents may be read as they were written;" (p. 18), "The
+ student of history may read this book as written by an Arabic
+ author."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ Older writers used to speak very highly of this work, but their
+ modern successors cannot find a good word for it.<a name=
+ "FNanchor_1_677" id="FNanchor_1_677"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_1_677" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> De Gayangos, the
+ learned translator of the Arabic history of Al Makkari, though
+ not blind to the "unmethodical arrangement of the whole work, the
+ absence of notes and citations of authorities, and the numerous
+ errors and contradictions,"<a name="FNanchor_2_678" id=
+ "FNanchor_2_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_678" class=
+ "fnanchor">[2]</a> yet does not hesitate to call Conde's book the
+ foundation of all our knowledge of the history of Mohammedan
+ Spain. It certainly is astonishing that Conde, who points
+ out<a name="FNanchor_3_679" id="FNanchor_3_679"></a><a href=
+ "#Footnote_3_679" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> the errors of his
+ predecessors, makes precisely the same kind of mistakes himself,
+ not only once, but constantly. Claiming to be above all things
+ faithful to his authorities, he is found, where those authorities
+ can be identified, not to be faithful.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_677" id="Footnote_1_677"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_677"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Stanley
+ Lane-Poole, Preface to "Moors in Spain" (1887). Dozy, Preface
+ to "Mussulmans in Spain," p. 6: "Conde ... qui manquait
+ absolumment de sens historique."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_2_678" id="Footnote_2_678"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_2_678"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> As to
+ these he might plead Al Makkari's excuse, that in transcribing
+ or extracting the accounts of different historians some facts
+ are sure to be repeated, and others entirely contradicted. See
+ Al Makk., i. p. 29.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_3_679" id="Footnote_3_679"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_3_679"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pref., p.
+ 13 ff.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (3.) <i>J.C. Murphy.</i> "History of the Mahometan Empire in
+ Spain," with additions by Professor Shakespear, 1816. This work
+ is based on Mohammedan sources, those, namely, which are mostly
+ to be found in Al Makkari's compilation. The concluding chapters
+ on the influence, scientific and literary, exercised by the Arabs
+ in Europe, are exhaustive and interesting.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (4.) <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed Al Makkari</i>. "History of the
+ Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain," being an extract from a larger
+ work by that author, translated by Pascual de Gayangos. 2 vols.
+ London, 1840. This work, which Dozy finds fault with for certain
+ inaccuracies, is on the whole very trustworthy, and its notes
+ form a perfect mine of information for the student wandering
+ helplessly among the mazes of Arab history. Al Makkari, a native
+ of Africa, flourished at the beginning of the seventeenth
+ century; but he quotes from many old Arabic writers, whose
+ evidence is most valuable. Among these are—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ α. <i>Abu Bekr Mohammed ibn Omar, Ibn al Kuttiyah</i>, descended
+ from the grand-daughter of Witiza; died, 877.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ β. <i>Ahmed ibn Mohammed ibn Musa Arrazi</i>, flourished in the
+ reign of Abdurrahman III.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ γ. <i>Ibn Ghalib Temam ibn Ghalib</i>, of Cordova; died, 1044.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ δ. <i>Abu Mohammed Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Said ibn Hazm</i>, born at
+ Cordova, 994; died, 1064.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ ε. <i>Abu Merwan Hayyan ibn Khalf ibn Huseyn ibn Hayyan,</i> born
+ at Cordova, 1006.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ ζ. <i>Abul Kasim Khalf ibn Abdilmalik ibn Mesud ibn Musa Al
+ Anssari</i>, Cordova, 1101-1183.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ η. <i>Abul hasan Ali ibn Musa ibn Mohammed ibn Abdalmalik ibn
+ Said</i> of Granada, 1214-1286.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 25px;">
+ θ. <i>Abu Zeyd Abdurrahman ibn Mohammed ibn Khaldun. Ishbili,</i>
+ born at Tunis, 1332; died, 1406.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 10px;">
+ B. Christian (in Latin). These are to be found in—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (1.) <i>Schott's</i> "Hispania Illustrata," 3 vols. Frankfort,
+ 1603.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (2.) <i>Florez,</i> "España Sagrada," 26 vols., containing a most
+ useful collection of Spanish writers, together with much
+ information about them, written in Spanish.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (3.) <i>Migne's</i> "Patrologia," Latin and Greek, a most
+ invaluable collection in several score volumes. The following is
+ a list of those consulted:—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi pp.1246-1280.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (α.) <i>Isidore of Beja</i>, "Epitome Imperatorum vel Arabum
+ Ephemerides atque Hispaniae Chronographia," being a continuation
+ of the Chronicle of Isidore of Seville.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxix. pp. 1111-1124.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (β.) Chronicon <i>Sebastiani</i>, "Salmanticensis Episcopi," 866.
