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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of "Imperialism" and "The Tracks of Our
+Forefathers", by Charles Francis Adams
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: "Imperialism" and "The Tracks of Our Forefathers"
+
+Author: Charles Francis Adams
+
+Release Date: August 17, 2005 [EBook #16542]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK "IMPERIALISM" AND "THE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Marilynda Fraser-Cunliffe, Sigal Alon and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net.
+Produced from page images provided by the Digital and
+Multimedia Center, Michigan State University Libraries
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+"Imperialism"
+
+AND
+
+"The Tracks of Our Forefathers"
+
+
+
+A PAPER READ BY
+
+CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS
+
+_Before the Lexington, Massachusetts, Historical Society_
+
+TUESDAY, DECEMBER 20, 1898
+
+
+
+"In a word, many wise men thought it a time wherein those two miserable
+adjuncts, which Nerva was deified for uniting, _imperium et libertas_, were
+as well reconciled as is possible."--_Clarendon's History of the Rebellion,
+B. 1. Sec. 163._
+
+"I put my foot in the tracks of our forefathers, where I can neither wander
+nor stumble."--_Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America._
+
+
+
+BOSTON
+DANA ESTES & COMPANY
+210 SUMMER STREET
+1899
+
+
+
+
+"IMPERIALISM"
+
+AND
+
+"THE TRACKS OF OUR FOREFATHERS."
+
+
+What the feast of the Passover was to the children of Israel, that the
+days between the nineteenth of December and the fourth of January--the
+Yuletide--are and will remain to the people of New England. The Passover
+began "in the first month on the fourteenth day of the month at even,"
+and it lasted one week, "until the one and twentieth day of the month at
+even." It was the period of the sacrifice of the Paschal lamb, and the
+feast of unleavened bread; and of it as a commemoration it is written,
+"When your children shall say unto you, What mean ye by this service?
+that ye shall say, It is the sacrifice of the Lord's passover, who
+passed over the houses of the children of Israel in Egypt, when he smote
+the Egyptians. Now the sojourning of the children of Israel, who dwelt
+in Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years." And thus, by their yearly
+Passover, were the Jewish congregations of old put in mind what farewell
+they took of the land of Egypt.
+
+So our own earliest records tell us that it was on the morning of
+Saturday, of what is now the nineteenth of December, that the little
+exploring party from the _Mayflower_, then lying at her anchor in
+Provincetown Harbor, after a day and night of much trouble and danger,
+sorely buffeted by wind and wave in rough New England's December seas,
+found themselves on an island in Plymouth Bay. It was a mild, "faire
+sunshining day. And this being the last day of the weeke, they prepared
+ther to keepe the Sabath. On Munday they sounded the harbor, and marched
+into the land, and found a place fitt for situation. So they returned to
+their shipp againe [at Provincetown] with this news. On the twenty-fifth
+of December they weyed anchor to goe to the place they had discovered,
+and came within two leagues of it, but were faine to bear up againe; but
+the twenty-sixth day, the winde came faire, and they arrived safe in
+this harbor. And after wards tooke better view of the place, and
+resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and the fourth day [of January]
+begane to erecte the first house for commone use to receive them and
+their goods." Such, in the quaint language of Bradford, is the calendar
+of New England's Passover; and, beginning on the nineteenth of December,
+it ends on the fourth of January, covering as nearly as may be the
+Christmas holyday period.
+
+Is there any better use to which the Passover anniversary can be put
+than to retrospection? "And when your children shall say unto you, What
+mean you by this service? ye shall say, It is the sacrifice of the
+Lord's passover, when he smote the Egyptians, and delivered our houses."
+So the old story is told again, being thus kept ever green in memory;
+and, in telling it, the experiences of the past are brought insensibly
+to bear on the conditions of the present. Thus, once a year, like the
+Israelites of old, we, as a people, may take our bearings and verify our
+course, as we plunge on out of the infinite past into the unknowable
+future. It is a useful practice; and we are here this first evening of
+our Passover period to observe it.
+
+This, too, is an Historical Society,--that of Lexington, "a name," as,
+when arraigned before the tribunal of the French Terror, Danton said of
+his own, "tolerably known in the Revolution;" and I am invited to
+address you because I am President of the Massachusetts Historical
+Society, the most venerable organization of the sort in America, perhaps
+in the world. Thus, to-night, though we shall necessarily have to touch
+on topics of the day, and topics exciting the liveliest interest and
+most active discussion, we will in so doing look at them,--not as
+politicians or as partisans, nor from the commercial or religious side,
+but solely from the historical point of view. We shall judge of the
+present in its relations to the past. And, unquestionably, there is
+great satisfaction to be derived from so doing; the mere effort seems at
+once to take us into another atmosphere,--an atmosphere as foreign to
+unctuous cant as it is to what is vulgarly known as "electioneering
+taffy." This evening we pass away from the noisy and heated turmoil of
+partisan politics, with its appeals to prejudice, passion, and material
+interest, into the cool of a quiet academic discussion. It is like going
+out of some turbulent caucus, or exciting ward-room debate, and finding
+oneself suddenly confronted by the cold, clear light of the December
+moon, shining amid the silence of innumerable stars.
+
+Addressing ourselves, therefore, to the subject in hand, the question at
+once suggests itself,--What year in recent times has been in a large way
+more noteworthy and impressive, when looked at from the purely
+historical point of view, than this year of which we are now observing
+the close? The first Passover of the Israelites ended a drama of more
+than four centuries' duration, for "the sojourning of the children of
+Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years; and at
+the end of the four hundred and thirty years all the hosts of the Lord
+went out from the land of Egypt." So the Passover we now celebrate
+commemorates the closing of another world drama of almost precisely the
+same length, and one of deepest significance, as well as unsurpassed
+historic interest. These world dramas are lengthy affairs; for, while we
+men are always in a hurry, the Almighty never is: on the contrary, as
+the Psalmist observed, so now, "a thousand years in his sight are but as
+yesterday when it is past, and as a watch in the night." The drama I
+have referred to as this week brought to its close, is that known in
+history as Spanish Domination in America. It began, as we all know, on
+the twenty-first of October, 1492; it has been continuous through six
+years over four centuries. It now passes into history; the verdict may
+be made up.
+
+So far as I personally am concerned,--a matter needless to say of very
+trifling consequence,--this verdict was rendered a year ago. It was
+somewhat Rhadamanthine; but a twelve-month of further reflection has
+shown no cause in any respect to revise it. In referring to what was
+then plainly impending, in December, 1897, before the blowing up of the
+battleship _Maine_, before a conflict had become inevitable, I used this
+language in a paper read to the Massachusetts Historical Society: "When
+looking at the vicissitudes of human development, we are apt to assume a
+certain air of optimism, and take advancement as the law of being, as a
+thing of course, indisputable. We are charitable, too; and to deny to
+any given race or people some degree of use in the economy of Nature, or
+the plan of Creation, is usually regarded as indicative of narrowness of
+view. The fatal, final word "pessimist" is apt to be whispered in
+connection with the name of one who ventures to suggest a doubt of this
+phase of the doctrine known as Universalism. And yet, at this time when,
+before our eyes, it is breathing its last, I want some one to point out
+a single good thing in law, or science, or art, or literature,--material,
+moral or intellectual,--which has resulted to the race of man upon earth
+from Spanish domination in America. I have tried to think of one in
+vain. It certainly has not yielded an immortality, an idea, or a
+discovery; it has, in fact, been one long record of reaction and
+retrogression, than which few pages in the record of mankind have been
+more discouraging or less fruitful of good. What is now taking place in
+Cuba is historical. It is the dying out of a dominion, the influence of
+which will be seen and felt for centuries in the life of two continents;
+just as what is taking place in Turkey is the last fierce flickering up
+of Asiatic rule in Europe, on the very spot where twenty-four centuries
+ago Asiatic rule in Europe was thought to have been averted forever. The
+two, Ottoman rule in Europe, and Spanish rule in America, now stand at
+the bar of history; and, scanning the long four-century record of each,
+I have been unable to see what either has contributed to the accumulated
+possessions of the human race, or why both should not be classed among
+the many instances of the arrested civilization of a race, developing by
+degrees an irresistible tendency to retrogression."
