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diff --git a/16575.txt b/16575.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0c69d8 --- /dev/null +++ b/16575.txt @@ -0,0 +1,14532 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Inquiry into the Permanent Causes of the +Decline and Fall of Powerful and Wealthy Nations., by William Playfair + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: An Inquiry into the Permanent Causes of the Decline and Fall of Powerful and Wealthy Nations. + Designed To Shew How The Prosperity Of The British Empire + May Be Prolonged + +Author: William Playfair + +Release Date: August 21, 2005 [EBook #16575] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DECLINE AND FALL OF NATIONS *** + + + + +Produced by Robert W. Jones from an original print of the +1st edition held by The British Library, London. (Shelfmark: +432d12/432.d.12). The text was then compared against that +of an original print of the 2nd edition held by the Library +(Archives & Rare Books), London School of Economics and +Political Science. + + + + + + +-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= +This book was copy TYPED by +R.W. Jones <rwj@freeshell.org> +from an original print of the 1st edition held by +The British Library, London. +(Shelfmark: 432d12/432.d.12). + +The resultant text was then compared, using a +text to speech player, against that of an original +print of the 2nd edition held by the +Library (Archives & Rare Books), +London School of Economics and Political Science. +This e-text incorporates the (very few) +modifications included in the later edition. + +Images of the four Charts are not included nor +were they or the Indexes of the respective +editions compared. +-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= + + + +{Here appears before the fly-leaf the first chart, entitled +"Chart +of +Universal Commercial History, +from the year 1500 before the Christian Era +TO THE PRESENT YEAR 1805. +being a space of Three Thousand three hundred and four years, +by William Playfair. +Inventor of Linear Arithmetic"} + + +AN +INQUIRY +INTO THE +PERMANENT CAUSES +OF THE +DECLINE AND FALL +OF +POWERFUL AND WEALTHY NATIONS, +ILLUSTRATED BY FOUR ENGRAVED CHARTS. + +---o0o--- + +By + +WILLIAM PLAYFAIR, + +AUTHOR OF NOTES AND CONTINUATION OF AN INQUIRY +INTO THE NATURE AND CAUSES OF THE WEALTH OF +NATIONS, BY ADAM SMITH, LL.D. AND INVENTOR OF +LINEAR ARITHMETIC, &C. + +---o0o--- + +DESIGNED TO SHEW HOW THE +PROSPERITY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE +MAY BE PROLONGED. + +=========================== + +___________________ +THE SECOND EDITION +___________________ + + +LONDON: + +PRINTED FOR GREENLAND AND NORRIS, BOOKSELLERS, +FINSBURY-SQUARE. + +1807. + +W. Marchant, Printer, 3 Greville-Street, Holborn. + + + + +---o0o--- + +P R E F A C E. + +---o0o--- + + +If it is of importance to study by what means a nation may acquire +wealth and power, it is not less so to discover by what means wealth +and power, when once acquired, may be preserved. + +The latter inquiry is, perhaps, the more important of the two; for many +nations have remained, during a long period, virtuous and happy, +without rising to wealth or greatness; but there is no example of +happiness or virtue residing amongst a fallen people. + +In looking over the globe, if we fix our eyes on those places where +wealth formerly was accumulated, and where commerce flourished, +we see them, at the present day, peculiarly desolated and degraded. + +From the borders of the Persian Gulf, to the shores of the Baltic Sea; +from Babylon and Palmyra, Egypt, Greece, and Italy; to Spain and +Portugal, and the whole circle of the Hanseatic League, we trace the +same ruinous [end of page #iii] remains of ancient greatness, +presenting a melancholy contrast with the poverty, indolence, and +ignorance, of the present race of inhabitants, and an irresistible proof +of the mutability of human affairs. + +As in the hall, in which there has been a sumptuous banquet, we +perceive the fragments of a feast now become a prey to beggars and +banditti; if, in some instances, the spectacle is less wretched and +disgusting; it is, because the banquet is not entirely over, and the +guests have not all yet risen from the table. + +From this almost universal picture, we learn that the greatness of +nations is but of short duration. We learn, also, that the state of a +fallen people is infinitely more wretched and miserable than that of +those who have never risen from their original state of poverty. It is +then well worth while to inquire into the causes of so terrible a +reverse, that we may discover whether they are necessary, or only +natural; and endeavour, if possible, to find the means by which +prosperity may be lengthened out, and the period of humiliation +procrastinated to a distant day. + +Though the career of prosperity must necessarily have a termination +amongst every people, yet there is some reason to think that the +degradation, which naturally follows, and which has always followed +hitherto, may be [end of page #iv] averted; whether it may be, or may +not be so, is the subject of the following Inquiry; which, if it is of +importance to any nation on earth, must be peculiarly so to England; a +nation that has risen, both in commerce and power, so high above the +natural level assigned to it by its population and extent. A nation that +rises still, but whose most earnest wish ought to be rather directed to +preservation than extension; to defending itself against adversity +rather than seeking still farther to augment its power. + +With regard to the importance of the Inquiry, there cannot be two +opinions; but, concerning its utility and success, opinions may be +divided. + +One of the most profound and ingenious writers of a late period, has +made the following interesting observation on the prosperity of +nations. {1} + +"In all speculations upon men and human affairs, it is of no small +moment to distinguish things of accident from permanent causes, and +from effects that cannot be altered. I am not quite of the mind of those +speculators, who seem assured, that necessarily, and, by the +constitution of things, all states have the same period of infancy, +manhood, and decrepitude, that are found in the individuals who +compose them. The objects which are + +--- +{1} Mr Burke. +-=- + +[end of page #v] + +attempted to be forced into an analogy are not founded in the same +classes of existence. Individuals are physical beings, subject to laws +universal and invariable; but commonwealths are not physical, but +moral essences. They are artificial combinations, and, in their +proximate efficient cause, the arbitrary productions of the human +mind. + +We are not yet acquainted with the laws which necessarily influence +that kind of work, made by that kind of agent. There is not, in the +physical order, a distinct cause by which any of those fabrics must +necessarily grow, flourish, and decay; nor, indeed, in my opinion, +does the moral world produce any thing more determinate on that +subject than what may serve as an amusement (liberal indeed, and +ingenious, but still only an amusement) for speculative men. I doubt +whether the history of mankind is yet complete enough, if ever it can +be so, to furnish grounds for a sure theory on the internal causes, +which necessarily affect the fortune of a state. I am far from denying +the operation of such causes, but they are infinitely uncertain, and +much more obscure, and much more difficult to trace than the foreign +causes that tend to depress, and, sometimes, overwhelm society." + +The writer who has thus expressed his scepticism on this sort of +inquiry, speaks, at the same time, of the im-[end of page #vi] portance +of distinguishing between accidental and permanent causes. He doubts +whether the history of mankind is complete enough, or, if ever it can +be so, to furnish grounds for a sure theory, on the internal causes +which necessarily affect the fortune of a state. Thus, he not only +admits the existence of permanent causes, but says, clearly, that it is +from history they are discoverable, if ever their discovery can be +accomplished. This is going as far as we could wish, and, as for the +sure theory, we join issue with him in despairing of ever obtaining one +that will deserve the name of sure. + +The meaning of the word, sure, in this place, appears to be intended in +a sense peculiarly strict. It seems to imply a theory, that would be +certain in its application to those vicissitudes and fluctuations to which +nations are liable, and not merely to explaining their rise and decline. +As to such fluctuations, it would be absurd to enter into any theory +about them; they depend on particular combinations of circumstances, +too infinite, in variety, to be imagined, or subjected to any general +law, and of too momentary an operation to be foreseen. + +That Mr. Burke alludes to such fluctuation is, however, evident, from +what that fanciful but deeply-read man says, immediately after: "We +have seen some states which have spent their vigour at their +commencement. Some have [end of page #vii] blazed out in their +glory a little before their extinction. The meridian of some has been +the most splendid. Others, and they the greatest number, have +fluctuated, and experienced, at different periods of their existence, a +great variety of fortune. The death of a man at a critical juncture, his +disgust, his retreat, his disgrace, have brought innumerable calamities +on a whole nation; a common soldier, a child, a girl, at the door of an +inn, have changed the face of fortune, and almost of nature." + +From this it is abundantly evident, that the theory he wished for, but +despaired of ever establishing, was one that would explain such +effects; but the object of this Inquiry is totally different. + +When the Romans were in their vigour, their city was besieged by the +Gauls, and saved by an animal of proverbial stupidity; but this could +not have happened when Attila was under the walls, and the energy of +the citizens was gone. The taking or saving the city, in the first +instance, would have been equally accidental, and the consequences of +short duration; but, in the latter days, the fall of Rome was owing to +_PERMANENT_ causes, and the effect has been without a remedy. + +It is, then, only concerning the permanent causes, (that is to say, +causes that are constantly acting, and produce [end of page #viii] +permanent effects) that we mean to inquire; and, even with regard to +those, it is not expected to establish a theory that will be applicable, +with certainty, to the preservation of a state, but, merely to establish +one, which may serve as a safe guide on a subject, the importance of +which is great, beyond calculation. + +There remains but one other consideration in reply to this, and that is, +whether states have, necessarily, by the constitution and nature of +things, the same periods of infancy, manhood, and decrepitude, that +are found in the individuals that compose them? Mr. Burke thinks they +have not; and, indeed, if they had, the following Inquiry would be of +no sort of utility. It is of no importance to seek for means of +preventing what must of necessity come to pass: but, if the word +necessity is changed for tendency or propensity, then it becomes an +Inquiry deserving attention, and, as all states have risen, flourished, +and fallen, there can be no dispute with the regard to their tendency to +do so. + +However much, at first sight, Mr. Burke's opinion may appear to +militate against such an Inquiry, when duly considered, it will be +found, not only to approve of the end, but to point out the manner in +which the inquiry ought to be conducted; namely, by consulting +history. [end of page #ix] + +If it is allowed that any practical advantage is to be derived from the +history of the past, it can only be, in so far as it is applicable to the +present and the future; and, if there is none, it is melancholy to reflect +on the volumes that have been written without farther utility than to +gratify idle curiosity. Are the true lessons of history, because they are +never completely applicable to present affairs, to be ranked with the +entertaining, but almost useless, pages of romance? No, certainly. Of +the inheritance possessed by the present generation, the history of +those that are gone before, is not the least valuable portion. Each +reader now makes his application in his own way. It is an irregular +application, but not an useless one; and it is, therefore, hoped, that an +Inquiry, founded on a regular plan of comparison and analogy, cannot +but be of some utility. + +But why do we treat that as hypothetical, of which there can be no +doubt? Wherefore should there be two opinions concerning the utility +of an inquiry into those mighty events, that have removed wealth and +commerce from the Euphrates and the Nile, to the Thames and the +Texel? Does not the sun rise, and do not the seasons return to the +plains of Egypt, and the deserts of Syria, the same as they did three +thousand years ago? Is not [end of page #x] inanimate nature the same +now that it was then? Are the principles of vegetation altered? Or have +the subordinate animals refused to obey the will of man, to assist him +in his labour, or to serve him for his food? No; nature is not less +bountiful, and man has more knowledge and more power than at any +former period; but it is not the man of Syria, or of Egypt, that has +more knowledge, or more power. There he has suffered his race to +decay, and, along with himself, his works have degenerated. + +When those countries were peopled with men, who were wise, +prudent, industrious, and brave, their fields were fertile, and their +cities magnificent; and wherever mankind have carried the same +vigour, the same virtues, and the same character, nature has been +found bountiful and obedient. + +Throughout the whole of the earth, we see the same causes producing +nearly the same effects; why then do we remain in doubt respecting +their connection? Or, if under no doubt, wherefore do we not +endeavour to trace their operation, that we may know how to preserve +those advantages we are so eager to obtain? + +If an Inquiry into the causes of the revolutions of nations is more +imperfect and less satisfactory than when [end of page #xi] directed to +those of individuals, and of single families, if, ever it should be +rendered complete, its application will, at least, be more certain. +Nations are exempt from those accidental vicissitudes which derange +the wisest of human plans upon a smaller scale. Number and +magnitude reduce chances to certainty. The single and unforeseen +cause that overwhelms a man in the midst of prosperity, never ruins a +nation: unless it be ripe for ruin, a nation never falls; and when it does +fall, accident has only the appearance of doing what, in reality, was +already nearly accomplished. + +There is no physical cause for the decline of nations, nature remains +the same; and if the physical man has degenerated, it was before the +authentic records of history. The men who built the most stupendous +pyramid in Egypt, did not exceed in stature those who now live in +mean hovels at its immense base. If there is any country in the world +that proves the uniformity of nature, it is this very Egypt. Unlike to +other countries, that owe their fertility to the ordinary succession of +seasons, of which regular registers do not exist, and are never +accurate, it depends on the overflowing of the waters of a single river. +The marks that indicated the rising of the Nile, in the days of the +Pharaos, and of the Ptolemies, do the same [end of page #xii] at the +present day, and are a guarantee for the future regularity of nature, by +the undeniable certainty of it for the past. + +By a singular propensity for preserving the bodies of the dead, the +Egyptians have left records equally authentic, with regard to the +structure of the human frame. {2} Here nothing is fabulous; and even +the unintentional errors of language are impossible. We have neither +to depend on the veracity nor the correctness of man. The proofs +exhibited are visible and tangible; they are the object of the senses, +and admit of no mistake. + +But while that country exhibits the most authentic proofs of the +uniform course of nature, it affords also the most evident examples of +the degradation of the human mind. It is there we find the cause of +those ruins that astonish, and the desolation that afflicts. Had men +continued their exertions, the labour of their hands would not have +fallen to decay. + +It is in the exertion and conduct of man, and in the information of his +mind, that we find the causes of the mutability of human affairs. We +are about to trace + +--- +{2} Most part of the mummies found in Egypt, instead of being of a +larger size, are considerably under the middle stature of the people of +England. Those dead monuments of the human frame give the direct +lie to Homer and all the traditions about men's degenerating in size +and strength. +-=- + +[end of page #xiii] + +them through an intricate labyrinth; but, in this, we are not without a +guide. + +The history of three thousand years, and of nations that have risen to +wealth and power, in a great variety of situations, all terminating with +a considerable degree of similarity, discovers the great outline of the +causes that invigorate or degrade the human mind, and thereby raise or +ruin states and empires. {3} + +_____________________________________________________________________ + +{3} The utility of this Inquiry is considerably strengthened by the +opinion of a writer of great information and first-rate abilities. {*} + +An historical review of different forms under which human affairs +have appeared in different ages and nations naturally suggests the +question, whether the experience of former times may not now furnish +some general principles to enlighten and direct the policy of future +legislators? The discussion, however, to which the question leads is of +singular difficulty; as it requires an accurate analysis of by far the +most complicated class of phenomena that can possibly engage our +attention; those which result from the intricate and often from the +imperceptible mechanism of political society--a subject of +observation which seems at first view so little commensurate to our +faculties, that it has been generally regarded with the same passive +emotions of wonder and submission with which, in the material world, +we survey the effects produced by the mysterious and uncontroulable +operation of phisical =sic= causes. It is fortunate that upon this, as on +many other occasions, the difficulties which had long baffled the +effort of solitary genius begin to appear less formidable to the united +exertions of the race; and that, in proportion as the experience and the +reasonings of different individuals are brought to bear on the objects, +and are combined in such a manner as to illustrate and to limit each +other, the science of politics assumes more and more that systematical +form which encourages and aids the labours of future inquirers. + +_____________________________________________________________________ + +--- +{*} Mr Dongald Stuart, whose name is well known and much +honoured amongst men whose studies have led them to investigate +these subjects: the intimate friend and biographer of Dr. Adam Smith. +-=- + +[end of page #xiv] + + + + +_ADVERTISEMENT_. + +---o0o--- + + + _In the following Inquiry I have inserted four engraved Charts, in + order to illustrate the subjects treated of in the Book, by a method + approved of both in this and in other countries. {4} + + The Chart, No. 1, representing the rise and fall of all nations or + countries, that have been particularly distinguished for wealth or + power, is the first of the sort that ever was engraved, and has, + therefore, not yet met with public approbation. + + It is constructed to give a distinct view of the migrations of commerce + and of wealth in general. For a very accurate view, there are no + materials in existence; neither would it lead to any very different + conclusion, if the proportional values were ascertained with the + greatest accuracy. + + I first drew the Chart in order to clear up my own ideas on the + subject, finding it very troublesome to retain a distinct notion of the + changes that had taken place. I found it answer the purpose beyond my + expectation, by bringing into one view the result of details that are + dispersed over a very wide and intricate field of universal history; + facts sometimes connected with each other, sometimes not, and always + requiring reflection each time they were referred to. I found the first + rough draft give =sic= me a better + + --- + {4} The Charts, Nos. 3 and 4, were copied in Paris, before the + revolution, and highly approved of by the Academy of Sciences. No. 2, + though of late invention, has been copied in France and Germany. Of + No. 1, the public has yet to judge, and, perhaps, it will treat me with + indulgence and good nature, as on former occasions. + -=- + +[end of page #xv] + + comprehension of the subject, than all that I had learnt from + occasional reading, for half of my lifetime; and, on the supposition + that what was of so much use to me, might be of some to others, I have + given it with a tolerable degree of accuracy. + + No. 2, relates entirely to the present state of nations in Europe, and + the extent, revenue, and population, as represented, are taken from the + most accurate documents. Where statistical writers differed, I + followed him who appeared to me the most likely to be right. + + Nos. 3 and 4, relate entirely to England, and are drawn from the most + accurate documents. + + Opposite to each Chart are descriptions and explanations. + + The reader will find, five minutes attention to the principle on which + they are constructed, a saving of much labour and time; but, without + that trifling attention, he may as well look at a blank sheet of paper + as at one of the Charts. + + I know of nothing else, in the Book, that requires previous + explanation. + + _________________________________________________________________ + + I think it well to embrace this opportunity, the best I have had, and, + perhaps, the last I ever shall have, of making some return, (as far as + acknowledgement is a return,) for an obligation, of a nature never to + be repaid, by acknowledging publicly, that, to the best and most + affectionate of brothers, I owe the invention of those Charts. + + At a very early period of my life, my brother, who, in a most + examplary manner, maintained and educated the family his father left, + made me keep a register of a thermometer, expressing the variations + by lines on a divided scale. He taught me to know, that, whatever can + be expressed in numbers, may be represented by lines. The Chart of + the thermometer was on the same principle with those given here; the + application only is different. The brother to whom I owe this, now + fills the Natural Philosophy Chair in the University of Edinburgh_. + +[end of page #xvi] + + + + +CONTENTS. + +---o0o--- + + Page. + + +=BOOK I.= + + +CHAP. I. + +INTRODUCTION and plan of the work.--Explanation of what the +author understands by wealthy and powerful nations, and of the +general cause of wealth and power......1 + +CHAP. II. + +Of the general causes that operate, both externally and internally, in +bringing down nations that have risen above their level to that +assigned to them by their extent, fertility, and population; and of the +manner in which wealth destroyed power in ancient +nations...............14 + +CHAP. III. + +Of the nations that rose to wealth and power previous to the conquests +in Asia and Africa, and the causes which ruined them...............20 + +CHAP. IV. + +Of the Romans.--The causes of their rise under the republic, and of +their decline under the emperors.--The great error generally fallen +into with respect to the comparison between Rome and Carthage; +proofs that it is wrong, and not at all applicable to France and +England................27 + +CHAP. V. + +Of the cities and nations that rose to wealth and power in the middle +ages, after the fall of the Western Empire, and previous to the +discovery of the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, +and of America.--Different effects of wealth on nations in cold and in +warm climates, and of the fall of the Eastern Empire..............44 + +[end of page #xvii] + +CHAP. VI. + +Digression concerning the commerce with India.--This the only one +that raised ancient nations to wealth.--Its continual variations.--The +envy it excited, and revolutions it produced....................51 + +CHAP. VII. + +Of the causes that brought on the decline of the nations that had +flourished in the middle ages, and of Portugal, Spain, Holland, and the +Hans Towns..........62 + +CHAP. VIII. + +General view and analysis of the causes that operated in producing the +decline of all nations, with a chart, representing the rise, fall, and +migrations of wealth, in all different countries, from the year 1500, +before the birth of Christ, to the end of the eighteenth century,--a +period of 3300 years...............70 + + + + +=BOOK II.= + + +CHAP. I. + +Of the interior causes of decline, arising from the possession of +wealth.--Its general operation on the habits of life, manners, +education, and ways of thinking and acting of the inhabitants of a +country................81 + +CHAP. II. + +Of the education of youth in nations increasing in wealth.--The errors +generally committed by writers on that subject.--Importance of +female education on the manners of a people.--Not noticed by writers +on political economy.--Education of the great body of the people the +chief object.--In what that consists............94 + +CHAP. III. + +Of increased taxation, as an interior cause of decline.--Its different +effects on industry, according to the degree to which it is carried.--Its +effects on the people and on government.............102 + +CHAP. IV. + +Of the interior causes of decline, arising from the encroachments of +public and privileged bodies; and of those who have a common +interest on those who have no common interest.....................116 + +[end of page #xviii] + +CHAP. V. + +Of the internal causes of decline, arising from the unequal division of +property, and its accumulation in the hands of particular persons.--Its +effects on the employment of capital...............125 + +CHAP. VI. + +Of the interior causes of decline, which arise from the produce of the +soil becoming unequal to the sustenance of a luxurious people.--Of +monopoly............137 + +CHAP. VII. + +Of the increase of the poor, as general affluence becomes greater.-- +Of children left unprovided for.--Of their division into two classes.-- +Those that can labour more or less, and those that can do no +labour.................. 156 + +CHAP. VIII. + +Of the tendency of capital and industry to leave a wealthy country, +and of the depreciation of money in agricultural and commercial +countries............. 161 + +CHAP. IX. + +Conclusion of the interior causes.--Their co-operation.--Their +general effect on the government and on the people.--The danger +arising from them does not appear till the progress in decline is far +advanced......... 166 + +CHAP. X. + +Of the external causes of decline.--The envy and enmity of other +nations.--Their efforts, both in peace and war, to bring wealthy +nations down to their level........ 175 + +CHAP. XI. + +Why the intercourse between nations is ultimately in favour of the +poorer one, though not so at first............................. 179 + +CHAP. XII. + +Conclusion of exterior causes.--Are seldom of much importance, +unless favoured by interior ones.--Rich nations, with care, capable, in +most cases, of prolonging their prosperity.--Digression on the +importance of public revenue, illustrated by a statistical +chart................... 184 + +[end of page #xix] + + + + +=BOOK III.= + + +CHAP. I. + +Result of the foregoing Inquiry applied to Britain.--Its present state, +in what its wealth consists; illustrated by a chart, shewing the increase +of revenue and commerce........................191 + +CHAP. II. + +Of education, as conducted in England.--Amelioration proposed.-- +Necessity of government interfering, without touching the liberty of +the subject............................ 216 + +CHAP. III. + +Of the effects of taxation in England........229 + +CHAP. IV. + +Of the national debt and sinking fund.--Advantages and +disadvantages of both.--Errors committed in calculating their effects. +--Causes of error.--Mode proposed for preventing future +increase....................234 + +CHAP. V. + +Of taxes for the maintenance of the poor.--Their enormous increase.-- +The cause.--Comparison between those of England and Scotland.-- +Simple, easy, and humane mode of reducing them..............247 + +CHAP. VI. + +Causes of decline, peculiar to England.................... 257 + +CHAP. VII. + +Circumstances peculiar to England, and favourable to it............. 261 + +CHAP. VIII. + +Conclusion.................... 276 + +Application of the present Inquiry to nations in general..............289 + + + + +_AN + +I N Q U I R Y, + +&c. &c._ + + +====== +BOOK I. +====== + +CHAP. I. + +_Introduction and Plan of the Work.--Explanation of what the Author +understands by Wealthy and Powerful Nations, and of the General +Causes of Wealth and Power_. + +One of the most solid foundations on which an enquirer can proceed +in matters of political economy, as connected with the fate of nations, +seems to be by an appeal to history, a view of the effects that have +been produced, and an investigation of the causes that have operated +in producing them. + +Unfortunately, in this case, the materials are but very scanty, and +sometimes rather of doubtful authority; nevertheless, such as they are, +I do not think it well to reject the use of them, and have, therefore, +begun, by taking a view of the causes that have ruined nations that +have been great and wealthy, beginning with the earliest records and +coming down to the present time. {5} + +--- +{5} Dr. Robertson very truly says, "It is a cruel mortification, in +searching for what is instructive in the history of past times, to find +that the exploits of conquerors who have desolated the earth, and the +freaks of tyrants who have rendered nations unhappy, are recorded +with minute, and often disgusting accuracy, while the discovery of +useful arts, and the progress of the most beneficial branches of +commerce are passed over in silence, and suffered to sink in oblivion." +Disquisition on the Ancient Commerce to India. +-=- + +[end of page #1] + +I divide this space into three periods, because in each is to be seen a +very distinct feature. + +During the first period, previous to the fall of the Roman empire, the +order of things was such as had arisen from the new state of mankind, +who had gradually increased in numbers, and improved in sciences +and arts. The different degrees of wealth were owing, at first, to local +situation, natural advantages, and priority in point of settlement, till +the causes of decline begun to operate on some; when the adventitious +causes of wealth and power, producing conquest, began to establish a +new order of things. + +The second period, from the fall of the Roman government till the +discovery of America, and the passage to the East Indies, by the +ocean, has likewise a distinct feature, and is treated of by itself. + +The rulers of mankind were not then men, who from the ease and +leisure of pastoral life, under a mild heaven, had studied science, and +cultivated the arts; they were men who had descended from a cold +northern climate, where nature did little to supply their wants, where +hunger and cold could not be avoided but by industry and exertion; +where, in one word, the sterility of nature was counteracted by the +energy of man. + +The possessors of milder climates, and of softer manners, falling +under the dominion of such men, inferior greatly in numbers, as well +as in arts, intermixed with them, and formed a new race, of which the +character was different; and it is a circumstance not a little curious, +that while mankind were in a state at which they had arrived by +increasing population, and by the arts of peace, slavery was universal: +but that when governed by men who were conquerors, and owed their +superiority to force alone, where slavery might have been expected to +originate, it was abolished. {6} + +--- +{6} This fact, which is indisputable, has, at first sight, a most +extraordinary appearance, that is to say, seems difficult to account for; +but a little examination into circumstances will render it easily +understood. + +In warm and fertile countries, the love of ease is predominant, and the +services wanted are such as a slave can perform. The indolent habits +of people make them consider freedom as an object of less importance +than exemption from care. While the rulers of mankind were indolent +and luxurious, they were interested in continuing slavery, which must +have [end of page #2] originated in barbarism and ignorance. But the +northern nations were different; with them, neither the moral +character, the physical powers, or the situation of things, favoured +slavery. The services one man wanted of another were not such as a +slave could be forced to perform: neither are men who are fitted for +performing such offices disposed to submit to slavery. Shepherds may +be reduced to the situation of slaves, but hunters will not be likely to +submit to such a situation, even if their occupation admitted of it. +Slaves can only be employed to perform labour that is under the eye +of an overseer or master, or the produce of which is nearly certain: but +the labour of a hunter is neither the one nor the other, it is, therefore, +not of the sort to be performed by slaves. The athletic active life +necessary for a hunter is, besides, unfriendly to slavery, if not totally +at variance with it. What does a slave receive in return for his service? +Lodging, nourishment, and a life free from care. A hunter is obliged to +provide the two former for himself, and the latter it is impossible for +him to enjoy. The same thing goes even to hired servants. In the rudest +state of shepherds, there are hired servants, but men in a rude state +never hunt for wages: they are their own masters: they may hunt in +society or partnership, but never as slaves or hired servants. +-=- + +The progress towards wealth in this new state of things was very slow, +but the equality that prevailed amongst feudal barons, their love of +war and glory, and the leisure they enjoyed, by degrees extended the +limits of commerce very widely, as the northern world never could +produce many articles which its inhabitants had by their connection +with the south learnt to relish and enjoy. + +The intermediate countries, that naturally formed a link of connection +between the ancient nations of the east and the rough inhabitants of +the north, profited the most by this circumstance; and we still find the +borders of the Mediterranean Sea, though no longer the seat of power, +the places where wealth was chiefly concentrated. + +The impossibility of the inhabitants of the northern countries +transporting their rude and heavy produce, in order to exchange it for +the luxuries of the south, gave rise to manufactures as well as fishing +on the southern confines of the Baltic Sea; from whence arose the +wealth of Flanders, Holland, and the Hans Towns. This forms an +epoch entirely new in its nature and description, and its termination +was only brought on by the great discovery of the passage to Asia, by +the Cape of Good Hope, and to America, by sailing straight out into +the Atlantic Ocean. + +The nations that had till those discoveries been the best situated for +[end of page #3] commerce no longer enjoyed that advantage; by that +means it changed its abode; but not only did it change its abode, it +changed its nature, and the trifling commerce that had hitherto been +carried on by the intervention of caravans by land, or of little barks +coasting on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, (never venturing, +without imminent danger, to lose sight of the shore,) {7} was dropt for +that bold and adventurous navigation, connecting the most distant +parts of the world; between which since then large vessels pass with +greater expedition and safety than they formerly did between the +Grecian Islands, or from Italy to Africa. + +Three inventions, two in commerce and the other in war, nearly of +equal antiquity, formed this into one of these epochs that gives a new +feature to things. + +The discovery of the magnetic power of the needle improved and +totally altered navigation. The art of printing gave the means of +extending with facility, to mankind at large, the mode of +communicating thoughts and ideas, which had till then been attended +with great difficulty, and confined to a few. This placed men nearer +upon an equality with respect to mind, and greatly facilitated +commerce and the arts. The invention of gun-powder nearly at the +same time changed the art of war, not only in its manner, but in its +effect, a point of far greater importance. While human force was the +power by which men were annoyed, in cases of hostility, bodily +strength laid the foundation for the greatness of individual men, as +well as of whole nations. So long as this was the case, it was +impossible for any nation to cultivate the arts of peace, (as at the +present time), without becoming much inferior in physical force to +nations that preferred hunting or made war their study; or to such as +preferred exercising the body, as rude nations do, to gratifying the +appetites, as practised in wealthy ones. To be wealthy and powerful +long together was then impossible. + +Since this last invention, the physical powers of men have ceased to +occupy any material part in their history; superiority in skill is now the +great object of the attainment of those who wish to excel, {8} and + +--- +{7} It was forbidden by law, formerly, in Spain, to put to sea from the +11th of November to the 10th of March. + +{8} In the divine poem of the Iliad, Nestor, for experience and +wisdom, and Ulysses, for [end of page #4] cunning, are the only two +heroes whose minds gave them a superiority; but they make no figure +compared to Achilles and Hector, or even the strong, rough, and +ignorant Ajax. To bear fatigue, and understand discipline, is the great +object at present; for though, of late years, the increased use of the +bayonet seems to be a slight approximation to the ancient mode of +contending by bodily strength, it is to be considered, on the other +hand, that artillery is more than ever employed, which is increasing +the dissimilarity. Again, though the bayonet is used, it is under +circumstances quite new. Great strength enabled a single man, by +wearing very thick armour, and wielding a longer sword or spear, to +be invulnerable to men of lesser force, while he could perform what +feats he pleased in defeating them. As gun-powder has destroyed the +use of heavy armour, though with the sabre and bayonet men are not +equal, they are all much more nearly so. No one is invulnerable, even +in single combat, with the _arme blanche_, and with fire arms they are +nearly on an equality. The changes that this makes, through every +department of life, are too numerous to be enlarged upon, or not to be +visible to all. +-=- + +men may devote themselves to a life of ease and enjoyment without +falling under a real inferiority, provided they do not allow the mind to +be degraded or sunk in sloth, ignorance, or vice. + +Those discoveries, then, by altering the physical powers of men, by +changing their relations and connections, as well as by opening new +fields for commerce, and new channels for carrying it on, form a very +distinct epoch in the history of wealth and power, and alter greatly +their nature in the detail; though, in the main outline and abstract +definition, they are still the same; having always the same relation to +each other, or to the state of things at the time. + +This last period is then very different in its nature, and much more +important than either of the others that preceded it; yet, in one thing, +there is a similarity that runs through the whole, and it is a very +important one. + +The passions and propensities of mankind, though they have changed +their objects, and the means of their gratification, have not changed +their nature. The desire of enjoyment; and of enjoyment with the least +trouble possible, appears to be the basis of all the passions. Hence, +envy, jealousy, friendship, and the endless train of second-rate effects, +appear all to be produced by that primary passion; {9} and as from + +--- +{9} The very learned and ingenious author of the Inquiry into the +Origin and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, traces all this to an innate +propensity to barter. But barter is only a means, and not even the +means to which mankind shew the greatest pro-[end of page #5] +pensity; for, wherever they have power to take by force or pillage, +they never barter. This is seen both in an infantine and adult state; +children cry for toys, and stretch at them before they offer to +exchange; and, conquerors or soldiers never buy or barter, when they +can take, unless they are guided by some other motive than mere +natural propensity. A highwayman will pay for his dinner at an inn, as +willingly as a traveller, because he acts from other motives than +propensity, but he will strip the inn-keeper when he meets him on the +road. +-=- + +this originate the wealth as well as the decline of nations, the history +of the revolutions in wealth and power, during the two first periods, +are by no means unimportant; besides, as their duration was much +longer than that of the latter, they lead to a more certain conclusion. + +The review of what has taken place will occupy the first book; and +serve as a data for an inquiry into the nature and causes of the fall of +nations. + +The first part of the second book will be dedicated to investigating the +internal causes of decline; that is to say, all those causes which arise +from the possession of wealth and power, operating on the habits, +manners, and minds of the inhabitants; as also on the political +arrangements, laws, government, and institutions, so far as they are +connected with the prosperity or decline of nations. + +The latter part of the same book will treat of the exterior causes of +decline, arising from the envy of other nations; their advancement in +the same arts to which the nations that are rich owe their wealth, or +their excelling them in other arts, by which they can be rivalled, +reduced, or subdued. + +After having inquired into external and internal causes; and the +operation of each and of both, (though they never act quite +separately,) accidental causes, will make an object for consideration, +which will bring the general inquiry to a conclusion. + +The third book will begin with an application of the information +obtained to the present state of England: by comparing its situation +with that of nations that were great; and, by endeavouring to point out +a means by which its decline may be prevented. + +Though we know that, in this world, nothing is eternal, particularly in +the institutions of man; yet, by a sort of fiction in language, when the +final term is not fixed, and the end desirable, what is known to be [end +of page #6] temporary is considered as perpetual. Thus, the contract +between the king and the people, the constituent laws of a country, +&c. are considered as permanent and of eternal duration. + +In this case, though the final decline of a nation cannot be prevented; +though the nature of things will either, by that regular chain of causes +which admits of being traced, or by their regular operation of +coincident causes which is termed accidental, sooner or later put an +end to the prosperity of every nation, yet we shall not speak of +prolonging prosperity, but of preventing decline, just as if it were +never to happen at any period. + +Before entering upon this Inquiry, it may be well, for the sake of being +explicitly understood, to define what I mean by wealthy and powerful +nations. + +In speaking of nations, wealth and power are sometimes related to +each other, as cause and effect. Sometimes there is between a mutual +action and re-action. In the natural or ordinary course of things, they +are, at first, intimately connected and dependent on each other, till, at +last, this connection lessening by degrees, and they even act in +opposite directions; when wealth undermines and destroys power, but +power never destroys wealth. {10} + +Though wealth and power are often found united, they are sometimes +found separated. Wealth is altogether a real possession; power is +comparative. Thus, a nation may be wealthy in itself, though +unconnected with any other nation; but its power can only be +estimated by a comparison with that of other nations. + +Wealth consists in having abundance of whatever mankind want or +desire; and if there were but one nation on earth, it might be wealthy; +but it would, in that case, be impossible to measure its power. + +Wealth is, however, not altogether real; it is in a certain degree +comparative, whereas power is altogether comparative. + +The Romans, for example, may very justly be called the most + +--- +{10} Till a nation has risen above its neighbours, and those to whom it +compares itself, wealth and power act in the same direction; but, after +it has got beyond that point, they begin to counteract each other. +-=- + +[end of page #7] + +powerful nation that ever existed, yet a single battalion of our present +troops, well supported with artillery, would have probably destroyed +the finest army they ever sent into the field. A single ship of the line +would certainly have sunk, taken, or put to flight, all the fleets that +Rome and Carthage ever sent to sea. The feeblest and least powerful +of civilized nations, with the present means of fighting, and the +knowledge of the present day, would defeat an ancient army of the +most powerful description. Power then is entirely relative; and what is +feebleness now, would, at a certain time, have been force or power. + +It is not altogether so with wealth, which consists in the abundance of +what men desire. The Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, had wealth; +and this, though, perhaps, not consisting in the same objects, was, +perhaps, not inferior to ours at the present time; but as wealth, purely +and simply, no comparison between different nations was necessary, +farther than that men's desires are augmented, by seeing the +abundance possessed by others; and therefore they become +comparative, as to wealth. Without, however, entering into a long +examination respecting the various possible combinations of wealth +and power, which are something similarly connected in states, as +health and strength are in the animal body, {11} let both be considered +only in a comparative way; the comparison either being made with +other nations at the same time, or with the same nation at different +times. Thus, for example, in comparing the wealth and power of +Britain now, with what they were at the latter end of Queen +Elizabeth's reign, we find that the merchants of Liverpool, during the +first three years of last =sic= war, fitted out a force of privateers equal +to the Spanish armada; and consequently superior to the whole naval +force of England at that time; there can be no doubt, then, that both the +wealth and power of the nation are increased. Again, if we find that +our ships block up the + +--- +{11} A man may be very feeble, yet in very good health for his whole +life-time. He may also have great strength, though he may not enjoy a +very good state of health; yet nevertheless, health and strength are +very intimately connected, and never can be completely separated. +-=- + +[end of page #8] + +ports of Holland, and prevent their navy from venturing to sea, we +must conclude, that the relative power of the two nations is altered, +since the time that the Dutch fleet rode triumphant in the river +Thames. But, if we want to make a comparison between the naval +power of England and that of France and Spain, we must not compare +it with the strength of their navies in the year 1780, when they bid us +defiance at Plymouth, but take things actually as they are at this +present time. + +When a nation is upon an equality with others, for wealth, it may be +considered as neither deserving the name of a rich or a poor nation, +whatever its real wealth or poverty may be. The same thing holds with +power. When a nation is merely able to protect itself, but fully equal +to that, though unable to make conquests, or aggrandize itself, against +the will of other nations, it may be said to be neither weak nor strong. +Thus, for example, Denmark as a nation is upon a par with others; and +neither to be called wealthy and powerful, nor weak and poor, though +it certainly has both more actual wealth and power than it had in the +eighth century, when the Danes burnt London, Paris, and Cologne. + +Thus, then, with respect to my reasoning, the whole is to be +considered as applying to other nations at the same time; and the +degree they are above or below par, is the measure of wealth and +power, poverty and weakness. {12} + +But, with respect to a nation itself, wealth is comparative in the +progression of time. In speaking of power, we compare nations at the +same period, and, in speaking of wealth, we may either compare a +nation with itself at different periods, or with others at the same time. + +We shall not find any example of a nation's becoming less wealthy +whilst it increased in power; but we shall find many instances of +nations becoming wealthy whilst they were losing their power, +though, + +--- +{12} According to this definition, if all the nations on earth were to +increase in wealth and power equally, they would be considered as +stationary; their relative situations would remain the same; like those +of the fixed stars, or those of soldiers who march in a regiment with +perfect regularity, and retain their relative portion in the same manner +as if they stood still. But this case, among nations, is only an +imaginary one; therefore, the definition given answers the true +purpose of investigation. +-=- + +[end of page #9] + +together with the power, the wealth always, a little sooner or a little +later, vanishes away. + +Sometimes nations owe their wealth and greatness to accidental +causes, that, from their nature, must vanish away; and sometimes to +causes which, depending upon the nations themselves, may be +prolonged. In general, both the two sorts of causes have united to +render every nation great that has been distinguished amongst others +for riches or power. + +The causes, then, divide themselves into two of distinct kinds;--those +which are independent of the nation itself, and those over which it has +some degree of influence and controul. + +In early ages, when knowledge was but little advanced, and when the +small stock that had been accumulated was confined nearly to a single +spot, the first description of causes were the principal ones.