+ (Conde, Pref., p. 7, says 672-886.)
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i> 1146.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (γ.) Chronicon <i>Albeldense</i>, 866-976. (Conde, <i>ibid.</i>,
+ says to 973.) This is also called Chronicon Emilianense. It was
+ perhaps begun by Dulcidius, Bishop of Salamanca, and carried on
+ by the monk Vigila.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xiv. 438-457.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (δ.) Chronicon <i>Sampiri</i> "Asturicensis Episcopi" (written
+ about 1000), 869-9S2.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 466-475.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (ε.) <i>Chronicon regum Legionensium</i>, 982-1109, by Pelagius,
+ Bishop of Oviedo—a very doubtful authority, and branded with the
+ epithet "fabulosus."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 270-330.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (ζ.) Chronicon <i>Silensis</i> Monachi, written <i>circa</i>
+ 1100.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott, iv. 1-116.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (η.) <i>Lucas of Tuy</i>, "Chronicon Mundi," written <i>circa</i>
+ 1236.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, i. 246-291.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (θ.) <i>Alfonso</i>, Bishop of Burgos, "Anacephalaiosis rerum
+ Hispanarum," etc.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxxxvi. pp. 770-1179
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (ι.) <i>Luitprand</i>, died 972. The Chronicon and Adversaria
+ attributed to him are by a later hand, and extend over the years
+ 606-960. The author of these is generally called the
+ Pseudo-Luitprand, and very little credit can be placed in his
+ statements.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott, "Hisp. Illustr.," i. pp. 121-246
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (κ.) <i>Rodrigo</i>, Archbishop of Toledo, "History of the Arabs
+ from Christian and Arabic Sources, carried down to 1140." He died
+ in 1245. The work is full of irrelevant references to Scripture
+ and to profane history. He does not even mention the Christian
+ martyrdoms in the ninth century.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, x. 570-579.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (λ.) <i>Annales Bertiniani</i>, from the French point of view.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott, i. 700 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 24px;">
+ (μ.) <i>Johannes Vasaeus</i>, "Hispaniae Chronicon."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ The above writers must not be regarded as of equal value. Some
+ are valuable, but all are meagre to the last degree; others are
+ nearly worthless.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ Other authorities there are of a different kind—not historians,
+ but writers on incidental subjects, whose works throw great light
+ on the history of the time. Among these are—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>a.</i>) <i>Elipandus</i>, Bishop of Toledo; died 810.