+
+This, one year ago; and while the embers of the last Greco-Turkish
+struggle, still white, were scarcely cold on the plain of Marathon. The
+time since passed has yielded fresh proof in support of this harsh
+judgment; for, if there is one historical law better and more
+irreversibly established than another, it is that, in the case of
+nations even more than in the case of individuals, their sins will find
+them out,--the day of reckoning may not be escaped. Noticeably, has
+this proved so in the case of Spain. The year 1500 may be said to have
+found that country at the apex of her greatness. America had then been
+newly discovered; the Moor was just subdued. Nearly half a century
+before (1453) the Roman Empire had fallen, and, with the storming of
+Constantinople by the Saracens, disappeared from the earth. That event,
+it may be mentioned in passing, closed another world drama continuous
+through twenty-two centuries,--upon the whole the most wonderful of the
+series. And so, when Roman empire vanished, that of Spain began. It was
+ushered in by the landfall of Columbus; and when, just three hundred
+years later, in 1792, the subject was discussed in connection with its
+third centennial, the general verdict of European thinkers was that the
+discovery of America had, upon the whole, been to mankind the reverse of
+beneficent. This conclusion has since been commented upon with derision;
+yet, when made, it was right. The United States had in 1792 just
+struggled into existence, and its influence on the course of human
+events had not begun to make itself felt. Those who considered the
+subject had before them, therefore, only Spanish domination in America,
+and upon that their verdict cannot be gainsaid; for, from the year 1492
+down, the history of Spain and Spanish domination has undeniably been
+one long series of crimes and violations of natural law, the penalty for
+which has not apparently even yet been exacted in full.
+
+Of those national crimes four stand out in special prominence,
+constituting counts in a national indictment than which history shows
+few more formidable. These four were: (1) The expulsion, first, of the
+Jews, and then of the Moors, or Moriscoes, from Spain, late in the
+fifteenth and early in the sixteenth centuries; (2) the annals of "the
+Council of Blood" in the Netherlands, and the eighty years of
+internecine warfare through which Holland fought its way out from under
+Spanish rule; (3) the Inquisition, the most ingenious human machinery
+ever invented to root out and destroy whatever a people had that was
+intellectually most alert, inquisitive, and progressive; and, finally
+(4), the policy of extermination, and, where not of extermination, of
+cruel oppression, systematically pursued towards the aborigines of
+America. Into the grounds on which the different counts of this
+indictment rest it would be impossible now to enter. Were it desirable
+so to do, time would not permit. Suffice it to say, the penalty had to
+be paid to the uttermost farthing; and one large instalment fell due,
+and was mercilessly exacted, during the year now drawing to its close.
+Spanish domination in America ceased,--the drama ended as it was
+entering on its fifth century,--and it can best be dismissed with the
+solemn words of Abraham Lincoln, uttered more than thirty years ago,
+when contemplating a similar expiation we were ourselves paying in blood
+and grief for a not dissimilar violation of an everlasting law,--"Yet,
+if God wills that this mighty scourge continue until all the wealth
+piled by the bondsmen's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil
+shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be
+paid by another drawn by the sword, as was said three thousand years
+ago, so still it must be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and
+righteous altogether!'"
+
+But not only is this year memorable as witnessing the downfall and
+complete extirpation of that Spanish rule in America which began with
+Columbus, but the result, when it at last came about, was marked by
+incidents more curiously fitting and dramatic than it would have been
+possible for a Shakspeare to have conceived. Columbus, as we all know,
+stumbled, as it were, on America as he sailed west in search of
+Asia,--Cipango he was looking for, and he found Cuba. It is equally well
+known that he never discovered his mistake. When fourteen years later he
+died, it was in the faith that, through him, Europe had by a westward
+movement established itself in the archipelagoes of Asia. And now, at
+last, four centuries afterward, the blow which did most to end the
+American domination he established was struck in Asiatic waters; and,
+through it and the descendants of another race, America seems on the
+threshold of realizing the mistaken belief of Columbus, and by a
+westward movement establishing the European in that very archipelago
+Columbus failed to reach. The ways of Providence are certainly not less
+singular than slow in movement.
+
+But the year just ending was veritably one of surprises,--for the
+historical student it would, indeed, seem as if 1898 was destined to
+pass into the long record as almost the Year of Surprises. We now come
+to the consideration of some of these wholly unanticipated results from
+the American point of view. And in entering on this aspect of the
+question, it is necessary once more to remind you that we are doing it
+in the historical spirit, and from the historical point of view. We are
+stating facts not supposed to admit of denial. The argument and
+inferences to be drawn from those facts do not belong to this occasion.
+Some will reach one conclusion as to the future, and the bearing those
+facts have upon its probable development, and some will reach another
+conclusion; with these conclusions we have nothing to do. Our business
+is exclusively with the facts.
+
+Speaking largely, but still with all necessary historical accuracy,
+America has been peopled, and its development, up to the present time,
+worked out through two great stocks of the European family,--the
+Spanish-speaking stock, and the English-speaking stock. In their
+development these two have pursued lines, clearly marked, but curiously
+divergent. Leaving the Spanish-speaking branch out of the discussion, as
+unnecessary to it, it may without exaggeration be said of the
+English-speaking branch that, from the beginning down to this year now
+ending, its development has been one long protest against, and
+divergence from, Old World methods and ideals. In the case of those
+descended from the Forefathers,--as we always designate the Plymouth
+colony,--this has been most distinctly marked, ethnically, politically,
+industrially.
+
+America was the sphere where the European, as a colonist, a settler,
+first came on a large scale in contact with another race. Heretofore, in
+the Old World, when one stock had overrun another,--and history
+presented many examples of it,--the invading stock, after subduing, and
+to a great extent driving out, the stock which had preceded in the
+occupancy of a region, settled gradually down into a common possession,
+and, in the slow process of years, an amalgamation of stocks, more or
+less complete, took place. In America, with the Anglo-Saxon, and
+especially those of the New England type, this was not the case. Unlike
+the Frenchman at the north, or the Spaniard at the south, the
+Anglo-Saxon showed no disposition to ally himself with the
+aborigines,--he evinced no faculty of dealing with inferior races, as
+they are called, except through a process of extermination. Here in
+Massachusetts this was so from the outset. Nearly every one here has
+read Longfellow's poem, "The Courtship of Miles Standish," and calls to
+mind the short, sharp conflict between the Plymouth captain and the
+Indian chief, Pecksuot, and how those God-fearing Pilgrims ruthlessly
+put to death by stabbing and hanging a sufficient number of the already
+plague-stricken and dying aborigines. That episode occurred in April,
+1623, only a little more than two years after the landing we to-night
+celebrate, and was, so far as New England is concerned, the beginning of
+a series of wars which did not end until the Indian ceased to be an
+element in our civilization. When John Robinson, the revered pastor of
+the Plymouth church, received tidings at Leyden of that killing near
+Plymouth,--for Robinson never got across the Atlantic,--he wrote: "Oh,
+how happy a thing had it been, if you had converted some before you had
+killed any! There is cause to fear that, by occasion, especially of
+provocation, there may be wanting that tenderness of the life of man
+(made after God's image) which is meet. It is also a thing more glorious
+in men's eyes, than pleasing in God's or convenient for Christians, to
+be a terror to poor, barbarous people." This all has a very familiar
+sound. It is the refrain of nearly three centuries; but, as an
+historical fact, it is undeniable that, from 1623 down to the year now
+ending, the American Anglo-Saxon has in his dealings with what are known
+as the "inferior races" lacked "that tenderness of the life of man which
+is meet," and he has made himself "a terror to poor, barbarous people."
+How we of Massachusetts carried ourselves towards the aborigines here,
+the fearful record of the Pequot war remains everlastingly to tell. How
+the country at large has carried itself in turn towards Indian, African,
+and Asiatic is matter of history. And yet it is equally matter of
+history that this carriage, term it what you will,--unchristian, brutal,
+exterminating,--has been the salvation of the race. It has saved the
+Anglo-Saxon stock from being a nation of half-breeds,--miscegenates, to
+coin a word expressive of an idea. The Canadian half-breed, the
+Mexican, the mulatto, say what men may, are not virile or enduring
+races; and that the Anglo-Saxon is none of these, and is essentially
+virile and enduring, is due to the fact that the less developed races
+perished before him. Nature is undeniably often brutal in its methods.