--Local +situation, priority in discovery, or in establishment, gave to one nation +a superiority over others, and occasioned the accumulation of wealth, +and the acquisition of power and territory. {13} As in the early stages +of human life, a few years more or less occasion a greater difference, +both in physical powers and mental faculties, than any difference of +innate genius, or adventitious circumstances; so, in the early days of +the world, when it was young in knowledge, and scanty in population, +priority of settlement gave a great advantage to one nation over others, +and, of consequence, enabled them to rule over others; thus the +Assyrian and Egyptian empires were great, powerful, and extensive, +while the nations that were beyond their reach were divided into small +states or kingdoms, on the most contemptible scale. + +Time, however, did away the advantages resulting from priority of +establishment. + +Local situation was another cause of superiority, of a more permanent +nature; but this, also, new discovery has transferred from one na- + +--- +{13} It is not meant, by any means, to enter into an inquiry, much less +controversy, respecting the antiquity of mankind; but it is very clear +that the knowledge of arts and sciences can be traced to an infant state +about two thousand years before the Christian aera. +-=- + +[end of page #10] + +tion to another. Qualities of the soil and climate are counteracted by +the nature and habits of the inhabitants, which frequently, in the end, +give the superiority where there was at first an inferiority. + +If ever the nations of the world come to a state of permanence, (which +in all probability will never be the case,) it must be when population is +nearly proportioned to the means of subsistence in different parts; +when knowledge is nearly equally distributed and when no great +discoveries remain to be made either in arts, science, or geography. + +While the causes from which wealth and power rise in a superior +degree, are liable to change from one nation to another, wealth and +power must be liable to the same alterations and changes of place; so +long any equal balance among nations must be artificial. But when +circumstances become similar, and when the pressure becomes equal +on all sides, then nations, like the particles of a fluid, though free to +move, having lost their impulse, will remain at rest. + +If such a state of things should ever arrive, then the wealth and power +would be only real, not comparative. The whole might be very rich, +very affluent, and possess great abundance of every thing, either for +enjoyment or for defence, without one nation having an advantage +over another: they would be on an equality. + +But this state of things is far from being likely soon to take place. +Population is far from come to its equilibrium, and knowledge {14} is +farther distant still. Russia and America, in particular, are both behind +in population, and the inhabitants of the latter country are far from +being on a par in knowledge with the rest of Europe; when they +become so, the balance will be overturned, and must be re-established +anew. + +The great discoveries that have taken place in knowledge and +geography have been connected. + +While navigation was little understood, the borders of the +Mediterranean Sea, and the islands in it, were naturally the first places +for wealth and commerce. + +The discovery of the compass, and others that followed, rendered + +--- +{14} By knowledge is only meant the knowledge of the arts that make +men useful, =sic= such as agriculture, manufactures, legislation, &c. +-=- + +[end of page #11] + +the navigation of the open ocean, more easy and safe than that of the +circumscribed seas. This laid a great foundation for change and +discovery; it brought Britain into importance, ruined Italy, Genoa, +Venice, &c. and has laid the foundation for further changes still. + +As for discoveries in arts, it would be bold and presumptuous indeed +to attempt to set any bounds to them. Discoveries, however, that alter +the relations of mankind very materially, are probably near at an end. +In arts they give only a temporary preference. {15} If a method should +be discovered to cultivate a field with half the trouble, and to double +the produce, which seems very possible, it would be a great discovery, +and alter the general state of mankind considerably; but it would soon +be extended to all nations, as the use of gunpowder has been. New +produce, or means of procuring the old more easily, are the things +chiefly sought after. Potatoes, coffee, tea, sugar, cotton, silk, distilled +spirits, are new productions, unknown to the Romans. Glass, +gunpowder, printing, windmills, watermills, steam-engines, and the +most part of spinning and weaving machines, are new inventions, but +they can be extended to all countries. The mariners compass changed +the relative position of places, and no new invention of the same +importance, as to its effects on nations, probably can take place. +Navigation does not admit of a similar improvement to that which it +has received. If goods could be conveyed for a quarter of the present +price it would not produce the same sort of effect. To render +navigating the ocean practicable was a greater thing than any possible +improvement on that practicability. + +As for new discoveries in geography, they are nearly at an end. The +form and the extent of the earth are known, and the habitable regions +are nearly all explored. + +We have, then, arrived at a state of things where many of the causes +that formerly operated on reducing wealthy nations can never again +produce a similar effect. But still there are other causes which ope- + +--- +{15} The end of all discovery is to supply men with what they want; +and, accordingly, all nations that are considered as civilised find the +means of participating in the advantage of a new discovery, by +imitating that which possesses the invention first, and that is done +almost immediately. It was very different formerly. +-=- + +[end of page #12] + +rate as they did formerly; accordingly, wealth and power are very +unequally distributed amongst nations at this moment; and, in Europe, +there is not one nation that is not either rising or on its decline. (see +Appendix A.) =sic--there is none.= + +The purpose of the present Inquiry is, by tracing those causes that still +continue to operate, to discover how nations that now stand high may +be prevented from sinking below their level: a thing to which history +shews they have a natural tendency, and which history shews also is +attended with very distressing consequences. + +We do not labour in Utopia on schemes, but in Britain on real +business; and the inquiry is, how a nation, situated as this is, and +having more than its share of power, importance, and wealth, may +prolong their possession? + +In this Inquiry we shall begin with taking a lesson from history, which +will serve as some guide. + +As to the rise of other nations, we neither can nor should attempt to +impede that; let them rise to our level, but let us not sink down to +theirs. [end of page #13] + + + + +CHAP. II. + + +_Of the General Causes that operate, both externally and internally, +in bringing down Nations that have risen above their Level to that +assigned to them by their Extent, Fertility, and Population; and of the +Manner in which Wealth destroyed Power in ancient Nations_. + +Without considering the particular causes that have raised some +nations greatly above others, there are some general causes of decline +which operate in all cases; but even the general causes are not always +similar, they vary their way of producing the effect, according to +circumstances. + +If a nation excels in arts and manufactures, others acquire a taste for +what they make, and imitate them. If they excel in the art of war, they +teach their enemies to fight as well as themselves. If their territories +are large, the unprotected and far distant parts provoke attack and +plunder. They become more difficult and expensive to govern. If they +owe their superiority to climate and soil, they generally preserve it but +a short time. Necessity acts so much more powerfully on those who do +not enjoy the same advantages, that they soon come to an equality.-- +In whatever the superiority exists, emulation and envy prompt to +rivalship in peace, and to frequent trials of strength in war. The +contempt and pride which accompany wealth and power, and the envy +and jealousy they excite amongst other nations, are continual causes +of change, and form the great basis of the revolutions amongst the +human race. + +The wants of men increase with their knowledge of what it is good to +enjoy; and it is the desire to gratify those wants that increases +necessity, and this necessity is the spur to action. + +There are a few natural wants that require no knowledge in order to be +felt; such as hunger and thirst, and the other appetites which men have +in common with all animals, and which are linked, as it [end of page +#14] were, to their existence. {16} But while nations satisfy +themselves with supplying such wants, there is neither wealth nor +power amongst them. Of consequence, it is not into the conduct of +such that we are to inquire. + +Excepting, however, those wants which are inseparable from our +existence, all the others are, more or less, fictitious, and increase with +our knowledge and habits; it is, therefore, evident that the nation that +is the highest above others feels the fewest wants; or, in other words, +feels no wants. She knows nothing that she does not possess, and +therefore may be said to want nothing; or which is the same thing, not +knowing what she does want, she makes no effort to obtain it. + +Thus necessity of rising higher, does not operate, on a nation that sees +none higher than itself; at least, it does only operate in a very slender +degree. {17} Whereas, in the nation that is behind hand with other +nations around, every one is led by emulation and envy, and by a +feeling of their own wants, to imitate and equal those that are farther +advanced. + +--- +{16} A child cries for food without knowing what it is; and all the +other natural appetites, though they may be increased by habit, by +knowledge, and fancy, are independent of the mind in its first state. + +{17} The necessity, no doubt, continues to preserve what they have; +and, therefore, tends to keep them in a permanent state. Some +individuals again, in less affluence than others, endeavour to equal +them; by which means some progress is still making in the nation that +possesses the greatest share of wealth and power; but it is only partial +and feeble. Those who live in the nation that is the most advanced are +contented and have all they wish; they possess every thing of which +they know, they can have no particular desire for any thing they have +not got, that will produce great energy and exertion. A man may wish +for wings, or for perpetual youth; but, as he can scarcely expect to +obtain either, he will make little exertion. With things really +attainable, but not known, the case is less productive of energy still. +The people of Asia found silk a natural produce of their country; till +the Europeans saw it, they never attempted to produce so rich a +material; but no pains has since been spared to try to produce it, in +almost every country, where there was the least chance of success. We +imitated the silk mills of Italy, and the Italians (as well as many other +nations) are now imitating our cotton mills. In the case of a nation that +follows others, it always knows what it wants, and may judge whether +it can obtain it; but the nation the most advanced, gropes in the dark. +-=- + +[end of page #15] + +Thus it is, that necessity acts but in a very inferior degree on the +nation that is the farthest advanced; while it operates in a very +powerful way on those that are in arrear; and this single reason, +without the intervention of wars or any sort of contest or robbery, +would, in the process of time, bring nations to a sort of equality in +wealth and refinement; that is, it would bring them all into possession +of the means of gratifying their wants. + +War, excited by the violent and vile passions,--by the overbearing +pride and insolence of one, and the envy and villainy of another, +derange this natural and smooth operation, which, nevertheless, +continues to act in silence at all times, and in every circumstance, and +which, indeed, is in general the chief cause of those very disorders by +which its operations are sometimes facilitated; sometimes apparently +interrupted; sometimes, their effect for a moment reversed; but their +action never, for one instant, totally suspended. + +The desire of enjoyment makes all mankind act as if they were +running a race. They always keep the goal in view, though they +attempt to be the foremost to arrive at it by various means. But the +greatest exertions are never made by those who have got the advance +of their competitors. Amongst the wants of mankind, ease is one of +very permanent operation; and whenever the necessity of supplying +other wants ceases, the desire of supplying that, leads to a state of +inaction and rest. {18} To seek ease, however, does not imply +necessarily to seek total inaction or rest; a diminished exertion is +comparative ease; and this is always observable in a state of +prosperity, either of an individual or of a nation, after the prosperity +has been long enough + +--- +{18} The truth of this may be disputed by those who look at mankind +in an artificial state; because a variety of their actions seem without +any particular motive. But not the smallest exertion is ever made +without it. The man who walks out and takes exercise, wants health or +amusement as much as the working man does bread. Even those who +toil in the rounds of pleasure, are always in pursuit of something. +Their not finding the object is another part of the consideration; but +they always have one in view. As to savages, and the poorer classes of +people, they shew their propensity by a more simple process; that is, +merely by resting inactive, when they are not compelled to labour. +-=- + +[end of page #16] + +enjoyed to create a certain degree of lassitude and indifference, which +it does on every nation. {19} + +Whatever may be the accidental circumstance which first raises one +nation above others, or the train of adventitious ones that increase for +a while and continue that superiority, nothing can be more clear and +certain, than, that they have a natural tendency to come back to a +level, merely by the exertions of men in the direction of acquiring +wealth by industry, and without any of those causes which arise out of +war, or interrupting the career of each other. + +When, from the conduct of one nation towards another, or from +whatever other cause war, =sic= becomes the means by which the +superiority of two nations is to be decided, there are many things in +favour of the least wealthy nation. + +It has less to protect and to lose, and more to attack and to gain; the +task is much easier and more alluring. There is a sort of energy in +attempting to obtain, that is not to be found in those who are only +exerting themselves to keep, of which it is difficult to explain the +cause, but of which the existence is very certain. + +Where natural strength, and the struggle with want is great, as is the +case with nations who have made but little progress in acquiring +wealth, the contest with a people more enervated by ease, and less +inured to toil is very unequal, and does more than compensate those +artificial aids which are derived from the possession of property. {20} +From this cause, the triumph of poorer over more wealthy nations has +generally arisen, and, in most cases, has occasioned the contest to end +in favour of the more hardy and poorer people. + +Of the revolutions that took place in the ancient world; whether +operated by degrees or by violence and suddenly, those may be ge- + +--- +{19} Doctor Garth, in his admirable poem of the Dispensary, says;-- + +"_Even health for want of change becomes disease_." + +This is the case with nations sunk in prosperity. + +{20} Why men should have been less tenacious to keep that which is +fairly theirs, than rapaciously to obtain that which is not, is a strange +thing; but nothing is more certain; and the effects of that propensity +are very great, and its existence very general. In the ruin of nations, it +is a most active and powerful cause. +-=- + +[end of page #17] + +nerally traced as the causes. In those ancient nations any considerable +degree of luxury and military success were incompatible with each +other; but, in the present age, the case is greatly altered. Military +discipline is not near so severe as formerly, and bodily strength has +but little effect, while the engines of war can only be procured by +those resources which wealth affords; by this means, the decline of +nations is, at least, now become a less natural and slower progress +than formerly; the operations of war have now a quite different +tendency from what they formerly had, and this effect is produced by +the introduction of cannon, and a different mode of attack and +defence; to carry on which, a very considerable degree of wealth is +necessary. {21} + +In former times, the character and situation of the people, the object +they had in view, their bravery and the skill of their leaders, did every +thing; but now the skill of leaders and the command of money are the +chief objects; for there is not sufficient difference between any two +nations in Europe as to counterbalance those: and, indeed, (except so +far as military skill is accidental,) it is to be found principally in +nations who have a sufficient degree of wealth to exercise it and call it +into action. + +We shall see that the first revolutions in the world were effected by +the natural strength, energy, and bravery of poor nations triumphing +over those that were less hardy, in consequence of the enjoyment of +wealth, until the time of the Romans; who, like other nations, first +triumphed by means of superior energy and bravery; and, afterwards +by making war a trade, continued, by having regular standing armies, +to conquer the nations who had only temporary levies, or militias, to +fight in their defence. + +The triumph of poor nations, over others in many respects their +superiors, continued during the middle ages, but the wealth acquired +by certain nations then was not wrested from them by war, but by an +accidental and unforeseen change in the channel through which it + +--- +{21} An idea has gone abroad, since the successes of the French +armies, that money is not necessary to war, even in the present times. +It will be shewn, in its proper place, that the French armies were +maintained at very great expense, and that a poor country could not +have done what France did. +-=- + +flowed. At the same time that this change took place, without the +intervention of force, the art of war changed in favour of wealthy +nations, but the changes took place by slow degrees, and the power of +nations now may almost be estimated by their disposable incomes. + +This change, however, has by no means secured the prosperity of +wealthy nations; it has only prevented poor ones, unable by means of +fair competition to do by conquest what they could not effect by +perseverance in arts and industry; for, in other respects, though it +makes the prosperity of a nation more dependant =sic= on wealth, and +more independent of violence; it prevents any nation from preserving +its political importance after it loses its riches. It does not by any +means interrupt that progress by which poor nations gradually rise up +and rival richer ones in arts. It has not done away the advantages that +arise from superior industry and attention to business, or from the +gradual introduction of knowledge amongst the more ignorant, +thereby lessening their inferiority, and tending to bring nations to a +level; on the contrary, by increasing the advantages, and securing the +gradual triumphs gained by arts and industry, from the violence of +war, it makes wealth a more desirable object, and the loss of it a +greater misfortune. It tends to augment the natural propensity that +there is in poor nations to equal richer ones {22}, although it, at the +same time, augments the difficulty of accomplishing their intentions. + +The superior energy of poverty and necessity which leads men, under +this pressure, to act incessantly in whatever way they have it in their +power to act, and that seems likely to bring them on a level with those +that are richer, is then the ground-work of the rise and fall of nations, +as well as of individuals. This tendency is sometimes favoured by +particular circumstances, and sometimes it is counteracted by them; +but its operation is incessant, and it has never yet failed in producing +its effect, for the triumph of poverty over wealth on the great scale as +on the small, though very irregular in its pace, has continued without +interruption from the earliest records to the present moment. + +--- +{22} The present inferiority of Poland, Denmark, Sweden, Spain, and +Portugal, compared with the rank they held in former times, is easily +accounted for by looking at the scale of their revenues. +-=- + +[end of page #19] + + + + +CHAP. III. + + +_Of the Nations that rose to Wealth and Power previously to the +Conquests in Asia and Africa, and the Causes which ruined them_. + +Previous to the conquests made by Alexander the Great, the +history of ancient nations is confused, incomplete, and inaccurate. + +During the contests of his successors, the intricacy and confusion are +still continued, but materials are more plentiful, more accurate, and +more authentic. + +During the first period, excepting what is contained in sacred history, +a few detached facts, collected by writers long after, are our only +guides in judging of the situation of ancient states, some of which +consisted of great empires, and others of single cities possessed of a +very small territory. + +Add to this, that great and striking events occupied almost exclusively +the attention of historians. The means by which those events were +produced were considered as of lesser importance. + +So far, however, as the present inquiry can be elucidated, although +materials are few, yet, by adhering to a distinct plan, and keeping the +object always before us, we may arrive at a conclusion. + +The countries that appear to have been first inhabited were Syria and +Egypt, {23} both of them situated on the borders of the Mediterranean +Sea; and as early as any authentic records extend, those were great and +powerful countries in which agriculture and population had made +great progress, and into which commerce had already brought many of +the luxuries of the East. + +The Phoenicians, a people differing in name from those who were +subjected to the Assyrian monarchs, occupied that part of Syria, now +called the Levant, directly on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea; +they were the first who rose to wealth and power by arts and com- + +--- +{23} Reasons have been given in the preface for not taking any view +of the situation of India, though, by its produce, it appears, at least of +equal antiquity. +-=- + +[end of page #20] + +merce. Tyre and Sidon were the abodes of commerce long before the +arrival of the Jews in the land of Canaan, situated in the adjacent +country, with whom, in the days of David and Solomon, the +Phoenicians were on terms of friendship and alliance, {24} assisting +the latter to carry on commerce, and enrich his people. (See Appendix +B.) =sic--there is none.= + +The whole coast of the Mediterranean lay open to them for navigation, +as did also the Grecian islands, and as their own soil was barren, they +purchased the necessaries of life, giving in exchange the rich stuffs +they had manufactured, and the produce of the East of which they +almost exclusively possessed the commerce. + +The Egyptians were possessed of the most fertile soil in the world, +bounded by the Mediterranean Sea on the north, and on the east and +west by barren deserts. Their country was of a triangular form, and +watered by the Nile, which, passing through it in its greatest extent, +runs nearly down the middle. + +Thus situated, in the country depending on the Nile for its fertility, and +on all sides protected from enemies, it was exceedingly natural to +cultivate the arts of peace, and it was not possible that it should be +divided into many different nations, as in other countries in early +times was the case, when sovereignty rose from parental authority, +and when there was no natural bond between the heads of different +families. + +The great abundance with which the inhabitants were supplied, in +years when the Nile overflowed in a favourable manner, and the +uncertainty of future plenty were inducements for accumulation and +foresight, which are not equally necessary in countries where the +important circumstances of plenty or want do not depend on one +single event over the whole face of a country, separated, besides, from +others by a sea, which they could not navigate, and by deserts not very +easy to pass over. + +The difficulties of transporting corn, which were sufficient to deter the +Egyptians from depending on a supply from other parts, did not, +however, prevent other nations from applying to them in times of +scarcity, and accordingly it was the granary of the ancient world. + +--- +{24} For farther particulars of this commerce see the Digression on +the Trade to India. +-=- + +[end of page #21] + +To those natural advantages, the Egyptians added some others, +different in their nature, but not less precious. + +They enjoyed a mild government, and an admirable and simple code +of laws. Their docility and obedience have never been equalled, and as +one maxim, was, to admit of no person being idle, it is evident that the +population must have increased rapidly, and that there must have been +an impossibility to employ the whole labour of so many hands on the +means of providing subsistence in a country, where the manners were +simple, the soil fertile, and the wants few. + +The surplus of the industry of Egypt appears to have been at the +disposal of the sovereigns to whom all the lands belonged, and for +which they exacted a rent in kind, as is the custom among the native +powers on both peninsulas of India to this day. By that means, they +were enabled to produce those stupendous works which have been the +admiration and wonder of all succeeding generations, and of every +nation. The city of Thebes, with the labyrinth; Memphis, the canals, +and the pyramids would all be incredible, had not their singular +structure preserved those latter efforts of industry from the ravages of +time, and left them nearly entire to the present day. + +The Phoenicians were a colony from that great country; for the +Egyptians in general had a dislike to the sea. It is well known, +however, that people who live immediately on the coast have a +propensity to navigation, and it is probable that those Egyptians who +left their own fruitful land to settle on the barren borders of Syria, +were from the delta of Lower Egypt, which lies on the sea coast, and +is intersected by a number of branches of the river Nile. {25} + +It is not surprising that such a colony, following the natural propensity +to naval affairs, and carrying with it the arts of dying and weaving, +together with whatever else the Egyptians knew, should become under +the influence of necessity, and in a favourable situation for arts and +commerce, as much celebrated for commercial riches, as their mother +country had long been for agriculture and the cultivation of the +sciences. + +--- +{25} That the Phoenicians were from Egypt is not doubted, and their +becoming a totally different people from being on a different soil and +in a different situation, is a strong proof of the influence of physical +circumstances on the characters of nations. +-=- + +[end of page #22] + +Tyre accordingly is the first example of a city becoming rich and +powerful by arts and commerce, and though few details are known, +yet those are of a very decided character. + +The pride of the Tyrians appears to have been the cause of their fall, +and that pride was occasioned by the possession of wealth, far beyond +that of any other people then in the world. While they were great they +aimed at monopoly, and were partly the cause of the rapid decay of +Jerusalem. After the death of Solomon, they founded a colony, well +situated for the extention of their own trade, which consisted chiefly in +bringing the rich produce of Arabia, and India, into the western world. +Carthage was placed on the south coast of the Mediterranean to the +west of Egypt, so as never to have any direct intercourse with India +itself, while it lay extremely well for distributing the merchandize, +brought by the Tyrians, from thence in the interior of Africa, Spain, +Sicily, Italy, and the parts that lay distant from the mother city. {26} + +From the extent of its territory and situation, Tyre could only be +wealthy; it never could be powerful, as the great Assyrian monarchy, +which lay immediately to the eastward, prevented the possibility of its +extention; and, as to power at sea, there was =sic= at that time no +contests on that element; the most then that could be expected was, +that it should have sufficient strength to protect itself, which, being on +a small island, very near the shore, was not difficult. If Alexander the +Great had not joined it to the land by an earthen mound, or mole, Tyre +could never have been taken till some other power got the superiority +by sea; which could not have been till after the Romans had conquered +Carthage. + +Babylon, which was the centre of the Assyrian empire, and commu- + +--- +{26} The best account of the commodities in which the commerce of +the Tyrians consisted, as well as the best description of their wealth, +and the cause of the downfall is to be found in Ezekiel, chap. xxvi. +and the two following. It is perfectly distinct and conclusive with +respect to the principal points of wealth, pride, and luxury founded on +wealth. + +The Tyre here spoken of is not the same taken by the king of Babylon, +or Assyrian monarch long before Alexander's time, which only +appears to have been a settlement on the main land belonging to the +same people, and subject to the same prince. +-=- + +[end of page #23] + +nicated with the eastern part of Asia, by the river Euphrates, and by +the Persian Gulf with India, was, as Memphis, of Egypt, a capital; but +the Assyrians were not protected on all sides, like the Egyptians, from +foreign inroads; they consequently did not cultivate the arts of peace +and the sciences so much. On the east, were the Medes and Persians; +on the north, the Scythians and Partheans; but, as the territory was +fertile and extensive, under one of the finest climates of the world, the +monarchs became rich and luxurious, which was the cause of their +subjection, and they were always subdued by people less advanced in +luxury than themselves. + +The whole of these countries, Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Greece, +fell under the arms of Alexander. This was the first great and general +revolution in that part of the world, from which Carthage alone, of all +the ancient seats of wealth and greatness, escaped. + +The triumph of Alexander was, no doubt, that of a great captain; but, +except the destruction of Tyre, and the foundation of Alexandria, +which changed the principal seat of commerce, there was nothing +durable in his conquests. The reigning families were destroyed, and +the dynasties altered; but, under his immediate successors, the +Egyptians, the inhabitants of Syria, and the Greeks, had different +masters. + +It was after the foundation of Alexandria, and under the successors of +Alexander, that Egypt became really a commercial country. Its wealth +had hitherto arisen rather from the great population and fertility of the +country, than from any participation in the trade to the East; but after +Alexandria was founded, the seat of empire, which had always been in +Upper Egypt, was established in Lower Egypt, canals were dug, and +every means taken to make the passage from the Red Sea to the +Mediterranean as commodious as possible. + +Carthage began then to decline. Tyre was no more: and Alexandria +was situated on the same side of the Mediterranean Sea, in a much +more advantageous position for receiving the productions of the East, +and equally advantageous for distributing them. + +The Phoenicians never recovered their importance; and indeed it was +not the interest of the Persian monarch to encourage trade by [end of +page #24] the old channel of the Red Sea and Rhinocolura, but rather +to come directly through the Persian Gulf, ascend the Euphrates, and +cross the country to the borders of the Mediterranean, which was a +way not much more expensive than by the old rout =sic=. As the +greater part of the produce imported was to be consumed at the +luxurious court of Persia, and in the numerous rich cities with which +that empire was filled, there is no doubt that the way by the Persian +Gulf was by much the least expensive; for even Solomon, King of +Jerusalem, long before, though he lived at one extremity of the +journey, and had ships for trading by the other channel, had carried on +trade by this way; and, in order to facilitate it, had laid the foundation +of the magnificent city of Palmyra, nearly in the middle between the +Mediterranean Sea and the Gulf of Persia. + +Whilst those revolutions were effecting amongst the ancient nations +on the continents of Asia and Africa, the Greeks, who had been the +most barbarous of all, became, by degrees, the most refined; their +learning and arts were all founded, originally, on the Egyptian +learning; and though at last they carried them to a higher pitch than +their masters; yet Egypt, for many centuries, was looked up to, even +by the Greeks, as they were afterwards for a number of centuries by +the Romans, and the other nations of the world. + +The education of the Greeks; very different in some of the states from +what it was in others, had, however, the same tendency in all; that +tendency was to invigorate the body, and instruct and strengthen the +mind. While this continued, we see them at first resist the Persians, +though in very unequal numbers; and, at last, the Grecian vigour, +discipline, and skill, subdue the whole of the then civilized world. + +After the conquests of Alexander, the wealth and luxury of Asia were +introduced into Greece, and indeed the Greeks refined on that luxury. +At Athens and the other cities which might be said to give manners to +the rest, shews, and theatrical representations were after that more +attended to than the military art; and cabal, intrigue, and corruption, +were introduced in the place of that manly, pure, and admirable love +of their country, for which, in less wealthy, but in better [end of page +#25] times, they had been so highly distinguished above every other +people. + +This was the situation of things when a nation, less advanced in arts, +and uncorrupted with the possession of wealth, but which was still +considered by the Greeks as barbarous, prepared at once to subdue the +whole of them, and give a still more striking proof of the triumph +which vigour and energy obtain over those who have only wealth; the +possession of which, undoubtedly, gives a certain means of defence, +though one very unequal to resisting a nation when excited by the +desire of sharing its possessions, and yet vigorous and strong, not +being unnerved by the enjoyment of ease and luxury. [end of page +#26] + + + + +CHAP. IV. + + +_Of the Romans.--the Causes of their Rise under the Republic, and of +their Decline under the Emperors.--the great Error generally fallen +into with respect to the Comparison between Rome and Carthage; +Proofs that it is wrong, and not at all applicable to France and +England_. + +In the rise and greatness of Rome, there was nothing accidental, all +was the effect of the most unremitting perseverance in a plan, at first, +of petty robbery; which, as it extended, was honoured with the title of +conquest; and, as it succeeded, has been considered as deserving the +appellation of great. + +It is true, that there were talents exercised, and methods practised, +which deserve the highest praise, and are worthy of imitation. It is +impossible to withhold admiration at the recital, but the end in view, +from the beginning, cannot be justified. + +Although neither the end in view, nor, generally speaking, the means +employed, are deserving of imitation, yet we shall find more +advantage from examining them than from the history of any other +nation. + +In the first place, so far as prosperity depends on good conduct, and +good conduct depends on the state of the mind, the Romans are a most +striking example. While they preserved the manners that first +occasioned their rise, they continued to become more powerful; as +they forsook these manners, their power abandoned them; and they, +after having conquered all with whom they ever contended, because +they had more skill or less corruption, were themselves overcome, by +men infinitely inferior to what they had been, before they became +enervated and corrupt. + +The smallness of the territory, which the Romans at first possessed, +laid them under the necessity of extending it, and drawing resources +from their neighbours; who, being brave and hardy, could not be +easily either robbed or subdued. [end of page #27] + +The Romans began with robbing, and finished with subduing them all, +but the modes they practised deserve attention. + +It is in vain to think that superior bravery or skill would alone have +done the business; those are often triumphant, but occasionally +defeated. The Romans owed their gradual aggrandizement to a line of +conduct that, whether in good or ill fortune, tended to make them the +sovereigns of the world. A line of conduct in which, if it had been in +human nature to persevere, they would have preserved the situation to +which they had elevated themselves. + +Along with this decided conduct, which seems to have arisen from +something innate in themselves, or to have been occasioned by some +circumstance that is not known, the Romans possessed a number of +methods, in addition to personal bravery, by which they advanced the +end they had in view. + +When the kings were abolished, Rome was only a small, rude, +irregular place, and a receptacle for plunder; inhabited, however, by +men who had great strength of mind, and who possessed a great +command over themselves. + +Their moral code was suitable to their situation. To rob, plunder, and +destroy an enemy was a merit; to betray a trust, or to defraud a fellow +citizen, was a crime of the greatest magnitude. With the Romans, +oaths were inviolable; and attachment to the public was the greatest +virtue. + +As they had neither arts nor commerce, and but very little territory, +plunder was their means of subsistence; it was to them a regular +source of wealth, and it was distributed with perfect impartiality; they +were in fact an association; the wealth of the public, and of the +individual, were, to a certain degree, the same; they were as an +incorporated company, in which private interest conspired with the +love of their country to forward the general interest. + +Plundering and pillage, as well as the modes of dividing the spoil, +were reduced to system and method; and the religious observation of +oaths was conducive to the success of both. Every soldier was sworn to +be faithful to his country, both in fighting its battles, and in giving +a rigid account of whatever might be the fruits of the contest. [end of +page #28] + +The moveables and lands taken from an enemy were sold for the +benefit of the public; the former went wholly for that purpose, and the +latter were divided into two equal portions; one of which, like the +moveables, went into the general stock, the other was distributed to +the poorer citizens, at the price of a small acknowledgement. + +The consequence of this system was, a perpetual state of warfare; in +which it was clear that the armies must obtain a superiority over +neighbours, who but occasionally employed themselves in acts of +hostility. + +From such a plan of operations it naturally followed that they must +either have been subdued altogether, or come off in general with some +advantage, otherwise it would have been impossible to proceed. Of +this they seem to have been fully sensible; for, with them, it was a +maxim never to conclude peace unless they were victorious, and never +to treat with an enemy on their own territory. + +Acting in this manner, and engaging in wars with different nations, +unconnected with each other by treaties of alliance; without any +common interest, or even any knowledge of each others =sic= affairs; +ignorant, in general, even of what was going on, the Romans had, in +most cases, a great advantage over those with whom they had to +contend. + +There were in Italy some very warlike people, and those were nearest +to Rome itself. The contest with those was long obstinate, and +repeatedly renewed; but still the system of conquest was followed; and +at last prevailed. + +The consular government was favourable, also, for perpetual warfare. +Those temporary chief magistrates did not enjoy their dignity long +enough to become torpid or careless, but were interested in +distinguishing themselves by the activity of their conduct while in +office; whereas, in hereditary power, or elective monarchy, the +personal feelings of the chief, which must have an influence upon the +conduct of a nation, must sometimes, happily for mankind, lead him to +seek peace and quietness. {27} + +--- +{27} During the interruption of consular government, by the +decemvirs, though they did not reign long, the energy of the people +was suspended, and their enemies found them much less difficult to +resist. +-=- + +[end of page #29] + +Even when the Gauls burned the city, the Romans yielded no +advantages in treaty; they abandoned it to its fate, retired to Veii, and +renewed the war. + +In the art of war, the Romans had those advantages which men +generally possess in whatever is the natural bent of their genius, and +their constant occupation. Every thing that continual attention, +experience, or example, could do to increase their success was +attended to; and their hardy manner of education and living, with +constant exercise, enabled them to practice =sic= what other men were +unable to perform. + +They accustomed themselves to heavier armour than any other nation. +Their rate of marching was between four and five miles an hour, for +four or five hours together, loaded with a weight of above 60lb. Their +weapons for exercising were double the usual weight, and they were +inured to running and leaping when completely armed. + +The success of the Romans in Europe was not sufficiently rapid, nor +were the nations they conquered sufficiently rich to bring on that +luxury and relaxation of discipline, which were the consequences in +those victories obtained in Egypt, Syria, and Greece; nor were the +soldiers the only persons inured to such exercises, for the Roman +citizens practised the same at home, in the Campus Martius. + +No people educated with less hardiness of body, or a less firm +attachment to their country, could have undergone, or would have +submitted, to the terrible fatigues of a Roman soldier, which were +such, that, even at a very late period of the republic, they were known +to ask as a favour to be conducted to battle, as a relief from the +fatigues they were made to undergo in the camp. {28} + +In addition to this unremitting and very severe discipline, and to the +inventions of many weapons, machines, and stratagems, unknown to +other nations, they had the great wisdom to examine very carefully, if +they found an enemy enjoy any advantage, in what that advantage +consisted. If it arose from any fault of their own, it was rectified + +--- +{28} This happened under Sylla, in the war against Mithridates, which +immediately preceded the fall of the republic. +-=- + +[end of page #30] + +without delay; and if it arose from any new mode of fighting, or +superior weapons, they adopted methods with such promptitude that +the advantage was only once in favour of the enemy. {29} + +The Asiatic methods of fighting with elephants, though new, never +disconcerted them twice. If they knew of any superior art that they +could imitate, it was done; and when the advantage arose from natural +circumstances, and they could not themselves become masters of the +art, they took other methods. Expert slingers from the Balearian +Islands, and bowmen from Crete, were added to their legions; as, in +modern times, field-ordnance and riflemen are added to ours. + +It is impossible not to view with astonishment and admiration such +wise conduct in such haughty men, whose simple citizens treated the +sovereigns of other nations as equals; but that greatness of mind had a +well-founded cause. They knew that the physical powers of men are +limited, and that to obtain a victory with the greatest ease possible it +was necessary to join together all the advantages that could be +obtained; they knew, also, that war is altogether a trial of force, and a +trial of skill, and that neither of the contending parties can act by rule, +but must be guided by circumstances and the conduct of the enemy. +{30} + +This conduct of the Romans in war was supported by the laws at +home. The equal distribution of lands, their contempt for commerce +and luxury, preserved the population of the country in that state where +good soldiers are to be obtained. The wealthy, in any state, cannot be +numerous; neither are they hardy to bear the fatigue. Their servants, +and the idle, the indolent, and unprincipled persons they have about +them are totally unfit, and a wretched populace, degraded by want, or +inured to ease and plenty are equally unfit. + +--- +{29} This conduct appears the more admirable to those who live in the +present times that in the revolutionary war with the French, who +invented a number of new methods of fighting, and had recourse to +new stratagems, the regular generals opposed to them never altered +their modes of warfare, but let themselves be beat in the most regular +way possible. One single general (the Archduke Charles) did not think +himself above the circumstances of the case, and his success was +proportioned to his merit. + +{30} The copying the form and structure of a Carthaginian galley that +was stranded. +-=- + +[end of page #31] + +It has been a favourite opinion among many writers on political +economy that artists and workmen are cowardly and unfit for soldiers; +but experience does not warrant that conclusion; though it is certain +that, according to the manner the Romans carried on war, the bodily +fatigue was greater than men bred up promiscuously to trades of +different sorts could in general undergo. + +So long as the Romans had enemies to contend with, from whom they +obtained little, the manners and laws, the mode of education, and the +government of their country, remained pure as at first. Their business, +indeed, became more easy; for the terror of their name, their +inflexibility, and the superior means they had of bringing their powers +into action, all served to facilitate their conquests. But when they +conquered Carthage, and begun =sic= to taste the fruits of wealth, +their ground-work altered by degrees, and the superstructure became +less solid. {31} + +Wealth, as we have already seen, was confined to Asia and Africa, and +of it the Carthaginians possessed a great share. It has long been the +opinion adopted by writers on those subjects that the Carthaginians, as +being a commercial and a trading nation, were quite an unequal match +for the Romans; that in Rome all was virtue, public spirit, and every +thing that was great and noble, while at Carthage all was venal, vile, +and selfish. A spirit of war and conquest reigned, say they, in one +place together with a spirit of glory, in the other a spirit of gain +presided over private actions and public counsels. + +This is all very true, and very well said, with respect to the fact, but +with respect to the cause there is one of the greatest errors into which +a number of men of discernment and ability have ever fallen. {32} + +The true state of the case is easily to be understood, if we only + +--- +{31} It will be seen, in the subsequent part of this inquiry, that, in the +present mode of warfare, the Romans would not have had equal +advantage.