+ Letters—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 859-867.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Migetius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 867-869
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Charles the Great.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 870-882.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Albinus (Alcuin).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 918,919
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ to Fidelis, an abbot (783).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi. pp. 882-888.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>b</i>.) <i>Felix</i>, Bishop of Urgel; died 816. Confessio
+ fidei (799).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 894-1030.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>c</i>.) <i>Beatus</i>, Priest of Libana (or Astorga). Letter
+ to Elipandus.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, ci. 1321-1331.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>d</i>.) <i>Letters of Spanish Bishops</i> to Bishops of Gaul.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, c. and ci.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>e</i>.) <i>Alcuin</i>. Letters—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Felicem haereticum (793).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Elipandum.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Carolum Magnum (800), sending his work against Felix.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistle XC. (800),
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistle CXIII. (800).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Aquilam Pontificem (800).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ Books—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Adversus Felicis haeresin ad abbates et monachos.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Gothiae missus (libellus), vii. books.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Adversus Elipandum, iv. books.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistola ad Leidradum et Nefridium Episcopum.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Altera ad eosdem.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xcviii. p. 373.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>f.</i>) <i>Adrian</i>, Pope.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Epistola Episcopis per universam Spaniam commorantibus directa,
+ maxime tamen Elipando, vel Ascarico (785).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 336.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Egilam Episcopum (in Spania) seu Johannem presbyterum (782).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Ad Carolum Magnum. Epistle lxiv.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xiii. 416.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>g</i>.) Letter from <i>Louis the Débonnaire</i> to the
+ Christians of Merida (826).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxv. 703-966.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>h</i>.) <i>Eulogius</i>, priest of Cordova, and
+ bishop-designate of Toledo. Died 859.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar, sending his book.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ "Documentum Martyrii," dedicated to Flora and Maria, Virgins and
+ Martyrs, Oct. 851.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar: another letter to the same, sending "Memorialis
+ Sanctorum Liber," 3 books.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ "Liber Apologeticus Martyrum" (857).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ "De Vita et Passione SS. Virginum Florae et Mariae."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, "Esp. Saagr.", xi.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>i</i>.) <i>Alvar</i>, Paulus,<a name="FNanchor_1_680" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_680" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> of Cordova, and, according to his letters,
+ both of Jewish birth and Gothic lineage. Died, 869, according to
+ the Pseudo-Luitprand.
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ <a name="Footnote_1_680" id="Footnote_1_680"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_680"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Robertson
+ says Peter.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ pp. 62-81.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Confessio.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 81-88.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to John of Seville,
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 88-91.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 101-129.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To John of Seville.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 129-141.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, "Esp. Sagr.," xi. pp. 147,148.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Speraindeo.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 151-156.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Romanus, a doctor (860).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 164-165.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Saul of Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 167-171.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 171-177.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Eleazar, a transgressor.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 178-189.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 189-217.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 218-219.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 291-292.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Eulogius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 296-299.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To Eulogius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, x. 593 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Life of Eulogius.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. 219-275.<a name="FNanchor_1_681" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_681" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Indiculus Luminosus, so called because "Luminasse quae sequenda
+ sunt docet, et apertis indiciis hostem ecclesiae, quem omnis
+ vitare Christianitas debet, ostendit."
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_681" id="Footnote_1_681"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_681"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ascribed
+ by Luitprand, sec. 309, to Bonitus, Bishop of Toledo. Morales
+ doubts Alvar's authorship, from there being no mention of
+ Eulogius; but see sec. 19, where <i>praesul</i> is spoken of.
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>k</i>.) <i>John of Seville</i>.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xi. pp. 91-101.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 142-147.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>l</i>.) <i>Speraindeo</i>, Abbot, flourished 820.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 148-151.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar (853).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>m</i>.) <i>Saul</i> of Cordova.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xi. pp. 156-164.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to other Bishops.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 165-167.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>n</i>.) <i>Eleazar</i>, an apostate to Judaism.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 177-178.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Letter to Alvar.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 189, 190.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ " 217, 218.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ To the Same.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxxi. p. 565.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>o</i>.) <i>Leovigildus</i>, priest of Cordova, flourished
+ 860. "De habitu Clericorum."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 567.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>p</i>.) <i>Cyprianus</i>, arch-priest of Cordova.
+ "Epigrammata."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>q</i>.) <i>Samson</i>, priest of St Zoilus at Cordova, Abbot
+ of the Monastery of Pegnamellar, died 890. (See Epigram or
+ Epitaph of Cyprianus.) "Apologeticus Liber contra perfidos" (Jan.
+ 1, 863).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xi. 300-516.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>r</i>.) <i>Jonas Aurelianensis</i>. "De cultu imaginum." An
+ Answer to Claudius, Bishop of Turin (842).