+
+Again, and on the other hand, the Anglo-Saxon when he came to America
+left behind him, so far as he himself was concerned, feudalism and all
+things pertaining to caste, including what was then known in England,
+and is still known in Germany, as Divine Right. When he at last
+enunciated his political faith he put in the forefront of his
+declaration as "self-evident truths," the principles "that all men are
+created equal;" that they are endowed with "certain inalienable rights,"
+among them "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" and that
+governments derived "their just powers from the consent of the
+governed." Now what was meant here by the phrase "all men are created
+equal?" We know they are not. They are not created equal in physical or
+mental endowment; nor are they created with equal opportunity. The world
+bristles with inequalities, natural and artificial. This is so; and yet
+the declaration is none the less true;--true when made; true now; true
+for all future time. The reference was to the inequalities which always
+had marked, then did, and still do, mark, the political life of the Old
+World,--to Caste, Divine Right, Privilege. It declared that all men were
+created equal before the law, as before the Lord;[1] and that, whether
+European, American, Asiatic, or African, they were endowed with an
+inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And to
+this truth, as he saw it, Lincoln referred in those memorable words I
+have already cited bearing on our national crime in long forgetfulness
+of our own immutable principles. The fundamental, primal principle was
+indeed more clearly voiced by Lincoln than it has been voiced before, or
+since, in declaring again, and elsewhere that to our nation, dedicated
+"to the proposition that all men are created equal," has by Providence
+been assigned the momentous task of "testing whether any nation so
+conceived and so dedicated can long endure," and "that government of the
+people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth."
+
+The next cardinal principle in our policy as a race--that instinctive
+policy I have already referred to as divergent from Old World methods
+and ideals--was most dearly enunciated by Washington in his Farewell
+Address, that "the great rule for us in regard to foreign nations is, in
+extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little
+political connection as possible;" that it was "unwise in us to
+implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of
+[Old World] policies, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her
+friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and
+enables us to pursue a different course.... Taking care always to keep
+ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture,
+we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary
+emergencies."
+
+Accepting this as firm ground from which to act, we afterwards put forth
+what is known as the Monroe Doctrine. Having announced that our purpose
+was, in homely language, to mind our own business, we warned the outer
+world that we did not propose to permit by that outer world any
+interference in what did not concern it. America was our field,--a field
+amply large for our development. It was therefore declared that, while
+we had never taken any part, nor did it comport with our policy to do
+so, in the wars of European politics, with the movements in this
+hemisphere we are, of necessity, more intimately connected. "We owe it,
+therefore, to candor to declare that we should consider any attempt [on
+the part of European powers] to extend their system to any portion of
+this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety."
+
+On these principles of government and of foreign policy we have as a people
+now acted for more than seventy years. They have been exemplified and
+developed in various directions, and resulted in details--commercial,
+economic, and ethnic--which have given rise to political issues, long and
+hotly contested, but which, in their result from the purely historical
+point of view, do not admit of dispute. Commercially, we have adopted what
+is known as a system protective both of our industries and our labor.
+Economically, we have carefully eschewed large and costly armaments, and
+expensive governmental methods. Ethnically, we have avowed our desire to
+have as little contact as possible with less developed races, lamenting the
+presence of the African, and severely excluding the Asiatic. These facts,
+whether we as individuals and citizens wholly approve--or do not approve at
+all--of the course pursued and the results reached, admit of no dispute.
+Neither can it be denied that our attitude, whether it in all respects
+commanded the respect of foreign nations, or failed to command it, was
+accepted, and has prevailed. Striking illustrations of this at once suggest
+themselves.
+
+In one respect especially was our attitude peculiar, and in its
+peculiarity we took great pride. It was largely moral; but, though
+largely moral, it had behind it the consciousness of strength in
+ourselves, and its recognition by others. In great degree, and
+relatively, an unarmed people, we looked with amaze, which had in it
+something of amusement, at the constantly growing armaments and war
+budgets of the nations of Europe. We saw them, like the warriors of the
+middle ages, crushed under the weight of their weapons of offence, and
+their preparations for defence. Meanwhile, fortunate in our geographical
+position,--weak for offence, but, in turn, unassailable,--we went in and
+out much as an unarmed man, relying on his character, his recognized
+force, position, and peaceful calling, daily moves about in our frontier
+settlements and mining camps amid throngs of men armed to the teeth with
+revolvers and bowie knives. Yet, evidence was not lacking of the
+consideration yielded to us when we were called upon, or felt called
+upon, to assert ourselves. I will not refer to the episode of 1866,
+when, in accordance with the principles of the Monroe Doctrine, we
+intimated to France that her immediate withdrawal from Mexico was
+desired; for then we had not laid down the arms we had taken up in the
+Rebellion. But, without remonstrance even, France withdrew. In 1891,
+under circumstances not without grounds of aggravation against us, a mob
+in Valparaiso assaulted some seamen from our ships of war. Instant
+apology and redress were demanded; and the demand was complied with. Yet
+later, the course pursued by us in the Venezuela matter is too fresh in
+memory to call for more than a reference. These are all matters of
+history. When did our word fail to carry all desired weight?
+
+Such were our standing, our traditional policy, and our record at the
+beginning of the year now ending. No proposition advanced admits, it is
+believed, of dispute historically. Into the events of the year 1898 it
+is not necessary to enter in any detail. They are in the minds of all.
+It is sufficient to say that the primary object for which we entered
+upon the late war with Spain was to bring to an end the long and
+altogether bad record of Spanish rule in America. In taking the steps
+deemed necessary to effect this result, Congress went out of its way,
+and publicly and formally put upon record its disclaimer of any
+intention to enter upon a war of conquest, asserting its determination,
+when Spanish domination was ended, to leave the government of Cuba, and
+presumably of any other islands similarly acquired, to the people
+thereof. As an incident to our naval operations on the Pacific, the
+island of Hawaii was then annexed to the United States as an
+extra-territorial possession, or coaling station, this being effected by
+a joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress, under the precedent of
+1845 established in the case of Texas,--a method of procedure the
+constitutionality of which was at the time formally called in question
+by the State of Massachusetts, and against which Mr. Webster made
+vigorous protest in the Senate. In thus possessing ourselves of Hawaii,
+the consent of the native inhabitants was not considered necessary; we
+dealt wholly with an oligarchical _de facto_ government, representing
+the foreign element, mainly American, there resident.
+
+Shortly after the acquisition of Hawaii, we, as the result of brilliant
+naval operations and successes, acquired possession of the harbor of
+Manila, in the Philippine archipelago, and finally the city and some
+adjacent territory were surrendered to us. A treaty was then negotiated,
+the power of Spain being completely broken, under which she abandoned
+all claims of sovereignty, not only over the island of Cuba, the
+original cause of war, but over various other islands in the Philippine,
+as well as in the West Indian, archipelagoes. These islands, in all said
+to be some 1,200 to 1,500 in number, are moreover not only inhabited by
+both natives and foreigners to the estimated number of ten to twelve
+million of souls, but they contain large cities and communities speaking
+different tongues, living under other laws, and having customs, manners,
+and traditions wholly unlike our own, and which, in the case of the
+Philippines, do not admit of assimilation. Situated in the tropics also,
+they cannot gradually become colonized by Americans, with or without the
+disappearance of the native population. The American can only go there
+for temporary residence.
+
+A wholly new problem was thus suddenly presented to the people of the
+United States. On the one hand, it is asserted that, by destroying
+Spanish government in these islands, the United States has assumed
+responsibility for them, both to the inhabitants and to the world. This
+is a moral obligation. On the other hand, trade and commercial
+inducements are held out which would lead us to treat these islands
+simply as a commencement--the first instalment--in a system of unlimited
+extra-territorial dependencies and imperial expansion. With these
+responsibilities and obligations we here this evening have nothing to
+do, any more than we have to do with the expediency or probable results
+of the policy of colonial expansion, when once fairly adopted and
+finally entered upon. These hereafter will be, but are not yet,
+historical questions; and we are merely historical inquirers. We,
+therefore, no matter what others may do, must try to confine ourselves
+to our own proper business and functions.
+
+My purpose, therefore, is not to argue for or against what is now
+proposed, but simply to test historically some of the arguments I have
+heard most commonly advanced in favor of the proposed policy of
+expansion, and thus see to what they apparently lead in the sequence of
+human, and more especially of American, events. Do they indicate an
+historic continuity? Or do they result in what is geologically known as
+a "fault,"--a movement, as the result of force, through which a stratum,
+once continuous, becomes disconnected?
+
+In the first place, then, as respects the inhabitants of the vastly
+greater number of the dependencies already acquired, and, under the
+policy of imperialistic expansion, hereafter to be acquired. It is
+argued that we, as a people at once dominant and Christian, are under an
+obligation to avail ourselves of the opportunity the Almighty, in his
+infinite wisdom, has thrust upon us,--some say the plain call he has
+uttered to us,--to go forth, and impart to the barbarian and the heathen
+the blessings of liberty and the Bible. A mission is imposed upon us.