--Skill, and not personal strength, is now the great object, +and money to purchase arms and ammunition is the next. + +{32} M. Montesquieu, notwithstanding his very superior knowledge, +accuracy, and acuteness, enlarges upon this subject; and never takes +any notice of the corrupt, mercenary, and degraded state into which +Rome fell when it became as rich as Carthage. +-=- + +[end of page #32] + +throw aside, for a moment, the favour for the brave warrior, and the +dislike to the selfish trader. The fact was, that Rome, in the days of its +vigour, when it was poor, attacked Carthage in the days of its wealth +and of its decline; but let us compare Carthage before its fall to Rome +in the time of the Gordians, of Maximus, or Gallus, and see which was +most vile, most venal, or most cowardly. This would at least be a fair +comparison; and nothing relative to the two cities is more certain, than +that Rome became far more degraded, in the character both of citizens +and soldiers, than ever Carthage was. + +Wealth procured by commerce, far from degrading a nation more than +wealth procured by conquest, does not degrade it near so much; and +the reason is easily understood. Whenever a commercial nation +becomes too corrupted and luxurious, its wealth vanishes, and the evil +corrects itself. Whereas, a country that lives by tribute received from +others, may continue for a considerable while to enjoy its revenues. +This is so evident, that it would be absurd to enlarge on the subject. + +The reduction of Carthage, and the wealth it produced at Rome, soon +brought on a change in the education, the nature, and the manner of +acting, both in private life and public concerns. The conquest of +Greece, Syria, and Egypt, completed the business; and the same +people who had conquered every enemy, while they retained their +poverty and simplicity, were themselves conquered, when they +became rich and luxurious.. =sic= + +After the fall of Carthage {33}, Rome was fundamentally changed; +but the armies still continued to act. Their ambition was now +strengthened by avarice, and became ten times more active and +dangerous to other nations. They then carried on war in every +direction, and neither the riches of the East, nor the poverty of the +North, could secure other nations from the joint effects of ambition +and avarice. + +But the Romans did not only get gold and wealth by their con- + +--- +{33} Considering circumstances, it is wonderful that the +Carthaginians made so excellent a stand against the Romans: for a +long time they were victorious; they fought excellently, even at the +battle of Zama. The Romans could not say so much for themselves, +when afterwards they were attacked by the barbarians. +-=- + +[end of page #33] + +quests; they became corrupted by adopting the manners of the +inhabitants of countries that had long been drowned in every +voluptuous pleasure. Then it was that they ceased to trust so much to +their bravery for their conquests; they began to employ politics and +intrigue to divide their enemies. With the poorer states, they found +gold a very useful weapon, and, with the richer, they employed +weapons of iron. + +The terror of the Roman name, the actual force that they could exert +against a powerful enemy, and the facility with which a weak one +could be silenced, till a proper opportunity arrived for his destruction, +were all calculated, and force and fraud were both called into action. + +Whatever truth or honour the Romans had amongst themselves, they +at least had none towards other nations. They, in the most wanton +manner, interfered in every quarrel between strangers; and, whenever +it suited their conveniency to make war, they begun without almost +being at the pains to search for a pretext. They set themselves up +above all opinion, while, at the same time, they required all nations to +submit to theirs. + +In a city where all great offices were elective, the evil effects of the +introduction of riches were soon displayed. The first great changes +were, that the people became corrupted, dependent, and degraded; +fortunes became unequally divided; the provinces groaned under the +heavy contributions of generals and proconsuls; and, at last, the +country splitting into factions, the government was overturned. + +The splendour of Rome augmented, as a fiery meteor shines most +bright before it falls; but the means by which it obtained the +ascendency over other nations had long been at an end. + +The same laws that had been found excellent, when the state was +small and poor, did not answer now that it had become great and +splendid. The freedom of the city, and the title and privileges of a +Roman citizen had been very widely extended; they were therefore +become an illusion, and a very dangerous one for the public weal; they +served as a foundation for cabal and intrigue of every description. + +Towards the latter days, after all those internal causes of decline, +which are common to other nations had rendered Rome feeble, several +[end of page #34] external ones began to act. + +The provinces became exhausted, and those who ruled them gradually +retained more and more of the money. {34} Thus, while the +oppression of the provinces was augmenting, the resources of the state +were daily on the decline. + +The first effect of conquests had been to free the people at home from +taxes; and when, in a state of poverty and simplicity, the effect was +advantageous and tended to preserve that spirit by which the Roman +empire aggrandized itself. After wealth flowed in from the destruction +of Carthage, donations and shews were in use. The Roman populace, +idle and degraded, clamoured for corn and public games. It is almost +as difficult to conceive the degree to which the character of the people +was degraded, as it is to give credit to the wealth and luxury of the +great, in the latter days of the empire. + +Agriculture was neglected; and the masters of the world, who had +obtained every thing for which they contended, while they preserved +their purity of manners, now became unable either to govern others, to +protect themselves, or even to provide food. Sicily and Africa supplied +the Roman people with bread, long before the empire had become +feeble, and even at the very time when it is reckoned to have been in +its greatest splendour in the Augustan age. {35} The cause of its +decline was fixed beyond the power of human nature to counteract: it +began by unnerving the human character, and therefore its progress +was accelerated and became irresistible. + +Of all the nations, into which luxury is introduced, none feels its +effects + +--- +{34} The detached facts related of the wealth of the governors of +provinces, compared with the poverty of the state, are, if not +incredible, at least, difficult to conceive. They are, however, too well +attested to admit of a doubt, though the details are not sufficiently +circumstantial to enable us to know exactly how they happened. + +{35} In the time of Augustus, the people depended on the supplies +from Sicily and Egypt, in so complete a manner, that, if those failed, +there was no remedy; and, at one time, when there was only a +sufficient quantity of grain for twenty-four hours, that emperor was +determined to have put an end to his existence: but the supply arrived +in time. Such is the terrible situation into which a people is thrown, +when agriculture and industry are abandoned, and when the +population becomes too great for the production of the country!! This, +however, was a very recent change. Till some time after the conquest +of Egypt, Greece, and Sicily, it could not have happened. +-=- + +[end of page #35] + +so severely as one where it comes by conquest. A people of +conquerors, who are wealthy, must, at all events, be under military +authority, and that is never a desirable circumstance; depending also +on revenues which come without the aid of industry, they must +become doubly degraded. + +With such a people, it would be fair to compare the Carthaginians +before their fall; for, to say nothing more than that the principle of +traffic and commerce is founded on morality and virtue, in +comparison to that trade of pillage which robbed and ruined all +nations; the physical situation of the Carthaginians was preferable to +that of the Romans in the days of their decline. This is evident, from +the noble struggle that the former made, and the contemptible manner +in which the mistress of the world terminated her career. + +Montesquieu bewails the fate of a monarch, who is oppressed by a +party that prevails after his fall. His enemies are his historians; and +this reflection is employed in mitigation of the crimes imputed to +Tarquin; but, surely, if true, on that occasion, it is no less so with +respect to Carthage. All the historians that give us the character of the +two nations were Romans and of the victorious party; yet most of +them are more equitable than the historians of modern times, for they +had not seen their own country in its last state of degradation and +misery. Those who now make the comparison have proper materials; +and it is the business of the writers of history to free it from the errors +into which cotemporary =sic= authors fall, whether from prejudice, or +from want of knowing those events which happened after their days. + +In the case of the Roman historians, the error arose from a +combination of three different causes. In the first place, they compared +Rome in its healthy days and its vigour, to Carthage in its decline.-- +They were, next to that, led into an error, by not knowing that all +countries that have been long rich are liable to the same evils as +Carthage. And, last of all, they wrote with a spirit of party, and a +prediliction =sic= in favour of Rome. These three causes are certain; +and, perhaps, there was another. It is possible they did not dare to +speak the truth, if they did know it. + +It is true, that the human mind is not proof against the effect pro-[end +of page #36] duced by what is splendid and brilliant; and that success +in all cases diminishes, and, in some, does away the reproach naturally +attached to criminality. It is also to be admitted, that in the Roman +character there was a degree of courage and magnanimity that +commands admiration, though the end to which it was applied was in +itself detestable. Even in individual life (moral principle apart) there is +something that diminishes the horror attendant on injustice and +rapacity, when accompanied with courage and prodigality. + +It is no less true, that the manners of commercial men, though their +views are legitimate and their means fair, are prejudicial to them in the +opinion of others. Individuals, gaining money by commerce, may +sometimes have the splendour and magnanimity of princes; but +nations that depend only on commerce for wealth never can. No +nation, while it continues great or wealthy, can rid itself of the +characteristic manners that attend the way in which it obtains its +wealth and greatness. Merchants owe their wealth to a strict adherence +to their interest, and they cannot help shewing it. + +The cruelties of the Spaniards have not excited the detestation they +deserved, because they were accompanied with courage, and crowned +with success; and that nation found means, in the midst of the most +horrible of human crimes, to preserve an appearance of greatness and +dignity of character. But the Dutch, who have gained wealth, like the +Carthaginians, and though they were conquerors, never quitted the +character of merchants, and they never possessed dignity of character, +though they triumphed by virtue, perseverance, and bravery, over that +very Spain which did preserve her dignity. + +It is much more difficult to reconcile the character of trading nations +with the qualities that are improperly called great, than that of any +other. A commercial nation naturally will be just; it may be generous; +but it never can become extravagant and wasteful; neither can it be +incumbered with the lazy and the idle; for the moment that either of +these takes place, commerce flies to another habitation. {36} + +--- +{36} It follows, from this, that a commercial people never become so +degraded as those who obtain wealth by other means; but, then, it also +follows, that they exist a much shorter time after they become so, and +that wealth and power leave them much more speedily. +-=- + +[end of page #37] + +The purpose of this inquiry being, to examine the effects of wealth, +and its operation in the decline of nations; it appears to be of +considerable importance to remove the error, in which historians and +other writers have so long persevered, relative to the two greatest +republics of antiquity; particularly as their example applies the most +readily, and is the most frequently applied to two rival nations of +modern times; although the parallel is extremely imperfect in almost +every particular, and in some directly inadmissible. {37} + +It cannot but be attended with some advantage to set this matter right. +It may, perhaps, tend in some degree to prevent the French from +attempting to imitate the Romans, when we shew them that a state, +whether a whole people, or a single city, exempted from taxes, and +living by the tribute of other countries, must, at all events, be +dependent on its armies. In short, military government and tributary +revenue are inseparable. We see how closely they were connected in +ancient Rome. It is fit that its imitators should know at what rate they +pay (and in what coin) for those exemptions from taxes, occasioned by +the burthens imposed upon other nations. + +In general we find, that all nations are inclined to push to the extreme +those means by which they have attained wealth or power; and it will +also be found that their ruin is thereby brought on with greater +rapidity. + +--- +{37} The reader must see the allusion is to England and France; but, in +point of time, their situation is absolutely different. France is +farther advanced in luxury than England. Rome was far behind Carthage. +The Romans exceeded their rivals in perseverance; in following up their +plans, and in attention to their liberty. The contrary is the case with +France and England. + +The French, indeed, resemble the Romans in restlessness and +ambition; but not in their mode of exerting the former, or of gratifying +the latter: the resemblance, therefore, is a very faint one, even where it +does hold at all. The English, in whatever they may resemble the +Carthaginians, such as they have been represented, neither do it in +their want of faith and honour, nor in their progress towards decline. +The different wars with Rome, in which Carthage came off a loser and +became tributary, though only for a limited time, were not the only +causes of its decline. The trade of Alexandria, which was better +situated for commerce, had diminished the resources of Carthage; so +that it was, in every sense of the word, a falling nation. It will be seen, +in the subsequent part of this inquiry, how, from the different modes +of making war and also the different effects of wealth in the present +times, the comparison is still less founded. +-=- + +[end of page #38] + +Had the Romans stopped the career of conquest at an earlier period, +they probably would not have so soon sunk into a state of corruption. +It is very probable, that if Caesar had never attempted the useless +conquest of Britain, he never would have succeeded in conquering the +liberties of his own country. The reputation of having conquered an +island, and the passage of the British Channel, made way for the +passage of the Rubicon, and the battle of Pharsalia. + +Conquerors must be paid as well as common soldiers: and though +every man may have his price, and money and dignities may be a +sufficient reward for the most part, there are some who despise any +reward under that of royal power.--Caesar was one of those men; and +both ancient and modern history shew, that though, perhaps, in his +abilities, he has had no equal, there have been others who have rated +theirs at as high a price. + +The Romans at last became sensible, when too late, that they had +pushed the spirit of conquest too far; and, as they had something great +in all they did, they had the magnanimity to retract their error. + +The greatest extent of the Roman empire being from the north of +England to the Gulf of Persia, they consequently abandoned Britain, +and those conquests in Asia, which were the most difficult to keep. +The river Euphrates became the boundary, the Emperor Adrian +having, in a voluntary manner, given up all the country to the north of +that river, situated on its left bank. + +The decline of the empire might have been as regular as the rise of the +republic, had it not been for the different characters of the emperors; +some of whom did honour to human nature, from their possessing +almost every virtue, while others were such monsters, that their crimes +excite the highest degree of horror and indignation, and are almost +beyond credibility. + +It is but justice to the Romans to observe, that though they robbed and +conquered, yet their policy was to instruct, improve, and civilize those +whom they had robbed and conquered, wherever they stood in want of +it. They aimed, in every case, at making the most of the circumstances +in which they were placed, and they very truly conceived, that it was +more profitable and advantageous, to rule over a civilized than a rude +people. [end of page #39] + +After the great influx of wealth had corrupted Rome, its public +expenses increased at an enormous rate, till at last that portion of the +tribute exacted from the provinces, which it pleased the armies and the +generals to remit to Rome, became unequal to the expenditure. +Taxation of every kind then became necessary, in Italy itself, and the +evils that attend the multiplication of imposts were greatly augmented +by the ignorant manner in which they were laid on, by men who +understood little but military affairs, added to the severe manner in +which were they =sic= levied by a rude, imperious, and debauched +soldiery. + +The characters of soldier and citizen, which had been so long united, +ceased to have any connection. Soon after this, the corruption of +manners became general; and, at last, the Romans unable to find +soldiers amongst themselves, were obliged to retain barbarians to fight +in their defence, {38} and to bribe the Persians, and other nations, to +leave them in a state of tranquility. + +No nation that ever yet submitted to pay tribute, has long preserved its +independence. The Romans knew this well; and if any one, having had +recourse to that expedient, has escaped ruin, it has been from some +other circumstance than its own exertion; or it has sometimes been the +effort of despair when pushed to extremity. + +Though, in many respects, Montesquieu's opinion of the affairs of +Rome is by no means to be taken, yet his short account of the whole is +unexceptionally just. + +"Take," says that able and profound writer, "this compendium of the +Roman history. The Romans subdued all nations by their maxims; but, +when they had succeeded in doing so, they could no longer preserve +their republican form of government. It was necessary to change the +plan, and maxims contrary to their first, being introduced, they were +divested of all their grandeur." + +This was literally the case; but then it is clear that this compendium, +only includes the secondary causes, and their effects; for the +perseverance in maxims till they had obtained their end, and then +changing + +--- +{38} This is exactly one of the charges brought against the +Carthaginians in the last Punic war. +-=- + +[end of page #40] + +them, which was not an act of the will, must have been occasioned by +some cause inherent in their situation, which had gradually changed. + +In searching for this cause we shall be very much assisted, and the +conclusion will be rendered more certain, by observing in what +particular circumstances, they resembled other nations who had +undergone a similar changes. =sic= + +In doing this, we find the inquiry wonderfully abridged indeed, and +the conclusion reduced nearly to a mathematical certainty, by +observing that the change of maxims, that is to say, the change in +ways of thinking, whenever it has taken place, has followed soon after +the introduction of wealth and refinement, which change manners, and +consequently maxims. + +Wealth, acquired by conquest, was incompatible with that austere +virtue and independent principle which form the basis of republican +prosperity. + +As all public employments were obtained by the favour of the people; +and as all wealth and power were obtained by the channels of public +employment; bribery and corruption, which cannot take place in a +poor republic, became very common in this wealthy one; so that this +republican government, so constituted, lost all those advantages it +possessed while it was poor. + +Had the murderers of Julius Caesar, either understood the real +corruption of the commonwealth, or foreseen that a new master would +rise up, they would never have destroyed that admirable man. Had +Rome not been ready to receive a master, Julius Caesar, with all his +ambition, would never have grasped at the crown. + +In nations that obtain wealth by commerce, manufactures, or any other +means than by conquests, the corruption of the state is not naturally so +great. The wealth originates in the people, and not in the state; and, +besides that they are more difficult to purchase, there is less means of +doing so, and less inducement; neither can they, being the sources of +wealth themselves, become so idle and corrupted. {39} + +--- +{39} The wild and ungovernable direction that the French revolution +took originated chiefly in the creation of assignats, which not only +exempted the people from taxes at first, but had the effect of +producing an artificial and temporary degree of wealth, that [end of +page #41] enabled vast numbers, either in the pay of others, or at their +own expense, to make cabals and politics their whole study. Rome +never was in such a licentious state, because, before the citizens got +into that situation, the military power was established. +-=- + +In the ancient nations that fell one after another, we have seen the +young and vigorous subdue the more wealthy and luxurious; or we +have seen superior art and skill get the better of valour and ignorance; +but, in the fall of the Roman empire, the art and skill were all on the +side of those who fell, and the vigour of those who conquered was not +so powerful an agent as the very low and degraded state into which +the masters of the world had themselves fallen. + +It is by no means consistent with the plan of this work, nor is it any +way necessary for the inquiry, to enter into the particular details of the +degraded and miserable state to which the Romans were reduced; +insomuch, that those who emigrated previously to its fall, and settled +amongst barbarous nations, found themselves more happy than they +had been, being freed from taxation and a variety of oppressions. + +Though the Roman people are, of all others, those whose rise and fall +are the most distinctly known; yet, in some circumstances, their case +does not apply to nations in general. Had they cultivated commerce +and the arts, with the same success that they pursued conquest, they +must have become wealthy at a much earlier period, and they would +not have found themselves in possession of an almost boundless +empire, composed of different nations, subdued by force, and +requiring force to be preserved. + +The decline of nations, who become rich by means of industry, may +be natural; but, the fall of a nation, owing its greatness to the +subjugation of others, must be necessary. Human affairs are too +complicated and varied to admit of perfect equality, and the relative +situations of mankind are always changing; yet, in some instances, +perhaps, changes might be obviated, or protracted, by timely +preventives. But there is no possibility of keeping them long in so +unnatural a situation, as that of a nation of wealthy and idle people, +ruling over and keeping in subjection others who are more hardy, +poorer, and more virtuous, than themselves. + +Before the western empire fell, the following causes of its weakness +were arrived at a great height. [end of page #42] + +Manners were corrupted to the highest degree; there was neither +public nor private virtue; intrigue, cabal, and money, did every thing. + +Property was all in the hands of a few; the great mass of the people +were wretchedly poor, mutinous, and idle. + +Italy was unable to supply its inhabitants with food. The lands were in +the possession of men, who, by rapacity in the provinces, had acquired +large incomes, and to whom cultivation was no object; the country +was either laid out in pleasure grounds, or neglected. + +The revenues of the state were wasted on the soldiers; in shews to +keep the people occupied, and on the purchase of corn, brought to +Rome from a distance. + +The load of taxes was so great, that the Roman citizens envied the +barbarians, and thought they could not be worse than they were, +should they fall under a foreign yoke. All attachment to their country +was gone; and every motive to public spirit had entirely ceased to +operate. + +The old noble families, who alone preserved a sense of their ancient +dignity, were neglected in times of quiet, and persecuted in times of +trouble. They still preserved an attachment to their country, but they +had neither wealth, power, nor authority. + +The vile populace, having lost every species of military valour, were +unable to recruit the armies; the defence, against the provinces which +rebelled, was in the hands of foreign mercenaries; and Rome paid +tribute to obtain peace from some of those she had insulted in the hour +of her prosperity and insolence. + +Gold corrupted all the courts of justice; there were no laws for the +rich, who committed crimes with impunity; while the poor did the +same through want, wretchedness, and despair. + +In this miserable state of things, the poor, for the sake of protection, +became a sort of partizans or retainers of the rich, whom they were +ready to serve on all occasions: so that, except in a few forms, there +was no trace left of the institutions that had raised the Romans above +all other nations. [end of page #43] + + + + +CHAP. V. + + +_Of the Cities and Nations that rose to Wealth and Power in the +middle Ages, after the Fall of the Western Empire, and previously to +the Discovery of the Passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good +Hope, and of America.--Different Effects of Wealth on Nations in cold +and in warm Climates, and of the Fall of the Eastern Empire_. + +After the fall of the western empire, the Italian states were the first +that revived commerce in the west of Europe, which they may indeed +be said alone to have kept alive, with the single exception of the city +of Marseilles. + +Venice had begun to flourish when the barbarians took Rome; and +Florence afforded a refuge for those of the nobility who escaped from +their terrible grasp: but, for four centuries after, till the time of +Charlemagne, there was, indeed, nothing that had either the semblance +of power, wealth, or greatness, in Europe. The Saracens, as early as +the seventh century, had got possession of Egypt, and had extended +their ravages in Asia, to the borders of the Black Sea, having in vain +endeavoured to take the city of Constantinople, and make themselves +masters of the eastern empire, as their rivals, the Goths, had conquered +that in the west. + +The momentary greatness which shone forth in the reign of +Charlemagne was, in many respects, like that during the reign of +Alexander the Great. The power of each depended on the individual +character of the man, and their empires, extended by their courage and +skill, fell to pieces immediately after they were no more. + +As the only permanent change that Alexander had effected was that of +removing the chief seat of commerce from Phoenicia to the southern +border of the Mediterranean Sea; so, the only permanent effect of the +reign of Charles the Great was, his extending Christianity, and some +degree of civilization, to the north of the Danube; {40} thus bring- + +--- +{40} The people to the north of the Danube had never been subdued +by the Romans. In the time of Charlemagne they were Pagans, and in +a most rude state of barbarism. +-=- + +[end of page #44] + +ing the borders of the Baltic Sea within the limits of the civilized +world. + +Charlemagne paved the way for the greatness of the Flemings, the +Saxons, and the Hans Towns, which began to flourish a few centuries +after his time; but his own country was never in a more abject +situation than soon after his decease. + +The Danes took and burned the city of Paris, and they conquered, +settled, and gave its name to the present country of Normandy. {41} + +It would throw no light on the subject of the present inquiry to notice +the quarrels, the feuds, and revolutions, that took place during the dark +ages, and the reign of the feudal system, previously to the time of the +crusades; when a wild romantic spirit extended civilization a little +more widely than before, and laid the foundation for a new order of +things, and a new species of wealth and power, different from those of +the ancient world, the extent of which was bounded by the fertile +regions of the south. + +The first holy war took place in the eleventh century, and commerce +and industry were introduced into the north of Europe very soon after. +The Danes, who alone had power by sea in those times, exercised it by +piracies and seizing all merchant vessels; particularly such as passed +the Sound, from the Baltic to the North Sea. This rendered it necessary +for the cities that had commerce to carry on to associate for the sake of +protection, as the Arabian merchants had formerly done by land, and +do to this day, to prevent being robbed by those who live by hunting +and depredation. + +This gave rise to the famous Hanseatic League, which began to +become formidable towards the end of the twelfth century. {42} + +As men living in northern countries have many wants unknown to +those of the south, so the industry that began on the borders of the + +--- +{41} They were equally successful in England, but that country was +not then to be considered as making any part of that world, with the +revolutions of which this inquiry is connected. + +{42} There is a dispute relative to this: but, as no writers give it a +later date, and some give it an earlier one, it is certain that it must +have existed at that time. Many disputes never ascertain the point +intended, yet clear up something else that is equally useful. +-=- + +[end of page #45] + +Baltic was very different from that which had flourished in ancient +times on those of the Mediterranean Sea. + +In this new order of things, Flanders, for its fertility, might be +compared to Egypt, and Holland to Phoenicia, from its want of +territory: but clothing of a more substantial sort, and conveniences and +pleasures of a different nature being necessary, industry took a +different turn. Besides this, the nature of the governments, where men +were more nearly upon an equality, made it necessary to provide for +their wants in a very different way. + +Instead of building pyramids for the tombs of kings, industry was +employed in procuring comfort for those who inhabited the country; +and instead of the greatest art being employed on the fabrication of +fine linen, and dying of purple, making vessels of gold and silver, and +every thing for the use of courts, the art of making warm clothing of +wool, and of fishing and salting fish, occupied the attention of this +new race of men. + +The Flemish had three sources of wealth at one time: they possessed +the depots of Indian produce, and dispersed it over the north of +Europe; they were the first who excelled in the art of weaving, and in +that of curing fish. + +The towns of Flanders and Brabant were associated in the Hanseatic +League, and continued rising from the twelfth to the middle of the +sixteenth century, when several circumstances operated in bringing on +their decline. + +The Hanseatic association was one arising from the circumstances of +the times and from necessity. It was an artificial connection or +alliance, where towns, subject to different governments, acted as +independent states, entering into a society which treated on a footing +of equality with kings, and made war and peace like any single +sovereign. It was not to be expected that such a sort of alliance could +greatly outlive the cause of its formation. But neither did the +destruction of the league or federation, of necessity, draw along with it +that of the towns of which it was composed. We shall see, however, +that the general prosperity, and that of the individual members of the +league, disappeared for the most part nearly together. [end of page +#46] + +The Dutch were far inferior to the Flemings for natural advantages; +but they acted under the influence of necessity, which spurred on their +industry; and no nation ever shewed so well how powerful its +operation is: so that, though they were at first behind the Flemings in +commerce and manufactures, they got the better, and became more +rich and powerful. While the persecution of Philip, who was King of +Spain, while his brother Ferdinand, Emperor of Germany, was at the +head of the Austrian dominions there, and was a dependant of the +Spanish monarchs. + +--While the persecution of Philip, uniting the authority of the +hereditary dominions of Austria with that of Spain, compelled many +of the most industrious artisans, of that portion of the Low Countries +that has since been distinguished by the title of the Austrian +Netherlands, to leave their country, the Dutch provinces were making +preparations to throw off the yoke of Spain. + +[Transcriber's note: possible partly duplicated section, here reproduced +as-is from the original.] + +Not only did the Dutch become more wealthy than their neighbours, +but they became also more tenacious of their liberty, more patriotic +and free; for the situation of their country required economy, union, +and patriotic exertion, even for the preservation of its existence. + +After Holland had already made considerable advances towards +wealth, it obtained great superiority by a fortunate improvement on +the art of curing herrings. Though herrings had been barrelled for +exportation, for more than two hundred years, it was only towards the +end of the fourteenth, or beginning of the fifteenth century, that the +present method of curing them was invented by the Dutch, which gave +them a decided superiority in that article. {43} This prepared the way +for the downfal =sic= of Flanders; to which its pride, and the mutinous +spirit of the manufacturers in the towns did not a little contribute. + +The decline of the Austrian Low Countries was brought on entirely by +three causes; the oppression of the government, the Dutch excelling +and supplanting them in arts and industry, and their own pride and +insolence. At one time, Bruges, at another time, Antwerp, took on +them to act as sovereigns, and as if independent, while, at the same +time, the people were almost constantly disobedient to their +magistrates. They had first become industrious under the influence of + +--- +{43} It was discovered in 1397, or soon after. +-=- + +[end of page #47] + +necessity; but that was gone, and they could not continue in the same +course, when in full enjoyment of wealth, and of every thing they +wanted. + +The Hanseatic Towns, from at first merely defending their trade +against the Danes, became their conquerors at sea, and, in the years +1361 and 1369, they took and burnt Copenhagen, the capital, twice. +Crowned heads became desirous of their alliance, and no power, at +sea, was equal to oppose them; but their insolence to the Dutch, their +oppressions of the English, of Spain, and other powers, laid the +foundation for their decline in less than half a century afterwards. +{44} + +As the first three centuries of this extraordinary and unexampled +association, were employed in protecting commerce and protecting +trade, all those concerned in its success were ambitious of being +admitted members, or received as friends: but when they began to +assume the pride and dignity of sovereigns, and to meddle in political +quarrels, to become irascible and unjust, their numbers diminished; +and of those members that remained, the wealth and prosperity +gradually began to fall. + +The Dutch, by great industry, by a strict attention to their interest, and +by keeping down pride, continued to increase in wealth, while the +Hans Towns and Flanders were considerably advanced in their +decline. + +While this was happening on the northern shores of the continent of +Europe; to which and to Italy trade had been nearly confined, Spain +and Portugal, France and England, began to see the advantages of +manufactures and commerce, and to encourage them. If money was +wanted to be borrowed, it was either in Italy or Flanders, or in some of +the Hans Towns, that it could alone be found; so, that though the +monarchs of those days rather despised commerce, yet, as a means +merely of procuring what they found so indispensably necessary, they +began to think of encouraging it. + +Spain had taken possession of the Canary Islands, and Portugal had +made conquests on the coast of Africa, and seized the island of + +--- +{44} In 1411 they were compelled, by Henry IV. of England, to give +him satisfaction for some of the injuries done. +-=- + +[end of page #48] + +Madeira in the early part of the fifteenth century, and by an attention +to naval affairs, and setting a value on possessions beyond seas, laid a +foundation for those new discoveries which have totally changed the +face of the world. + +In Europe then, at the end of the fifteenth century, the nations were +nearly in the following state. The Italians, possessed of the whole +trade to India, were wealthy but feeble. They had more art, policy, and +money, than other nations; but they had of themselves scarcely any +effective power, except a little exercised by the Venetians and +Genoese at sea. + +The Hanse Towns, extending over the northern part of Europe and +Flanders, which had become wealthy and powerful by their own +industry, and a participation of the trade to India with the Italians, +(though at second hand,) were on the decline, through pride and +luxury. + +Holland alone was advancing fast towards wealth, by industry, and an +attention to commerce and economy. Spain and Portugal had turned +their attention to new discoveries; and France and England were +endeavouring to follow, though at a great distance, those who, in this +career, had gone before them. + +Of the places that enjoyed wealth, all were declining in power from +the abuse of it; and Spain, which alone had possessed much power +without wealth, was abusing it, by banishing industry from Flanders, +and the Moors from their own country. In one case, there was wealth +without power; in the other, there was power without wealth; and, in +both, mistaken views and unwise conduct had laid the foundation for +decline. + +The other nations that had not yet either wealth or power were all +seeking with great energy to acquire them; and they were successful in +their attempts. Even Spain, which had unwisely banished the Moors, +and thereby laid a foundation for its own decline and fall, found that +event retarded for a century, by a most unexpected discovery: in +consequence of which discovery it fell from a greater height at a later +period. {45} + +--- +{45} It would not be to the purpose to speak at present either of +Poland, Sweden, or Russia, or of the German empire, in which many +of the Hanse Towns were situated. [end of page #49] The history of +the Hanse Towns is very curious, and well worth attention: perhaps, next +to that of Rome, it is the best calculated to illustrate the subject of +this inquiry; but it is too long to be entered on. +-=- + +As for the eastern empire; held up by a participation of the commerce +of India, and retaining still some of the civilization of the ancient +world, it had sustained the irregular, though fierce attacks of the +barbarians till the middle of this century; when, having very +imprudently made a display of the riches of the city, and the beauty of +the women, the envy of the Mahomedan barbarians was raised to a +pitch of frenzy, that it would, in any situation, have been difficult to +resist, but for which the enervated emperors of the east were totally +unequal. + +This added one instance more of a poor triumphing over an enervated +and rich people. Nothing could exceed the poverty of the Turks, +unless it was the ugliness of their women. But the case was not the +same here as when the Goths and Vandals, from violence and revenge, +attacked Rome merely to plunder and destroy. The Turks were, +comparatively, from a southern climate themselves; though poor, they +had been living amongst the wreck of ancient greatness, and they +conquered with an intention to occupy and enjoy. + +Thus was extinguished the last remains of ancient grandeur, in the +middle of the fifteenth century. About fifty years before, many new +sources of wealth were discovered, and the old ones were entirely +converted into a channel that was new also. Thus, those who had, +from the earliest ages, been in possession of wealth were preparing the +way for enriching poor nations, that, from their geographical situation +and other circumstances, never could otherwise have participated in it. +[end of page #50] + + + + +CHAP. VI. + + +_Digression concerning the Commerce with India.--This the only one +that raised ancient Nations to Wealth.--Its continual Variations.