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxv. pp. 939 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>s</i>.) <i>De Translatione SS. Martyrum Georgii</i> Monachi,
+ Aurelii et Nathaliae ex urbe Cordubae Parisios auctore
+ <i>Aimoino</i> monacho: from Usuard and Odilard, monks.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, cxxxvii. pp. 239-310.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>t</i>.) <i>Vita Johannis Abbatis Gorziensis</i> (died 973),
+ by John, Abbot of St Arnulph.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, clxxxviii. pp. 1661-1671.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>u</i>.) <i>John of Cirita</i>, Abbot of Tharauca, in Spain.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xviii. 379 ff.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>v</i>.) <i>Life of St Rudesindus.</i>
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xiv., 392.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>w.</i>) <i>Passio St Nicholai Alsamae</i> regis filii et
+ sociorum martyrum qui passi sunt apud Ledesmam. A purely fabulous
+ account.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>x.</i>) <i>Vita et passio B. Virginis Argenteae</i> et
+ comitum eius qui passi sunt Cordobae, Id. Maii.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, xcvi. 890-894
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>y.</i>) <i>Life of Beatus</i>, by an anonymous author. Not
+ very trustworthy, —<i>e.g.</i>, death of Elipandus placed in 798
+ (sec. 8): mythical council mentioned (sec. 7).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ And the following <i>Charters</i>, etc.:—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Florez, xvii. 244.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Of Alfonso III. to the Church of Auria, 826.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xviii. 312.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Of the same to the Church of Mindumnetum, 867.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 397.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Of Bermudo II. (982-999) to the Church of Compostella.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, xvii. 326
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 40px;">
+ Assembly of Bishops pro restauratione monasterii St Mariae de
+ Logio a parentibus Rudesindi instaurati, 927.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ II. SECONDARY AUTHORITIES:—
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Schott.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (1.) "Histoire generale d'Espagne" par <i>Loys de Mayerne
+ Turguet</i>. Book xvi. (1608.)
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (2.) <i>John de Mariana</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1_682" id=
+ "FNanchor_1_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_682" class=
+ "fnanchor">[1]</a> "History of Spain." Books vi.-xi., translated
+ from the Spanish by John Stevens. (1699.)
+ </p>
+ <div class="footnote">
+ <p>
+ <a name="Footnote_1_682" id="Footnote_1_682"></a><a href=
+ "#FNanchor_1_682"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Dr Dunham
+ says of his work: "It is well that it is sunk in oblivion. No
+ one reads it in Spain."
+ </p>
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (3.) <i>Fleury</i>, "History of the Church," translated from the
+ French. (1727.) Vol. v. Books xli. ff.
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ Migne, cxv. p. 917.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (4.) <i>Morales</i>. "Remarks on the State of the Christian
+ Religion under the Arabs at Cordova."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 305-336.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (5.) <i>Froben</i>. "Dissertatio Historica de haeresi Elipandi et
+ Felicis."
+ </p>
+ <div class="sidenote">
+ <i>Ibid.</i>, 338-438.
+ </div>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (6.) <i>Enhueber's</i> "Dissertation against Walchius' view of
+ Adoptionism."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (7.) <i>Dunham</i>. "History of Spain and Portugal" (Lardner),
+ 1832. Buckle, "Civilization in England," p. 430, says of this
+ history, very extravagantly, that it is "perhaps the best history
+ in the English language of a foreign modern country." It
+ certainly has the merit—no small one in so confused a period—of
+ being clear and succinct; but he has a bias against the Moors.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (8.) <i>W.H. Prescott</i>. "Ferdinand and Isabella." An excellent
+ work. The parts chiefly bearing on the present subject are the
+ Introduction and chapter viii. The great drawback to the work is
+ the want of direct citations of authorities used.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (9.) <i>Hardwicke's</i> "History of the Christian Church in the
+ Middle Ages," 1853.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (10.) The Abbé <i>Rohrbacher</i>. "Histoire Universelle de
+ l'Eglise Catholique." Paris, 1844. Vols. xi., xii., xiii.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (11.) <i>Neander</i>. "General History of the Christian Religion
+ and Church" (Bohn's Translation). Vol. v. pp. 218-233, 461-475;
+ vol. vi. 119-132.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (12.) "Histoire d'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des
+ Arabes," par <i>M. Cardonne</i>. 3 vols., 1765. A history based
+ chiefly on Arab writers, but not very trustworthy, as Conde
+ (Pref., p. 14) and Murphy (notes, passim) have shown.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (13.) <i>Dozy</i>. "Histoire des Mussulmans d'Espagne jusqu' à la
+ conquête de l'Andalousie par les Almoravides, 711-1110." 4 vols.,
+ Leyden, 1861. An invaluable history of the time, being both lucid
+ and thorough.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (14.) <i>E.A. Freeman</i>. "History and Conquests of the
+ Saracens." Six lectures (ed. 1870). Spanish affairs are treated
+ rather as a πάÏεÏγον in Lecture v. An unprejudiced and accurate
+ writer, with a strong bias, however, against chivalry (see
+ Lecture v., p. 182).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (15.) <i>Ockley</i>. "History of the Saracen Empire" (Reprint in
+ the Chandos Classics).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (16.) <i>Gibbon</i>. The parts relating to the Saracens are
+ conveniently reprinted in the "Chandos Classics."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (17.) <i>Robertson's</i> "History of the Christian Church." Vol.