+Viewed in the cold, pitiless light of history,--and that is the only way
+we here can view them,--"divine missions" and "providential calls" are
+questionable things; things the assumption and fulfilment of which are
+apt to be at variance. So far as the American is concerned, as I have
+already pointed out, the historic precedents are not encouraging.
+Whatever his theories, ethnical, political, or religious, his practice
+has been as pronounced as it was masterful. From the earliest days at
+Wessagusset and in the Pequot war, down to the very last election held
+in North Carolina,--from 1623 to 1898,--the knife and the shotgun have
+been far more potent and active instruments in his dealings with the
+inferior races than the code of liberty or the output of the Bible
+Society. The record speaks for itself. So far as the Indian is
+concerned, the story has been told by Mrs. Jackson in her earnest,
+eloquent protest, entitled "A Century of Dishonor." It has received
+epigrammatic treatment in the saying tersely enunciated by one of our
+military commanders, and avowedly accepted by the others, that "the only
+good Indian is a dead Indian." So far as the African is concerned, the
+similar apothegm once was that "the black man has no rights the white
+man is bound to respect;" or, as Stephen A. Douglas defined his position
+before an applauding audience, "I am for the white man as against the
+black man, and for the black man against the alligator." Recent lynching
+and shotgun experiences, too fresh in memory to call for reminder, and
+too painful in detail to describe, give us at least reason to pause
+before we leave our own hearthstone to seek new and distant fields for
+missionary labors. It remains to consider the Asiatic. The racial
+antipathy of the American towards him has been more intense than towards
+any other species of the human race. This, as an historical fact, has
+been recently imbedded in our statute-book, having previously been
+illustrated in a series of outrages and massacres, with the sickening
+details of some of which it was at one time my misfortune to be
+officially familiar. Under these circumstances, so far as the
+circulation of the Bible and the extension of the blessings of liberty
+are concerned, history affords small encouragement to the American to
+assume new obligations. He has been, and now is, more than merely
+delinquent in the fulfilment of obligations heretofore thrust upon him,
+or knowingly assumed. In this respect his instinct has proved much more
+of a controlling factor than his ethics,--the shotgun has unfortunately
+been more constantly in evidence than the Bible. As a prominent
+"expansionist" New England member of the present Congress has recently
+declared in language, brutal perhaps in directness, but withal
+commendably free from cant: "China is succumbing to the inevitable, and
+the United States, if she would not retire to the background, must
+advance along the line with the other great nations. She must acquire
+new territory, providing new markets over which she must maintain
+control. The Anglo-Saxon advances into the new regions with a Bible in
+one hand and a shotgun in the other. The inhabitants of those regions
+that he cannot convert with the aid of the Bible and bring into his
+markets, he gets rid of with the shotgun. It is but another
+demonstration of the survival of the fittest." (Hon. C.A. Sulloway,
+Rochester, N.H., Nov. 22, 1898.)
+
+Next as regards our fundamental principles of equality of human rights,
+and the consent of the governed as the only just basis of all
+government. The presence of the inferior races on our own soil, and our
+new problems connected with them in our dependencies, have led to much
+questioning of the correctness of those principles, which, for its
+outspoken frankness, at least, is greatly to be commended. It is argued
+that these, as principles, in the light of modern knowledge and
+conditions, are of doubtful general truth and limited application. True,
+when confined and carefully applied to citizens of the same blood and
+nationality; questionable, when applied to human beings of different
+race in one nationality; manifestly false, in the case of races less
+developed, and in other, especially tropical, countries.[2] As
+fundamental principles, it is admitted, they were excellent for a young
+people struggling into recognition and limiting its attention narrowly
+to what only concerned itself; but have we not manifestly outgrown them,
+now that we ourselves have developed into a great World Power? For such
+there was and necessarily always will be, as between the superior and
+the inferior races, a manifest common sense foundation in caste, and in
+the rule of might when it presents itself in the form of what we are
+pleased to call Manifest Destiny. As to government being conditioned on
+the consent of the governed, it is obviously the bounden duty of the
+superior race to hold the inferior race in peaceful tutelage, and
+protect it against itself; and, furthermore, when it comes to deciding
+the momentous question of what races are superior and what inferior,
+what dominant and what subject, that is of necessity a question to be
+settled between the superior race and its own conscience; and one in
+regard to the correct settlement of which it indicates a tendency at
+once unpatriotic and "pessimistic," to assume that America could by any
+chance decide otherwise than correctly. Upon that score we must put
+implicit confidence in the sound instincts and Christian spirit of the
+dominant, that is, the stronger race.
+
+It is the same with that other fundamental principle with which the name
+of Lexington is, from the historical point of view, so closely
+associated,--I refer, of course, to the revolutionary contention that
+representation is a necessary adjunct to taxation. This principle also,
+it is frankly argued, we have outgrown, in presence of our new
+responsibilities; and, as between the superior and inferior races, it is
+subject to obvious limitations. Here again, as between the policy of the
+"Open Door" and the Closed-Colonial-Market policy, the superior race is
+amenable to its own conscience only. It will doubtless on all suitable
+and convenient occasions bear in mind that it is a "Trustee for
+Civilization."
+
+Finally, as respects entangling foreign alliances, and their necessary
+consequents, costly and burdensome armaments and large standing armies,
+we are again advised that, having ceased to be children, we should put
+away childish things. Having become a great World Power we must become a
+corresponding War Power. We are assured by high authority that, were
+Washington now alive, it cannot be questioned he would in all these
+respects modify materially the views expressed in the Farewell Address,
+as being obviously inapplicable to existing conditions. Under these
+circumstances, and in view of the obligations we have assumed, the
+President, and Secretaries of War and the Navy, recommend an
+establishment the annual cost of which ($200,000,000), exclusive of
+military pensions, is in excess of the largest of those European War
+Budgets, over the crushing influence of which we have expressed a
+traditional wonder, not unmixed with pity for the unfortunate tax-payer.
+
+Historically speaking, I believe these are all facts, susceptible of
+verification. I do not mean to say that the arguments developing obvious
+limitations in the application of the principles of the Declaration and
+the Constitution have been avowedly accepted by our representatives, or
+officially incorporated into our domestic and foreign policy. I do
+assert as an historical fact that these arguments have been advanced,
+and are meeting, both in Congress and with the press, a large degree of
+acceptance. And hence comes a singular and most significant conclusion
+from which, historically, there seems to be no escape. It may or it may
+not be fortunate and right; it may or it may not lead to beneficent
+future results; it may or it may not contribute to the good of mankind.
+Those questions belong elsewhere than in the rooms of an historical
+society. Upon them we are not called to pass,--they belong to the
+politician, the publicist, the philosopher, not to us. But, as
+historical investigators, and so observing the sequence of events, it
+cannot escape our notice that on every one of the fundamental principles
+discussed,--whether ethnic, economical, or political,--we abandon the
+traditional and distinctively American grounds and accept those of
+Europe, and especially of Great Britain, which heretofore we have made
+it the basis of our faith to deny and repudiate.
+
+With this startling proposition in mind, consider again the several
+propositions advanced; and first, as regards the so-called inferior
+races. Our policy towards them, instinctive and formulated, has been
+either to exclude or destroy, or to leave them in the fullness of time
+to work out their own destiny, undisturbed by us; fully believing that,
+in this way, we in the long run best subserved the interests of mankind.
+Europe, and Great Britain especially, adopted the opposite policy. They
+held that it was incumbent on the superior to go forth and establish
+dominion over the inferior race, and to hold and develop vast imperial
+possessions and colonial dependencies. They saw their interest and duty
+in developing systems of docile tutelage; we sought our inspirations in
+the rough school of self-government. Under this head the result then is
+distinct, clean cut, indisputable. To this conclusion have we come at
+last. The Old World, Europe and Great Britain, were, after all, right,
+and we of the New World have been wrong. From every point of
+view,--religious, ethnic, commercial, political,--we cannot, it is now
+claimed, too soon abandon our traditional position and assume theirs.
+Again, Europe and Great Britain have never admitted that men were
+created equal, or that the consent of the governed was a condition of
+government. They have, on the contrary, emphatically denied both
+propositions. We now concede that, after all, there was great basis for
+their denial; that, certainly, it must be admitted, our forefathers were
+hasty at least in reaching their conclusions,--they generalized too
+broadly. We do not frankly avow error, and we still think the assent of
+the governed to a government a thing desirable to be secured, under
+suitable circumstances and with proper limitations; but, if it cannot
+conveniently be secured, we are advised on New England senatorial
+authority that "the consent of some of the governed" will be sufficient,
+we ourselves selecting those proper to be consulted. Thus in such cases
+as certain islands of the Antilles, Hawaii, and the communities of Asia,
+we admit that, so far as the principles at the basis of the Declaration
+are concerned, Great Britain was right, and our ancestors were, not
+perhaps wrong, but too general, and of the eighteenth century, in their
+statements. To that extent, we have outgrown the Declaration of 1776,
+and have become as wise now as Great Britain was then. At any rate we
+are not above learning. As was long ago said,--"Only dead men and idiots
+never change;" and the people of the United States are nothing unless
+open-minded.