-- +The Envy it excited, and Revolutions it produced_. + +Before there are any authentic records, Syria and Egypt were +populous; and the monarchs that ruled in those extensive countries had +established their governments upon the plan that has more or less been +adopted by all countries. There were different ranks of people. The +same offices did not fall indifferently upon all. Wealth was unequally +divided; and, of course, a foundation was laid for that commerce +which consists in supplying the affluent with articles of taste and +luxury, which are only produced in some countries; whereas, articles +of necessity are produced in every country that is inhabited. + +Commerce appears at first to have been entirely confined to the +productions of the eastern and middle parts of Asia, which have, from +the earliest periods, been sought after with great avidity by the people +of other countries. + +All that is most grateful to the taste, the eye, or the smell, is found in +peculiar excellence in India. It is not to be wondered at then, if such +objects of the desires of men were an abundant source of riches to +those nations who had the means of obtaining them. + +Egypt and Syria lay immediately in the road for this commerce. They +were rivals, and many contests and vicissitudes were the consequence: +for no commerce has ever created so much envy and jealousy. None +has ever raised those who carried it on so high, or, on forsaking them, +left them so low, as that which has been carried on with India. + +Though at a very early period Egypt had a share of this lucrative +commerce, yet the greatest part was carried on through Syria and +Arabia, between the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean Sea; that part +now called the Levant, where Tyre and Sidon once stood. [end of page +#51] + +We shall examine briefly the changes of this commerce; the only one +almost existing, in early times, or at least which gave rise to nearly all +that did exist. {46} + +As the common necessaries of life are found in greater or less +abundance in every country, and as the population is in some degree +regulated by their quantity, they made no objects of trade, except in +the cases of famine. The precious metals, spices, jewels, and +aromatics, rare in their production, universally desirable and easily +transported, were long the chief objects of commerce; and the changes +which this commerce has undergone and produced, amongst those +who possessed it, greatly elucidate the subject of this inquiry. + +The distance from Babylon to the Persian gulf, down the Euphrates, to +where Bussora now stands, was not great, and across the country to +Tyre there was little interruption; the Assyrian empire extending to the +sea-coast, and its monarchs being too powerful to have any thing to +fear. + +There was, however, at a very early period, another channel, by which +the Tyrians obtained the productions of the East, namely, by sailing up +the Red Sea, or Arabian Gulf, and across Arabia Petrea to +Rhinocolura. {47} + +The Egyptians, at that time, obtained the same sorts of merchandize, +by sailing likewise up the Red Sea, and landing at the western +extremity; from whence they were distributed through Lower Egypt. + +Commerce was carried on in this manner, and was nearly all +engrossed by Tyre, when Alexander the Great, bred up under his +father, who had been educated at Athens, and travelled through +Greece, + +--- +{46} To carry on trade, capital is necessary; that is to say, there must +be some means of getting an article before it can be carried away and +sold. Spices, precious stones, and the other produce of the East, cost +little or almost nothing amongst those who had more than they could +use; and, as they produced an immense profit to merchants, they laid a +foundation for those capitals that afterwards were employed in other +sorts of business. + +{47} Rhinocolura was merely a sort of sea port for embarking the +merchandizes that had been brought across the desert from the Red +Sea, It was situated at the south-east extremity or corner of the +Mediterranean Sea, and till Alexandria was built was the nearest port +to the Red Sea. +-=- + +[end of page #52] + +turned his arms against those countries in which there was the most to +be got by conquest, and from whom there was the least danger of +defeat. + +Before this took place, the pride and insolence of the inhabitants of +Tyre and Sidon had displayed itself on more than one occasion. After +having been on friendly terms with the Jews, under David and +Solomon, they became their enemies, and excited the King of Babylon +to take Jerusalem; by that means destroying a neighbouring and +dangerous rival. The wealth of these two cities had afterwards induced +the Babylonians to attack them also. Sidon was taken and destroyed; +and that part of the city of Tyre fell, which was upon the main land; +but the Tyre that was the place of real trade, escaped the rage of the +Assyrian monarchs. + +Alexander seems to have determined on destroying Tyre, in order to +found Alexandria, which he placed indeed in a better situation for the +eastern trade. His romantic expedition to India had in view the getting +possession of the countries which had produced those gems and +aromatics that were so much sought after in the other parts of the +world. + +Had Alexander lived, perhaps he would not have found it in his +interest to depress Syria; but the division of his conquests amongst his +generals gave to Egypt and Syria two different masters. They were +rivals, and then every advantage that nature gave to Alexandria was +improved to the highest pitch under the Ptolemys. + +The river Nile, much more navigable than the Euphrates, was also +better adapted for this trade, because, in coming from India, it was +necessary to ascend the latter, while the other was descended. Besides +this, the flat country of the Delta was cut into canals, which greatly +facilitated this channel of commerce. {48} + +This was the first great revolution in eastern commerce. It was brought +on first by the envy of Alexander and the pride of the in- + +--- +{48} It does not appear what returns were made to the Indians for +their produce, therefore it must have been money. The trade then +consisted in bringing from thence goods, comparatively weighty, and +returning, as it were, empty. The current of the rivers being in +different directions was then an object of importance. +-=- + +[end of page #53] + +habitants of Tyre, and gave a very great superiority to Egypt, which +was increased by the canals dug in that country, and the discovery of +the regular monsoon, (a periodical wind,) which, at a certain time of +the year, carried navigators straight from the mouth of the Red Sea to +the Malabar coast. {49} + +Under these disadvantages, flowing from superior prerogatives of +Egypt, the commerce of Syria fell off almost to nothing, till, by +another of those changes to which this commerce seems peculiarly +liable, the Roman empire, which had swallowed up the whole of the +civilized world, was itself divided into two, and one of the capitals +fixed at Constantinople. + +The channel through Syria obtained then a preference for all the +eastern part of the empire; and owing to some change, either in the +politics or religion of the Persians, when conquered by the Parthians, +they became willing to permit them the navigation of the Euphrates, +which had long been shut up. + +This continued to be the state of matters, particularly after the fall of +the western empire, when barbarians got possession of all that part of +Europe that used to be supplied with East India produce by the way of +Alexandria. It continued till the middle of the seventh century of the +Christian aera, when the Mahometan religion was established from the +westernmost part of Africa to the confines of the Chinese empire; and +as the followers of that religion were unfriendly to commerce, and +none could be carried on with India that did not pass through their +country, it was nearly annihilated, and was almost wholly confined to +the caravans of pilgrims, who, going to visit Jerusalem and Mecca, +under the cloak of religious zeal, exchanged the various articles of +traffic which they had collected in their different countries and on +their journey. + +--- +{49} This passage, from the straits of Babelmandel to the point of the +peninsula of India, saved a very long and dangerous navigation by the +coast. It is almost due east, and with the advantage of being much +shorter, and having a fair wind, was next to the discovery of the +passage of the Cape of Good Hope, the greatest discovery for +shortening the route to India. This was discovered during the time that +Egypt was a Roman province. +-=- + +[end of page #54] + +Such were the vicissitudes, changes, and variations of this commerce +in early periods, and during the middle ages; and, when we come to +treat of the same within the last two centuries, we shall find it equally +liable to alteration. + +Of all the spots on the face of the earth that have undergone revolution +and ruin, they that are now the most completely sunk below their +natural level, are those which were formerly the highest above it. + +We have left uninterrupted the detail of the commercial greatness of +those places, in order not to break the narrative; but as cities cannot be +great without connection, it is necessary to notice, that Marseilles in +France, and Carthagena, and some other places on the coast of Spain, +were those, by which eastern luxuries came into Europe from +Alexandria and Tyre. The Carthaginians, a Tyrian colony, had the +produce from Tyre, and from Rhinocolura, and supplied Spain and the +western portion of Africa; but when Alexandria arose, Carthage began +to fall. Alexandria, situated near to it on the same coast, was a rival, +not a friend, as Tyre had been, and the first Punic war, in which the +pride of that republic had involved it with Rome, following soon after, +hastened its decline. {50} + +The nations of Greece, which had risen to power and wealth, owed +these more to their superiority in mind, in learning, and the fine arts, +than to any attention they ever paid to commerce; they had begun by +being the most barbarous of all the people in that part of the globe, +and got their first knowledge from the Egyptians, whom they long +considered as their superiors in science, as the Romans afterwards did +the Greeks; but when the barbarians broke down the western empire, +learning as well as commerce was very soon extinguished. + +It was the share of Indian commerce, settled at Constantinople, that +tended more than any other circumstance to preserve that empire so +long. To that, and to the barbarians having other occupation, rather + +--- +{50} Marseilles was founded soon after the city of Rome, but it was a +government of itself, and made no part of ancient Gaul. The Gauls +were warlike barbarians. The inhabitants of Marseilles were polished, +like the inhabitants of other towns that enjoyed commercial wealth. +They were always allies, and steady friends to the Romans, whom +they never abandoned. +-=- + +[end of page #55] + +than to any intrinsic strength of its own, did the eastern empire owe its +long preservation. + +A new channel for this varying commerce of the East, was opened, as +civilization extended to the north of Europe, and this chiefly on +account of the very small supply that was obtained through the +Mahomedan countries. + +Goods were transported by land from Hindostan and China, to +Esterhabad, situated on the south-east corner of the Caspian Sea; from +whence they were carried in vessels to the north-east corner of the +same sea, and from thence by the Wolga and the Don; two rivers +which rise in Russia, and, after nearly meeting together, fall into the +Caspian Sea, and the Black Sea. By ascending the Wolga a short +distance, and descending the Don, with only a few miles of land- +carriage, the produce of India arrived at the Black Sea, and +Constantinople became the emporium of the Indian trade. This was a +great stroke to Venice and Genoa, {51} which rivalled each other in +bringing the Asiatic commodities, for the supply of Europe, through +the old channels. This jealousy of each other, and of Constantinople, +was at its height when the crusades carried most of the princes and +nobles of Europe to Venice and Constantinople. The Venetians, +merely a mercantile people, with little territory or power, neither gave +nor received umbrage from those warlike chiefs; but it was not so with +Constantinople, the seat of a great empire; so that the crusaders and +Venetians united against that power, and the eastern emperors were +compelled to divide their city into four parts: the sovereignty of one +part fell to the lot of the Venetians, who, for more than half a century, +had by this means a decided superiority over both its rivals, and +engrossed nearly the whole commerce of the East. The Genoese and +Greek emperors now found + +-- +{51} In the chart which I have given, Venice and Genoa are put +together, as if one, though they were rivals, and the prosperity of the +one injured the other; but as nearly situated the same, and neither +being considered as a nation, but merely as an abode of commerce, I +did not think it necessary to distinguish them in the general history +more than the variations that take place between the different cities of +the same country. If, however, I should do the chart on a large scale, I +should certainly separate them, and shew their rises and falls minutely. +-=- + +[end of page #56] + +it their interest to unite against Venice, and the Genoese, by +supporting their ally with money, expelled the Venetians from +Constantinople. The imperial family was reinstated, and the Genoese +had the suburbs of Pera as a reward for their assistance. This quarter +of the city the Genoese fortified, and the Venetians were compelled to +return to their old channels by Egypt and Syria. {52} + +During those contests, Florence arose, and became a rival both to +Venice and Genoa; and some degree of civilization, or, at least, a taste +for the luxuries and produce of the East was brought into the north of +Europe by those who returned from the crusades. The consumption of +Asiatic produce in the North, occasioned depots to be established, and +Bruges and Antwerp became to the north, what Venice and Genoa +were to the south of Europe. The Hans Towns rose to wealth and +opulence just about that period; but the effects of wealth acquired by +commerce in the north were found to be different from what they had +been in southern climates. Italy was going to decay, while three of its +cities were increasing in splendour; but, in the north, the riches +acquired by the cities set industry at work: manufactures were +improved, and affluence and the comforts of life became more +generally diffused than they had ever before been, or than they are in +the southern countries even at the present day. + +While Constantinople was thus rivalling the cities of Italy, a new +revolution took place there, which overturned the Greek empire, and +established that of the Ottomans. + +When Mahomet II. mounted the throne, the Genoese were expelled +from Pera, {53} and Venice regained the preponderance in eastern + +--- +{52} The depot of India commerce being in the Crimea, which is near +the mouth of the Wolga, is a strong reason for believing the trade was +carried on through the Caspian Sea; but it has been asserted, that the +chief route was directly by land from the Tigris to the Black Sea. This +seems a very good way; but, in that case, why cross the Black Sea to +go to the Crimea? Any one who looks at the map will be able to judge +that as being very unlikely. Doctor Robertson, however, has taken no +notice of this difficulty. Two things are certain: that the depot was in +the Crimea, and that merchants never go out of their road without +having some cause for doing it. The reader must then determine for +himself. + +{53} Before the Genoese were expelled, their insolence and avarice +had time to display themselves in their full extent; about the year +thirteen hundred and forty, says an eye-witness, [end of page #57] +(Nicepho[r/i]as [illeg.] Gregoras,) they dreamed that they had acquired +the dominion of the sea, and claimed an exclusive right to the trade of +the Euxine, prohibiting the Greeks to sail to the Chersonesus, or any +part beyond the mouth of the Danube, without a licence from them. +The Venetians were not excepted, and the arrogance of the Genoese +went so far as to form a scheme for imposing a toll on every vessel +passing through the Bosphorous. +-=- + +commerce, which she maintained, till the discovery of the passage by +the Cape of Good Hope, which opened a new channel, more certain, +much less expensive, and not so liable to interruption from the +revolutions that nations are liable to. It is deserving of observation, +that whatever alterations took place in the channel through which the +India trade was carried on, whatever were the vicissitudes or the +difficulties, the trade itself never was suspended; so great was the +propensity of those who were affluent in the West, to enjoy the +productions of the East. {54} + +The vicissitudes of this eastern commerce were thus very great in +former times. The wealth and arrogance which the possession of it +produced, and the envy it excited, may, in general, be ascribed as the +cause; indeed it is not certain whether the envy of the Genoese, at the +success of the Venetians, did not make them, in an underhand manner, +favour those attempts to find out a new channel which might destroy +the prosperity of a haughty and successful rival. {55} + +Whether it was so or not, it is certain that the discovery of the passage +by the Cape of Good Hope was not accidental; but that the Portuguese +were induced to listen to the proposal of trading to India by that route, +under the certainty of rivalling the greatest commercial city of the +world, if she should succeed. + +Though no new channel can now be expected, and the present one is +every day becoming more easy and frequented, yet the capricious +shiftings of the India trade were not ended by this new discovery. + +Instead of the contest being, as formerly, between cities situated on + +--- +{54} The prices of Asiatic produce were exorbitant. Silk was sold for +its weight in gold; and a Roman emperor refused his empress the +luxury, or rather the splendour, of a silk gown. + +{55} Amongst the passions that get hold of rivals in commerce, that of +envy is so great, when avarice is defeated, that, to humble a successful +rival, they will meet ruin themselves, without fear, and even with +satisfaction. +-=- + +[end of page #58] + +the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, those maritime powers who +navigated the main ocean became the contending parties. + +There are only two ways by which wealth is accumulated and brought +into few hands; the one by compulsion and levying taxes, the other by +producing or procuring objects of desire; for a small quantity of +which, people give up a great portion of their labour. + +Sovereigns have amassed wealth and possessed revenue by the first +means, and the use they have put it to has been magnificence in +building, or in great or useful works, for war, or for pleasure. + +The wealth obtained by the other means, of which the trade to the East +seems to have been the chief, produced a different effect. In Italy it +occasioned the invention of bills of exchange, and gave +encouragement to the fine arts, and to some manufactures. In the north +of Europe it infused a general spirit for trade and manufactures; for the +luxuries of the East only served to teach the people of the north the +necessity of acquiring comfort by manufacturing the produce of their +own country. + +To improve the arts of weaving, to make woollen and linen cloths of a +finer texture, was very natural, after having seen the silks and muslins +that came from India; particularly to people living in a cold climate, +where a more substantial covering was wanted, and where the +materials were in abundance. + +It was, accordingly, in Flanders, and the adjacent country, that the +modern spirit of manufactures rose up, nourished by the wealth which +the ancient commerce of India had produced. + +In the early ages, when the Tyrians had this trade, they amassed great +wealth, though they had not any large countries to supply; for, +probably, neither Egypt nor the eastern part of Syria would receive the +produce by so circuitous a road. But, during the first ages, sacrifices to +the gods and the funeral ceremonies consumed vast quantities of +aromatics of every sort, as well as the enjoyments of the living. The +two former causes of request for aromatics have long been at an end, +owing to the changes in religion. They are now neither burned on the +altar nor at the grave; and custom and taste, which are to a certain [end +of page #59] degree variable and arbitrary, have lessened the +consumption of some, and others have been supplied by the progress +that we have ourselves made in manufactures. {56} + +While this diminution of consumption took place, the western world +was advancing in civilization, and the progress of wealth became +vastly more extended; so that if the consumers of eastern luxuries +were less profuse in the use of them, they were, at the same time, +greatly increased in number. + +The taste for tea, alone, which was introduced not much above a +century ago, has alone, overbalanced all the others, and it is still +augmenting in Europe; besides the discovery of a new quarter of the +world rapidly increasing in population, into which the custom of +drinking tea, as in Britain, has been introduced also. + +The reasonable price at which an article can be afforded, always +augments the consumption: and though we have no criterion to go by +in judging of the prices in former times, yet it is certain they must +have been very great. At the time when silk was sold for its weight in +gold, that metal was compared with common labour of six times the +value that it is now; silk was, then, at least three hundred times as dear +as it is now; indeed, even that extravagant price scarcely accounts for +the parsimony of the Roman emperor, who refused his wife a robe of +that rich material. {57} + +Though new discoveries have robbed Egypt and Syria for ever of the +commerce of the East; and though the loss of trade was the proximate +cause of the degradation, yet both countries had long been desolate +and + +--- +{56} Wrought silks, muslins, and porcelains. Cotton stuffs are now no +longer bought as formerly, so that, except in porcelain, the raw +material is the only object of commerce. The silk worm was +introduced into Italy during the time that the intercourse with the East +was very difficult, and therefore had not the increase of wealth, and a +taste for new articles extended the demand and brought a new one, the +trade would at last have been nearly done away. + +{57} The carriage is 24 L. a ton backwards and forwards, or out and +home, which is only equal to what is paid in England by land for 500 +miles. Indeed, none but articles of a very great value and high price +could pay for the carriage by any of the channels hitherto discovered +but that of the Cape. +-=- + +[end of page #60] + +degraded before this change happened; for though the commerce came +through their countries, the riches it produced centred in Italy. Syria +had long become a desert, and the ruined palaces were become the +habitations of scorpions, reptiles, and beasts of prey, long before those +discoveries which seemed to have sealed their doom. That discovery +only completed what had long been begun, and rendered permanent +and irrevocable what might otherwise have been altered. {58} + +At the rate at which this trade now goes on to increase, all the gold +and silver mines in the West, will soon be insufficient to afford +enough of the precious metals to pay for produce from that country: +for few European manufactures are taken in return. This is laying a +foundation for a great revolution, either in manners or in nations at +some future day. + +It is extraordinary that, from the earliest ages, the inhabitants of India +have been receiving gold and silver from all other countries, and yet, +that those metals are not so abundant there as with European nations. +As our demand for the produce of the mines increases in order to send +remittances in specie to that country, the mines themselves diminish in +their produce, so that whatever change this may bring on, can be at no +very great distance. {59} + +--- +{58} What Dr. Robertson says of Palmyra may be applied nearly to all +the cities in Asia and Africa that shared in this commerce. "Palmyra, +after the conquest by Aurelian never revived." At present, a few +miserable huts of beggarly Arabs are scattered in the courts of its +stately temples, or deform its elegant porticoes, and exhibit a +humiliating contrast to its ancient magnificence. + +{59} If the taste of the Anglo Americans for tea continues, allowing +one pound to each person in the year, which is very little, one hundred +millions of pounds weight will be annually wanted in less than half a +century. +-=- + +[end of page #61] + + + + +CHAP. VII. + + +_Of the Causes that brought on the Decline of the Nations that had +flourished in the middle Ages, and of Portugal, Spain, Holland, and +the Hans Towns_. + +The trade with India, which had been almost the only one, and +always an occasion for envy and contest, was sought for by the +Spaniards and the Portuguese; who, as we have seen, were the first +amongst modern nations that seemed to aspire at naval discovery. + +The manner in which Spain discovered America; and Portugal, the +passage by the Cape of Good Hope, both nearly at the same period, +and at the beginning of the sixteenth century, is too well known to +require the smallest detail. + +Europeans, with the superior degree of knowledge they possessed, and +particularly that of the use of fire-arms: incited also by the love of +gold; and careless of keeping their word with the unsuspecting +natives, soon triumphed wherever they went, and the consequence +was, that both nations brought home immense riches. The trade of +Venice, Alexandria, and Aleppo, was all transferred to Lisbon, {60} +and never was so small a country so suddenly enriched; and it may be +added, more quickly deprived afterwards of the chief source of its +wealth. + +The Dutch had triumphed over the power of Spain, on their own soil, +and they soon rivalled that of Portugal in the East. It was a very +different thing to combat the natives, and to fight with the Dutch, who +very soon deprived Portugal of the rich means of wealth she had +discovered in India. + +The prosperity of Portugal, arising from its possession =sic= in the +East, continued at its height exactly a century. Its decline is accounted +for by the following causes. + +--- +{60} Lisbon had its depot for the north of Europe, at Antwerp, and the +value of the consignments have been estimated at a million of crowns, +annually; but this is, probably, an exaggeration. +-=- + +[end of page #62] + +Its domineering principles, too great an extent of conquests, which +were widely scattered, and the haughtiness of the Portuguese, both +towards the natives and Europeans; the envy and rivalship which +brought the Dutch into the same countries; a great want of attention +and energy; and, lastly, giving a preference to the trade to the Brazils. +The Brazils had been first discovered by the Portuguese, afterwards +seized upon by the Dutch, whom they, however, expelled about the +middle of the sixteenth century; that is, about fifty years after its first +discovery, and an equal period of time previous to the decline of their +trade in India. + +The possession of the whole of this lucrative trade, that had enriched +so many great nations, and that by so easy a channel, and without +almost any contest, for nearly a whole century, had so enriched the +small kingdom of Portugal, that after being too eager, and grasping at +too much, it was almost ready to resign the whole without a struggle, +had it not been for some reasons of another sort. {61} So immense +was the influx of wealth, from the united sources of India and the +Brazils, that the former, which has been at every other period the +object of ambition of all nations, and is so still, was considered as +scarcely worth retaining. + +It is almost unnecessary to add, that from that moment Portugal has +been on the decline. If ever the cup of prosperity ran over, in large +streams, it was then; and when the possession of the trade to India was +scarcely thought worth preserving, it is clear that no great efforts +could be made to encourage internal industry. + +Spain, extensive and powerful before it discovered the Indies, did not +so immediately feel the effects of the wealth imported, as the +Portuguese had done; but its prosperity was of less duration, though +the decline was not quite so rapid. + +The Dutch must have known the effects of wealth on a nation, else + +--- +{61} It was debated in council, at Lisbon, whether it would be worth +while to keep India, the wealth from the Brazils was so much more +easily obtained. A scruple of conscience, least =sic= the missionaries +should be destroyed, turned the scale in favour of retaining the trade +of India!! +-=- + +[end of page #63] + +they would scarcely have tried to throw off the yoke of Spain, at the +very moment when it appeared in its greatest splendour and power. +{62} + +Insolence and pride, we have too often had occasion to remark, +accompany wealth; and Philip was no more proof against its effects, +than those potentates who had gone before him.--There was a great +resemblance between the project of invading England, with the +invincible armada, as it was called, and the attack on Greece by the +King of Persia. That monarch must have thought very meanly of +England, to suppose that the island could be conquered by 30,000 +men, even if they could have made good their landing. Indeed, to try +such an experiment on a nation that had supported its claim to valour +so well at Agincourt and Cressy, and which was not, in any respect, +degenerated, manifests his being blinded by the effects of wealth and +greatness. + +The consequence was, a gradual decline of the affairs of his kingdom; +so that, in little less than a century, England placed a king on the +throne of Spain. + +Though the effect produced on Spain was not so rapid as on Portugal, +it was, in some respects, more irretrievable. The vast numbers of +persons who quitted that country, in quest of gold, injured its +population, already reduced by the expulsion of the Moors, who were +the most industrious of its inhabitants. + +The wealth that came to Spain, came in a very unequal distribution, +which is a considerable disadvantage, and hastens on that state of +things which is the natural forerunner of the decay of a nation. Wealth, +arising by commerce, however great its quantity, must be distributed +with some degree of equality; but the great adventurers in the gold +mines only shared with their sovereign, and the whole of their wealth +came in prodigious quantities, pouring in upon the country. {63} + +--- +{62} Though the Dutch were subject to Spain, yet that had not +prevented them from acting in an independent manner in their modes +of following trade and commerce. + +{63} We see an example of this in our own trade to India. Captains of +ships, merchants, and all those who get money by that trade, come +home with moderate fortunes; but the governors, and civil and +military officers, who have been settled in the country, come home +with princely fortunes, and eclipse the old nobility of the country. +-=- + +[end of page #64] + +Both Spain and Portugal, finding that wealth came with such ease +from India and America, neglected industry. This, indeed, was a very +natural consequence; and, when the sources of their riches began to +dry up, they found, though too late, that instead of having increased in +wealth, they had only been enriching more industrious nations, and +ruining themselves. The gold that arrives from the West passes +through the hands of its masters with almost the same rapidity as if +they were only agents for the English and the Dutch; so chimerical an +idea is that of wealth existing without industry. + +The Dutch were the only rivals of the Portuguese in the East Indies; +for though other nations came afterwards in for a share, yet the +transition from wealth to weakness was already made by the +Portuguese, before any of them had begun to set seriously to work, in +acquiring possessions, or in carrying on trade with that country. + +Portugal thus fell, merely from the rivalship of a more industrious and +less advanced nation, after having embraced more territory than she +had power to keep. Spain fell, because she had embraced a wrong +object as a source of riches. {64} + +The Hans Towns, which owed their prosperity, partly to their own +wisdom and perseverance, in the beginning, and partly to the contempt +with which sovereigns, in the days of chivalry, viewed commerce, +might, with very little penetration, and much less exertion of wisdom +than they had displayed, have seen that the spirit of commerce was +becoming general, and that moderation and prudence were necessary +to preserve them in their proud situation; but the prudence which they +possessed at first had given way to pride, and abandoned them; and +the first great stroke they received was from Queen Elizabeth. The +ruin of so widely-extended a confederacy could not be astonishing, +and, indeed, was a natural consequence of the changes in the manners +of the times: but it was not so with Flanders. There was nothing to +have prevented the Flemish from continuing to enjoy wealth, and +follow up industry, except in the rivalship of other nations, + +--- +{64} So short a time did the wealth remain in the country, that, when +the famous armada was fitted out against England, a loan of money +was solicited, from Genoa, for the purpose. +-=- + +[end of page #65] + +particularly of Holland and England; for, though France was farther +advanced, as a manufacturing and wealthy nation, than England, yet it +was not in the same line of industry with the people of the +Netherlands, whose prosperity was not therefore injured by it in the +same degree. + +As for the Dutch, they continued to increase in wealth till the end of +the seventeenth century, and their decline requires a more particular +attention. + +In addition to their great industry, the fisheries, and art of curing fish, +the Dutch excelled in making machines of various sorts, and became +the nation that supplied others with materials, in a state ready prepared +for manufacturing: this was a new branch of business, and very +lucrative, for, as the machines were kept a secret, the abbreviation of +labour was great, and the materials had still the advantage in their sale +that a raw material has over manufactured goods; so that the +advantages were almost beyond example. + +Add to all this, that the Dutch were the first who established the +banking system, (copying in part from the Italians,) on a solid plan. +The advantages that Holland enjoyed were, indeed, all of its own +procuring, but they were numerous and inappretiable, without +counting the trade to India, of which it enjoyed a greater share than +any other nation, for a considerable period. + +No nation has shewn, so completely as the Dutch, how exterior +enemies may be repelled, and difficulties overcome, while there is a +true attention to the real welfare of the country. The exertions of the +Romans, to conquer others, scarcely surpassed those of the Dutch to +preserve themselves, when they were in a state of necessity; but, when +they became affluent, energy and unanimity left them. The +manufacturers became merchants, and the merchants became agents +and carriers; so that the solid sources of riches gradually disappeared. + +All this time, taxation increased, and though no nation ever allowed its +manners to be less corrupted by the possession of wealth, yet there +was a sensible change; but the change in the way of thinking was the +most pernicious. Discontent with the government, and disagreements +amongst themselves, completed their misfortunes, while England was +[end of page #66] all the time endeavouring to supplant them in the +most beneficial sources of their wealth. + +The Dutch, fairly sunk by that rivalship, and natural change of things, +which transfers the seat of wealth and commerce from one nation to +another. There was no violent revolution, no invasion by an enemy; it +was the silent operation of that cause of decline, which has been +already mentioned in the Second Chapter, and will be farther and +more particularly illustrated and explained. + +The Dutch had a superabundance of capital; the interest of money was +low; and wealth had begun to leave Holland long before the symptoms +of decay became visible; by which means, the trade of other countries +was encouraged, and, as always will be the case, capital emigrated, the +moment it could find secure employment, and greater profits than +were to be obtained at home. The leading causes of the decline of +Holland may be distinguished thus: + +The taxes were gradually increasing. + +Its superiority in manufactures over other countries was continually +diminishing; consequently, industry was not so well rewarded, and +less active. + +The merchants preferred safe agencies for foreigners to trading on +their own bottom, thereby lending their credit. + +Dutch capital was employed to purchase goods in one country and sell +them in another: so that the Dutch became carriers for others, instead +of manufacturing and carrying for themselves. + +The trade to India, and the banking business, were both taken up by +other nations; so that Holland then lost her superiority in these +branches. + +Thus circumstanced, Holland was gradually sinking, when political +troubles, the end of which it is not easy to foresee, put her at the feet +of France: an event that would not have happened in the manner it did, +when the true spirit of patriotism reigned, that distinguished her in her +more prosperous days. From this, at least, there is one distinct lesson +to be learnt, that however it may be natural for nations to lose a +superiority, owing to arts, inventions, or foreign trade, yet, if the +minds of the people and their manners remain pure, they will not be +degraded, by falling a prey to an enemy. When Holland was not rich +[end of page #67] it resisted Spain in all her glory, during a very hard, +arduous, and continued struggle; but then the people were united as +one man: there were no traitors to raise a voice for Spain against their +country. When Holland was wealthy, it did not even attempt to resist +France when invaded; but then Holland was divided, and there were in +every city men, who wished more for the plunder than the prosperity +of their country. + +In viewing the fall of those nations that sunk before the discovery of +America, the eastern empire was the last that attracted attention. It had +been reduced by the Turks, with a vigour and energy that promised a +renovation, which, however, it did not effect. The Turks brought with +them the Mahometan religion, which has debased the manners and +degraded the minds of every people. Constantinople, by this change, +lost the remains of ancient learning and of commerce, which even the +weakness of the emperors, and the repeated wars, had not been able +entirely to destroy. The Greeks were reduced to a state of +subordination and slavery, but the Turks were not civilized. They +adopted what was luxurious and effeminate of Grecian manners, yet +still retained their former ignorance and ferocity. Amongst modern +nations, the Turkish government is, in form, a monster, and its +existence an enigma; yet it extended its sway over all that was most +valuable or most splendid in the ancient world. Greece, Egypt, +Phoenicia, Syria, the three Arabias, and countries then but little +known, are subject to a brutish people, who do not even condescend to +mix with the inhabitants of the country, but who rule over them in a +manner the most humiliating and disgraceful. {65} + +The Turkish government has never been powerful. The city of Venice +was always its equal at sea; and, as it disdains to adopt the systems of +other nations, it is every day becoming weaker, in comparison with +them. It has formerly maintained successful struggles against + +--- +{65} In all other conquests, the conquered and the conquerors have +become, at last, one people, when they have settled in the same +country, whether Christians or Pagans; but the Turks and Greeks keep +as distinct to this day as at the first, and this is probably owing to the +nature of the Turkish religion. +--- + +[end of page #68] + +Germany, Poland, and Russia; but that time is now over, and it owes +its present existence to the jealousy of other powers. It is possessed of +a greater quantity of good territory than all the leading nations of +Europe, Russia excepted; and it is not the interest of men living in less +favoured climates, to endeavour to renovate the country of Alexander, +and of the other great nations of antiquity. + +The Turkish nation is represented as greatly on the decline, but, soon +after its establishment, it had every vice that could well exist in a +government, and its greatest weakness now arises more from the +alteration produced in other nations for the better, than in itself for the +worse. The difficulty of keeping people in ignorance is becoming +every day greater; and when the Ottoman throne falls the usual order +of things will be reversed. For, as other governments may attribute +their destruction to corruption of manners, and to ignorance, the +Turkish government looks there for its security; and the day that any +reasonable degree of light breaks in amongst its subjects will be its +last. + +To endeavour tracing the causes of decline in a state that owes its +existence to its defects, and is in every respect different from other +nations, would be useless in the present Inquiry, it has only been +noticed to shew, that, in the infinite variety of things, some may owe +their existence to what is in general the cause of destruction. [end of +page #69] + + + + +CHAP. VII. [=sic=--error in printer's copy, should read VIII.] + + +_General View and Analysis of the Causes that operated in producing +the Decline of all Nations, with a Chart, representing the Rise, Fall, +and Migrations of Wealth, in all different Countries, from the Year +1500, before the Birth of Christ, to the End of the Eighteenth Century, +--a Period of 3300 Years_. + +From the revolutions that have taken place amongst wealthy and +powerful nations to the present time, though the origin has been owing +to very different causes, and the decline and removal from one place +to another has been attended with circumstances not similar; yet the +same leading cause for that decline may not only be traced easily and +distinctly, but is so evident that it is impossible for it to be overlooked +or mistaken. + +Local situation, or temporary circumstances, have always afforded the +first means of rising to wealth and greatness. The minds of men, in a +poor state, seem never to have neglected an opportunity, presented +either by the one or the other, and they have generally proved +successful, till energy of mind and industry were banished, by the +habits of luxury, negligence, and pride, which accompany, or at least +soon follow, the acquisition of either. + +Where wealth has been acquired first, power has generally been +sought for afterwards; and, where power came first, it has always +sought the readiest road to wealth, by attacking those who were in +possession of it. + +The nations and cities on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, where +arts and commerce first began, where agriculture flourished, and +population had risen to a high pitch, carried on perpetual struggles to +supplant each other; and, in those struggles, the most wealthy +generally sunk under; till Alexander, the first great conqueror, with +whose history we are tolerably well acquainted, reduced them all to +[end of page #70] his yoke; one small and brave people triumphing +over the Egyptian and Assyrian empires, where wealth and luxury had +already produced their effects. + +Though this triumph of poverty over riches was very complete, except +in one single instance, it did not occasion any real change, either in the +abodes of wealth, or the channels of commerce. Tyre, the richest +commercial city till then, was ruined, to make way for the prosperity +of Alexandria, which became the most wealthy; drawing great part of +the commerce from Carthage on the west, and taking the whole from +Rhinocolura on the east: but, in Egypt and Syria, Babylon and +Memphis still remained great cities. + +The whole of this ancient world was for a moment under one chief, +but was soon again divided amongst the generals who succeeded to +that great conqueror; and the Egyptian and Persian empires became +rivals, as Egypt and Syria had been before. The Grecian nations still +remained the chief seats of civilization and the fine arts; and this +continued till the Romans, originally a poorer people than the +Macedonians, conquered the whole. This was the second great +triumph of poverty and energy over wealth and grandeur, and, in this +struggle, Greece itself fell. + +The effects of wealth were not less formidable to the Romans +themselves, than they had been to those nations they had enabled that +brave and warlike people to conquer; so that the mistress of the world, +in her turn, fell before nations that were rude and barbarous, but +uncorrupted by wealth and luxury. + +The conquerors of Rome were too rude, and too many in number, to +become themselves enervated by wealth, which disappeared under +their rapacious grasp, and which they neither had the art nor +inclination to preserve. + +This invasion of the fertile and rich provinces by men rude and +ignorant, but who came from northern climates, established a new +order of things; and only a small remnant of former wealth and +greatness was preserved in Egypt and at Constantinople. + +For several centuries of war and confusion commerce and the arts +appear to have been undervalued and neglected; but still the taste [end +of page #71] for oriental luxuries was not entirely banished, and, at the +first interval of peace and safety, sprung up again. It was then that +Alexandria, Venice, Genoa, and Constantinople, became the channels +through which the people of Europe procured the luxuries of Asia. +Babylon, Memphis, Palmyra, and all the other great cities of antiquity, +were no more; even Greece had lost its arts and splendour; Alexandria +and Constantinople were repeatedly assailed, taken, and conquered, by +the barbarians, who envied their wealth, but who still found an interest +in continuing them as channels for procuring to European nations the +refinements of the East. Though Venice and Genoa were wealthy, they +were but small, and of little importance; and all the nations who might +have crushed them at a blow, only considering them as sea-ports of +convenience and utility, allowed them to remain independent. + +As an intercourse had been established between the northern and +southern parts, a taste for the luxuries of Asia had extended to the +shores of the Baltic, soon after the victorious arms of Charlemagne +had carried there some degree of civilization, and the Christian +religion. + +Then it was that a new and more widely-extended system of +commerce, but something like what had formerly existed in Tyre and +Carthage, began in all the maritime towns of Europe, when Italy and +Flanders became the most wealthy parts of Europe. A spirit of +chivalry, and a desire of conquest, not founded on the same principles +with the conquests of ancient nations, or of Rome, to obtain wealth, +pervaded all Europe, and the greatest confusion prevailed. In the +history of wealth and power, as connected together, this is a chasm. +Those who had power despised wealth, and were seeking after what +they esteemed more--military glory; and wealth was confined to a +number of insulated spots, and possessed by men who were +merchants, without any share of power or authority. + +This extraordinary and unprecedented state of things gave rise to the +Hanseatic League, which rose at last to such importance that those +who had been so long seeking after glory, without finding it, began to +see the importance which was derived from wealth. They began to see +that, even in the pursuit of their favourite object, wealth was an ex- +[end of page #72] cellent assistant, and the friendship of merchants +begun =sic= to be solicited by princes, as in the days of Tyre and +Sidon. + +This progress was greatly facilitated and accelerated by the crusades, +which, at the same time that they beggared half the nobility of Europe, +gave them a taste for the refinements of the East, and taught them to +set some value on the means by which such refinements could be +procured. + +In this manner were things proceeding, when three great discoveries +changed the situation of mankind. {66} + +The mariners compass, gunpowder, and the art of printing, were all +discovered nearly about the same time; and, independent of their great +and permanent effects, they were wonderfully calculated to alter the +situation of nations at that period. + +The navigation of the ocean, which led to the discovery of a passage +to the East Indies, and of America, gave a mortal blow to the nations +situated on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea, who thus found +themselves deprived of the commerce of the East. + +The discovery of gunpowder, a means so powerful of annoying an +enemy, without the aid of human force, which places a giant and a +dwarf in some sort upon an equality, was wonderfully adapted for +doing away the illusions of knight errantry, that had such a powerful +effect in making war be preferred to commerce: while printing +facilitated the communication of every species of knowledge. + +It was then that northern nations began to cultivate arts and sciences, +as those of the south under a mild heaven, and on a fertile soil, had +done three thousand years before. But ingenuity and invention took a +different direction in the north from what they had done in the +southern climates; instead of sovereigns and slaves, men were more in +mutual want of each other, and therefore a more equal division of the +fruits of industry was required. + +The manufactures of former times had been confined chiefly to +luxuries for the great, and simple necessaries for slaves; and +commerce, though productive of great wealth to a few, was in its +limits equally confined. + +--- +{66} For the dates see the chart, and for their effects, chap. i. book ii. +[Transcriber's note: See in the Chart "Mariners Compass +/Gunpowder/Printing Invented 1300-1400"]. +-=- + +[end of page #73] + +It was natural that the two nations which had first discovered the +passage to the East, and the continent of the West, which abounded +with the precious metals, should become rich and powerful, as those +cities had formerly done that possessed exclusively the channels of +commerce. Those two countries were Spain and Portugal; but here +again we find the same fatality attend the acquisition of wealth that +had formerly been remarked. It was, indeed, not to be expected, that +the steadiness and virtue of the Spaniards and Portuguese could resist +the operation of a cause, that neither the wisdom of the Egyptians; the +arts and industry of Greece, nor the stubborn and martial patriotism of +the Romans could withstand. + +Those two nations soon sunk, and the Dutch, the French, and the +English, became participators of the commerce. + +Manufactures were a new source of wealth, almost unknown to the +ancient world. Those begun first to be set in activity in Flanders, then +in Holland and France, and, last of all, in England; but, like +commerce, and every other means by which wealth is acquired, they +have a tendency to leave a country. The cause and the effect are at +variance, after a certain time; and though we cannot illustrate this +from history, as we may the migrations of wealth arising from other +sources, the tendency appears of the same nature, though with this +difference; that men may always labour for themselves, and enjoy the +fruits of their labours, though they cannot always find the means of +being the carriers to other nations, or becoming merchants. + +This alteration in the nature of wealth; the inventions of mankind; the +alterations brought on by the facility of communicating knowledge; +the systematical manner in which men pursue their interests, and other +changes: give reason to hope that, in the present situation of things, +those possessions may be rendered permanent, that have hitherto been +found to be so evanescent and fugitive. + +Where wealth has not been wrested from a country by absolute force, +(in doing which the poorer nations were always successful,) it has +emigrated from other causes, and taken up its abode amongst a new +people, where circumstances were more favourable for its +encouragement. [end of page #74] + +Before we leave this recapitulation, it is necessary, however, to take +notice of one revolution that did not take place on similar principles +with the others, so far as wealth and luxury are in question; but which +has in some respects a similarity, and, in others, is precisely the +reverse. + +About two centuries and a half ago, the Polish nation was one of the +most powerful in Europe; Russia could not then, nor for long after, +contend with it. The Prussians were its vassals; and the capital of the +German empire, when besieged by the Turks, in 1650, owed its safety +to the Poles, its brave and faithful allies. + +Such was the case; but, at this day, the Polish nation is no longer in +existence: it is subdued, parcelled out, and divided, amongst those +very powers, to any of which it was at least equal, and to the others +superior, at so late a period. + +It may be asked, whether Poland was one of those states that has been +borne down by its own wealth and opulence? If its ambition, injustice, +or any of the other causes so prominent in the decline of nations, +operated in the total extinction of it from the rank of independent +states? Not one of those causes operated, but still it is not altogether an +exception to the general rule. + +When the feudal system was established all over Europe, nations +under its influence were so far on an equality; and as they all emerged +from that situation nearly about the same time, Poland excepted, they +still preserved their relative situations. The Poles, during this change +in other states, comparatively lost power. Amongst the alterations +produced, was that of placing in the hands of the sovereign all the +disposable revenue and force of a country, with which standing armies +were maintained. Those irregular militias, till then composed of the +barons and their retainers; a species of force, at best, far inferior to +regular armies, became useless; but particularly so, after the modes of +fighting had been changed by the invention of gunpowder, and the +adoption of large trains of artillery, which could never have