+ iii.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (18.) <i>Milman's</i> "Latin Christianity." Bk. ix.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (19.) <i>Stanley</i>. "Lectures on the Eastern Church." Lect.
+ viii.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (20.) <i>Hallam's</i> "Middle Ages." Vol. iii. (Chivalry).
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (21.) <i>Geddes</i>. Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in his
+ Miscellaneous Tracts. 1730. Also Account of MSS. and Relics found
+ at Granada in 1588; and View of Court of Inquisition in Portugal.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (22.) <i>Lecky's</i> "Rise and Influence of Rationalism in
+ Europe." 2 vols.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (23.) <i>Buckle</i>. "History of Civilisation in England," chap.
+ viii. "Spanish Intellect from Fifth to Nineteenth Centuries."
+ Vol. ii. pp. 425-597.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (24.) <i>Carlyle</i>. "Hero Worship. The Hero as Prophet."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (25.) <i>C.M. Yonge</i>. "Christians and Moors in Spain." "Golden
+ Treasury" Series. 1878. Obscure in method, and often inaccurate
+ in facts. To give one instance only out of many—The authoress
+ says (p. 29), that Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet rebelled
+ and died in battle. It is well known (Gibbon, vi. 274, 276) that
+ he did neither.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (26.) <i>R. Bosworth Smith.</i> "Mohammed and Mohammedanism."
+ 1874. A brilliant, but essentially unfair book, Christianity
+ being extolled in theory, but sneered at in practice. We are too
+ forcibly reminded of "Brutus is an honourable man." His own
+ accusation of others falls upon himself. P. 61, he says—"Most
+ other writers have approached the subject only to prove a thesis.
+ Mohammed was to be either a hero or an impostor: they have held a
+ brief for the prosecution or the defence."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (27.) <i>S. Lane-Poole.</i> "The Moors in Spain." "Story of the
+ Nations" Series. 1887. A clever and popular compilation from De
+ Gayangos' translation of Al Makkari, Dozy, Southey's "Chronicle
+ of the Cid," and Washington Irving's "Granada."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (28.) <i>Blunt.</i> "Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools
+ of Thought." 1874. The articles on Mohammedanism, the
+ Adoptionists, and others I have found very useful. There is,
+ however, nothing said of the Priscillianists (of Spain), or the
+ Druses.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (29.) <i>Hughes.</i> "Dictionary of Islam."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (30.) <i>The Koran.</i> Sale's edition.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (31.) <i>Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.</i> Vol. xi.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (32.) <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica.</i> Article on Averroes.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ III. POETRY:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>a.</i>) <i>Lockhart's</i> "Spanish Ballads." 1823. Reprint,
+ with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics."
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>b.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Chronicle of the Cid." Reprinted,
+ with Introduction, in the "Chandos Classics." A truly admirable
+ translation.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>c.</i>) <i>Southey's</i> "Roderic," with many interesting
+ notes.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>d.</i>) <i>Scott's</i> "Don Roderic."
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ IV. REFERRED TO:—
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>a.</i>) <i>Romey.</i> "Histoire D'Espagne." 1839. 4 vols.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>b.</i>) <i>Reinaud.</i> "Invasion des Sarrasins." 1836.
+ </p>
+ <p style="margin-left: 20px;">
+ (<i>c.</i>) <i>Moshieim.</i> "Institutes of Ecclesiastical
+ History." Translated by Murdoch. 1845.
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ PRINTED BY
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ TURNBULL AND SPEARS,
+ </p>
+ <p>
+ EDINBURGH.
+ </p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Christianity and Islam in Spain
+(756-1031), by Charles Reginald Haines
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