+
+So, also, as respects the famous Boston "tea-party," and taxation
+without representation. Great Britain then affirmed this right in the
+case of colonies and dependencies. Taught by the lesson of our War of
+Independence, she has since abandoned it. We now take it up, and are
+to-day, as one of the new obligations towards the heathen imposed upon
+us by Providence, formulating systems of imposts and tariffs for our new
+dependencies, wholly distinct from our own, and directly inhibited by
+our constitution, in regard to which systems those dependencies have no
+representative voice. They are not to be consulted as to the kind of
+door, "open" or "closed," behind which they are to exist. In taking this
+position it is difficult to see why we must not also incidentally admit
+that, in the great contention preceding our War of Independence, the
+first armed clash of which resounded here in Lexington, Great Britain
+was more nearly right than the exponents of the principles for which
+those "embattled farmers" contended.
+
+Again, consider the Monroe Doctrine, entangling foreign alliances, and
+the consequent and costly military and naval establishments. The Monroe
+Doctrine had two sides, the abstention of the Old World from
+interference in American affairs, based on our abstention from
+interference in the affairs of the Old World. But it is now argued we
+have outgrown the Monroe Doctrine, or at least the latter branch of it.
+It is certainly so considered in Europe; for, only a few days ago, so
+eminent an authority as Lord Farrar exultingly exclaimed in addressing
+the Cobden Club,--"America has burned the swaddling clothes of the
+Monroe Doctrine." Indeed we have, in discussion at least, gone far in
+advance of the mere burning of cast-off infantile clothing, and
+alliances with Great Britain and Japan, as against France and Russia,
+are freely mooted, with a view to the forcible partition of China, to
+which we are to be a party, and of it a beneficiary. For it is already
+avowed that the Philippines are but a "stopping-place" on the way to the
+continent of Asia; and China, unlike Poland, is inhabited by an
+"inferior race," in regard to whom, as large possible consumers of
+surplus products, Providence has imposed on us obvious obligations,
+material as well as benevolent and religious, which it would be unlike
+ourselves to disregard. It is the mandate of duty, we are told,--the
+nations of Europe obey it, and can we do less than they? "Isolation" it
+is then argued is but another name for an attention to one's own
+business which may well become excessive, and result in selfishness. It
+is true that the nations of the Old World have not heretofore erred
+conspicuously in this respect; and as the "Balance of Power" was the
+word-juggle with which to conjure up wars and armaments in the
+eighteenth century, so the "Division of Trade" may not impossibly prove
+the similar conjuring word-juggle of the twentieth century.
+Nevertheless, "isolation" is not compatible with the policy of a Great
+Nation under a call to assert itself as a World Power. Then follows the
+familiar argument in favor of costly military and naval establishments.
+But, upon this head it is needless to restate our traditional
+policy,--our jealousy as a people of militarism and large standing
+armies, to be used, if occasion calls, as a reserve police. Our record
+thereon is so plain that repetition grows tedious. The record of Europe,
+and especially of Great Britain as distinguished from other European
+powers, has been equally plain, and is no less indisputable. In this
+respect, also, always under compulsion, we now admit our error. Costly
+armies are necessary to the maintenance of order, Heaven's first law;
+and World Powers cannot maintain peace, and themselves, without powerful
+navies and frequent coaling stations.
+
+Finally, even on such matters as the Protective System and the
+encouragement of American Labor, as against the "Pauper Labor" of Europe
+and of the inferior races, Great Britain has for half a century now
+advocated the principle of unrestricted industry and free trade,--that
+is the "Open Door" policy logically carried to its final results. We
+have denied it, establishing what we in time grew to call the
+distinctive American system. It is, however, now asserted that "Trade
+follows the Flag," and that, as respects dependencies at least, the
+"Open Door" policy is the best policy. If "Trade follows the Flag" in
+dependencies, and, by so doing, affords the American producer all
+needful protection and every fair advantage in those dependencies, it is
+not at once apparent why it fails so to do at home. Is it less docile
+to the flag, less in harmony with and subservient to it, in the United
+States, within our own limits, than in remote lands under that flag
+beyond the seas? And, if so, how is such an apparent anomaly accounted
+for? But with this question we are not concerned. That problem is for
+the economist to solve, for in character it is commercial, not
+historical. The point with us is that again, as regards the "Open
+Door,"--free trade and no favor, so far as all outside competition is
+concerned, American labor and "pauper" labor being equally outside,--on
+this long and hotly contested point, also, England appears on the face
+of things to have had after all much the best of the argument.
+
+As regards "Pauper Labor," indeed, the reversal contemplated of
+established policy in favor of European methods is specially noteworthy.
+The labor of Asia is undeniably less well paid even than that of Europe;
+but it is now proposed, by a single act, to introduce into our
+industrial system ten millions of Asiatics, either directly, or through
+their products sold in open competition with our own; or, if we do not
+do that, to hold them, ascribed to the soil in a sort of old Saxon
+serfdom, with the function assigned them of consuming our surplus
+products, but without in return sending us theirs. The great
+counterbalancing consideration will not, of course, be forgotten that,
+like the English in India, we also bestow on them the Blessings of
+Liberty and the Bible; provided, always, that liberty does not include
+freedom to go to the United States, and the Bible does include the
+excellent Old Time and Old World precept (Coloss. 3: 22), "Servants,
+obey in all things your masters."
+
+It is the same in other respects. It seems to be admitted by the
+President, and by the leading authorities on the imperialistic policy,
+that it can only be carried to successful results through the agency of
+a distinct governing class. Accordingly administration through the
+agency of military or naval officers is strongly urged both by the
+President and by Captain Mahan. Other advocates of the policy urge its
+adoption on the ground, very distinctly avowed, that it will necessitate
+an established, recognized Civil Service, modelled, they add, on that of
+Great Britain. If, they then argue, Great Britain can extend--as,
+indeed, she unquestionably has extended--her system of dependencies all
+over the globe, developing them into the most magnificent empire the
+world ever saw, it is absurd, unpatriotic, and pessimistic to doubt that
+we can do the same. Are we not of the same blood, and the same speech?
+This is all historically true. Historically it is equally true that, to
+do it, we must employ means similar to those Great Britain has employed.
+In other words, modelling ourselves on Great Britain, we must slowly and
+methodically develop and build up a recognized and permanent governing
+and official class. The heathen and barbarian need to be studied, and
+dealt with intelligently and on a system; they cannot be successfully
+managed on any principle of rotation in office, much less one which
+ascribes the spoils of office to the victors at the polls. What these
+advocates of Imperialism say is unquestionably true: The political
+methods now in vogue in American cities are not adapted to the
+government of dependencies.
+
+The very word "Imperial" is, indeed, borrowed from the Old World. As
+applied to a great system of colonial dominion and foreign dependencies
+it is English, and very modern English, also, for it was first brought
+into vogue by the late Earl of Beaconsfield in 1879, when, by Act of
+Parliament introduced by him, the Queen of England was made Empress of
+India. It was then he enunciated that doctrine of _imperium et
+libertas_, the adoption of which we are now considering. While it may be
+wise and sound, it indisputably is British.
+
+Thus, curiously enough, whichever way we turn and however we regard it,
+at the close of more than a century of independent existence we find
+ourselves, historically speaking, involved in a mesh of contradictions
+with our past. Under a sense of obligation, impelled by circumstances,
+perhaps to a degree influenced by ambition and commercial greed, we have
+one by one abandoned our distinctive national tenets, and accepted in
+their place, though in some modified forms, the old-time European tenets
+and policies, which we supposed the world, actuated largely by our
+example, was about forever to discard. Our whole record as a people is,
+of course, then ransacked and subjected to microscopic investigation,
+and every petty disregard of principle, any wrong heretofore silently,
+perhaps sadly, ignored, each unobserved or disregarded innovation of
+the past, is magnified into a precedent justifying anything and
+everything in the future. If we formerly on some occasion swallowed a
+gnat, why now, is it asked, strain at a camel? Truths once accepted as
+"self-evident," since become awkward of acceptance, were ever thus
+pettifogged out of the path, and fundamental principles have in this way
+prescriptively been tampered with. It is now nearly a century and a
+quarter ago, when Great Britain was contemplating the subjection of her
+American dependencies, that Edmund Burke denounced "tampering" with the
+"ingenuous and noble roughness of truly constitutional materials," as
+"the odious vice of restless and unstable minds." Historically speaking
+it is not unfair to ask if this is less so in the United States in 1898
+than it was in Great Britain in 1775.