been +employed in the feudal armies. + +The disposable force of Poland and its revenues did not, by any +means, keep pace with those of neighbouring nations; and what was +still worse, the strength of that unfortunate country was divided; the +[end of page #75] monarchy was elective, and foreign influence had a +means of exertion, which, under a hereditary line of kings, is not +practicable. Poland was not only weaker than its neighbours, but +became a prey to intestine divisions, cabal, and intrigue. + +Though Poland was not wealthy, according to the meaning applied to +that word, it was a populous and fertile country, and therefore a +desirable possession to the neighbouring states. To Prussia, a most +ambitious and aggrandising power, with a military government, and of +a very limited extent, it was peculiarly desirable. To Russia, extensive +as it is, the fruitful territory was also an object of ambition, from its +proximity to the seat of an empire, the most fertile and fine provinces +of which lie at a distance. The same desire of possessing what they +wanted, operating at the same time on two neighbouring nations, +occasioned them to unite their power in a first dismemberment of +Poland, for their mutual benefit. The interior convulsions of the +country served as a pretext, and its weakness furnished the means of +executing the design. In 1772, that independent country first lost some +of its finest provinces; but this was only a prelude to its final fall. + +The nature of ambition is to augment with success, and as the same +divisions continued in the state, a pretence for a farther interference in +its affairs was easily found; and, in 1794, Poland ceased to be one of +the number of European states. In this last seizure, the house of +Austria had no immediate hand. It was, however, necessary to have its +consent: and, as the aggrandisement of Prussia was not an object of +indifference to Austria, participation in the spoils was proposed, as the +price of acquiescence, and it was readily accepted. + +In this case, the weakness of Poland, and the ambition of its rivals and +neighbours, were the immediate causes of its destruction; but that +weakness arose from a want of true patriotism and proper attention in +the people themselves. Jealous of liberties, and disobedient to their +king, the Poles were slaves to the feudal proprietors of the soil. +Though the first cause was different, yet their divisions and quarrels +were the same in effect, as if they had proceeded from real causes of +discontent, and a deranged state of society, such as we have seen, +when the love of the country is lost. In Poland, that love of the country +[end of page #76] was not lost, but it was badly directed, which is +nearly the same thing; at least, it is equally dangerous. + +Why, it may be asked, did not the other powers of Europe interfere? +To this, indeed, it would be difficult to give a satisfactory answer. +Those who did not interfere, probably, may have cause to repent their +indifference. It was an infraction of that sort of federation of nations, +which had been found necessary to prevent a repetition of conquests +like those of Alexander, or of the Romans; yet, still there is a way of +accounting for their conduct, though it cannot be vindicated. + +In the first place, Poland lays =sic= remote from those powerful +nations that have had the greatest sway in modern times. It was not +very easy to interfere with great efficacy; besides, as Poland was +previously under foreign influence, the essential evil was done. The +example of partitions, indeed, was not given, but it is not impossible +that some powers on the continent, though they got no share, might +not be sorry to see such an example. Britain and Spain certainly could +not wish for the example, but others might, and others probably did +wish for it. + +The first division was, besides, only a beginning; some degree of +moderation was preserved, and Poland was only mutilated; it was not +destroyed. The case was not entirely new, nor without example. + +The second and last division took place at a time when the nations +whose interest it was, and whose wish it might have been to interfere, +had not the means of doing so. It was when the republican frenzy in +France was at its most desperate height, and whom =sic= the whole of +civilized Europe appeared to be in danger. + +There is one more excuse to be found. The aspect of affairs in Poland +resembled, with regard to its revolutions, those of France so much, +that those, who at another time would have probably interfered, were +rather inclined to co-operate in stifling a rising flame in the north, +similar to that which had endangered the whole of the south of +Europe. + +In all this, the thing the most difficult to be accounted for, is the +conduct of the Polish nation; but an inquiry into the causes of that +would be quite foreign to the present subject: this is, however, an +instance of the danger arising from not keeping pace with other +nations [end of page #77] in those arts of government, and internal +policy, which constitute the power of nations in the general order of +things, whatever that may be. + +Although we have seldom found intestine divisions carried to so +blameable a length in any other nation that was not corrupt in itself, +yet, it is clear, that the influence obtained by the wealth of its +neighbours was at the bottom of those highly blameable, and +dreadfully fatal divisions. + +When aggrandisement is the aim of modern states, there will not now +be any difficulty of pleading example; and there is one of those very +powers that on this occasion participated in the division which has all +the seeds of discord in itself that brought on the ruin of the Polish +empire. That power has already felt the effect of example; and, though +it may repine, it cannot complain, as it might otherwise have done; or +if it does, it cannot expect equal commiseration. + +EXPLANATION OF THE PLATE INTENDED TO ILLUSTRATE +THE RISE AND FALL OF NATIONS. + +In the chart, at the beginning of the work, the lines, from top to +bottom, represent the division of time into centuries, each indicating +the year, marked under and above it, in the same way that has been +adopted in Dr. Priestley's Chart of Universal History, in works of +chronology, and in statements of commerce and finance. + +The countries that have flourished, whether by commerce, or any +other means are supposed to be represented by the parallel spaces +from right to left, according to the names written on the right hand. + +The rise of the black part, something like a distant range of low +mountains, shews at what periods the country was great; when its +greatness began and when it ended. This plan would be +unexceptionally correct, if the materials for it could be procured; but if +they were, it would not lead to any very different conclusion from +what it does in its present state. The times, when the elevation began, +and its duration are exact. The rises and falls are, as nearly as I am +able, estimated from existing documents. + +The part shaded of a darkish colour, and growing gradually lighter at +both edges, represent those centuries of ignorance which succeeded +the fall of the Roman empire. [end of page #78] + +At the bottom, on the part not stained, is a chronological list of events, +inventions, and discoveries, connected with the subject. Those which +are not, however, important or curious, have no place. + +The commerce of France, Britain, Russia, and America, are upon a +true scale with respect to their proportional amount, as well as to their +rise and progress. The others are not, owing to want of documents; +but, as before observed, the amount has very little to do with the +subject; the business is to see how wealth and power were divided at +any particular time, if they were rising or falling, or if they were at +their height, comparing them with the manners of the people at the +time. + +This is the use of the chart, as to the representation of individual +places and nations. + +The general conclusion is, from taking the whole together, that wealth +and power have never been long permanent in any place. That they +never have been renewed when once destroyed, though they have had +rises and falls, and that they travel over the face of the earth, +something like a caravan of merchants. On their arrival, every thing is +found green and fresh; while they remain all is bustle and abundance, +and, when gone, all is left trampled down, barren, and bare. + +This chart is a sort of a picture, intended to make those migrations and +change of place distinct and easily conceived, on which the whole of +this book has been occupied. Being once acquainted with the changes +that have taken place, we may more accurately compare them with the +state of this country at the present time. Those who will take the +trouble to read Ferguson's History of the Roman Republic, and +Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Empire, may form a judgement of the +accuracy or inaccuracy of the chart. + +EXAMPLE OF THE MANNER OF INSPECTING THE CHART. + +To know when Rome was at the highest pitch of greatness, find, on +the right hand, the space marked Roman empire: then look between +the lines for the highest part of the dark ground, and look immediately +under for the year, it will be seen to be at the birth of Christ, that is, +during the reign of Augustus; and by the same means it will be found +declining gradually till the year 490. [end of page #79] + +In like manner, Carthage will be found at the zenith of its power about +300 years before Christ. The founding of Alexandria and the wars +with Rome began then to diminish both its wealth and power. + +It is intended by the author of this to execute a chart of the same sort +on a very large scale, and assign to the different powers spaces +proportioned to their importance, as nearly as he can ascertain. + +With respect to the chronology of this chart, to prevent criticisms +which might perhaps be made; but do not apply to it, according to the +purpose for which it was constructed, the reader is requested to +observe, that I am desirous of illustrating a very important +investigation, by representing a very confused and long series of +events. The result to be derived from this, is not to be affected by any +small inaccuracy. In counting before the birth of Christ, having found +many different opinions, and much uncertainty relative to dates, +(which I neither have abilities nor inclination to investigate,) I +measured backwards, without pretending to settle the year of the +world, respecting which there are so many different opinions. + +The materials for ancient history are few, and sometimes not much to +be relied upon; but, in great leading facts, such as alone are of use in +this picture, the authenticity is not to be doubted. + +The Assyrian and Egyptian empires had attained wealth and power +previous to the time at which this commences. They stood then, and +for long after, as if it =sic= were alone in the world; their revolutions, +and the rise, prosperity, and decline of other nations, are all +represented. + +I have not wished to continue the view of France, since the revolution, +its present real situation is so imperfectly known; and, from what is +known of it, it cannot be compared with any other nation, or with +itself previous to that period. [end of page #80] + + + + +======== +BOOK II. +======== + + + + +CHAP. I. + + +_Of the Interior Causes of Decline, arising from the Possession of +Wealth.--Its general Operation on the Habits of Life, Manners, +Education, and Ways of thinking and acting of the Inhabitants of a +Country_. + +As necessity was the first cause of industry and invention, from which +wealth and power arise, it is natural that, when the action of that +necessity becomes less urgent, those exertions to which it gave rise +will gradually fall away. Though habit may sometimes counteract this +tendency, in the individual, yet, taken upon a general scale, and from +generation to generation, it must inevitably take place. + +In this case, an individual who has obtained wealth enjoys an +advantage, which no nation ever can expect. With only common +prudence, he may cease from exertion or industry, and remain in +affluence. If he has property in land, he may let it, and live on the rent; +if in money, he may lend it, and live on the interest; but one nation +cannot let its lands, or lend its capital to another. It must, by its own +industry, render them productive. The great bulk of every nation, then, +must be industrious, however wealthy it may be; otherwise, the wealth +will soon be dissipated and disappear. The people of Flanders cannot, +for example, cultivate the fields of the French, and live in Flanders; +and, if the agriculture of a country is neglected, that country must soon +become poor and miserable. {67} + +--- +{67} We have seen what became of the Romans, when the tribute paid +by other nations enabled them to live in idleness. The influx of wealth +from America produced nearly the same effect on Spain: though it +lasted for a very short time, yet it ruined the country. +-=- + +[end of page #81] + +It is not absolutely necessary, then, for an individual to conciliate +affluence with industry, or, which is the same thing, to preserve one of +the effects of necessity, after the necessity has ceased to exist. But if +it were possible for a sum of money, or property of any sort, to be given +to each individual in a nation, which would be sufficient, in the midst +of an industrious people, to enable him to live in perfect idleness, the +whole nation could not become idle. Such a case never can exist, as +that of all the individuals in a country becoming sufficiently rich to +live without labour. But something approaching towards that state of +things actually does take place, when, by the general increase of +wealth, the necessity for labour is diminished. The number of idle +people is constantly augmenting; and even those who continue to +labour do it less intensely than when the operation of necessity was +more severe. When a cause is diminished, the effect must in time fall +off in proportion. + +With individuals, nature has given very powerful auxiliaries to +necessity, which strengthen and prolong its operation, but which do +not operate equally on nations. + +Habit or custom is the one auxiliary, and ambition or avarice is the +other. + +Habit, in all cases, diminishes the reluctance to labour, which is +inherent in the most part of mankind, and sometimes entirely +overcomes it. {68} Ambition, which appears under many different +forms, renders labour absolutely an enjoyment. Sometimes ambition is +merely a desire of amassing property, an avaricious disposition: +sometimes it is a desire to create a family; and even, sometimes, the +vain and delusive idea of retiring from business, and becoming happy +in a state of total idleness, spurs a man on to labour. It is a very +curious, but well-known fact, that, after necessity has entirely ceased +to promote industry, the love of complete idleness, and the hope of +enjoying it at some distant date, leads the wealthy man on, to his last +hour, in a train of augmented industry. Thus has nature most wisely +counteracted + +--- +{68} There are many instances where habit has rendered a particular +sort of labour absolutely a want. It has become a necessary,--a means +of enjoyment without which life has become a burthen. +-=- + +[end of page #82] + +the disposition of man to idleness; by making the very propensity to it, +after a certain time, active in promoting industry. + +But this can never be the case with a race of men: {69} and, as a +nation consists of a greater number of individuals, so, also, its +existence consists of successive generations. + +There is a difference between idleness and inaction. It is the natural +propensity of man to be idle, but not to be inactive. Enjoyment is his +aim, after he has secured the means of existence. Enjoyment and +idleness are supposed, in many cases, to go hand in hand; at any rate, +they can be reconciled, whereas inaction and enjoyment are +irreconcilable. {70} + +But we may still go farther. As taste for any particular enjoyment is +acquired when a man is young, and the same taste continues in a more +advanced age; a man who has been long in business has had no time to +acquire a taste for those enjoyments that are incompatible with, or +perhaps that admit of being substituted for it. + +Reading the study of the fine arts, and such other means of employing +time as men enjoy, who, at an early period of life, are exempted from +labour, afford no amusement to the man who has been always +accustomed to a life of business, {71} with whom there is an absolute +ne- + +--- +{69} It is perhaps amongst chances that seem likely enough; the only +one that has never happened, that of a race of misers, in the same +lineal descent, for several generations. The reason why I say it never +has happened is, that, if it had, the effects would have become so +conspicuous, by the riches accumulated, that they could not have +passed unobserved. + +{70} By inaction is not meant the opposite of loco-motion, such as +laying =sic= in bed, or basking in the sun; it is supposed that a man, to +enjoy himself, must be reading, talking, in company, or _doing +something_. + +{71} They sometimes affect this, but it is little else than through +vanity. It would be easy to give a hundred striking proofs, but their +frequency renders that unnecessary. + +Hunting and fishing, the two most anxious and painful occupations in +the world, are, in all countries, followed by the affluent and idle as +amusements; they want to interest the mind, and occupy themselves. +Gaming, which is attended with very painful sensations, is followed +much more frequently from propensity than from the love of gain; +and, indeed, it would appear, that a life without occupations that +interest the mind, is of all others the most insipid: it appears to be +worse, it appears to be miserable. +-=- + +[end of page #83] + +cessity of filling up the time in one way or another. A certain portion +of time may be spent in company; but even that, to be enjoyed, must +be spent in the society of men of the same class. The inducement, +then, to a man who has dedicated the first part of his life +advantageously to industry, to become idle, is not great, even when he +is at free liberty to follow his inclination. + +It is totally different with a young man; his propensity is to idleness, +without any of those favourable circumstances that counteract that +propensity. Necessity alone can be expected to operate on him; it is in +vain to seek for any other substitute. Not that we mean, by idleness, to +signify inaction; but that sort of idleness, which resists regular labour. +There is a natural propensity to action, but then it is a propensity that +operates irregularly, unless under the influence of necessity. It is a +continued and regular exertion, directed to a proper object, that is +wanted to obtain wealth; to procure this, it is well to imitate nature, +and create necessity. + +But, in proportion as a nation grows wealthy, that necessity is done +away. It is of the art of prolonging necessity, or rather of reconciling +necessity with affluence and ease, for which we are going to search, +that we may, by that means, reconcile affluence with industry. + +We must, in the first place, find what the natural operation is by which +industry leaves a country. + +When a country is in a state of poverty, it maintains the same degree +of industry, from generation to generation, without any effort. The +new race is brought up in the same way that the former was before it, +and the same pressure of necessity, acting on the same desire (but no +greater desire) to shun labour, produces the same effect at one time +that it did at another. The son of a man, who has arrived at a greater +degree of affluence than that to which he was born, is generally +brought up differently. He is not brought up so hardily in his infancy +as his father was, nor so soon called to labour; and probably when he +is called to it, he is neither called with so imperious a voice, nor is he +so willing to obey the call. + +Though we do not live long enough to see an example of this +operation on a whole nation, the progression being too slow for the +life [end of page #84] of a man, yet we see it in different parts of the +same country, that are in different degrees of advancement. How +frequent are the instances of men, bred in distant counties, +(particularly in the North,) bringing all that industry and those habits +of labour to London, that the poverty of their parents, and the state of +their part of the country naturally occasioned. Some of those have +arrived at affluence, and many of them have to competency; and even +those who do not arrive at a comparatively higher rank in London, +than their father held in his own county, bring up their children in a +very different manner. + +Suppose, for example, a blacksmith, from Northumberland, or a baker, +from Scotland, settles in London, as his father did at Newcastle or +Edinburgh, his son or sons will be bred very differently from what he +was; and, after their father's death, the business will most probably go +to some new comer, from a distant county. + +The father was brought up with the necessity of labouring, or the +alternative of wanting food to eat. From his earliest days, he +considered himself as fortunate if he could obtain a competent living +by honest industry; and this impression, with the habits acquired while +it was strong, lead a man, so brought up, to fill his place in life with +honour and advantage. + +The son, who sees that his father is in affluence, and who partakes of +the fruits of a whole life of industry, seldom considers that he must +continue that industry, otherwise, that the affluence will cease with the +life of his father. It is impossible to make a young man, brought up in +this manner, feel as his father did; and, not having the same impulse +given to him at first, he never can set off in his course of life with the +same energy. + +But the cause of this evil does not stop here. Frequently the mother is +an enemy to the industry of her son; and between the workings of real +affection, badly exercised, which leads her to humour the lad; and a +sort of silly vanity, equally misplaced, she encourages him, if not in +idleness, at least, in the hope that he will never need to stoop to +incessant industry. It is not necessary to ascertain the absolute portion +of idleness and pride that is infused into the young man; that depends +[end of page #85] on particular circumstances: {72} but, in most +cases, it is sufficient to prevent his following the footsteps of his +father with equal energy. + +Perhaps the capital, or the connections a father leaves in trade, may, in +some degree, and for some time, compensate for this; but the instances +where they do so are not numerous. + +This is an example of the manner in which every succeeding +generation is brought up differently from that preceding it; but it is an +extreme example, and one that, though very real in the individuals, +can never suddenly take place on a national scale. + +The difference between the general affluence of a nation, and the +change of its manners during the life of a man, is by no means equal to +the difference between a remote province and the capital of an empire; +but, though the example is extreme, the same effect is produced, in the +course of several generations upon a nation, that was occasioned by +change of place in one individual family from father to son. {73} + +When a change like this takes place in one family, (and there are +numerous instances of it every day,) poverty comes on again, and the +children fall back into the laborious class of society, probably in a +degraded state; but as the evil is supplied by new people rising up, it is +little felt on the nation; if, however, it occurs very generally, it must +have a bad effect; and, indeed, the best thing that can happen for the + +--- +{72} If the mother has been herself born in affluence, she generally +has a sort of smothered contempt for the mean origin of her husband. +She seldom is fully sensible of the merit by which he has raised +himself, and consequently cannot be capable of appreciating the +advantage of bringing up her boy in the same way; on the contrary, the +habits of industry, which the father acquired at an early age, under the +pressure of necessity, are generally secret objects of ridicule to the rest +of the family. If, again, the woman has been of low origin in herself, +and is become affluent, then matters are ten times worse. Then there is +all the pride and vanity that ignorance, and a desire to hide that mean +extraction create. Incapable of shewing delicacy and fine breeding in +herself, she spoils her harmless children by converting them into +specimens of the gentility of the family. For more of this, see the +chapter on Education. + +{73} In Rome, after the taking of Carthage; and in Portugal, +immediately after it got possession of the trade to India; the change +must have been as great over the whole of the people in one +generation, as it is generally between a remote province and near the +capital. +-=- + +[end of page #86] + +general welfare is, that such men may return to a state of +insignificance and labour as fast as possible; for, while they remain +above that, and in a declining state, they are filling their place in +society badly. + +It is different where the change goes on through a whole country, then +no one can supply the place, they are all going the same way, and at +nearly the same rate; {74} the consequence will be, that this will not +be the fall of a family, but the fall of a whole people; the motion will, +indeed, be much more slow, but the moving body will be vastly +greater, and the effect will be in proportion. + +In every nation in Europe there is, between the capital and the distant +provinces, a difference of affluence, of wealth, &c. equal to what +probably takes place in a nation in one or two centuries. The +inhabitants of the capital have some great advantages over those that +come from a distance; they have connections, they have money and +stock; and, generally speaking, in their early years, they possess a +more ready and marketable knowledge. But all these avail nothing +against habits of industry, and being taught to expect nothing from +others, but to depend all on one's own powers. With this single, but +signal, advantage, the sons of the wealthy citizens are always yielding +to the son of the peasant; they are one by one giving way, and their +places are filled by a new race; while their descendants are sinking +into poverty, and filling prisons, poor-houses, and hospitals. + +This vicissitude is so observable, that it would be unnecessary to dwell +upon it were it, =sic= not of such infinite importance. {75} + +The alarming and lamentable increase of the poor, in proportion as + +--- +{74} It is always to be observed, that this reasoning is only applicable +in general, and not in every particular case. It has been remarked by +the writer of the notes on the Wealth of Nations, that where a fortune +is not realized in a family, sufficient to enable it to withdraw entirely +from trade, it seldom remains wealthy above two generations. The +sons most frequently want intelligence or industry to augment what +their father got, and the grandsons have generally dissipation enough +to squander entirely away what remains. This is so frequent a case in +London, that it may be called the regular routine of the business; and, +what arises by regular routine, must be derived from some general and +natural cause. + +{75} In the chapter on Education, this subject is entered into more +fully, and the education of women makes a principal part. A subject +not noticed by the author of the Wealth of Nations, though very +important. +-=- + +[end of page #87] + +a nation becomes rich, is a proof that it is not in capital cities alone +that the effect takes place, but over the whole of a country. {76} + +In England, the number of inhabitants is about six times the number of +those in Scotland; and, perhaps, it costs twice as much to maintain a +poor person in the former as in the latter. The sum necessary for the +maintenance of the poor in England may then be reckoned at about +twelve times as much as in Scotland, in order to preserve a just +proportion between the two countries. But the poor cost more than +sixty times as much in England as in Scotland; that is, at least five +times more than the true proportion that ought to be !!! + +This, it may be said, is owing to the different manner of managing the +business, and, in some degree, it no doubt is; {77} but, as the poor are +only maintained in England, and as they are also maintained in +Scotland, it would be wrong to allow so great a difference for that +alone. + +In order, however, to put the matter out of all doubt, let us compare +England with itself, and we shall find that the poor's rates, or the +expense of maintaining the indigent, has increased more rapidly than +the price of provisions, or the price of labour. This ought not to be the +case, as they would only have augmented in the same proportion, +unless the number of poor was increased as well as the price of the +provisions they eat, at the same time that the nation is growing more +wealthy. + +Of whom do the poor in every nation consist, but of the lame, the sick, +the infirm, the aged, or children unprovided for? Of those, the number, +in proportion to the total number of inhabitants, will be pretty nearly +the same at all times; for it is nature that produces this species of +helpless poverty. It would then appear that there is another species of +poverty, not of nature's creation, that comes in and destroys the +proportion. It would likewise appear, that that new species of poverty + +--- +{76} The Poor's Rate, and regulations respecting that augmenting +class of persons, are treated in a chapter by itself. + +{77} For this see the chapter on the Poor, in which the subject is +investigated at considerable length. At present, it is only mentioned by +way of illustrating the effect of wealth on the manners of the people; +and to prove, that it is not confined to the capital alone, but is general +all over the country of England. +-=- + +[end of page #88] + +is occasioned by the general wealth, since it increases in proportion to +it. + +If we find, then, that the increase of wealth renders the descendants of +a particular family helpless, and unable to maintain their place in +society; if we find, also, that it gives those portions of a country, +which are the least advanced, an advantage over those which are the +most advanced; and, if we find that the number of indigent increase +most where the wealth is greatest, we surely must allow, that there is a +strong tendency to decay that accompanies the acquisition of wealth. +The same revolutions that arise amongst the rich and poor inhabitants +of a country, who change places gradually, and without noise, must +naturally take place between the inhabitants of rich and poor +countries, upon a larger scale and in a more permanent manner. {78} +Such changes are generally attended with, or, at least, productive of, +violent commotions. Nations are not subservient to laws like +individuals, but make forcible use of the means of which they are +possessed, to obtain the ends which they have in view. + +As this tendency is uniformly felt by a number of individuals over the +whole of a country, when it advances in wealth, and over whole +districts that are more advanced than the others, it must operate, in +length of time, in producing the decline of a whole nation, as well as it +does of a certain portion of its people at all times. + +Changes, in the interior of a nation, take place by piece-meal or by +degrees; the whole mass sees nothing of it, and, indeed, it is not felt. +{79} But it is vain to think, that the same cause that gives the poorer +inhabitants of a nation an advantage over the richer, will not likewise + +--- +{78} As we find that wealth seldom goes amongst people of business +past the second, and almost never past the third generation, families +that rise so high as to be partners in profit, and not in labour or +attention, are an exception. Nations resemble the families that acquire +enough to be affluent, but not enough to retire from business. A nation +can never retire; it must always be industrious. The inference is clear +and cannot be mistaken; neither can the fact stated be denied. + +{79} The number of bankruptcies have been considered as signs of +wealth; and their increase is a sign most undoubtedly of more trade; +but this is a barometer, of which it requires some skill to understand +the real index. +-=- + +[end of page #89] + +give poor nations an advantage over rich ones; or, at least, tend to +raise the one and draw down the other. Though we find, from the +history of the various revolutions that have taken place in different +countries, that they arose from a variety of causes, some peculiar to +one nation, and some to another; yet we have found a change of +manners and ways of thinking and acting, more or less operating in all +of them. + +Amongst the interior causes of the decline of wealthy nations, arising +from the wealth itself, we must set this down as one of a very general +and natural operation. We must be particularly careful to remove this, +as far as possible, if we mean to avert those evils which hitherto have +arisen from a superior degree of wealth and power in every nation. + +We are now going to examine other internal causes; but though they +are separate from this, yet this is at the root of all, this is perpetually +operating, we meet with it in every corner and at every turning. It is +what Mr. Pope says, speaking of the master-passion in individuals: + +"The great disease that must destroy at length, + +Grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strength." + +This radical case of decline is augmented by an ill conceived vanity in +the parents, as well as by necessity ceasing to act on the children. +Each is following a very natural inclination; the one to indulge, the +other to be indulged. It is the duty and the interest of the state to +counteract this tendency, and the manner how that it is to be done will +be inquired into in the first chapter of the third book of this work. =sic +--there is none.= + +But it is not merely a neglect of industry and the means of rising in +society, or keeping one's place in it that is hurtful; the general way of +thinking and acting becomes different, and, by degrees, the character +of a nation is entirely altered. This change was the most rapid, and the +most observable in the Roman republic, and was the cause that +brought it to an end, and prepared the people for submitting to be +ruled by the emperors. The human character was as much degraded +under them, when the citizens were rich, as it ever had been exalted +under their consular government, when the people were indigent. [end +of page #90] + +The various effects of this change in manners will be considered under +different heads, but it is too deeply rooted in human nature ever to be +entirely counteracted, much less entirely done away. It is firmly +connected with the first principles of action in man, and can no more +be removed than his entire nature can be altered. What is in the +extreme, if dangerous, may be diminished; and that is all that it would +be any way useful to attempt: it may be rendered less formidable in its +operation, and that is all that can be expected. + +The degradation of moral character; the loss of attention to the first +principles to which a society owes its prosperity and safety, both of +which accompany wealth, are most powerful agents in the decline of +nations. We have seen that the Romans, the greatest of all nations, +were ruined, chiefly, by degradation of character, by effeminacy, by +ignorance; for we generally find that idleness degenerates, at last, into +sloth and inaction. To a love of justice, and a power of overcoming +danger, or of preventing it, listlessness and a total want of energy +succeed: at length, the mind becomes estranged from hope, and the +body incapable of exertion. This is the case with those who have for a +time enjoyed luxury when they begin to decline; their fall is then +inevitable. The Eastern empire, as well as the Western, fell by this +means; and it may be said to have been the ordinary course in the +decline of nations that have fallen gradually. + +The Turks, {80} the Spaniards, and the Portuguese, all owe part of +their present feebleness to this cause; and the government of France +certainly, in a great measure, owed its downfal =sic= to the same. +There the courtiers had sunk in character, and it was become +impossible even for the energy, the activity, and intelligence of the +nation at large, to counteract the baneful effect of the change that had +taken place amongst those who regulated its affairs. + +In history we have seen scarcely any thing similar to this, for it was +the effect operating on the rulers of the nation only; the strength of the +great body of the nation, on which it did not operate, supported that + +--- +{80} Those nations resemble each other in feebleness, and in the +cause of it, though, with respect to the Turks, it has existed for a +longer period. +-=- + +[end of page #91] + +pride and ignorance; whereas in Spain, Portugal, and Turkey, this evil +being general throughout the state, those who have the conducting of +affairs are held in some check by the general feebleness of the nation. +{81} This not only limits the power of action, but is so visible, that it +is impossible for those who govern not to be led to reflection, and to +be taught moderation by it. + +The power of laying on taxes and the means of defending itself against +other nations are regulated by the situation of the people; but the +wisdom with which the affairs are conducted is dependent on the +rulers, and those who govern. It is therefore fortunate, when the rulers +are so far sensible of the feeble state of the country as to be moderate +and reasonable. {82} + +None of the nations that know their own weakness would ever have +risked the experiment that was made on St. Domingo by the French; +neither would any nation, in the vigour of acquiring riches, have done +so. It required a nation, ruled by men who were ignorant of the true +principles, who were corrupted with wealth, and, at the same time, had +a vigorous nation to govern, to admit of such a situation of things. +{83} Had the nation been less wealthy or weaker, so as to have made +the poverty or weakness obvious, this could not have happened; or, +had the rulers been less corrupted and ignorant, it could not have taken +place. {84} + +--- +{81} The French nation, in reality, was never so powerful and wealthy +as at the time of the revolution breaking out. The effects of luxury had +only perverted the city of Paris and the court. The power which the +energies of the people at large put at the disposition of the government +was ill applied. + +{82} Perhaps some of the greatest advantages that arise from a form +of government like that of England are, that those who have ruled, +owe their places to their abilities, and not to favour; that they maintain +their situations by exertion, and not by flattery; and that the situation +of the nation never can be long disguised. Without the turbulence of a +democracy, we have most of the advantages that arise from one, while +we have, at the same time, the benefits that proceed from the stability +and order of established monarchy. + +{83} When the Portuguese were for abandoning the India trade, it was +a case pretty similar. + +{84} Though the men who overturned the commerce of France were +not the same with the members of the ancient government, yet they +also were men ignorant of the true interests of the nation. A few +amongst them were bent upon an experiment, regardless of the ruin +with which it might be attended. +-=- + +[end of page #92] + +In all the interior causes, for the decline of nations, which we are +endeavouring to investigate, we shall find a change of manners, and +ways of thinking, constantly producing some effect in the direction +towards decline. This takes place, from the time that a nation becomes +more wealthy than its neighbours; until then, when it is only +struggling to equal them, a nation cannot be said to be rich, but to be +emerging from poverty. + +The great aim then should be, to counteract this change of mind and +manners, that naturally attends an increased state of prosperity. + +[end of page #93] + + + + +CHAP. II. + + +_Of the Education of Youth in Nations increasing in Wealth.--the +Errors generally committed by Writers on that Subject.--Importance +of Female Education on the Manners of a People.--Not noticed by +Writers on Political Economy.--Education of the great Body of the +People the chief Object.--In what that consists_ + +The changes of which we have spoken, that take place, gradually, in +a nation, from the increasing luxury and ease in which every +succeeding generation is raised, cannot be prevented. They are the +natural consequences of the situation of the parents being altered. But +when that period of life comes, when children enter upon what is +called education, then a great deal may be done; for, though the +fathers and mothers have still power over their offspring, it is a +diminished power; besides which, they are seldom so much disposed +to exert even what power remains, as at an earlier period. + +It is necessary and fair, after the severe censure that has been passed +on parents, for bringing up children wrong, at an early period, to +admit, that for the most part, they would not run into that error, and +spoil their children, if they were sensible of doing so; and that, as they +grow up, they would have them properly instructed, if it were in their +power: that is to say, if they had the means. + +There are certain things for which individuals can pay, but which it is +impossible for them to provide individually; and if they attempt to do +it collectively, it is liable to great abuse, and to be badly done. + +Individuals never could afford to send their letters, from one end of +the kingdom to the other, without combining together, unless +government furnished them the means: but, by the aid of the +government, they are enabled to do it at a very cheap rate, with +expedition and safety, whilst a profit arises to government greater than +any regular business in the world produces. + +There is a possibility of an individual sending a letter by a particu- +[end of page #94] lar messenger, at his own expense, to the greatest +distance, provided he can afford it; but, as it happens, there are many +more letters require sending than there are messengers to send, or +money to defray the expenses. + +It is the same with the education of youth. A man may have a tutor to +his son, and educate him privately, if he can afford it; but it happens, +as with the letters, that there are many more sons to educate than there +are tutors to be found, or money to pay them. + +As the individual, in the case of the letters, would be obliged to +depend on some self-created carrier, if government did not interfere, +so they are with regard to the education of their children; and, as in the +one case they would be very badly served, so they generally are in the +other. + +In the first place, the plans of education are every where bad, and the +manner of executing still worse.--Those to whom the education of +youth, one of the most important offices in society, is intrusted +undergo no sort of examination, to ascertain whether they are fit for +the business. They, in general, depend upon their submissive conduct +towards the parents and improper indulgence of the children for their +success. It was found that the judges of criminal and civil law could +not be intrusted with the administration of justice, while they +depended on the pleasure of the crown. Can it then be expected that a +much more numerous set of men, who are, in every respect, inferior in +rank and education, to judges, will maintain that upright and correct +conduct that is necessary, when they are infinitely more dependent +than the judges ever were at any period? + +This is one of the questions that is to be argued on the same principles, +that the independence, under a monarchical or democratic +government, is decided. Under the dominion of one chief, on +particular occasions, which occur but seldom, it may be necessary to +yield to his will, if the ruler is shameless enough and infamous enough +to insist upon it; but, with a community for one's master, there is a +complete system of submission, a perpetual deviation from that which +is right. + +In the first place, the fathers and mothers are no judges themselves of +the merits of the master, or the proficiency of the boy, whom the [end +of page #95] master is obliged to treat with indulgence, that he may +not complain. Where there is a complete ignorance of the right and +wrong of the case, any thing will turn the balance; and it is clear, that +where there is no proof of superior merit, there must be good will, +flattery, or some other method taken, to obtain a preference. + +There are, occasionally, men of real merit, who distinguish themselves +as teachers; and who, having a solid claim to a preference, use no mean +arts to obtain it. It is but justice to parents in general, to say that +such men are always encouraged, while they keep their good qualities +uncontaminated by some fault that counterbalances them. {85} + +As this is a case where individuals cannot serve themselves, nor +provide the means of being properly served, it is one of those in which +the government of every country ought to interfere. Not in giving +salaries, at the public expense, to men, who, perhaps, would do no +duty; but in seeing that the men who undertake the task of education +are qualified, and that when they have undertaken it they do their duty, +and follow a proper system. + +There should be proper examinations, from time to time, and registers +should be kept of the number of scholars, and the satisfaction they +have given to those who examined them. + +Parents would then have a measure, by which they could estimate the +merit of a school; the master would have another motive for action, +and there would be an emulation amongst the scholars. The business +professed to be done, and undertaken, would then be performed. At +present, at about three times the expense necessary, children learn +about half what they are intended to be taught. + +Interfering in this manner would be no infringement on private liberty; +nothing would be done that could hurt, in any way, the individuals, +but what must greatly benefit them. The evil habits that are contracted +in early childhood, at home, would be counteracted, and the + +--- +{85} As even those find it is necessary to make a strong impression on +the minds of parents, (and as some wish their children to be treated +with rigour,) there are teachers, who obtain a credit by overstraining +the discipline, after having obtained a fair reputation, by carrying it +only to a proper length. +-=- + +[end of page #96] + +youth would be taught to know what it is that renders a man happy in +himself, and respected and valued by society. + +But the consideration of the system to be followed is not the least +important part of the business. The useful should be preferred to the +useless, and in this the example of the ancients might be followed with +advantage. They had no dead languages to study, and the mind +appears to have been in many cases expanded, far beyond its present +compass. + +Nothing, indeed, can equal the ignorance of the most part of boys, +when they leave school; those who are considered as bad scholars, +have lost the good opinion of themselves, that ought to be maintained +throughout life; they think every thing difficult or impossible. Those, +again, who have excelled, are something less ignorant, but become +vain and conceited, owing perhaps to their having learnt some useless +and superfluous pieces of knowledge. + +Education, on the general principle, consists in learning what makes a +man useful, respectable, and happy, in the line for which he is +destined, whether for manual labour, or for study; for a high or a low +occupation. + +What is useful becomes a question, in some sort depending upon +place, and still more on circumstances, it will therefore be better to +discuss it at length in the Third Book, where England is the place, and +particular circumstances are taken into consideration. + +There are, however, some general rules that apply to all places and to +all situations. + +Good principles, honour, honesty, and integrity, are equally necessary +in every rank of society; with those qualities, even a beggar is +respectable, and will be respected; without them, no man ever was or +ever will be so. In every mode of education, the importance of those +should be inculcated; and that they may be adhered to, every man, +either by inheritance, or by talents, or by habits of industry, should +have it put in his power to command the means of living in the way +that he has been brought up. + +Were this attended to, many scenes of misery and vice would be +prevented. Admitting that there are propensities in some minds, [end +of page #97] that lead to evil, independent of every possible check or +control, it must be allowed that the far greater proportion of those who +do well or ill in the world owe it to the manner in which they have +been brought up in their early days. + +It follows, from this general rule, that parents should carefully avoid +bringing up children in a manner in which they have not the means of +being afterwards maintained; and that, in the second place, when they +cannot leave them in an independent fortune, they should, by making +them learn a trade or profession, give them the means of obtaining +what they have been accustomed to consider as necessary for them to +enjoy. + +There are, indeed, great numbers, and the greatest numbers of all; +unable even to have their children taught what is called a trade. But +there are none whom poverty prevents from bringing their children up +to industry; and, if they have been taught to live according to their +situation, they will find themselves above their wants, and therefore +the same general rule will still apply. + +Most writers have considered the subject of education as relative to +that portion of it only which applies to learning; but the first object +of all, in every nation, is to make a man a good member of society; and +this can never be done, unless he is fitted to fill the situation of +life for which he is intended. + +Governments and writers on education fall, generally speaking, into +the same errors. They would provide for the education of persons +destined for the learned professions and sometimes for the fine arts; +but agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, are totally left out: {86} +the most essential, the most generally useful, are not noticed at all. + +As so much value is set upon the language of the Greeks and Romans, +surely we might pay a little attention to the example of those +distinguished nations. + +The Greeks studied the Egyptian learning, and improved upon it; but +this was only confined to those who followed learning as a profes- + +--- +{86} Lord Somerville has some excellent observations, relative to +this, in his publication on Agriculture, published in 1800. +-=- + +[end of page #98] + +sion, or whose means allowed them to prosecute it as a study. The +common education of citizens was different; it consisted in teaching +them to perform what was useful, and to esteem what was excellent. It +was a principle with them that all men ought to know how happiness +is attained, and in what virtue consists; but they neither trusted to +precept nor example. They enforced by habit and practice, and in this +the Romans followed the plan the Greeks had laid down, and, by that +means, they surpassed all other nations. + +When those great nations of antiquity abandoned their attention to the +useful parts of education, they soon sunk in national character. It so +happens, in this case, that the mode of education and the manners of a +people are so closely connected that it is difficult, from observation, to +know which is the cause, and which the effect. Youth, badly educated, +make bad men, and bad men neglect the education of their children; +they set them a wrong example: such is the case, when a government +does not interfere. How this is to be done with advantage is the +question. + +Writers on political economy have, in general, considered female +education as making no part of the system; but surely, if the wealth +and happiness of mankind is the end in view, there can scarcely be a +greater object, for none is more nearly connected with it. + +Let it be granted that, in the first instance, women are not educated +with any view to carry on those labours and manufactures, on which +wealth is considered as depending. Let all this be admitted, and that, +in an early state of life, they are of no importance in this respect; yet, +surely, when they become wives and mothers, when the economy of +the family, and the education of the younger children depend chiefly +on them, they are then of very great importance to society. Their +conduct, in that important situation, must be greatly influenced by +their education. + +Female education ought then to be considered as one of the things, on +the conducting of which well the prosperity of a state does in a great +measure depend; it ought, therefore, to be attended to in the same +manner as the education of youth of the other sex. + +In this case, also, so much depends on place and circumstances, [end +of page #99] that we shall follow the same rule as with male +education. It shall be treated of as for England, and with the different +ranks of society as they are; but there are some general rules not to be +forgotten, and which are applicable to all places and all countries. + +The great error, in female education, does not consist in neglecting to +instil good principles; for that is, in most countries, for obvious +reasons, pretty well attended to; but good principles, without the +means of adhering to them, are of little avail. If a desire for dress, or +other enjoyments, that cannot be gratified fairly, and by the means of +which they are possessed, are encouraged, principles will be +abandoned in order to gratify passions.--Females are taught frivolous +accomplishments in place of what would be useful, and expensive +vanity is substituted for that modest dignity that should be taught; the +consequence is, that, in every rank of life, according to her station, the +woman aims at being above it, and affects the manners and dress of +her superiors. + +There is too much pains taken with adorning the person, and too little +with instructing the mind, in every civilized country; and when +women are wise, and good, and virtuous, it is more owing to nature +than to education. + +As, indeed, the duties of a woman, in ordinary life, are of a nature +more difficult to describe than those of a man, who, when he has +learnt a trade, has little more to do, the care employed in seeing that +proper persons only are intrusted with the important office of teaching +them to perform those duties ought to be proportionally great. + +The farther remarks on the subject of education are deferred to the +Fourth Book =sic--there is none.=, where place and circumstances +come into consideration. It is, however, to be observed, that, in all +cases, as a nation becomes more wealthy, the business of education +becomes more important, and has a natural tendency to be worse +managed; it therefore demands a double share of attention. + +If the women of a nation are badly educated, it must have a great +effect on the education of their sons, and the conduct of their +husbands. The Spartan and Roman mothers had the glory of making +[end of page #100] their sons esteem bravery, and those qualities in a +man that were most wanted in their state of society. It should be one +part of female education to know and admire the qualities that are +estimable in the other sex. To obtain the approbation of the other sex, +is, at a certain time of life, the greatest object of ambition, and it is +never a matter of indifference. + +The great general error consists in considering the woman merely in +her identical self, without thinking of her influence on others. It +appears to be for this reason, that writers on political economy have +paid no attention to female education; but we find no state in which +the virtue of men has been preserved where the women had none; +though there are examples of women preserving their virtues, +notwithstanding the torrent of corruption by which that of the men has +been swept away. [end of page #101] + + + + +CHAP. III. + + +_Of increased Taxation, as an Interior Cause of Decline.--Its +different Effects on Industry, according to the Degree to which it is +carried.--Its Effects on the People and on Government_. + +There has been no instance of a government becoming more +economical, or less expensive, as it became older, even when the +nation itself was not increasing in wealth; but, in every nation that has +increased in wealth, the expenditure, on the part of government, has +augmented in a very rapid manner. + +Amongst the interior causes of the decline of nations, and the +overthrow of governments, the increase of taxes has always been very +prominent. It is in the levying of taxes that the sovereign and the +subject act as if they were of opposite interests, or rather as if they +were enemies to each other. + +In every case almost, where the subjects have rebelled against their +sovereign, or where they have abandoned their country to its enemies, +the discontents have been occasioned by taxes that were either too +heavy, imprudently laid on, or rigorously levied. + +Sometimes the manner of laying on the tax has given the offence; +sometimes its nature, and sometimes its amount. The revolution in +England, in Charles the first's time, began about the manner of levying +a tax. The revolution of the American colonies began in the same way; +and it is generally at the manner that nations enjoying a certain degree +of freedom make objection. The excise had very nearly proved fatal to +the government of this country, as the stamp duties did to that of +France, and as the general amount and enormity of taxes did to the +Western Empire. {87} + +--- +{87} The system of taxation was ill understood amongst the Romans, +and its execution, under a military government, is always severe. The +Romans were so tormented, at last, that they lost all regard for their +country. Taxes seem to be the price we pay for the con-[end of page +#102] stitution we live under, and as they increase, the value of the +purchase lessens. The difference between value paid, and value +received, constitutes the advantage or loss of every bargain. +-=- + +Perhaps the chief motive for submitting to the difficulties, the +oppressions, and the burthens, which people submit to under +republican forms of government arises in deception. They seem to be +paying taxes to themselves, and for themselves, when, in reality, they +are not doing so any more than under a monarchy, where the taxes, in +proportion to the service done, are generally less than in a +republic.{88} + +--- +{88} America is an exception, but then there is no similarity between +the United States and any other country in the world. Their existence, +as an independent country, is only of twenty-five years standing; they +have had no wars during that time, and the revolutionary war cost +little in actual money. The comparison between the states and other +nations will not hold, but, if we compare the expense of their +government now, and when under the British, it will be found they +pay near thirty times as much; and, even allowing their population to +have risen one-half, they still pay proportionately twenty times as +much. Their revenue now amounts to 16,000,000 of dollars. The +public expense, in 1795, when they revolted, was about 350,000 +dollars. +-=- + +This was the case in Holland and Venice. In England, the first great +increase of taxes took place under the long Parliament and +Commonwealth. + +The only administration carried on by delegated authority, that is from +necessity obliged to be executed with unabaiting rigour, is the +department of finance. Money is a thing of such a nature, that strict +rules are absolutely necessary in its administration. There is here a +great distinction between money and other property, or money's +worth. A menial servant, of whose honesty there is no proof, and even +when it may be dubious, is habitually trusted with the care of property +to a considerable amount, and the account rendered is seldom very +rigorous; but, in the case of trusting with money, every precaution is +first taken, as to being trust-worthy. Security is generally demanded, +and neither friendship, confidence, nor the highest respectability, will +supply the place of a strict account, which, when not rendered, leaves +an indelible stain. There are many causes for this, but they are so +generally understood, or, at least, so generally felt, that it is not +necessary to examine them; the consequences are in some cases, +however, not so evident. One of the most important is, that the +accuracy with [end of page #103] which those appointed to collect +taxes are obliged to render their accounts, compels them to a strictness +in doing their duty that appears frequently rigorous to an extreme +degree, and scarcely consistent with justice or humanity. + +A king is considered as an unrelenting creditor, and he certainly +appears in that character; but it should be considered why he is +obliged to be so; for, as a master, he is generally the most indulgent in +his dominions. + +No duty or service is exacted with less rigour than that belonging to a +civil department under government, when it is not connected with +accountability in money; none so rigorous where money is concerned. +How is this to be accounted for, unless it is by shewing that the nature +of the situation admits of giving way to the feelings of humanity in +one case, and not in the other? A few examples will illustrate this +point, which is very important, very well known, but not well +understood. + +A clerk in a public office wants, either for health or private business, +or, perhaps, only for amusement, to absent himself from duty; if his +conduct merits any indulgence, and if his request is any way +reasonable, it is immediately granted, though his salary during his +absence may amount to a considerable sum; but he receives the gift +under the form of time, not of money. If the same clerk is in arrear for +taxes to one-twentieth part of the amount, if he does not pay, his +furniture will be seized, and that perhaps by order of the same superior +from whom he obtained the leave of absence from his duty. {89} + +The consequences would be fatal if the case were reversed. Supposing +that leave of absence had been refused, and that a remission of taxes +had been granted, the man who remitted the tax would be liable to +suspicion, which he could never do away; the receipt of the revenue +would never be secure, and the clerk, who had demanded a fair +indulgence, would be disgusted and provoked at the refusal. + +We cannot, however, alter the nature of things. Taxes cannot be +remitted, in any case, without discretional authority, and that it would + +--- +{89} Accountability in money may be compared to military discipline, +when on duty. No allowances are to be made for negligence or +deviation from rule. Of this we have lately had a most striking and +memorable example. +-=- + +[end of page #104] + +be ruinous to the revenue to give, we must, therefore, never expect +that the augmentation of taxes will take place without an increase of +discontent, or, at least, an augmented indifference towards +government. + +Perhaps nothing evinces more the general feeling, (even of the +respectable part of society,) with regard to the revenues of the state, +than the disposition to profit by evading the payment of duties +imposed upon articles of consumption. + +The most respectable of the nobility or gentry will conceal a +contraband article, or one on which there is a heavy duty, on their +return from abroad: and what is more, if detected, they are more +ashamed, on account of their want of address, than on account of the +crime; for such it is, whatever custom may have taught us to think. + +A man who is rigorously treated, by what is commonly called a lawful +creditor, whom he would never attempt to defraud must naturally feel +doubly incensed, when still more rigorously treated by one whom he +would think it very little harm, and no disgrace, to defraud. It is then +very clear, that, the common habits of thinking on the subject of debts +due to the king, is such as does not favour taxation, or incline people +to submit willingly to rigorous modes of recovery. + +All taxes raise the prices of the articles taxed, but those are most felt +and most obnoxious which fall on personal property, or on persons +themselves. + +All taxes, then, when they pass a certain point, have a tendency to +send away persons, and property, and trade, from a country, which, if +they do, its decline is inevitable. The extent, however, of that effect +must depend on a great variety of circumstances, such as the +comparative situation of other nations, their distance, the difficulty of +removing, &c. + +If America were as near to England as France is, the industrious class +would emigrate in multitudes; and, if in France, property and persons +were as safe and free as in England, part of both would go there; but, +as matters are, to the former it is impossible to remove, and, to the +latter, the risk surpasses the advantage. + +An increase of taxation tends to raise the wages of labour, and, where +it does so in due proportion, the labourer pays almost nothing; he still +for all that seems to pay, and he has the same disagreeable feeling +[end of page #105] as if he did pay. No feeling is more disagreeable +than that of being obliged, after earning money that can ill be spared, +to pay it away to a surly tax-gatherer, who treats a man and his family +with insolence, while he receives the money that should purchase +them bread. Besides this, though the prices of many articles keep pace +with the wages of labour, yet many others do not. Thus, in a country +where wages are rapidly altering, though some are bettered by it, +penury is entailed on others, who have not the means of raising their +prices. + +If heavy taxes are levied on a few articles of consumption, then they +become inefficient, and if they are divided amongst a great many, they +become troublesome, so that either way they are attended with +inconvenience and difficulty. + +In every country, where taxation has been carried to a great height, it +has, at last, become necessary to bear heavily upon personal property. +Such taxes are always attended with disagreeable feelings, and +peculiar inconveniency. The tax always comes in the form of a debt, +and whether convenient to be paid or not, it admits at best but of little +delay. {90} + +In England the nature of the government, the disposition of the people, +and the same sort of genius that made them succeed in commercial +intercourse and regulation, led them to adopt the least objectionable +modes of taxation. + +The customs were the first great branch of revenue at the time of the +revolution. The excise, land-tax, and stamps, rose next, none of which +can be objected to; for the person who pays the tax to government +only advances the money, and is reimbursed by the consumer, who, +again on his part, when he really pays the tax (for good and all) does it +under the form of an advance in price. Thus, then, the tax is disguised +to him that really pays it, and it is optional, inasmuch as he + +--- +{90} It will be seen, in a future part of this work, that the farmers have +lost nothing, but rather got by the high prices of grain in this country, +and it is so probably in all others. Those who sell necessaries raise the +price; those who make or sell superfluities have no such resource, and +therefore pay in the severest manner. +-=- + +[end of page #106] + +may avoid the tax, by not consuming the article. He never can be sued +for the tax, and he pays it by degrees, as he can spare the money. {91} + +Some time before the taxation which the American war rendered +necessary, it was thought that the customs and excise could not be +carried much farther. Ministers did not chuse =sic= to venture on an +additional tax on land, and, consequently, stamps were augmented and +extended, as were also duties on windows. A variety of new taxes on +particular articles of consumption were resorted to. Those sort of taxes +harassed and tormented individuals more than they filled the treasury, +yet still, when, after an interval of a few years of peace, new burthens +became necessary, in 1793, the same plan was pursued, till it was +found ineffectual, being too troublesome and tedious, besides being +unequal to the increase of expenditure. + +It was necessity that suggested a plan, which is the simplest and +easiest of any, so long as it succeeds and is productive. =sic= To +increase the excise and customs by an additional five or ten per cent. +on the articles that were supposed able to bear it. This has been done +again and again with those two branches of revenue, and with the +stamps likewise. + +But the necessities of the state still outrun the means, and the assessed +taxes, the worst and most obnoxious of all, were augmented in the +same way; but even those were not productive. The inducement to +privation was too great, and the restraints laid on expenditure, +suggested the adoption of a tax on income; that is, on the means a man +has to pay, which carries in its very name a description of its nature. + +We have mentioned the influence that necessity has on industry. One +of the effects of taxes, as well as of rent, is to prolong the operation of +necessity, or to increase it. A man who has neither rent nor taxes to +pay, as is the case in some savage nations, only labours to supply his +wants. Whatever proportion rent and taxes bear to the wants of + +--- +{91} The land-tax is not precisely the same, but very nearly. It +operates as a tax on the produce of land, that is on commodities for the +use of man, the same as those articles subject to duties of customs or +excise. The landholder just feels as the brewer, distiller, or importer of +foreign goods, he gets the tax reimbursed by the farmer, and the +farmer is reimbursed by the consumer. +-=- + +[end of page #107] + +a people their industry will be increased in the same proportion, unless +their forces are exceeded, and then the operation is indeed very +different. + +It follows, from this, that both rent and taxes, to a certain degree, +increase the wealth of a people, by augmenting their industry. As rent +is not compulsive, it never can in general be carried beyond the point +that augmented industry will bear; but taxes are not either regulated by +the industry of the individual, or of the community; they may +therefore be carried too far, and when they are, the people become +degraded, disheartened, their independent spirit is lost and broken, +and industry, in place of increasing, as it did in the first stages of +taxation, flies away. + +The government, in this case, generally becomes more severe, and +certainly more obnoxious. The broken spirit of the people makes +submission a matter of course, so that there is no effectual resistance +made to its power. Incapacity to pay comes at last, and defeats the +end; but, between incapacity and resistance, the difference is very +wide. + +As calculators have been predicting the moment of a total stoppage to +the increase of revenue for nearly half a century; as ministers, +themselves, have never ventured to lay on a new burthen, except when +forced to it by necessity. {92} As taxes have been laid on at random, +in a manner similar to that in which the streets and houses of old cities +were built, without regularity or design, and as the effects predicted +have not taken place, it is fair to conclude, that the subject is not well +understood. If it were, the evil would be in the way to be obviated; but +still the conclusion would be the same, that increased taxation tends to +bring on discontent, and to drive men and capital from a country. The +degree of tendency, and the rapidity of its operations, are a question; +but respecting the tendency itself there can be no question. + +Two things more are to be observed, relative to the effects of taxation, +as tending towards decline. The first is, that the taxes are levied by +and expended on men, who, having income only for their lives, + +--- +{92} Mr. Pitt seems an exception to this; but the establishment of a +sinking fund, at the end of the war, was as necessary for his +administration as any of the loans, during the war, were for Lord +North; and both measures required new taxes. +-=- + +[end of page #108] + +generally leave families in distress. Those who lose their parents when +young are often left destitute, and those who are farther advanced are +frequently ruined by being educated and accustomed to a rank in life +that they are not able to support. This is a very great evil, and is +renewed as it were every generation. As the revenues of a country +increase, this evil increases also: for, except what goes to the +proprietors of money in the stocks, all the public revenue, very nearly, +goes to people whose income perishes with themselves. To begin with +those who collect the taxes, custom-house officers, excise men, +collectors, and clerks of every rank and demonination =sic=, there is +not one in ten who does not die in indigence; and if he leaves a family, +he leaves it in distress. + +It is no doubt the lot of the great bulk of mankind, that is to say, the +labouring part of the community in every country, to leave children +unprovided for; but then they are left in a rank of society that does not +prevent their going to work or to service, which is not the case with +the vast number left by those who enjoy, during life, a genteel and +easy existence under government. + +The education of such persons is either neglected entirely, or ill fitted +for the line of life into which they are to go. If the sum-total of human +vice and misery was to be divided into shares, and if it were calculated +how much fell to each person, there is not a doubt but at least a double +portion would fall to the lot of those unfortunate persons who are left +by parents enjoying offices for life; who are generally obliged to +expend their income as they earn it. As, according to the natural +chance of things, a number of such persons must leave young families, +the seeds of misery are continually sowing a-fresh, to the great +detriment of society. This evil depends in a great degree upon the +habits and nature of the people, which augment or diminish it; and, in +commercial nations, the evil is far the greatest. Where commerce does +not flourish, persons belonging to the revenue-department are seldom +highly paid, and they by no means consider themselves as a class of +persons distinguished above the general run, or obliged to live more +expensively; but, in a manufacturing country, to live without working, +implies a degree of gentility that is extremely ruinous to those who +enjoy that fatal and flimsy pre-eminence. [end of page #109] + +A manufacturer, who is getting a thousand pounds a year, will, +perhaps, not assume so much importance as a man in office who does +not get one hundred pounds; and the former, as well as his family, +knowing that they are beholden to industry for what they have, do not +think themselves above following it. {93} + +Unfortunately, it also happens, that, in all sorts of occupation where +trust is reposed and punctuality required, more than in ordinary +business, it is rather late in life before those employed rise to +situations of considerable emolument. When they are old, their +families are generally young; thus it is, that the persons who are the +most unfit to marry late in life are generally those who do so. This +order of things cannot easily be changed. In the rate of payments +governments are regulated by the service done, and by the dependence +that can be placed on the person employed, who, on the other hand, +follows the natural propensities of human nature. When young, and on +a small allowance, a revenue-officer remains single; but when it is +necessary to become serious, attentive, and confidential, and when he +finds he has the means, he betakes himself to a domestic life, which is +the most natural to men arrived at a certain time of life, and the best +fitted for those who are to be depended upon for the correctness of +their conduct. It is impossible to prevent this natural state of things; +and if let go uncorrected, if not counteracted, the consequences are +very pernicious. It is to this, in a great measure, the augmentation of +vice and mendicity =sic= is to be attributed in nations, as they become +wealthy and great. + +Perhaps more depends upon the manner of taxation than the amount; +at least it certainly is so in all countries where the amount is not very +high. In America, for example, the amount is of no importance; the +manner might be of very pernicious consequence. In France, before +the revolution, the taxes were more oppressive, from the manner of +levying them than from their amount. The same thing might be said + +--- +{93} This is a very important part of the consideration; but, as +education and it are connected, and that comes into the Fourth Book +=sic--there is none.=, the whole consideration is left till then; not only +the national prosperity is injured, but the feelings of humanity are +hurt, and the sum of human misery increased by this consequence. +-=- + +[end of page #110] + +of almost every country in Europe, England and Holland excepted. At +present, the case is greatly altered, in many countries, by the increase: +yet, still, one of the principal evils arises from the manner of levying +the taxes; the restraints imposed by them, the inconveniency, the +vexation, and, finally, the misery and ruin they, in many cases, +occasion. + +Of all the examples, where taxation contributed most to the fall of a +country, Rome is the greatest. The luxury of the imperial court, and +the expenses of a licentious and disorderly army, added to the +ignorance of the subject, rendered the taxes every way burthensome. +From the fall of Rome, to the time of Louis XIV. the splendour of +courts, and their expenses, were objects of no great importance. We +are but lately arrived at a new aera in taxation; for, though taxation has +been the occasion of much discontent at all times, it was carried to no +considerable length, in any country in Europe, except in Spain and +Holland, till within this last century. + +Indeed, when we consider the great noise that has often been made +about raising an inconsiderable sum, it is impossible not to be +astonished at the reluctance with which people pay taxes, when they +feel that they are paying them, and are not accustomed to the feeling. + +Taxation is, then, to the feelings of men, disagreeable; to their +manners hurtful; they are also, in their operation, to a certain degree, +inimical to liberty. The ultimate consequence of this is, that persons +and property have both of them a tendency to quit a country where +taxes are high, and to go to one, where, with the same means, there +may be more enjoyment. + +Taxes may be called a rent paid for living in a country, and operate +exactly like the rent of houses or land, or rent for any thing else; that +is, they make the tenant remove to a cheaper place, unless he finds +advantages where he is to counterbalance the expense. + +Unfortunately, the persons who have the greatest disposition to quit a +country that is heavily taxed are those, who, having a certain income, +which they cannot increase, wish to enjoy it with some degree of +economy. They are, likewise, the persons who can remove with the +greatest [end of page #111] facility. Thus, people whose income is in +money are always the first to quit a country that is become too dear to +live in with comfort. + +Many circumstances may favour or counteract this tendency, such as +the difficulty of finding an agreeable place to retire to, where the +money will be secure, or the interest regularly paid; but, an inquiry +into that will come more properly when we examine the external +causes of decline. + +Though the increase of taxes, by augmenting the expense of living, and of +the necessaries of life, is little felt by the labouring class, their +wages rising in proportion; yet a most disastrous effect is produced on +the fine arts, and on all productions of which the price does not bear a +proportional rise. + +Where taxes are high, and luxury great, there must be some persons +who have a great deal of ostentation, even if they have little taste. A +picture or a jewel of great value will, very certainly, find a purchaser, +but that will only serve as a motive for bringing the fine painting from +another country, where the necessaries of life are cheaper, and where +men enjoy that careless ease which is incompatible with a high state of +taxation. + +When Rome became luxurious, to the highest pitch, there were neither +poets, painters, nor historians, bred within its walls; buffoons and +fiddlers could get more money than philosophers, and they had more +saleable talents. Had Virgil not found an Augustus, had he lived three +centuries later, he must either have written ballads and lampoons, or +have starved; otherwise he must have quitted Italy. + +When Rome was full of luxury, and commanded the world and its +wealth, there was not an artist in it capable of executing the statues of +its victorious generals. {94} + +Some Greek island, barren and bare, would breed artists capable of +making ornaments for imperial Rome. + +--- +{94} They were obliged to cut the heads off from ancient statues, as +their artists were only sufficiently expert to carve the drapery of the +body. +-=- + +[end of page #112] + +It is an easy matter, in a rich country, to pay for a fine piece of art, +But a difficult matter to find a price for the bringing up a fine +artist. {95} + +The fine arts have not, indeed, any intimate or immediate connection +with the wealth or strength of a nation. The balance of trade has never +been greatly increased by the exportation of great masterpieces of art, +nor have nations been subdued by the powers of oratory; but the +knowledge and the arts, by which wealth and greatness are obtained, +follow in the train of the finer performances of human genius. + +Where money becomes the universal agent, where it is impossible to +enjoy ease or comfort for a single day without it, it becomes an object +of adoration, as it were. To despise gold, which purchases all things, is +reckoned a greater crime than to despise him to whose bounty we are +indebted for all things; consequently, ambition, without which there +never is excellence, is, at an early period of life, bent towards the +gaining a fortune. A man, indeed, must either be of a singularly odd +and obstinate disposition, or very indifferent about the opinion of +others, and even about the good things of this world, (as they are +termed,) to persevere in obtaining perfection in science or art, while +without bread, when he might, with a tenth part of the care and study, +live in affluence, and get money from day to day. There are few such +obstinate fools; and without them, in a wealthy country, there can be +found few men profound in science, or excelling in any of the arts. + +The augmentation of taxes, by rendering the produce of industry +dearer than in other countries, tends to cut off a nation of that de- + +--- +{95} This is liable to some exceptions. Natural genius may make a +man excel; but, even then, it is ten to one if he is not compelled to +labour in order to get bread, in place of trying to obtain fame. It was +thus the great Dr. Johnson, with a genius that might have procured +him immortal fame, drudged, during life, on weekly or daily labours, +which will soon be forgotten. Even his dictionary, wonderful as it is +for a single man, is not worthy of the English nation, and Johnson's +name is little known beyond the limits of his own country. His genius +was great, but his labours were little. His mind was in fetters; it was +Sampson grinding at the mill to amuse the Philistines; not Sampson +slaying lions, and putting to flight armies. +-=- + +[end of page #113] + +scription, from the markets in poorer countries. If all other countries +are poorer; and the taxes lower; it has a tendency to shut it out from all +the markets in the world. + +An operation, that, at the same time that it renders people less happy, +less contented, and more indifferent to the fate of their country, and at +the same time tends to shut them out from foreign markets, is certainly +very hurtful to any country, but particularly so to one, the greatness of +which is founded on manufactures and commerce. + +It would be useless to enlarge on so self-evident a consequence; yet, +even in this case, we shall find something of that mixture of good, +along with the bad, which is to be found in all human things. + +As exertion originates in necessity or want, which it removes, taxation +has the effect of prolonging the operation of necessity, after it would +otherwise have ceased, and of rendering its pressure greater than it +otherwise would be; the consequence of this is a greater and larger +continued exertion on the part of those who have to pay the taxes. +Human exertion, either in the way of invention or of industry, is like a +spring that is pressed upon, and gains strength according to the +pressure, until a certain point, when it gives way entirely. + +Those investigators, who have calculated the effect of such and such a +degree of taxation, of national debt, &c. have all erred, in not making +any, or a sufficient, allowance for the action of this elastic power. Mr. +Hume and Mr. Smith, certainly, both of them, men of profound +research, have erred completely in this. The former, in calculating the +ultimatum of exertion, at a point which we have long since passed; +and, the latter, in reasoning on the taxation at the time he wrote, as if +nearly the utmost degree, though it has since trebled, and the difficulty +in paying seems to be diminished; at least it appears not to have +augmented. + +To fix the point at which this can stop is not, indeed, very easy; +particularly, as the value of gold and silver, which are the measures of +other values, do themselves vary. Thus, for example, a working man +can, with his day's wages, purchase as much bread and beer as he +could have done with it forty years ago. Though the national debt [end +of page #114] is five times as great as it was then, at the present price +of bread, it would not take twice the number of loaves to pay it that it +would have required at that time. + +The depreciation of money, then, as well as the continuation and +augmented pressure of necessity, counteract, to a certain degree, and +for a certain time, the natural tendency of taxes; but that counteraction, +though operating in all cases, in its degree and duration, must depend +upon particular circumstances; and though, perhaps, it cannot be, with +much accuracy, ascertained in any case, it is impossible to attempt +resolving the question in a general way; we shall, therefore, return to +the subject, when we apply the general principles to the particular +situation of England. + +One conclusion, however, is, that as taxes, carried to a great extent, +are very dangerous, though not so if only carried to a certain point; as +that point cannot be ascertained, it ought to be a general rule to lay on +as few taxes as possible; and the giving as little trouble and +derangement to the contributor as may be, is also another point, with +respect to which there cannot be two different opinions. [end of page +#115] + + + + +CHAP. IV. + +_Of the interior Causes of Decline, arising from the Encroachments of +public and privileged Bodies, and of those who have a common +Interest; on those who have no common Interest_. {96} + +From the moment that any particular form of government or order is +established in a nation, there must be separate and adverse interests; +or, which is the same thing, bodies acting in opposition to each other, +and seeking their own power and advantage at the expense of the rest. + +In a country where the executive government is under no sufficient +control, its strides to arbitrary power are well known; but, in a +government poised like that of England, where there are deliberative +bodies, with different interests, acting separately, and interested in +keeping each other and the executive in check, it is not from the +government that much danger is to be apprehended. + +It is not meant to dwell on this particular part of the subject. As those +governed hold a check on the executive power, which alone can be +supposed to profit by oppression, there is a means of defence, in the +first instance, and of redress, in the second, which diminishes greatly, +if it does not entirely do away all danger from encroachment. + +Another thing to be said about this government is, that government +and the subject never come into opposition with each other, except +where there is law or precedent to determine between them. + +The danger, then, of encroachment on that side, is not very great, and +it is the less so in this country, that, when there have been contests, +they have always ended in favour of the people; whereas, in most + +--- +{96} The public certainly has a common interest, but it feels it not, +and even those who have separate interests make part of that very +public.--This will be exemplified, in a variety of instances, in the +course of the present chapter. +-=- + +[end of page #116] + +other countries, they have terminated in favour of the executive +power. + +It is not so, however, with many other of the component parts of +society. Those deliberating bodies, who have separate interests, and all +those who live, as it were, on the public, and have what they call, in +France, _l'esprit du corps_, for which we have no proper expression, +though it may be defined to be those who have a common interest, a +fellow feeling, and the means of acting in concert, are much more +dangerous. + +In nations where the executive power has no control, the progress of +public bodies is less dangerous than where the power of the king is +limited. It is always the interest of the sovereign, who monopolises all +power, and those around him, to prevent any man, or body of men, +from infringing on the liberty of the subject, or becoming rivals, by +laying industry under contribution, so we find that, in every such +nation, the clergy excepted, all public bodies are kept under proper +subjection. {97} + +--- +{97} In all countries, those who have the care of religious matters +must necessarily have some control over the minds of the people, +which they can to a certain degree turn either to a good or a bad +purpose. It is, therefore, impossible that the government and clergy +can, for any length of time, act in opposition to each other: one or +other of the two must soon fall, and there have been instances of the +triumph of each. We have sometimes seen kings triumph over the +clergy, but not very often; and we have frequently seen governments +overturned by their means: except, therefore, in a state of revolution, +they must mutually support each other. This is the natural state of +things; but, in Roman Catholic countries, priests have a superior sway +to what they have in any other, for several reasons that are very +obvious. In the first place, the sovereign of the nation is not the head +of the church; and, in the second, by means of a very superior degree +of art and attention, during the dark ages, when the laity were sunk in +ignorance, the catholic clergy contrived to entail the church property, +from generation to generation, upon the whole body: at the same time, +enjoining celibacy, by which all chance of alienation, even of personal +property, was done away. As to the means of acquiring property, and +of augmenting it; they were many, and, in every contest with the +secular authority, they had a great advantage, by speaking, as it were, +through ten thousand mouths at once, and giving the alarm to the +consciences of the weak. In countries where the protestant religion has +been established, the case is widely different. Gothic darkness was +nearly fled before the reformation: besides this, the clergy are like +other men, with regard to the manner of living; they are fathers and +husbands, and, as such, liable to have all the property that is their own +alienated, as much as any other set of men [end of page #117] +whatever. The reformers, who were neither destitute of penetration nor +zeal, and who knew all the abuses of the church of Rome, in matters +of regulation as well as of opinion, were very careful to settle the new +order of things on such a plan, as to be free from the evils which they +had experienced, and against which they had risen with such energy +and zeal. +-=- + +The simple state of the case is, that the interest of the people is that of +the sovereign; and, except in cases where there is a profound +ignorance of what is good for the nation, every wise sovereign takes +the part of the people. But, under a limited monarchy, or in a +democracy, the case is different. There, those bodies, which an +arbitrary monarch would reduce to obedience at once, stand upon +prerogative themselves; they form a band in the legislature, and act +true to their own interests; so that the sovereign himself is compelled +to admit of abuses, which he is willing but not able to remedy. + +It is a great mistake, and one of the greatest into which people have of +late been apt to run, that the government and people of a country are +of opposite interests; and that governments wish to oppress the people, +and rob them of the means of being affluent and happy: the very +contrary is the case; all enlightened monarchs have acted quite +differently. + +Alfred the Great, Edward III. Queen Elizabeth, and nearly all her +successors have endeavoured to increase the wealth and happiness of +the people in England. Henry IV. of France, even Louis XIV. Peter the +Great of Russia, Catherine, and indeed all his successors, as also the +Kings of Prussia, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and other sovereigns, +who know how to shew their disposition, have tried to enrich their +people, and render them happy. The great study of the English +government has always been directed to that end, and the Romans +extended their care even to the nations they subdued. Though there are +many sovereigns who have not known how to do this, and therefore +have either not attempted it, or erred in the mode they have taken; yet, +with very few exceptions indeed, sovereigns have been found to wish +for the prosperity of the nations over which they ruled. + +In all human institutions there is much that is bad, and something [end +of page #118] that is good; and the best, as well as the worst, are only +combinations of good and evil, differing in the proportions. In mixt +governments, or in limited governments, the people can defend their +rights better against the sovereign than against those bodies that spring +up amongst themselves: whereas, in pure monarchies, they have only +to guard against the encroachments of the sovereign; and he will take +care to prevent them from being oppressed by any other power. + +This tendency to destruction, from encroachments of public bodies in +established governments, is more to be dreaded in limited monarchies, +and in democracies, than in pure monarchies; but we have had little +occasion to observe the progress in governments of the former sort, +excepting the clergy, though the military and the nobles generally play +their part. + +In Rome, the military never were dangerous, while the armies were +only raised, like militias, for the purpose of a particular war; but, when +they became a standing body, they were the proximate efficient cause +of destroying liberty, though this was only the prelude to that decline +which afterwards took place. + +In limited monarchies, the lawyers are the greatest body, from which +this sort of danger arises, and the reasons are numerous and evident. + +United in interest, and constantly occupied in studying the law of the +country, while the public at large are occupied on a variety of different +objects, and without any bond of union, there can be nothing more +natural than that they should contrive to render the business which +they alone can understand, of as much importance and profit as +possible. + +In the criminal law of the country, where the king is the prosecutor, +and where the lawyers are not interested in multiplying expense or +embarrassment, our laws are administered with admirable attention; +though, perhaps, in some cases, they are blamed for severity, they are +justly admired over the world for their mode of administration. + +It is very different in cases of property, or civil actions, where it is +man against man, and where both solicitor and council =sic= are +interested in the intricacy of the case. Here, indeed, the public is so +glaringly imposed upon, that it would be almost useless to dwell on +the sub-[end of page #119] ject, and, as a part of the plan of this work +is to offer, or point out, a remedy, it may be sufficient, in this case, to +go over the business once, and leave the examples till the relief is +proposed. + +At present, it is, however, necessary to shew why, as things are +constituted in mixed governments like this, no remedy is to be had. +The public only acts by representatives; and, in the House of Lords, +the law-lords, who have _l'esprit du corps_, may easily contrive to +manage every thing. One or two noblemen excepted, no one either +has, or pretends to have sufficient knowledge to argue or adjust a +point of law. Indeed, it is no easy matter to do so with effect, for, +besides that, the law-lords have ministers on their side, or, which is +the same thing, are on the