+
+What is now proposed, therefore, examined in connection with our
+principles and traditional policy as a nation, does apparently indicate
+a break in continuity,--historically, it will probably constitute what
+is known in geology as a "fault." Indeed, it is almost safe to say that
+history hardly records any change of base and system on the part of a
+great people at once so sudden, so radical, and so pregnant with
+consequences. To the optimist,--he who has no dislike to "Old Jewry," as
+the proper receptacle for worn-out garments, personal or political,--the
+outlook is inspiring. He insensibly recalls and repeats those fine lines
+of Tennyson:
+
+    "To-day I saw the dragon-fly
+     Come from the wells where he did lie.
+
+    "An inner impulse rent the veil
+     Of his old husk: from head to tail
+     Came out clear plates of sapphire mail.
+
+    "He dried his wings: like gauze they grew:
+     Thro' crofts and pastures wet with dew
+     A living flash of light he flew."
+
+To others, older perhaps, but at any rate more deeply impressed with the
+difference apt to develop between dreams and actualities, the situation
+calls to mind a comparison, more historical it is true, but less
+inspiriting so far as a commitment to the new policy is concerned. At
+the risk, possibly, of offending some of those present, I will venture
+to institute it. In the fourth chapter of the Gospel according to St.
+Matthew, I find this incident recorded: "The devil taketh him [the
+Saviour] up into an exceeding high mountain, and showeth him all the
+kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them; and saith unto him, All
+these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me.
+Then saith Jesus unto him, Get thee hence, Satan. Then the devil leaveth
+him, and, behold, angels came and ministered unto him." Now,
+historically speaking, and as a matter of scriptural exegesis, that this
+passage should be accepted literally is not supposable. Satan, on the
+occasion referred to, must not be taken to have presented himself to the
+Saviour _in propria persona_ with his attributes of horns, tail, and
+cloven hoof, and made an outright proposition of extra-territorial
+sovereignty. It was a parable. He who had assumed a lofty moral attitude
+was tempted by worldly inducements to adopt a lower attitude,--that, in
+a word, common among men. It was a whispering to Christ of what among
+nations, is known as "Manifest Destiny;" in that case, however, as
+possibly in others, it so chanced that the whispering was not from the
+Almighty, but from Satan. Now if, instead of recognizing the source
+whence the temptation came, and sternly saying, "Get thee hence, Satan,"
+Christ had seen the proposition as a new Mission,--thought, in fact,
+that he heard a distinct call to Duty,--and so, accepting a
+Responsibility thrust upon him, had hurried down from the "exceeding
+high mountain," and proceeded at once to lay in a supply of weapons and
+to don defensive armor, renouncing his peaceful mission, he would have
+done exactly--what Mohammed did six centuries later!
+
+I do not for a moment mean to suggest that, as respects the voice of
+"Manifest Destiny," there is any similarity between the case of the
+Saviour and that which we, as a people, are now considering. I am not a
+prophet, nor do I claim prophetic insight. We are merely historical
+investigators, and, as such, not admitted into the councils of the
+Almighty. Others doubtless are, or certainly claim to be. They know
+every time, and at once, whether it is the inspiration of God or the
+devil; and forthwith proclaim it from the house-tops. We must admit--at
+any rate no evidence in our possession enables us to deny--the
+confidential relations such claim to have with either or both of the
+agencies in question,--the Divine or the Infernal. All I now have in
+mind is to call attention to the obvious similarity of the positions. As
+compared with the ideals and tenets then in vogue,--principles of
+manhood, equality before the law, freedom, peace on earth, and good-will
+to men,--the United States, heretofore and seen in a large way, has,
+among nations, assumed a peculiar, and, from the moral point of view,
+unquestionably a lofty attitude. Speaking historically it might, and
+with no charge of levity, be compared with a similar moral attitude
+assumed among men eighteen centuries before by the Saviour. It
+discountenanced armaments and warfare; it advocated arbitrations, and
+bowed to their awards; spreading its arms and protection over the New
+World, it refused to embroil itself in the complications of the Old;
+above all, it set a not unprofitable example to the nations of benefits
+incident to minding one's own business, and did not arrogate to itself
+the character of a favorite and inspired instrument in the hands of God.
+It even went so far as to assume that, in working out the inscrutable
+ways of Providence, character, self-restraint, and moral grandeur were
+in the long run as potent in effecting results as iron-clads and
+gatling-guns.
+
+Those who now advocate a continuance of this policy are, as neatly as
+wittily, referred to in discussion, "for want of a better name," as
+"Little Americans," just as in history the believers in the long-run
+efficacy of the doctrines of Christ might be termed "Little Gospellers,"
+to distinguish them from the admirers of the later, but more brilliant
+and imperial, dispensation of Mohammed. That the earlier, and less
+immediately ambitious, doctrine was, in the case of the United States,
+only temporary, and is now outgrown, and must, therefore, be abandoned
+in favor of Old World methods, especially those pursued with such
+striking success by Great Britain, is possible. As historical
+investigators we have long since learned that it is the unexpected which
+in the development of human affairs is most apt to occur. Who, for
+instance, in our own recent history could ever have foreseen that, in
+the inscrutable ways of the Almighty, the great triumph of Slavery in
+the annexation of Texas, and the spoliation of that inferior race which
+inhabited Mexico, was, within fifteen years only, to result in what
+Lincoln called that "terrible war" in which every drop of blood ever
+drawn by the lash was paid by another drawn by the sword? Again, in May,
+1856, a Representative of South Carolina struck down a Senator from
+Massachusetts in the Senate-chamber at Washington; in January, 1865,
+Massachusetts battalions bivouacked beside the smoking ruins of South
+Carolina's capital. Verily, as none know better than we, the ways of
+Providence are mysterious, and past finding out. None the less, though
+it cannot be positively asserted that the world would not have been
+wiser, more advanced, and better ordered had Christ, when on that
+"exceeding high mountain," heard in the words then whispered in his ear
+a manifest call of Duty, and felt a Responsibility thrust upon him to
+secure the kingdoms of the earth for the Blessings of Liberty and the
+Bible by so small a sacrifice as making an apparently meaningless
+obeisance to Satan, yet we can certainly say that the world would now
+have been very different from what it is had He so done. And so in the
+case of the United States, though we cannot for a moment assert that its
+fate and the future of the world will not be richer, better, and
+brighter from its abandonment of New World traditions and policies in
+favor of the traditions and policies of the Old World, we can say
+without any hesitation that the course of history will be greatly
+changed by the so doing.
+
+In any event the experiment will be one of surpassing interest to the
+historical observer. Some years ago James Russell Lowell was asked by
+the French historian, Guizot, how long the Republic of the United States
+might reasonably be expected to endure. Mr. Lowell's reply has always
+been considered peculiarly happy. "So long," said he, "as the ideas of
+its founders continue dominant." In due course of time we, or those who
+follow us, will know whether Mr. Lowell diagnosed the situation
+correctly, or otherwise. Meanwhile, I do not know how I can better bring
+to an end this somewhat lengthy contribution to the occasion, than by
+repeating, as singularly applicable to the conditions in which we find
+ourselves, these verses from a recent poem, than which I have heard none
+in the days that now are which strike a deeper or a truer chord, or one
+more appropriate to this New England Paschal eve:
+
+    "The tumult and the shouting dies,
+       The captains and the kings depart;
+     Still stands thine ancient sacrifice,
+       An humble and a contrite heart.
+     Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,
+     Lest we forget--lest we forget!
+
+    "Far-called our navies melt away,
+       On dune and headline sinks the fire--
+     Lo, all our pomp of yesterday
+       Is one with Nineveh and Tyre!
+     Judge of the nations, spare us yet,
+     Lest we forget--lest we forget!
+
+    "If, drunk with sight of power, we loose
+       Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe,
+     Such boasting as the Gentiles use
+       Or lesser breeds without the law--
+     Lord God of hosts, be with us yet,
+     Lest we forget--lest we forget!