side of ministers, the speaker is himself at +the head of the law. The other members who look up to the law-lords, +and who are generally very few in number on a law-question, +generally give their assent. In the House of Commons, in which there +are a number of lawyers, they are still less opposed. The country +gentlemen profess ignorance. They think that to watch money-bills, +the privileges of the house, the general interests of the nation, roads, +canals, and inclosures, is their province. The mercantile, and other +interests, composed of men getting money with great rapidity, +consider the abuses of law as not to them of much importance; they do +not feel the inconvenience, and have neither time nor inclination to +study the subject. {98} + +The prerogative of the king to refuse his assent, might, perhaps, be +expected to come in as a protection, but here there is least of all any +thing to be expected. In the first place, it is thought to be wise never to +use that prerogative, and, in the second place, the lord-high-chancellor +is the king's guide in every thing of the sort, insomuch, that he is +styled the keeper of the king's conscience. + +With power, influence, and interest on one side, and nothing to oppose +it on the other, (for the common proverb is true, as all common + +--- +{98} The law is the widest, and the shortest, and the nearest road to a +peerage. A Howe, Nelson, and St. Vincent, play a game, partly of +skill, and partly of chance, for title; they must have luck and +opportunity. The others are sure with fewer competitors to have more +prizes. +-=- + +[end of page #120] + +proverbs are, that what is every body's business is nobody's,) the +lawyers must encroach on the public, and they have done so to a most +alarming degree. + +In this case, it is not, as in others, where the great cut out work for and +employ the small. No. The great generally (indeed almost always) +begin with the advice and by the means of an attorney, who is only +supposed to understand law-practice. The proceeding does not +originate with the council, who could form some judgment of the +justice of the case, so that a mean petty-fogging attorney may, for a +trifle, which he puts into his own pocket, ruin two ignorant and honest +men; he may set the ablest council to work, and occupy, for a time, the +courts of justice, to the general interruption of law, and injury of the +public. + +This is, perhaps, one of the greatest and most crying evils in the land, +and calls out the most loudly for redress, as the effects are very +universal. In a commercial country, so many interests clash, and there +are such a variety of circumstances, that the vast swarms of attorneys, +who crowd the kingdom, find no difficulty in misleading one of the +parties, and that is the cause of most law-suits. + +As commercial wealth increases the evil augments, not in simple +proportion, but in a far more rapid progression; first, in proportion to +the wealth and gain to be obtained, and, secondly, according to the +opportunities which augment with the business done. + +In addition to the real dead expense, the loss of time, the attention, and +the misfortune and misery occasioned by the law, are terrible evils; +and, if ever the moment comes, that a general dissatisfaction prevails, +it will be the law that will precipitate the evil. + +The mildness of the civil laws in France, and the restraints under +which lawyers are held, served greatly to soften the rigours of the +revolution for the first two years. Had they possessed the power and +the means they do in England, the revolution must have become much +more terrible than it was at the first outset. + +The lawyers owe all their power to the nature of the government. An +arbitrary monarch will have no oppressor but himself, but here the +[end of page #121] different interests are supposed to be poised; and +when they are, all goes right, but, when they happen not to be so, the +most active interest carries the day. + +Though the law is the greatest of those bodies that is of a different +interest from the public at large, yet there are some others deserving +notice, and requiring reformation. It is the interest of all those who are +connected with government to do away abuses that tend to endanger +its security, or diminish its resources. + +As the public revenue is all derived from those who labour, and as it +can come from no other persons, if the prosperity and happiness of the +subject were a mere matter of indifference, which it cannot be +supposed to be; still it would be an object for government to preserve +his resources undiminished. It was our lot, in another chapter, to +mention the enormous increase of the poor's rate, which was in part +attributed to the general increase of wealth; mal-administration is, +however, another cause, and, the public is the more to be pitied, that +the parish-officers defend their conduct against their constituents at +the expense of their constituents. + +In an inquiry after truth, it should be spoken without fear of offending; +and, in this case, though the feelings of Englishmen may, perhaps, be +hurt, and their pride wounded, it must be allowed, that if it were not +for the mock-democratical form of administrating =sic= the funds for +the maintenance of the poor, they would never suffer the extortion, +and the bare-faced iniquities that are committed. {99} The ship- +money, the poll-tax, the taxes on the Americans, and others, that have +caused so much bloodshed and strife, never amounted to one-tenth, if +all added together, of what the English public pays to be applied to +maintain the poor, and administered by rude illiterate men, who render +scarcely any account, and certainly, in general, evade all regular +control. Those administrators, though chosen by the people, always, +while in office, imbibe _l'esprit du corps_, and make a common +cause. + +--- +{99} In Brabant and Flanders the people were very jealous of their +liberties. They were, however, most terribly oppressed by the +churchmen and lawyers. +-=- + +[end of page #122] + +The repairs of highways, bridges, streets, and expenses of police in +general; whatever falls on parishes, towns, or counties, in the form of +a tax or rate, is generally ill-administered, and the wastefulness +increases with wealth. The difficulty of controling or redressing those +evils proceeds from the same spirit pervading all the separate +administrations. Government alone can remedy this; and it is both the +interest and duty of the government to keep a strict watch over every +body of men that has an interest separate from that of the public at +large. Similar to the human body, which becomes stiff and rigid with +age, so, as states get older, regulation upon regulation, and +encroachment on encroachment, add friction and difficulty to the +machine, till its force is overcome, and the motion stops. In the human +body, if no violent disease intervenes, age occasions death. In the +body politic, if no accidental event comes to accelerate the effect, it +brings on a revolution; hence, as a nation never dies, it throws off the +old grievances, and begins a new career. + +The tendency that all laws and regulations have to become more +complicated, and that all bodies, united by one common interest, have +to encroach on the general weal, are known from the earliest periods; +but we have no occasion to go back to early periods for a proof of that +in this country. As wealth increases, the temptation augments, and the +resistance decreases. The wealthy part of society are scarcely pressed +upon by the evils, and they love ease too well to trouble themselves +with fighting the battles of the public. Those who are engaged in trade +are too much occupied to spare time; and, if they were not, they +neither in general know how to proceed, nor have they any fund at +their disposal, from which to draw the necessary money for +expenditure. + +It sometimes happens, that an individual, from a real public spirit, or +from a particular humour or disposition, or, perhaps, because he has +been severely oppressed, musters sufficient courage to undertake the +redress of some particular grievance; but, unless he is very fortunate, +and possesses both money and abilities, it is generally the ruin of his +peace, if not of his fortune. He finds himself at once beset with a host +of enemies, who throw every embarrassment in his way: his friends +[end of page #123] may admire and pity, but they very seldom lend +him any assistance. If some progress is made in redressing the +grievance, it is generally attended with such consequences to the +individual, as to deter others from undertaking a similar cause. Thus +the incorporated body becomes safe, and goes on with its +encroachments with impunity. + +Much more may be said upon this subject; but, as it is rather one of +which the operation is regulated by particular circumstances, than by +general rules, the object being to apply the result of the inquiry to +England, we shall leave it till we come to the application of it to that +country, only observing, that the church, the army, and the law, are the +three bodies universally and principally to be looked to as dangerous; +and each of them according to the situation and the form of +government of the respective countries, though, in England, the +church has less means than in any country in Europe of extending its +revenues or power, the law and corporate bodies the most; and, under +arbitrary governments, the church and the military have the most, and +the law and corporate bodies little or none. [end of page #124] + + + + +CHAP. V. + + +_Of the internal Causes of Decline, arising from the unequal Division +of Property, and its Accumulation in the Hands of particular Persons.-- +Its Effects on the Employment of Capital_. + +In every country, the wealth that is in it has a natural tendency to +accumulate in the hands of certain individuals, whether the laws of the +society do or do not favour that accumulation. Although it has been +observed in a former chapter that wealth follows industry, and flies +from the son of the affluent citizen to the poor country boy, yet that is +only the case with wealth, the possessor of which requires industry to +keep it; for, where wealth has been obtained, so as to be in the form of +land or money at interest, this is no longer the case. {100} + +In America, and in countries that are new, or in those of which the +inhabitants have been sufficiently hardy, and rash to overturn every +ancient institution, precautions have been taken against the +accumulation of too much wealth in the hands of one person, or at +least to discourage and counteract it; but, in old nations, where we do +not chuse =sic= to run such risks, the case is different. The natural +vanity of raising a family, the means that a rich man has to +accumulate, the natural chance of wealth accumulating by marriages, +and many other circumstances, operate in favour of all those rich men, +who are freed from risk, and independent of industry. In some cases, +extravagance dissipates wealth, but the laws favour accumulation of +landed property, and counteract extravagance; the advantages are in +favour of all the wealthy in general, and the consequence is, that from +the first origin of any particular order of things, till some convulsion +takes place, the division of property becomes more and more unequal. + +Far from counteracting this by the laws of the land, in all those + +--- +{100} Amongst the Romans, in early times, property in land was by +law to be equally divided; but that absurd law was never strictly +attended to, and when the country became wealthy was totally set +aside. +-=- + +[end of page #125] + +countries, the governments of which took strength during this feudal +system, there are regulations leading greatly to accelerate the progress. +The law of primogeniture has this effect; and the law of entails, both +immoral and impolitic in its operation, has a still greater tendency. + +These laws only extend to agricultural property; but commerce, which +at first tends to disseminate wealth, in the end, has the same effect of +accumulating it in private hands. + +Industry, art, and intelligence, are, in the early ages, the spring of +commerce; but, as machinery and capital become necessary, a set of +persons rise up who engross all the great profits, and amass immense +fortunes. {101} + +The consequence of great fortunes, and the unequal division of +property, are, that the lower ranks, though expensively maintained, +become degraded, disorderly, and uncomfortable, while the middling +classes disappear by degrees. Discontent pervades the great mass of +the people, and the supporters of the government, though powerful, +are too few in number, and too inefficient in character to preserve it +from ruin. + +The proprietors of land or money should never be so far raised above +the ordinary class of the people as to be totally ignorant of their +manner of feeling and existing, or to lose sight of the connection +between industry and prosperity; for, whenever they do, the +industrious are oppressed, and wealth vanishes. {102} + +It requires not much knowledge, and little love of justice, to see that +there must be gradations in society, which, instead of diminishing, +increase the general happiness of mankind; but when we + +--- +{101} Invention has nearly the same effect in commerce that the +introduction of gunpowder and artillery have on the art of war. Wealth +is rendered more necessary to carry them on. Every new improvement +that is made, in either the personal strength and energy of man +becomes of less importance. + +{102} Some of the greatest proprietors in this kingdom, much to their +honour, are the most exemplary men in it, with respect to their +conduct to their tenantry; but though the instances are honourable and +splendid, they are not general; nor is it in the nature of things that they +can be general. In France, matters were in general different; and the +inattention of the nobility to their duty was one cause of the +revolution; they had forgot, that, if they neglected or oppressed the +industrious, they must ruin themselves. +-=- + +[end of page #126] + +find that the chance of being born half an hour sooner or later makes +one man the proprietor of 50,000 acres and another little better than a +beggar; when we consider that, by means of industry, he never may be +able to purchase a garden to grow cabbages for his family, it loosens +our attachment to the order of things we see before us, it hurts our +ideas of moral equity. A man of reflection wishes the evil to be +silently counteracted, and if he is violent, and has any disposition to +try a change, it furnishes him with arguments and abettors. + +When the Romans (with whose history we are tolerably well +acquainted) {103} grew rich, the division of property became very +unequal, and the attachment of the people for their government +declined, the middle classes lost their importance, and the lower +orders of free citizens became a mere rabble. When Rome was poor, +the people did not cry for bread, but when the brick buildings were +turned into marble palaces, when a lamprey was sold for fifty-six +pounds, {104} the people became a degraded populace, not much +better, or less disorderly than the Lazzeroni of Naples. A donation of +corn was a bribe to a Roman citizen; {105} though there is not, +perhaps, an order of peasantry in the most remote corner of Europe, +who would consider such a donation in ordinary times as an object +either worthy of clamour or deserving of thanks. {106} + +The Romans, at the time when Cincinatus held the plough, and the +conquerors of nations roasted their own turnips, would have thought +themselves degraded by eating bread obtained by such means; but it +was different with the Romans after they had conquered the world. + +In a more recent example, we may trace a similar effect, arising from a +cause not very different. + +--- +{103} We know better about the laws and manners of the Romans +2000 years ago, in the time of the first Punic War, than about those of +England, in the time of Henry the Fourth. They had fixed laws, their +state was young, and the division of property tolerably equal. + +{104} See Arbuthnot on Coins. + +{105} Do not the soup-shops of late invention, and certainly well +intended, bear some resemblance to these days of Roman +wretchedness and magnificence. + +{106} It is to be observed, these donations were not on account of +scarcity, but to save the people from the trouble of working to earn the +corn; they were become idle in body and degraded in mind. +-=- + +[end of page #127] + +The unequal division of property in France was one of the chief causes +of the revolution; the intention of which was, to overturn the then +existing order of things. The ignorance of the great proprietors +concerning of their true interests, and the smallness of their numbers, +disabled them from protecting themselves. The middle orders were +discontented, and wished for a change; and the lower orders were so +degraded, that, at the first signal, they became as mutinous and as +mean as the Plebians at Rome, in the days of its splendor. {107} + +That this was not alone owing to the unequal division of property is +certain, there were other causes, but that was a principal one. As a +proof that this was so in England, where property is more equally +divided than it was in France, the common people are more attached +to government, and of a different spirit, though they are changing +since the late great influx of wealth into this country, and since +difficulties which have accumulated on the heads of the middle orders, +while those who have large fortunes feel a greater facility of +augmenting them than at any former period. + +In those parts of this country, where wealth has made the least +progress, the character of the people supports itself the best amongst +the lower classes; and the inverse progress of that character, and of the +acquisition of wealth, is sufficiently striking to be noticed by one who +is neither a very near, nor a very nice observer. + +Discontent and envy rise arise from comparison; and, where they +become prevalent, society can never stand long. They are enemies to +fair industry. + +Whatever may have been the delusive theories into which ill- +intentioned, designing, and subtile men have sometimes deluded the +great mass of the people, they have never been successful, except +when they could fight under the appearance of justice, and thereby +create discontent. The unequal division of property has frequently +served them in this case. + +--- +{107} The Parisian populace were the instruments in the hand of those +who destroyed the former government, as the regular army is in the +hands of him who has erected that which now exists. +-=- + +[end of page #128] + +[Transcriber's note: possible omissis--page 128 ends as above, page 129 +starts as next follows...] + +while it increased the ignorance, and diminished the number of the +enemies they had to encounter. + +As this evil has arisen to a greater height in countries which have had +less wealth in the aggregate than England, it is not the most dangerous +thing we have to encounter; but, as the tendency to it increases very +rapidly of late years, we must, by no means, overlook it. A future +Chapter will be dedicated to the purpose of inquiring how this may be +counteracted in some cases, in others modified and disguised, so as to +prevent, in some degree, the evil effects that naturally arise from it. + +Of all the ways in which property accumulates, in particular hands, the +most dangerous is landed property; not only on account of entails, and +the law of primogeniture, (which attach to land alone,) but because it +is the property the most easily retained, the least liable to be alienated, +and the only one that augments in value in a state that is growing rich. + +An estate in land augments in value, without augmenting in extent, +when a country becomes richer. A fortune, lent at interest, diminishes, +as the value of money sinks. A fortune engaged in trade is liable to +risks, and requires industry to preserve it: but industry, it has been +observed, never is to be found for any great length of time in any +single line of men; consequently, there are few great monied men, +except such as have acquired their own fortunes, and those can never +be very numerous nor overgrown. + +Besides our having facts to furnish proofs that there are no very great +fortunes, except landed fortunes; it can scarcely have escaped the +notice of any one, that no other gives such umbrage, or shews the +inferiority men =sic= who have none so much. {108} + +That there is a perpetual tendency to the accumulation of property, in +the hands of individuals, is certain; for, amongst the nations + +--- +{108} If a man has wealth, in any other form, it is only known by the +expenditure he makes, and it is quickly diminished by +mismanagement; but the great landed estate, which is seldom well +attended to, is mismanaged to the public detriment without ruin to the +proprietor. +-=- + +[end of page #129] + +of Europe, those who are the most ancient, exhibit the most striking +contrasts of poverty and riches. + +Nations obtaining wealth by commerce are less liable to this danger +than any others; at least we are led to believe so, from the present +situation of things: we are, perhaps, however, not altogether right in +the conclusion. + +In France there were, and in Germany, Russia, and Poland, there are +some immense fortunes, though general wealth is not nearly equal to +that of England: so much for a comparison between nations of the +present day. Again, it is certain, there were some fortunes in England, +in the times of the Plantagenets and Tudors, much greater than any of +the present times. {109} England was not then near so wealthy as it is +now, and had very little commerce: it would then appear, that whether +we compare England with what it was before it became a wealthy and +commercial nation, or with other nations, at the present time, which +are not wealthy, commerce and riches appear to have operated in +dividing riches, and making that division more equal, rather than in +rendering their accumulation great in particular hands, and their +distribution unequal. + +Before we are too positive about the cause, though we admit this +effect, let us inquire whether there are not some other circumstances +that are peculiar to the present situation of England, that may, if not +wholly, at least in part, account for it. + +The form of government in England is different from that of any of +those countries. It is also different in its nature, though not in its +form, from what it was under the Plantagenets and Tudors. Court favour +cannot enrich a family in this country, and the operation of the law is +tolerably equal. As neither protection, nor rank, in this country, raise +a man above the rest of society, so the richest subject is obliged to +obtain, by his expenditure, that consideration which he would ob- + +--- +{109} Two centuries ago, land was sold for twelve years purchase, +and the rents are five times as great as they were then; 10,000 L. +employed in buying land then would now produce 5000 L. a year. Had +the same money been lent, at interest, it would but produce 500 L. The +land, too, would sell for 140,000 L. The monied capital would remain +what it was. +-=- + +[end of page #130] + +tain by other means, under another form of government, {110} and he +is as much compelled to pay his debts as any other man. + +It is not, however, the great wealth of one individual, or even of a few +individuals, that is an object of consideration. It will be found that the +great number of persons, who live upon revenues, sufficiently +abundant to exempt them from care and attention, and to enable them +to injure the manners of the people, (being above the necessity of +economy, feeling none of its wants, and contributing nothing by their +own exertion to its wealth or strength,) is a very great evil, and one +that tends constantly to increase. + +But if this progress goes on, while a nation is acquiring wealth, how +much faster does it not proceed when it approaches towards its +decline? It is, then, indeed, that the extremes of poverty and riches are +to be seen in the most striking degree. + +The higher classes can never be made to contribute their share towards +the prosperity of a state; where there are no middling classes to +connect the higher and lower orders, and to protect the lower orders +from the power of the higher, a state must gradually decline. + +It is in the middling classes that the freedom, the intelligence, and the +industry of a country reside. The higher class may be very intelligent, +but can never be very numerous; and being above the feeling of want, +except in a few instances, (where nature has endowed the wealthy +with innate good qualities,) there is nothing to be expected or obtained +of them, {111} towards the general good. + +From the working and laborious classes, again, little is to be expected. +They fill the part assigned to them when they perform their duty to +themselves and families; and they have neither leisure, nor other +means of contributing to general prosperity as public men; + +--- +{110} In France, the richest subject under the crown was a prince of +the blood, &c. + +{111} In this case, the English form of government is good, because, +it not only hinders any man from forgetting that he is a man, but +whenever there is any ambition, no one in this country can rise above +the necessity of acting with, and feeling for, their inferiors, of whom +they sometimes have to ask favours, which they never do under a pure +monarchy. +-=- + +[end of page #131] + +they, indeed, pay more than their share of taxes in almost every +country; {112} but they cannot directly, even by election, participate +in the government of the country. + +If any number of persons engross the whole of the lands of a nation, +then the labourers that live on those lands must be in a degraded +situation; they then become less sound and less important members of +the state than they would otherwise be. + +Necessity does not act with that favourable impulse on people, where +property is very unequally divided, that it does where the gradation +from the state of poverty to that of riches is more regular. + +As the action of the body is brought on by the effect produced on the +mind; and as there is no hope of obtaining wealth where it appears +very unequally divided, so also there is no exertion where there is no +hope. {113} + +Where there is no regular gradation of rank and division of property, +emulation, which is the spur to action, when absolute necessity ceases +to operate, is entirely destroyed; thus the lower classes become +degraded and discouraged, as is universally found to be the case in +nations that have passed their meridian; the contrary being as regularly +and constantly the case with rising nations. + +Besides the degradation and listlessness occasioned in the lower ranks, +by an unequal distribution of property, the most agreeable, and the +strongest bond of society is thereby broken. The bond that + +--- +{112} This is less the case in England than in any other country. + +{113} It is strange how possibility, which is the mother of hope, acts +upon, and controuls, the passions. Envy is generally directed to those +who are but a little raised above us. They are reckoned to be madmen +who envy kings, or fall in love with princesses, and, in fact, they are +such, unless when they belong to the same rank themselves. + +Love, for example, which is not a voluntary passion, or under the +controul of reason, ought, according to the chances of things, +sometimes to make a sensible and wise man become enamoured of a +princess, but that never happens. It would appear, that, in order to +become the object of desire, there must be a hope founded on a +reasonable expectation of obtaining the object. This can be but very +small in the lower classes, when they look at the overgrown rich, and +have no intermediate rank to envy or emulate. +-=- + +[end of page #132] + +consists, in the attachment of the inferior classes, to those immediately +above them. Where the distance is great, there is but little connection, +and that connection is merely founded upon conveniency, not on a +similarity of feeling, or an occasional interchange of good actions, or +mutual services. By this means, the whole society becomes, as it were, +disjointed, and if the chain is not entirely broken, it has at least lost +that strength and pliability that is necessary, either for the raising a +nation to greatness, or supporting it after it has risen to a superior +degree of rank or power. + +Amongst the causes of the decline of wealthy nations, this then is one. +The great lose sight of the origin of their wealth, and cease to +consider, that all wealth originates in labour, and that, therefore, the +industrious and productive classes are the sinews of riches and power. +The French nation, to which we have had occasion to allude already, +was in this situation before the revolution. Rome was so likewise +before its fall. We are not, however, to expect to find this as a +principal cause in the fall of all nations; many of them fell from +exterior and not interior causes. Venice, Genoa, and all the places that +flourished in the middle ages, fell from other causes. Whatever their +internal energy might have been, their fate could not have been +altered, nor their fall prevented. The case is different with nations of +which the extent is sufficiently great to protect them against the +attacks of their enemies; and where the local situation is such as to +secure them from a change taking place in the channels of commerce, +a cause of decline which is not to be resisted by any power inherent in +a nation itself. + +In Spain and Portugal the internal causes are the preponderating ones, +and, in some measure, though not altogether so, in Holland. If +England should ever fall, internal causes must have a great share in +the catastrophe. In this inquiry, then, we must consider the interior +state of the country as of great importance. + +When property is very unequally divided, the monied capital of a +nation, upon the employment of which, next to its industry, its wealth, +or revenue, depend, begins to be applied less advantageously. A +preference is given to employments, by which money is got with most +ease and [end of page #133] certainty, though in less quantity. A +preference also is given to lines of business that are reckoned the most +noble and independent. + +Manufacturers aspire to become merchants, and merchants to become +mere lenders of money, or agents. The detail is done by brokers, by +men who take the trouble, and understand the nature of the particular +branches they undertake, but who furnish no capital. + +The Dutch were the greatest example of this. Independent of those +great political events, which have, as it were, completed the ruin of +their country, they had long ceased to give that great encouragement +to manufactures, which had, at first, raised them to wealth and power +in so surprising a manner. They had, in the latter times, become agents +for others, rather than merchants on their own account; so that the +capital, which, at one time, brought in, probably, twenty or twenty- +five per cent. annually, and which had, even at a late period, produced +ten or fifteen, was employed in a way that scarcely produced three. + +If it were possible to employ large capitals with as much advantage, +and to make them set in motion and maintain as much industry as +small ones are made to do, there would scarcely be any limit to the +accumulation of money in a country; but a vast variety of causes +operate on preventing this. + +Whatever, therefore, tends to accumulate the capital of a nation in a +few hands (thereby depriving the many) not only increases luxury, and +corrupts manners and morals, but diminishes the activity of the capital +and the industry of the country. {114} + +In all the great places that are now in a state of decay, we find families +living on the interest of money, that formerly were engaged in +manufactures or commerce. Antwerp, Genoa, and Venice, were full + +--- +{114} It is a strange fact, that when this country was not nearly so far +advanced as it is now, almost all the merchants traded on their own +capitals; they purchased goods, paid for them, sold them, and waited +for the returns; but now it is quite different. They purchase on credit, +and draw bills on those to whom they sell, and are continually obliged +to obtain discounts; or, in other words, to borrow money, till the +regular time of payment comes round; they may, therefore, be said to +be trading with the capital of money-lenders, who afford them +discount. +-=- + +[end of page #134] + +of such, but those persons would not have ventured a single shilling in +a new enterprise. The connection between industry and revenue was +lost in their ideas. They knew nothing of it, and the remnants of the +industrious, who still cultivated the ancient modes of procuring +wealth, were considered as an inferior class of persons, depending +upon less certain means of existence, and generally greatly straitened +for capital, which, as soon as they possessed in sufficient quantity, +enabled them to follow the same example, and to retire to the less +affluent, but more esteemed and idle practice of living upon interest. + +In countries where there are nobility, the capital of the commercial +world is constantly going to them, either by marriage of daughters, or +by the other means, which rich people take to become noble. Even +where there are no nobility, the class of citizens living without any +immediate connection with trade consider themselves as forming the +highest order of society, and they become the envy of the others. +There appears to be no means of preventing capital, when unequally +divided, from being invested in the least profitable way that produces +revenue. When more equally divided, it is employed in the way that +produces the greatest possible income, by setting to work and +maintaining the greatest possible quantity of labour. + +If there is not sufficient means of employing capital within a nation or +country that has a very unequal division of wealth, there are plenty of +opportunities furnished by poorer nations. Accordingly, every one of +the nations, states, or towns, that has ever been wealthy, has furnished +those who wanted it with capital, at a low interest. Amsterdam has lent +great sums to England, to Russia, and France. The French owed a very +large sum to Genoa at the beginning of the revolution. Antwerp, +Cologne, and every one of the ancient, rich, and decayed towns had +vested money in the hands of foreign nations, or lent to German +princes, or to the great proprietors of land, on the security of their +estates. The American funds found purchasers amongst the wealthy all +over Europe, when they could not find any in their own states; and, it +is probable, that the far greater portion of their debt is at this time in +the hands of foreigners. + +Thus it is that wealthy nations let the means by which the wealth [end +of page #135] was acquired go out of their hands; each individual in a +new state, or in an old, follows his own interest and disposition in the +disposal of his property. In the new state, the individual interest and +that of the country are generally the same; in the old one, they are in +opposition to each other, and that opposition is greatly increased by +the unequal division of property. The middling class of proprietors +never seek the most profitable employment for their money; the very +wealthy are always inclined to seek for good security and certain +payment, without any consideration of the interest of their country. + +To counteract the tendency of property to accumulate, without +infringing on the rights of individuals, will be found desirable. In the +Fourth Book =sic--there is none.=, a mode of doing this shall be +attentively taken into consideration. + +[end of page #136] + + + + +CHAP. VI. + + +_Of the Interior Causes of Decline, which arise from the Produce of +the Soil becoming unequal to the Sustenance of a luxurious People.-- +Of Monopoly_. + +It has already been mentioned, and we have seen, in the case of Rome +and Italy, that the country which was sufficient to maintain a certain +population, when the manners of the people were simple, becomes +incapable of doing so, when wealth has introduced luxury. + +The case of the Romans, though the most clearly ascertained of any, +and the circumstances the best known, is only in part applicable to an +inquiry into the effects of luxury at the present day. The nature of +luxury, the nature of the wants of man, and the diffusion of that +luxury, its distribution amongst the different classes, are so unlike to +what they were, that the comparison scarcely holds in any single +instance. + +A most enormous increase of population (a forced population as it +were) in a small country, together with large tracts of land converted +from agriculture to the purposes of pleasure were the principal causes +why Italy, in latter times, was incapable of supplying itself with corn. +Wherever wealth comes in more easily and in abundance, by other +means than by agriculture, that is to a certain degree neglected. To +cultivate ceases to be an object where it is more easy to purchase. This +certainly is, at all times, and in all places, one of the consequences of +an influx of wealth, from wheresoever it comes, or by whatever means +it is acquired; though, in Italy, it was felt more than perhaps in any +other part of the world. The manner in which wealth comes into a +nation has a great effect on the consumption of produce, owing to the +description of persons into whose hands it first comes. In Rome, the +wealth came into the hands of the great. The slaves and servants, +though more numerous, were, perhaps, fed in the same manner with +the slaves in earlier periods, though probably not with so much +economy. In a manufacturing country, [end of page #137] the greatest +part of the wealth comes first into the hands of the labouring people, +who then live better and consume more of the produce of the earth; +not by eating a greater quantity, but by eating of a different quality. + +In every manufacturing or commercial country, wealth displays itself +in general opulence amongst the lower orders, and the means of +supplying that greater consumption is the same as it was in Rome. The +money that arrives from other countries enables the community to +purchase from other countries the deficiency of provisions, and +prevents the evil effects from being felt at the moment. + +When, in course of time, there comes to be a difficulty of obtaining +the supply, from the want of produce in the country itself, then the +decline begins; and as no wealth, arising either from conquest, +colonies, or commerce, bears any great proportion to the daily food of +a people, its effect is soon felt in a very ruinous and terrible manner. + +England is the greatest country for extensive commerce that ever +existed, yet the amount of the whole of its foreign trade would not do +much more than furnish the people with bread, and certainly not with +all the simple necessaries of life. If, therefore, a country, such as this +is, were unable to furnish itself with the necessaries of life, the whole +balance of trade, now in its favour, would not be sufficient to supply +any considerable deficiency. + +The desire of eating animal food, in place of vegetables, is very +general and, amongst a people living by manufactures, will always be +indulged. If the country was fully peopled, before animal food was so +much used; that is, if the population was as great as the vegetable +produce of the country was able to supply; as the same quantity of +ground cannot feed the same number of people with animal food, +there will be a necessity of importing the deficiency. + +The change that this produces, when once it begins to operate, is a +most powerful and effectual cause of decline; and, without the +intervention of conquest, or any violent revolution, would of itself be +sufficient to impoverish, in the first instance, and, in the second, to +depopulate a country. + +We find every country that was once wealthy, but that has fallen [end +of page #138] into decline, is thinly peopled; and if it were not for the +want of information, from which the cause may be traced, a deficiency +of food might most probably be found to be one of the most efficient. + +Flanders, which is one of the most fertile countries in Europe, and has +experienced a partial decline, is probably not near so fully peopled as +it once was. Its present population would not support those armies, or +give it that rank amongst nations which it at one time maintained. It is +true there have been persecutions and emigrations, which must have +reduced the population of the country for a time, but not to an extent +that would account for such a diminution in its numbers, as there is +reason to think has taken place. + +Ghent, a town of an amazing size, could, at one time, send out fifty +thousand fighting men. It certainly could not now (that is to say, at the +time the French subdued the country) have furnished one-fourth part +of the number. Ghent is not the only town in this situation, the others +have all fallen off in the same manner. When manufactures declined, +the people did not go to live in the country, for that also is thinly +inhabited, the richness of the soil being taken into consideration. + +The peasants of that country lived much better than their French +neighbours; they apparently brought up their children with more ease, +and fed them more fully; but the country was not so populous, in +proportion to its fertility. + +In southern climates, where the heat of the sun is great, and vegetation +difficult, unless the crop is of a nature to protect the ground from its +effects, natural grass is never luxuriant; and the cattle are neither so +large nor so fat as in more northerly latitudes. Corn, on the other hand, +which rises to a sufficient height, before the hot season, to protect the +ground from the rays of the sun, is a more profitable crop; and, indeed, +the only one that could (potatoes excepted) support a great population. + +In such countries, scarcely any degree of general affluence would +enable the labouring classes to eat animal food. No degree of wealth, +that can well be supposed, would enable the inhabitants of the +southern parts of France, or of Spain, to live on butcher-meat, which, +[end of page #139] if it became to be in general demand, would be +dearer than poultry, or even than game. The absolute necessity of +living on vegetables, or rather the absolute impossibility of contracting +a habit of living on animal food, must, then, in those countries, +counteract the taste, and prevent depopulation being produced by that +cause.