+
+    "For heathen heart that puts her trust
+       In reeking tube and iron shard--
+     All valiant dust that builds on dust,
+       And guarding calls not Thee to guard--
+     For frantic boast and foolish word,
+     Thy mercy on thy people, Lord!
+                         Amen."
+
+Taken in connection with the foregoing paper, the following-letter,
+addressed to the Hon. Carl Schurz, is self-explanatory:
+
+
+BOSTON, December 21, 1898.
+
+MY DEAR MR. SCHURZ:
+
+In a recent letter you kindly suggest that I submit to you a sketch of
+what, I think, should be said in an address such as it is proposed
+should now be put forth by the Anti-Imperialist League to the people of
+the United States.
+
+I last evening read a paper before the Lexington Historical Society, in
+which I discussed the question of extra-territorial expansion from the
+historical point of view. A copy of this paper I hope soon to forward
+you. Meanwhile, there is one aspect, and, to my mind, the all-important
+aspect of the question, which, in addressing an historical society, was
+not germane. I refer to the question of a practical policy to be pursued
+by us, as a nation, under existing conditions. That Spain has abandoned
+all claim of sovereignty over the Philippine islands admits of no
+question. Whether the United States has accepted the sovereignty thus
+abandoned is still an open question; but this I do not regard as
+material. Nevertheless, we are confronted by a fact; and, whenever we
+criticise the policy up to this time pursued; we are met with an inquiry
+as to what we have to propose in place of it. We are invited to stop
+finding fault with others, and to suggest some feasible alternative
+policy ourselves.
+
+To this we must, therefore, in fairness, address ourselves. It is, in my
+judgment, useless to attempt to carry on the discussion merely in the
+negative form. As opponents of an inchoate policy we must, in place of
+what we object to, propose something positive, or we must abandon the
+field. Accepting the alternative, I now want to suggest a positive
+policy for the consideration of those who feel as we feel. I wish your
+judgment upon it.
+
+There has, it seems to me, been a great deal of idle "Duty," "Mission,"
+and "Call" talk on the subject of our recent acquisition of "Islands
+beyond the Sea," and the necessity of adopting some policy, commonly
+described as "Imperial," in dealing with them. This policy is, in the
+minds of most people who favor it, to be indirectly modelled on the
+policy heretofore so successfully pursued under somewhat similar
+conditions by Great Britain. It involves, as I tried to point out in the
+Lexington paper I have referred to, the abandonment or reversal of all
+the fundamental principles of our government since its origin, and of
+the foreign policy we have heretofore pursued. This, I submit, is
+absolutely unnecessary. Another and substitute policy, purely American,
+as contradistinguished from the European or British, known as
+"Imperial," policy, can readily be formulated.
+
+This essentially American policy would be based both upon our cardinal
+political principles, and our recent foreign experiences. It is commonly
+argued that, having destroyed the existing government in Cuba, Porto
+Rico, and the Philippines, we have assumed a political responsibility,
+and are under a moral obligation to provide another government in place
+of that which by our action has ceased to exist. What has been our
+course heretofore under similar circumstances? Precedents, I submit, at
+once suggest themselves. Precedents, too, directly in point, and within
+your and my easy recollection.
+
+I refer to the course pursued by us towards Mexico in the year 1848, and
+again in 1866; towards Hayti for seventy years back; and towards
+Venezuela as recently as three years ago. It is said that the
+inhabitants of the islands of the Antilles, and much more those of the
+Philippine archipelago, are as yet unfitted to maintain a government;
+and that they should be kept in a condition of "tutelage" until they are
+fitted so to do. It is further argued that a stable government is
+necessary, and that it is out of the question for us to permit a
+condition of chronic disturbance and scandalous unrest to exist so near
+our own borders as Cuba and Porto Rico. Yet how long, I would ask, did
+that condition exist in Mexico? And with what results? How long has it
+existed in Hayti? Has the government of Venezuela ever been "stable"?
+Have we found it necessary or thought it best to establish a
+governmental protectorate in any of those immediately adjacent regions?
+
+What has been, historically, our policy--the American, as distinguished
+from the European and British policy--towards those communities,--two
+of them Spanish, one African? So far as foreign powers are concerned, we
+have laid down the principle of "Hands-off." So far as their own
+government was concerned, we insisted that the only way to learn to walk
+was to try to walk, and that the history of mankind did not show that
+nations placed under systems of "tutelage,"--taught to lean for support
+on a superior power,--ever acquired the faculty of independent action.
+
+Of this, with us, fundamental truth, the British race itself furnishes a
+very notable example. In the forty-fourth year of the Christian era the
+island of Great Britain was occupied by what the "Imperial" Romans
+adjudged to be an inferior race. To the Romans the Britons
+unquestionably were inferior. Every child's history contains an account
+of the course then pursued by the superior towards that inferior race,
+and its results. The Romans occupied Great Britain, and they occupied it
+hard upon four centuries, holding the people in "tutelage," and
+protecting them against themselves, as well as against their enemies.
+With what result? So emasculated and incapable of self-government did
+the people of England become during their "tutelage" that, when Rome at
+last withdrew, they found themselves totally unfitted for
+self-government, much more for facing a foreign enemy. As the last, and
+best, historian of the English people tells us, the purely despotic
+system of the imperial government "by crushing all local independence,
+crushed all local vigor. Men forgot how to fight for their country when
+they forgot how to govern it."[3] The end was that, through six
+centuries more, England was overrun, first by those of one race, and
+then by those of another, until the Normans established themselves in it
+as conquerors; and then, and not until then, the deteriorating effect of
+a system of long continued "tutelage" ceased to be felt, and the
+islanders became by degrees the most energetic, virile, and
+self-sustaining of races. As nearly, therefore, as can be historically
+stated, it took eight centuries for the people of England to overcome
+the injurious influence of four centuries of just such a system as it is
+now proposed by us to inflict on the Philippines.[4] Hindostan would
+furnish another highly suggestive example of the educational effects of
+"tutelage" on a race. After a century and a half of that British
+"tutelage," what progress has India made towards fitness for
+self-government? Is the end in sight?
+
+From the historical point of view, it is instructive to note the exactly
+different results reached through the truly American policy we have
+pursued in the not dissimilar cases of Hayti and Mexico. While Hayti, it
+is true, has failed to make great progress in one century, it has made
+quite as much progress as England made during any equal period
+immediately after Rome withdrew from it. And that degree of slowness in
+growth, which with equanimity has been endured by us in Hayti, could
+certainly be endured by us in islands on the coast of Asia. It cannot be
+gainsaid that, through our insisting on the policy of non-interference
+ourselves, and of non-interference by European nations, Hayti has been
+brought into a position where it is on the high road to better things in
+future. That has been the result of the prescriptive American policy.
+With Mexico, the case is far stronger. We all know that in 1848, after
+our war of spoliation, we had to bolster up a semblance of a government
+for Mexico, with which to negotiate a treaty of peace. Mexico at that
+time was reduced by us to a condition of utter anarchy. Under the theory
+now gaining in vogue, it would then have been our plain duty to make of
+Mexico an extra-territorial dependency, and protect it against itself.
+We wisely took a different course. Like other Spanish communities in
+America, Mexico than passed through a succession of revolutions, from
+which it became apparent the people were not in a fit condition for
+self-government. Nevertheless, sternly insisting on non-interference by
+outside powers, we ourselves wisely left that country to work out its
+own salvation in its own way.
+
+In 1862, when the United States was involved in the War of the
+Rebellion, the Europeans took advantage of the situation to invade
+Mexico, and to establish there a "stable government." They undertook to
+protect that people against themselves, and to erect for them a species
+of protectorate, such as we now propose for the Philippines. As soon as
+our war was over, we insisted upon the withdrawal of Europe from Mexico.
+What followed is matter of recent history. It is unnecessary to recall
+it. We did not reduce Mexico into a condition of "tutelage," or
+establish over it a "protectorate" of our own. We, on the contrary,
+insisted that it should stand on its own legs; and, by so doing, learn
+to stand firmly on them, just as a child learns to walk, by being
+compelled to try to walk, not by being kept everlastingly in "leading
+strings." This was the American, as contradistinguished from the
+European policy; and Mexico to-day walks firmly.
+
+Finally take the case of Venezuela in 1895. I believe I am not mistaken
+when I say that, during the twenty-five preceding years, Venezuela had
+undergone almost as many revolutions. It certainly had not enjoyed a
+stable government. Through disputes over questions of boundary, Great
+Britain proposed to confer that indisputable blessing upon a
+considerable region. We interfered under a most questionable extension
+of the Monroe Doctrine, and asserted the principle of "Hands-off."
+Having done this,--having in so far perpetuated what we now call the
+scandal of anarchy,--we did not establish "tutelage," or a protectorate,
+ourselves. We wisely left Venezuela to work out its destiny in its own
+way, and in the fullness of time. That policy was far-seeing,
+beneficent, and strictly American in 1895. Why, then, make almost
+indecent haste to abandon it in 1898?
+
+Instead, therefore, of finding our precedents in the experience of
+England, or that of any other European power, I would suggest that the
+true course for this country now to pursue is exactly the course we have
+heretofore pursued under similar conditions. Let us be true to our own
+traditions, and follow our own precedents. Having relieved the Spanish
+islands from the dominion of Spain, we should declare concerning them a
+policy of "Hands-off," both on our own part and on the part of other
+powers. We should say that the independence of those islands is morally
+guaranteed by us as a consequence of the treaty of Paris, and then leave
+them just as we have left Hayti, and just as we left Mexico and
+Venezuela, to adopt for themselves such form of government as the people
+thereof are ripe for. In the cases of Mexico and Venezuela, and in the
+case of Hayti, we have not found it necessary to interfere ever or at
+all. It is not yet apparent why we should find it necessary to interfere
+with islands so much more remote from us than Hayti, and than Mexico and
+Venezuela, as are the Philippines.
+
+In this matter we can thus well afford to be consistent, as well as
+logical. Our fundamental principles, those of the Declaration, the
+Constitution, and the Monroe Doctrine, have not yet been shown to be
+unsound--why should we be in such a hurry to abandon them? Our
+precedents are close at hand, and satisfactory--why look away from them
+to follow those of Great Britain? Why need we, all of a sudden, be so
+very English and so altogether French, even borrowing their nomenclature
+of "imperialism?" Why can not we, too, in the language of Burke, be
+content to set our feet "in the tracks of our forefathers, where we can
+neither wander nor stumble?" The only difficulty in the way of our so
+doing seems to be that we are in such a desperate hurry; while natural
+influences and methods, though in the great end indisputably the wisest
+and best, always require time in which to work themselves out to their
+results. Wiser than the Almighty in our own conceit, we think to get
+there at once; the "there" in this case being everlasting "tutelage," as
+in India, instead of ultimate self-government, as in Mexico.
+
+The policy heretofore pursued by us in such cases,--the policy of
+"Hands-off," and "Walk alone," is distinctly American; it is not
+European, not even British. It recognizes the principles of our
+Declaration of Independence. It recognizes the truth that all just
+government exists by the consent of the governed. It recognizes the
+existence of the Monroe Doctrine. In a word, it recognizes every
+principle and precedent, whether natural or historical, which has from
+the beginning lain at the foundation of our American polity. It does not
+attempt the hypocritical contradiction in terms, of pretending to
+elevate a people into a self-sustaining condition through the
+leading-string process of "tutelage." It appeals to our historical
+experience, applying to present conditions the lessons of Hayti, Mexico,
+and Venezuela. In dealing with those cases, we did not find a great
+standing army or an enormous navy necessary; and, if not then, why now?
+Why such a difference between the Philippines and Hayti? Is Cuba larger
+or nearer to us than Mexico? When, therefore, in future they ask us what
+course and policy we Anti-Imperialists propose, our answer should be
+that we propose to pursue towards the islands of Antilles and the
+Philippines the same common-sense course and truly American policy which
+were by us heretofore pursued with such signal success in the cases of
+Hayti, Mexico, and Venezuela, all inhabited by people equally unfit for
+self-government, and geographically much closer to ourselves. We propose
+to guarantee them against outside meddling, and, above all, from
+"tutelage," and make them, by walking, learn to walk alone.
+
+This, I submit, is not only an answer to the question so frequently put
+to us, but a positive policy following established precedents, and, what
+is more, purely American, as distinguished from a European or British,
+policy and precedents.
+
+I remain, etc.,
+
+CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.
+
+_Hon. Carl Schurz,
+16 E. 64th Street, New York City._
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] "Obviously, men are not born equal in physical strength or in mental
+capacity, in beauty of form or health of body. Diversity or inequality
+in these respects is the law of creation. But this inequality is in no
+particular inconsistent with complete civil or political equality.
+
+"The equality declared by our fathers in 1776 and made the fundamental
+law of Massachusetts in 1780, was _Equality before the Law_. Its object
+was to efface all political or civil distinctions, and to abolish all
+institutions founded upon _birth_. 'All men are _created_ equal,' says
+the Declaration of Independence. 'All men are _born_ free and equal,'
+says the Massachusetts Bill of Rights. These are not vain words. Within
+the sphere of their influence, no person can be _created_, no person can
+be _born_, with civil or political privileges not enjoyed equally by all
+his fellow-citizens; nor can any institutions be established,
+recognizing distinctions of birth. Here is the Great Charter of every
+human being drawing vital breath upon this soil, whatever may be his
+conditions, and whoever may be his parents. He may be poor, weak,
+humble, or black,--he may be of Caucasian, Jewish, Indian, or Ethiopian
+race,--he may be born of French, German, English, or Irish extraction;
+but before the Constitution of Massachusetts all these distinctions
+disappear. He is not poor, weak, humble, or black; nor is he Caucasian,
+Jew, Indian, or Ethiopian; nor is he French, German, English, or Irish;
+he is a MAN, the equal of all his fellow-men. He is one of the children
+of the State, which, like an impartial parent, regards all its offspring
+with an equal care. To some it may justly allot higher duties, according
+to higher capacities; but it welcomes all to its equal hospitable board.
+The State, imitating the divine Justice, is no respecter of
+persons."--_Works of Charles Sumner, Vol. II., pp. 341-2_.
+
+[2] Historically speaking, the assertion in the Declaration of
+Independence has been fruitful of dispute. The very evening the present
+paper was read at Lexington the Mayor of Boston, in a public address
+elsewhere, alluded to the "imprudent generalizations of our
+forefathers," referring, doubtless, to what Rufus Choate, forty-two
+years before, described as "the glittering and sounding generalities of
+natural right" to be found in the Declaration, "that passionate and
+eloquent manifesto." Mr. Calhoun declared (1848) that the claim of human
+equality set forth in the Declaration was "the most false and dangerous
+of all political errors," which, after resting a long time "dormant,"
+had, in the process of time, begun "to germinate and produce its
+poisonous fruits." Mr. Pettit, a Senator from Indiana, pronounced it in
+1854, "a self-evident lie." In the famous Lincoln-Douglas debate in
+Illinois (1860) the question reappeared, Mr. Douglas contending that the
+Declaration applied only to "the white people of the United States;"
+while Mr. Lincoln, in reply, asserted that "the entire records of the
+world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within
+three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation,
+from one single man, that the negro was not included in the
+Declaration." The contention of Mr. Douglas had recently again made its
+appearance in the press as something too indisputable to admit of
+discussion. It is asserted that, in penning the Declaration, Mr.
+Jefferson could not possibly have intended to include those then
+actually held as slaves. On this point Mr. Jefferson himself should, it
+would seem, be accepted as a competent witness. Referring to the denial
+of his "inalienable rights" to the African, he declared at a later day,
+"I tremble for my country, when I reflect that God is just." What he
+meant will, however, probably continue matter for confident newspaper
+assertions just so long as anybody in this country wants to make out, as
+did Stephen A. Douglas in 1860, a plausible pretext for subjugating
+somebody else,--Indian, African, or Asiatic. As Mr. Lincoln expressed
+it, "The assertion that all men are created equal was of no practical
+use in effecting our separation from Great Britain, and it was placed in
+the Declaration, not for that but for future use. Its author meant it to
+be, as, thank God, it is now proving itself, a stumbling block to all
+those who, in after times, might seek to turn a free people back into
+the paths of despotism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to breed
+tyrants, and they meant, when such should reappear in this fair land,
+and commence their vocation, they should find left for them at least one
+hard nut to crack."--_Works_, Vol. I., p. 233.
+
+[3] Green's Short History (Ill. Ed.). Vol. I. p. 9.
+
+[4] The Roman legions were withdrawn from Great Britain in 410; Magna
+Charta was signed in June, 1215, and the reign of French kings over
+England came to a close in 1217. It is a striking illustration of the
+deliberation with which natural processes work themselves out, that the
+period which elapsed between the withdrawal of Rome from England, and
+the recovery of England by the English, should have exceeded by more
+than a century the time which has as yet elapsed since England was thus
+recovered.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of "Imperialism" and "The Tracks of Our
+Forefathers", by Charles Francis Adams
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