--But it is very different with more northerly countries, where it +is almost a matter of indifference, in point of expense, to an individual +who enjoys any degree of affluence, whether he lives on vegetable or +animal food, and where he gives a decided preference to the former. +{115} + +It is probable that nature (so admirable in adapting the manners of the +inhabitants to the nature of the country) has made heavy animal food +less congenial to the taste of southern nations than to those of the +north. There is, indeed, reason to believe it is so, but, whether it is or +not, as natural philosophy is not here the study, but political economy, +the fact is, that if southern nations had the same propensity, it would +be impossible to indulge it to an equal extent. + +As wealth and power are intimately connected with population, and +depend in a great measure upon it, wherever they are the cause of +introducing a taste that will, in the end, depopulate a country, they +must, in so far, undermine their own support, and bring on decay. This +is a case that applies to all northern nations, and particularly to +Britain; in order, therefore, to treat the subject at full length, it +will be better to enter into the minute examination when we come to +apply the case directly to this country, and seek for a remedy. + +--- +{115} The proportion between the prices of bread and butcher meat +will help to a conclusion on this subject. The warmer and dryer the +climate, the cheaper bread is in proportion. At Paris, which is a dry, +but not a very warm climate, the proportion, in ordinary times, was as +four to one. A loaf of bread of four pounds, and a pound of meat, were +supposed to be nearly the same price, but the meat was generally the +higher of the two. In England, the proportion (before the late +revolution in prices) was about two to one, and, in Ireland, where the +soil and climate are more moist, and better for cattle, flesh meat was +still cheaper, in proportion. The poverty of the people, indeed, +prevented them from living on animal food, but buttermilk, (an animal +production) and potatoes, a cheaper vegetable, are their chief +sustenance. +-=- + +[end of page #140] + +Though this cause of depopulation, arising from wealth, increasing the +consumption of food, is peculiar to northern nations, yet there are +others that have a similar effect, that fall more heavily on the +inhabitants of the south. + +Rest from labour is, in warm climates, a great propensity, and easily +indulged. In no northern nation could there be found so idle a set of +beings as the Lazzeroni of Naples. If the nations of the north have a +desire to indulge themselves in consuming more, those of the south have +a propensity to be idle, and produce less, the effect of which is in +nearly the same; for, whether they produce any thing or not, they must +consume something. The same listlessness and desire of rest, that +produces idleness and beggary amongst the poor, makes the rich +inclined to have a great retinue of servants, and, as those servants are +idly inclined, they serve for low wages, on condition of having but +light work to perform. Thus it is that the fertility of the soil, and the +other natural advantages are destroyed by the disposition of the +inhabitants. + +It does not appear, however, that this disposition was indulged or +encouraged to any hurtful extent, until wealth had vitiated the original +manners of the inhabitants. The Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, all of +them performed works requiring great exertion. They encouraged +industry and arts, and became great, wealthy, and populous; but, when +once they fell to decline, the same fate attended the descendants of +them all. {116} + +Of all the countries that were once great, and have fallen to decay, +Italy has retained its population the best; but, for this, there is an +evident cause to be found in the natural fertility of the country, and the +resource still drawn from foreigners, who have never ceased to visit +that once famous seat of arts and military glory. + +The number of horses and of domestic animals maintained by the + +--- +{116} After the Augustan age, the populace of Rome seem to have +degenerated with great rapidity, as the donations of corn clearly prove. +Had the tributary countries not furnished the means of providing food, +the Goths would have been saved the trouble of sacking the city, as +the people must have perished for want. +-=- + +[end of page #141] + +fruits of the earth, but producing nothing, as they increase, in every +country where wealth prevails, may be considered as a cause of +depopulation, confined to no part of the world. Thus we find either the +same cause acting throughout, or different causes producing the same +effect in different countries; thereby reducing them all much more +nearly to an equality than we could at first imagine. + +It has been observed, that when wealth comes to the working orders, +and makes them indulge in animal food, it produces a greater effect, +with respect to the consumption of produce, than if the same wealth +came into the hands of the rich; this is, however, in some degree, +compensated by their not keeping pleasure horses, the greatest of all +consumers of the produce of the earth. One horse will consume as +much as a family of four persons living on corn, and the ordinary +vegetables used in England; and as much as two families, living as +they do in Ireland or Scotland, on oat-meal, milk, and potatoes. + +As we find depopulation one of the effects that is universally +occasioned by decline, it must originate in some cause equally +general, and that cause must be one attending the state of wealth and +greatness, for it does not appear to be a necessary effect of decline. +We can very easily conceive a people, degraded and numerous, +reduced to live poorly, as they do in Naples, Cairo, and some other +particular spots: but taking the whole of those countries together, we +find evident marks of a falling off in population; and we find it not +progressive, but of long standing. Those countries seem to have found +a new maximum of population, far inferior to the former standard, +immediately after they ceased to be wealthy and flourishing. + +Perhaps it was from this cause that the idea of sumptuary laws +originated; for though, in some cases, the pride of being distinguished +might occasion the sovereign to enact, or the higher orders of society +to solicit them, yet they were always considered as tending to prevent +ruinous extravagance. When states become very wealthy, they may +consider such regulations as ridiculous, and perhaps they may neither +be necessary nor effectual; yet, nevertheless, there must be some cause +for the general opinion of their utility. Though it is not the fashion of +the present times to hold an opinion as good be-[end of page #142] +cause it is general, and its prevalence in ignorant times is considered +as a mark of its being erroneous; yet, observation and common sense +have never been wanting at any period, and it is from those sources +that such maxims and opinions arise. Any man who had travelled, first +through Italy and Spain, and then through England and America, +would be very likely to invent sumptuary laws, if he had never heard +of such a thing before. In the application of sumptuary laws, as a +device, for preventing decline, the traveller might, perhaps, be very +whimsical; sometimes forbidding what would never be attempted; but +there would be nothing at all ridiculous in his general intention. {117} + +It will certainly be found that, in all the causes of the decay of nations, +the increase of consumption, and decrease of production, takes the +greatest variety of forms, and disguises itself the most; it is, +therefore, one that is much to be guarded against, particularly as its +effects seem to be difficult to remedy. + +As the manner in which a country acquires riches has a considerable +influence on the habits of the people, a country acquiring riches by +conquest, or colonies, must naturally expend it in splendour and +magnificence. + +Merchants are less splendid than conquerors and planters. Their +ostentation is of a different sort; and, as the fortunes made in that way +are rather more equally divided, they cannot launch out quite so far. +Besides, merchants are seldom entirely independent of credit and +industry; at least, when acquiring their fortunes they were not so; and, +therefore, whether the necessity continues or not, the habit, once +contracted, is never quite effaced. + +Manufacturers, again, are still less splendid than merchants. With +them, the gifts of fortune are more equally divided than with either of +the other three, and they seldom arrive at more than an ordinary +degree of affluence; which affords the means of gratifying personal +wants, of living with hospitality, ease, and comfort. + +--- +{117} If, for example, it were a law at Manchester or Birmingham, +that no man should keep above fifty servants in livery, or burn more +than three-dozen wax-lights at a time, it would be like mockery, and +would be perfectly useless; at Rome it would be very useful. +-=- + +[end of page #143] + +The greatest part of manufacturing wealth, and that, indeed, is divided +with a pretty equal hand, is that which goes to the working people, +who spend nearly the whole on personal enjoyment. + +The quantity of food that an individual may consume is nearly limited +by nature; but the extent of ground on which that food grows depends +chiefly on the quality. Thus, for example, it will require nearly ten +times the number of acres to maintain one hundred people, who live +on animal food, that =sic= it would require to supply the same persons +living on vegetables; and, as wealth increases, animal food always +obtains the preference. This is evident, from so many proofs, that it +scarcely needs illustration. In London, which is the most wealthy part +of England, there is more animal food consumed than in any other +part, in proportion to the numbers; and, in the country there is always +less than in the towns. In the country, and in the towns of England, +there is more than in any proportional part of Scotland, or in France, +or, indeed, any part of Europe. Expensive as animal food is here, still +it bears less proportion to the wages of labour, or the general wealth, +than in any other country. In every country, as riches have increased, +the consumption of the produce of the earth has augmented. + +The Dutch seem to have been well aware of the danger of wealth +making the people consume too much. A man in moderate +circumstances loses his credit there, who roasts his meat instead of +boiling it. It is reckoned wastefulness, and, as such, is the occasion of +confidence being withdrawn from him: it has nearly as bad an effect +on a man's credit, as if he were seen coming from a gaming-house. + +It will, perhaps, be said, that the parsimony of the Dutch is ridiculous, +but we ought not to attribute this merely to parsimony, but to a feeling +similar to what we have very properly in England when we see bread +wasted. It arises from a feeling of the general want, not of the +particular loss, which is totally a different thing. If a man give away +imprudently, that loss is to himself, not to the community. As there +cannot be givers without receivers it is a change of hands, but there +ends the matter. A habit of wasting is another [end of page #144] +thing, it is a general loss, and, therefore, hurts the community at large +as well as the individual. + +When this augmented consumption takes place, to any great extent, it +is the infallible cause of depopulation. How nearly depopulation and +decline are connected with each other is very easily and well +understood; indeed, it is impossible not to see their intimate +connection. {118} + +While the exports of a country amount to a great sum, a few millions +can be spared for the importation of provisions, without any great +difficulty; but the evil may increase imperceptibly, till it becomes +impossible to remedy it. The distress that must be occasioned, in such +a case, is beyond the power of calculation; for though, in times of +plenty, animal food is preferred, whenever there comes any thing like +want, that can only be supplied by corn, and there is no wealth +sufficient, in any country, to procure that for a number of years, to any +great extent. {119} + +It is calculated, by the author of the notes on Dr. Smith's Inquiry into +the Wealth of Nations, that, if the supply of corn were to fall short, +one-fourth part, in England, for a number of years running, there +would be no means of finding either corn to buy, ships to transport it, +or money to pay for it, without totally deranging the commerce of the +country. + +In every country there are a number of persons who can afford to + +--- +{118} Till within these twelve or fourteen years, England always was +able to export some grain; but now the demand for importation is great +and regular. It has had a vast influence on the balance of trade, which, +though it has been great some years, has not, upon the whole, been +equal to what it was previous to the American war, when the whole +amount of foreign commerce was not one-half of what it has been for +these last ten years. + +{119} If it could be done, it would bring on poverty; but, as the excess +of crops over the consumption is not, in any nation, equal to one-tenth +of its whole revenue; and, as the expense of eatables amount to nearly +one-half, the wealth of a nation would soon be destroyed, if it were +possible to produce from other nations a supply. The calculation +would be nearly as under for England, putting the population at nine +millions. + +In ordinary times, nine millions of people living on bread, potatoes, +&c. would require about four millions of acres; but nine millions, +living on animal food, will require thirty-six millions of acres. +-=- + +[end of page #145] + +live in a more expensive way than the rest; perhaps, this may be +reckoned at one-fourth, but, in countries that are poor, even that fourth +cannot afford to eat animal food. If, however, a country becomes +sufficiently rich for one-sixth to live chiefly on animal food, and the +other five-sixths to live one day in the week on that food, the effect +will be as if one-third lived on it constantly, which would require two- +thirds more territory than when the whole lived on bread. + +Those who think that such matters find their own level, and regulate +themselves, may be right in the long run, for so they indeed do. But +how? When poverty and want came, no doubt the consumption of +flesh-meat would be diminished; when the country had no means of +supplying itself as it did when it was rich, famine would play its part +in becoming one of the regulators; but, before this regulation could be +effected, the evil we wish to prevent would have taken place. The +country would be depopulated and ruined. We must, therefore, in +trying to avert the decline of a nation, not set any thing down for the +counteracting and adjusting power, which is known sometimes to +interfere so very advantageously in the affairs of men. Though it is true +that it does interfere, it is in all cases of this sort too late, it is +an effect of the cause which we wish to avoid; we can only look to it here +for stopping the career in process of time, but, never for preventing it. +We know that the extravagance of an individual impairs his fortune, +and, that the diminution of means will, at length, counteract the +extravagance; but, then it will do so when it is too late, and after he is +ruined. Wastefulness may be stopped, but it cannot possibly stop +itself, as the diminution of means is the cause of the extravagance +ceasing, and itself is an effect of the prior existence of the +extravagance. + +Regarding men merely then as producing and consuming, (the +proportion between which regulates the wealth of a nation,) we find +that, in their own persons, there is a rooted tendency to bring on the +decline. But we shall farther find that not only do people in wealthy +and luxurious nations produce less and consume more than in nations +less advanced, but they increase the number of unproductive +labourers, all of whom consume without producing. They also main- +[end of page #146] tain animals who consume, but do nothing towards +production. {120} No country, in which the people live much upon +animal food, can be well peopled. Two hundred persons to a square +mile of country is nearly the highest population of any nation in +Europe, that is, as near as may be, three acres and a quarter to each +person; but, on an average, even in France, there are more than four +acres to each. + +Supposing that one-half of the land is cultivated, then that gives about +two acres to each person. + +Supposing, again, that one-third of this is consumed by horses or other +animals who labour; or, supposing that they do not serve for the food +of man, then there will be nearly about one acre and a quarter for the +maintenance of each person. + +It will, however, only require half an acre to one person, if they all +lived on field vegetables; {121} and, if they all lived on fresh meat, it +would require four acres; the natural conclusion is, that one-fourth live +on animal food, and the other three-fourths on vegetables, or what is +the same thing, that the proportions of the two sorts of food are as one +to three. + +According to the proportion of the prices in France, of four to one, it +would certainly cost double the price to live on animal food that =sic= +it does on vegetables; that is to say, if the only vegetable was bread, +supposing which is the case, that one pound of meat supplies the place +of two pounds of bread, as it certainly does. In England, where beef is +only twice the price of bread, {122} it is almost a matter of +indifference as to price, whether a working man lives on vegetables or +animal food. To the taste and the stomach, however, it is no matter of +indifference, the animal food, therefore, is preferred; but if it were a +matter of some importance, in point of economy, that would not +prevent the people of a country, flourishing by manufactures, from + +--- +{120} One good horse well kept, whether for pleasure or labour (it has +already been said) will consume nearly as much as a moderate family. + +{121} Vegetables raised in the kitchen-garden would go vastly +further, but this is a rough average, the subject neither admitting of, +nor requiring accurate investigation. + +{122} That is about the usual proportion, though about a year ago it +was four times as much in France. +-=- + +[end of page #147] + +eating it, and thereby at length sinking to a lower degree of population +than a poor country living on vegetable food. + +In all nations getting wealthy this is a consideration, but most so when +the wealth is acquired by manufactures, when the lower and numerous +class have an opportunity of gratifying themselves by indulging in the +species of food which they find the most agreeable. + +This, like the other changes of manners, of which it is only a part, is a +natural consequence of a propensity inherent in human nature; it +cannot, therefore, be prevented or done away, though it may, to a +certain degree, be counteracted. The manner of counteracting it not +being a general manner, but depending on circumstances, shall be +treated of when investigating the increasing danger, arising from this +cause, in the English nation. + +It remains at present for us to examine another evil attendant on the +inadequacy of the soil to supply the consumption of a country. + +One of the most alarming circumstances attendant on this situation of +things is, that provisions become an object of monopoly, and the most +dangerous and destructive of all objects. The law has interfered in +regulating the interest of money, but not in the rent of houses or of +other use of property. Circumstances may occur, in which the +necessity of procuring a loan of money is so great, as to induce the +borrower to engage to pay an interest that would be ruinous to +himself, and that would grant the lender the means of extortion, or of +obtaining exorbitant profit. The same interference would be just as +reasonable, wherever the same sort of necessity, by existing, puts one +man in the power of another. This is the case with every necessary +article of provision, which, indeed, may be considered as all one +article, for the price of one is connected with the prices of all the +others. + +Provisions, indeed, are, in general, articles that cannot be preserved +for any very great length of time; but then, again, they are articles of a +nature that the consumers must have within a limited time also, and +for which they are inclined to give an exorbitant price rather than not +to have. The interference of the law between a man and the use of his +property, ought to be as seldom as possible; but it has never been +maintained as a general principle, that it ought never to interfere. [end +of page #148] If it is at any time, or in any case, right to interfere +legally, the question of when it is to be done becomes merely one of +expediency, one of circumstance, but not one that admits of a general +decision. + +A writer of great (and deservedly great) reputation has said so much +on this subject, and treated it in a way that both reason and experience +prove to be wrong, that it is become indispensably necessary to argue +the point. {123} Monopoly, regrating, and forestalling, which two last +are only particular modes of monopolizing, have been considered as +chimeras, as imaginary practices that have never existed, and that +cannot possibly exist. They have been likewise assimilated to +witchcraft, an ideal belief, arising in the times of ignorance. It is now +become the creed of legislators and ministers, that trade should be left +to regulate itself, that monopoly cannot exist. + +With all the respect justly due to the learned writer who advanced so +bold an opinion, it may be asked, since many instances occur, both in +sacred and profane history, in ancient times, and in our own days, of +provisions, on particular occasions, selling at one hundred times their +natural price, (and, every price above the natural one, is called a +monopoly price,) how can it be asserted that they may not become an +object of monopoly in a more general way, though not at so exorbitant +a price? + +How, it may be asked, can this thing, that has so often occurred in an +extreme degree, a thing that is allowed to be possible, be compared +with the miraculous effect of witchcraft, of the existence of which +there does not appear to be one authentic record? The one, at all +events, a natural, and the other, a supernatural effect. How are those to +be admitted in fair comparison? + +If we know that, at the siege of Mantua, the provisions rose to one +hundred times their usual price, we may believe the same thing +possible, at the siege of Jerusalem, two thousand years ago, and at the +siege of Leyden, or at that of Paris. If we know that a guinea is given +for a + +--- +{123} Dr. Smith, in his Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the +Wealth of Nations. The author of the notes, and continuation, has, +indeed, answered his arguments; but that does not render it less +necessary to do so here. +-=- + +[end of page #149] + +bad dinner at an inn, which is not worth a shilling, merely because +some particular circumstance has drawn more people together than +can be provided for; and, because hunger admits not patiently of +delay, can we dispute the inclination to extortion on the one hand, and +the disposition to submit to it on the other? + +If that is admitted, the interference of the law is allowable on the same +principle on which it regulates the interest of money, though not to the +same extent; that is, it is allowable, in particular instances, where the +effects are similar, but not in all instances, because, in all instances, +they are not similar. {124} + +The rate of provisions is then liable, on particular occasions, to rise to +a monopoly price, such as that of those rare productions of nature, the +quantity of which cannot be increased, whatever the demand may be. +{125} It follows, as an evident consequence, that the price increases +as the scarcity augments; but, if it only did so, the evil would not be +so great as it really is. In the first place, the anxiety attendant on +the risk of wanting so necessary an article creates a greater competition +amongst buyers than the degree of scarcity would occasion in an article +of less necessity and importance. In a wealthy nation, the evil is +still farther increased, by two other causes. + +The high price which one part of the society is able to afford, and the +wealth of those who sell, enables them to keep back the provisions +from the market; the first cause operates in all countries nearly alike, +for, the anxiety to have food is nearly equal all the world over. But the +last two operate more or less, according to the wealth of the buyers +and of the sellers, as the eagerness and ability of the former to +purchase, and the interest and ability of the latter to keep back from +selling, are regulated by the degree of wealth in a country. {126} + +--- +{124} The law concerning money is a general law, because, at all +times, there are some individuals in want of it, and would be liable to +grant exorbitant interest. It is not so with provisions, for, it is only +occasionally that they cannot be had at reasonable prices. + +{125} Dr. Smith divides produce into three different sorts; the two +first are such as can be only produced in a certain quantity, whatever +the demand may be; and such as can be produced always in sufficient +quantity. + +{126} This was proved by what happened in Paris in 1789, and in +England in 1790. The [end of page #150] want in Paris was so real +that there often was not, in that great city, bread, and materials to +make it, more than sufficient for twenty-four hours: yet it never rose +to above double the usual price, or twopence English the pound, (that +is, sixteen sols for the four-pound loaf,) although the people were +obliged to wait from six in the morning till two or three in the +afternoon, before they could get a loaf a piece, and more they were not +permitted to purchase or carry away. In London, where bread could +always be had in plenty, for money, it rose to more than three times +the usual price, (one and tenpence the quartern loaf,) yet bread is a +much more necessary article to the poor in Paris than in London. But +the case was, in London, the people are richer, and, in each place, it +rose as high as the people were found able to pay. +-=- + +When the necessaries of life become dear, and arrive at a monopoly- +price, then all taxes and other burthens laid on the people become a +matter comparatively of little importance. In England, where the taxes +are higher than in any nation in the world, they do not come on the +poor to above three pounds a head; {127} and, of those, at least one- +half can be avoided by a little self-denial. But, when the provisions +increase one-half in price, it amounts to at least four pounds a head to +each person; so that the effect falls on the population of the country, +with a most extraordinary degree of severity. + +But, great as this evil is, it has, by the circumstances and nature of +things, a tendency to increase the very cause in which it originates. +Though the highness of price diminishes the consumption of victuals +in general, it diminishes the consumption of vegetable food, or bread, +more than it does that of animal food. Though all sorts of eatables rise +in price, in times of scarcity, yet bread, being the article that excites +the greatest anxiety, rises higher in proportion than the others. This +affords an encouragement to gratify the propensity for eating animal +food; and this propensity is encouraged by an absurd and mistaken +policy, by which (or perhaps rather an affectation of policy) economy +in bread is prescribed, and not in other food; so that when people +devour animal food, and increase the evil, they think they are most +patriotically and humanely diminishing it. {128} + +--- +{127} The whole taxes in this country do not amount to above four +pounds a head, of which one-third is paid entirely by those wealthy, or +at least affluent; it is, then, putting the share paid by the labouring +body very high to put it at three pounds each person. + +{128} Both in France and England, during the last scarcity, the use of +every other sort of [end of page #151] food was recommended, to save +the consumption of bread-corn. Potatoes are the only substitute that +tended really to relieve the distress; all others, and, in particular, +animal food, had an effect in augmenting it. +-=- + +The danger of wanting food, though very formidable, does not act so +instantaneously as to serve as an excuse for want of reflection, like an +alarm of fire, where the anxiety to escape sometimes prevents the +possibility of doing so; yet the fact is, that all the measures that have +generally been taken, in times of scarcity, have tended rather to +increase than to diminish the evil. + +In monopoly, a sort of combination is supposed to exist between the +sellers of an article, when the article does not happen to be all in the +hands of one person, or one body of persons. But combinations are of +various sorts; there are express combinations entered into by people +having the same interest for a particular purpose. Those are done by a +sort of an agreement, when the interest of the individual and of the +body are the same. Such combinations are generally effectual, {129} +but unlawful. There are combinations not less effectual, that arise +merely from circulating intelligence of prices, and certain +circumstances on which prices are known to depend, amongst all +those concerned, who immediately know how to act in unison.--This +is not unlawful. + +An elegant historian has said that there was a time when the sovereign +pontiff, like the leader of a band of musicians, could regulate all the +clergy in Europe, so that the same tones should proceed from all the +pulpits on the same day. The list of prices, at a great corn-market, has +the same effect on the minds of all the sellers within a certain distance. +Intelligence now flies so swift that there is no interval of uncertainty; +the whole of the dealers know how to act, according to circumstances, +and they are all led to act nearly as if they were in one single body. +Like gamesters, who have won a great deal, rather than hasten to sell, +even when they fear that prices may fall, they keep back their stock, +and risk to lose something of what they have gained, by continuing to +speculate on the agreeable and winning chance by which they have +already profited. + +--- +{129} There are sometimes combinations which it is the interest of a +whole body to preserve, but of each individual to break, if he can with +impunity; such generally soon fall to the ground. +-=- + +[end of page #152] + +The dealers in an article of ready sale, or for which there is a certain +demand, have never any difficulty, in a wealthy country, of procuring +money to make purchases, or to enable them to keep their stock; and +the gains are so immense that there is no speculation equally +attractive. + +As the rent of land, in England, is reckoned at twenty-five millions a +year; and it is reckoned that, in a common year, the rent is worth one- +third of the produce; it follows that, of all sorts of produce of land, the +value is seventy-five millions. But, in the year 1799, when the prices +were more than doubled, the value was one hundred and fifty millions, +of which the landlord received (as usual) twenty-five to his share, +leaving for the farmer, &c. one hundred and twenty-five, instead of +fifty, the usual sum. As the wages of servants remained the same, and, +in an ordinary year, would amount to one-third of the rent, eight +millions went for that, leaving one-hundred and seventeen millions, in +place of forty-two, the usual residue. Two-thirds of the value of rent, +or sixteen millions, is, in an ordinary year, supposed to go for seed, +the maintenance of cattle, and labourers; so that, in that year, the +portion so consumed must be estimated at double value, or thirty-four +millions, which, deducted from one hundred and seventeen, leaves +eighty-three for the farmers, in place of twenty-five, in an ordinary +year: so that, when the price doubles, the farmers =sic= profit does +more than triple. In the year 1799, the farmers were known to have the +profit of four ordinary years, supposing that they had been the actual +sellers in the market. The fact was otherwise no doubt, with regard to +those who pocketed the profit, which went in part only to farmers, and +the rest went to the monopolists, dealers, regraters, forestallers, &c. +who advanced money to keep up the price. To the public who paid, +the matter is the same, and, to the business itself, there is little +difference as to who profited, or who found capital; for, as they shared +the profit amongst them, and as they received three times as much as +in an ordinary year, they could, out of the sales of the first four or five +months, make all the payments [end of page #153] for the whole year +to the landlord; and, therefore, could have the means of keeping the +remainder, just as long as they thought proper. + +Thus, then, while there is any degree of scarcity, the provisions of a +country are at a monopoly-price; and the dealers act, though +individually, as if they enjoyed one general monopoly. {130} + +Before leaving his important subject, it is necessary to observe, that, +though dealers in provisions, in times of any degree of scarcity, that is, +when there is not quite enough fully to supply the consumption of the +country, act, in keeping up prices, as if they had an exclusive privilege +for monopoly, yet that is the only cases =sic= in which they do so. A +single monopolizer can diminish the quantity, and perhaps destroy a +part of it with advantage to himself. Thus the Dutch East India +company were said to have done with the spices. {131} But the +individual dealer, though he is interested in a general high price and +monopoly, is still more interested in selling as much as he can; and the +higher the price, the more careful he is not to waste or consume more +than he can help. In this respect, the monopoly of the many is not half +so hurtful as the individual monopoly. This proves that all the vulgar +errors, which occasion reports of farmers and dealers destroying their +corn, are not only without foundation, but would produce an effect +quite contrary to the avaricious principle, by which such men are +considered as being governed. {132} + +--- +{130} There is one moment only when they do not, that is, when they +find out, for certain, that prices are going to fall. There, for a moment, +individual interest, and general interest are opposite, and they hasten +to sell, and to reduce the price too much. But even this does not +relieve the public; for, though it makes the reduction very rapid for a +time, and may sometimes bring it below the level, it quickly rises +again and finishes when the panic amongst the dealers is over, by +remaining higher than it ought to be. + +{131} If diminishing the quantity one-quarter rises =sic= the price +one-half, then the monopolist gains, if he possesses the whole market; +but the individual dealer, if he were to burn his whole stock, would +not diminish the quantity in the country one-thousandth part, and +therefore make no sensible difference. + +{132} Both in London and Paris, the reports of this sort, and, (making +a little allowance for the language and nature of the people,) +exceedingly similar in nature and tendency, prevailed during the +scarcity of 1789 and 1799. +-=- + +[end of page #154] + +Monopoly of this sort, by raising the prices of the necessaries of life, +in the end, augments the prices of labour, the rent of land, and the +taxes of a country. We have already examined the tendency of all this; +it is only necessary to observe that the rise in prices, or depreciation of +money, which other causes bring on by degrees, this brings on +violently and suddenly. {133} This cause will always exist in a +country that cannot provide enough for its own subsistence. + +How far this may go it is not easy to say; for if it is clear that the +farmer, by double prices, gets eighty-three pounds in place of twenty- +five, he can certainly afford to give his landlord something more. If he +gave him double the usual rent, it would still leave more than double +for himself. {134} + +Of all the causes, then, that hasten the crisis of a country, none is +equal to that of the produce becoming unequal to the maintenance of +the inhabitants; for it is only in that case that the effects of monopoly +are to be dreaded. + +In the case of animal food becoming too much in request, there is a +remedy which may be easily applied; of which it will be our purpose +to speak, in treating of the application of the present inquiry to the +advantage of the British dominions. + +--- +{133} The few years of dearth altered wages and rent more than had +been known for half a century before. Wages rose more, from 1790 to +1802, than they had done from 1740 to 1790. + +{134} As the usual rent was twenty-five, and the usual profit twenty- +five, the landlord and tenant had fifty to divide, at ordinary prices; but, +at double prices, they had eighty-three added to twenty-five, or one +hundred and seven to divide: so that, if the farmer gave fifty, that is, +double, he would still have fifty-seven to himself, which is more than +double, by nearly one-third over and above. + +No allowance has been made in this calculation for the diminution in +quantity. The reason is, that was comparatively very small; increased +consumption, rather than deficiency of produce, being the cause. +Besides, we only stated the rise as being double the usual price, +whereas, it was three times greater. [end of page #155] +-=- + + + + +CHAP. VII. + + +_Of the Increase of the Poor, as general Affluence becomes greater.-- +Of Children left unprovided for.--Of their Division into two Classes-- +Those that can labour more or less, and those that can do no Labour_. + +In the career of wealth, in its early state, when individual industry is +almost without any aid from capital, men are as nearly on an equality +as the nature of things can admit. But, in proportion as capital comes +in to the aid of industry, that equality dies away, and men, who have +nothing but industry, lose their means of exerting it with advantage, +some become then incapable of maintaining their rank in society +altogether. + +At the same time that this is taking place, articles of every sort, that +are necessary for the existence of men, are becoming dearer. As some +ranks of society have been described as bringing up their children not +to know the existence of necessity, others, who are depressed below +the natural situation of men, are bringing them up to feel the extreme +pressure of want. + +There is no situation of things in which a man, with natural strength, +and a very slender capacity, may not gain sufficient to maintain +himself, if he will be industrious; but, in a wealthy country, numbers +are so pressed upon by penury, in their younger years, that neither the +powers of their body, nor of their mind, arrive at maturity. + +Accustomed, from an early age, to depend rather upon chance, or +charity, for existence, than upon industry, or energy of their own, they +neither know the value of labour, nor are they accustomed to look to it +for a supply to their wants. + +Whilst the foundation of idleness and poverty is laid in, for one part of +a nation, from the affluence of their parents, another portion seems as +if it were chained down to misery, from the indigence in which they +were born and brought up. [end of page #156] + +The depressed and degraded populace of great and wealthy cities are +not the accidental victims of misfortune; they are born to its hard +inheritance, and their numbers contaminate more, who, were it not for +their own misconduct and imprudence, might have shared a better lot. + +When nations increase in wealth, the fate of individuals ceases to +become an object of attention; and, of all the animals that exist, and +are capable of labour, the least value is set upon the human species. +{135} Like individuals who rise to wealth, and forget their origin, +societies forget the first foundation of all wealth, happiness, and +power. That individuals should do so is not to be wondered at. They +never saw society in an infant state; nor is it the business of individual +citizens to occupy themselves with public affairs; but those who are +intrusted with their management, and whose business is to know the +original sources of prosperity, ought to attend to and counteract this +growing evil. + +When the Romans were poor, the people depended on exertion, and +they enjoyed plenty; but when Lucullus and other citizens were +squandering millions, at a single banquet, the people were clamouring +for bread. While the person of a Roman lady was ornamented with the +wealth of a province, the multitude were covered with rags, and +depressed with misery. It would have been no hard matter, then, to +have foretold the fate of Rome. The natural order of things was +deranged to too violent an extreme to be of long duration. The state +was become like a wall that had declined from the perpendicular, +while age was every day weakening the cement, by which it was held +together, and though of the time and hour of destruction no man knew, +the event was certain. + +It would, at first sight, appear that great cities are the only places in +which misery of this description arises; but that is not the case. + +--- +{135} It was never heard of, that a young horse, or any useful animal +of the brute creation, was left to die with hunger in a land of plenty; +but it happens to many of the human race, because there is no +provision made, by which those who furnish them food may be repaid +by their labour, which would be a very easy matter to adjust, if a little +attention were paid to the subject. +-=- + +[end of page #157] + +Great cities are the refuge of the miserable, who, perhaps, find it in +some shapes augmented, by a residence in so friendless an asylum; but +there they avoid shame, they see not the faces that have smiled upon +them in better days; they are more at ease amongst strangers, and they +are kept in countenance by companions in penury and want. {136} + +In every wealthy nation, the rich shun the view of wretchedness, +which is attended with a silent reproach. Those who have property, +mistrust the honesty, and blame the conduct of those who have none. +In this state of things, the country affords no retreat nor residence, and +want and wretchedness find the evils of a crowded society, where they +pass unnoticed, much more tolerable. + +In most countries, the law has taken precautions to punish, or to stop +the evil in the individual; but in no great and wealthy country has it +been thought of sufficient importance to take effectual means to +prevent it. + +In small states, when society is new, and under some absolute +sovereigns, (remarkable for their penetration, genius, and love of their +people,) a momentary stop has been put to this career of misery; but, +in the first place, there has been no such monarch in any wealthy +country; and, in the second, as soon as power fell into other hands, the +progress has begun again where it left off. + +One great cause of the increase of mendicity is the increase of +unproductive labourers, as a state becomes more wealthy, who, dying +before their children are able to provide for themselves, increase the +number of the indigent. Men living by active industry naturally marry +at an early age; menial servants, revenue officers, and all those who +administer to the gratifications of a wealthy and luxurious people, +marry later in life; and besides their not having an industrious example +to set before their children, are torn from them sooner, by the course +of things. + +--- +{136} If one of the brute creation is in want, it will supply that where +it is most easily to be had, physical difficulty is the only one it knows; +bodily pain the only one it feels. But men are different, they often +undergo great want amongst strangers, to avoid more insufferable +feelings amongst friends. +-=- + +[end of page #158] + +It has been noticed, that, in every society, as wealth increases +hospitality dies away. And those good offices interchanged between +man and man, to which life owes many of its comforts in a less +advanced state of society, and which protect individuals from the +frowns of fortune, gradually disappear. The social feelings become +less active, and men turn selfish and interested, thinking for +themselves, and careless for the community; while, on the other hand, +the causes for poverty increase; on the other, the means of relief are +misapplied, neglected, or squandered away. The funds that ought to be +administered with disinteredness and integrity are committed to the +hands of men who live on the general misfortune, and thus the +wretched, who are relieved, are not fairly treated, while the public, +that is burthened with their misfortunes, is loaded far beyond its +proper degree. + +The population of a country is diminished in a double ratio as the poor +increases: they create nothing, but they consume; and if a country sees +one-tenth of its population living on charity, it is equivalent at least to +seeing one-seventh diminished in numbers altogether. + +Most sorts of labour require those employed in it to have some capital, +such as decent clothes, or tools, or money to live upon till wages are +due. Little as that capital is, yet thousands are reduced to absolute +beggary for want of it; their industry finding no means of exertion. A +man becomes dependant =sic= on charity for existence; and, though +able to work, eats the bread of idleness, and that without being in +fault. + +The number of persons absolutely unable to labour is nearly the same +in every country, and is not much augmented by its wealth; so that if +there were, as there easily might be, always employment for those +who would otherwise be entitled to relief, and if they were allowed a +fair price for their labour, they would then cease either to be a burthen +to themselves or to the public. + +Little coercion would, in this case, be necessary. A few proper +regulations, to prevent theft and losses, would be all that could be +wanted with those who could labour; and those who could not, being +few in number, would be provided for in a better manner than when +[end of page #159] they can be, where their portion is shared with +those who are able to procure for themselves an existence. + +We must by no means look for relief, in cases of this sort, from +difficult or intricate management and regulation. If we look at the +nature of things, it points out the way. + +Those that cannot labour are the only persons who ought to be a +burthen on the public; and they are the only ones that would be so, if +the matters were properly regulated and attended to. As it is in most +countries, there are many who cannot get work to do, and those are +provided for in different ways, but always at the expense of the public. +Sometimes it is by a regular assessment, sometimes by theft and +depredation, sometimes by individual charity, or those other means to +which a man has recourse before he will absolutely starve for want. + +Those who, from philanthropy, are for relieving all, soon find +themselves deceived, and unable to proceed. Those who, disgusted +with the vices of a few, consider them all as equally culpable are much +to blame. Surely, the individual case of a fellow-creature in misfortune +is worth attending to; and he must be ignorant indeed who cannot, in +most instances, avoid deception. [end of page #160] + + + + +CHAP. VIII. + + +_Of the Tendency of Capital and Industry to leave a wealthy Country, +and of the Depreciation of Money in agricultural and commercial +Countries_. + +As the increase of capital in every country is the consequence of +former productive industry, so also is it the support of future exertion. + +When the capital of a country has become sufficient for all the +employment that can be procured for it, the first effect is the lowering +of interest, which sinks down under the rate appointed by law, and +under the rate at which it is lent out at in other countries. + +When capital is not in sufficient quantity, those who want to borrow +are more numerous than those who have money to lend; then the +competition is amongst the borrowers to obtain the preference, and +they all give as high an interest as the law allows, and would give +more if they could avoid the penalty, which, in all countries, has been +attached to accepting more than the regulated sum; a sum regulated +merely to prevent the effect of competition, which might induce +people to give more than in the end they would find they could afford +to pay. + +When capital becomes over abundant, the very reverse takes place; the +lenders become rivals, and offer to lend at an under rate of interest. + +The first effect of this is, that people who were but scantily supplied +with capital before borrow, and carry on business more at ease, so that +more capital is employed in business, and new employments are found +out for capital. + +The usual employments for a superabundant capital are improving +lands, building houses, erecting machines, digging canals, &c. for the +use of trade; and finally, giving longer credit to merchants in other +countries, {137} as well as to those who are running in debt in their +own. The stock on hand in manufactured goods increases something +also. But when all these have taken place, to as great an extent as +wanted, then the money begins to flow into other countries. By +degrees, more money is sent away than should go, and the persons +who are the proprietors of it frequently follow. + +If the capital that leaves a country were only that which cannot find +employment in it, the harm would not be great, though it would tend +to enrich other countries, and bring them nearer a level. But that is not +the case, the advantage of lending money abroad, if regularly paid at a +higher interest than can be obtained at home, induces people to draw +their money from trade, and vest it in the hands of foreigners. The +Venetians, the Genoese, the Dutch, the Hanseatic Towns, and the +cities of Flanders, did this; and the capital, which, when employed at +home, formerly maintained perhaps one hundred people in affluence +and industry, only supported one single family living in indolence and +splendid penury. {138} + +After being in possession of money for a considerable time, men +prefer a certain employment at a low interest to one attended with risk, +even where the interest is higher; and when great sums have been got +by trade, those who have got them retire and live on the interest, +which men, who have only gained a small capital cannot do. + +There are many other circumstances, besides the abundance of capital, +that tend to carry it away from a wealthy country. The depreciation of +money that takes place, in every country that grows + +--- +{137} As the subject is here treated in the general way, applicable to +all nations, the employment found by national debt, and the funds +rising is not taken into account, as it will be noticed in the case of +England. When money is plenty, all individuals in trade give longer +credit; but this employs little more capital, when they give it to each +other it employs no more, but when to consumers it does. + +{138} The manner in which those families live is peculiar to +themselves; great shew with great economy, and without the smallest +spark of love, either for their fellow-citizens or their country. +-=- + +[end of page #162] + +rich, falls nearly all on the lender at interest, {139} who, as he cannot +bring back things to their former value, seeks enjoyment in another +country, and obtains, by change of place, what he lost by lapse of +time. + +The weight of taxes is another cause that drives capital from wealthy +to poorer countries; and last of all, in case of anxiety, or of mistrust, +the capitalists are generally the first to emigrate. [{140}] Anxiety and +mistrust are periodical amongst a wealthy people. + +As the burthens sustained by a people in prosperity are generally +great, in proportion to their capital and industry, it is clear, that when +capital and industry diminish, the burthens, (which do not admit of +being diminished in the same proportion,) fall more heavily on those +who remain; this increased cause produces, naturally, an increased +effect. Thus, like a falling column, the weight increases, and the +momentum becomes irresistible. + +It is then that necessity, the spur to industry in new and rising nations, +(that spur which taxes and rent continue to excite, for the good of +mankind, for a certain period,) begins to crush what it had raised, and +to stab where it formerly stimulated. Then it is that the money-lenders, +who, at first, sent off their capital, having ceased to be engaged in +trade, withdraw, by degrees, and rather content themselves with a +diminished income in another country, than struggle with the +difficulties they find they have to encounter in their own. + +--- +{139} Money lent out at interest loses, money laid out in purchases +gains, in a country that is advancing in riches. + +If a man, who had 2000 L. thirty years ago, had laid out 1000 L. at +interest, and, with the other bought land, he would, indeed, have got +less rent for his land at first, but now it would be doubled, he would +get 60 L. a year, and if he wished to sell he would get 2000 L. +whereas, the other 1000 L. would only produce 50 L. and, if called in, +the single thousand would be all he would receive. + +{140} [Transcriber's note: footnote not assigned a place in the original +text, intended location assumed to be as shown] This was seen at the +beginning of the French revolution, though the assignats, by lowering +the rate of exchange, frightened many from transferring their money, at +an apparent loss of twelve or fifteen per cent. But those that overlooked +this loss have rejoiced in it ever since, as the others have repented +bitterly the avarice that made them risk all to save a little, and to +become beggars. +-=- + +[end of page #163] + +It is difficult to say at what point this would stop, if the effect +produced did not affix the boundary. + +The prices of land, of rent, of houses, and of provisions, sink low, and +induce some people to remain; for, as those articles cannot be +transported, or carried off, and are always worth possessing and +enjoying, it is clear there must be a term set to the decay and +emigration, by the nature of things. Unfortunately for countries that +have been great, that term does not seem to arrive till it is reduced far +below the level of other nations. {141} + +There are, however, some peculiar causes that operate in some modern +nations, in counteracting this effect, so far as it is occasioned by a +superabundance of capital; but, as this is not general to all nations, the +proper place for speaking of it will be when we come to treat of the +tendency of capital to quit this country. + +The effects, arising from that depreciation of money, which takes +place in every wealthy country, are great and numerous, and have +been always found where wealth abounded. The people in such +countries can easily command the labour of others that are not so rich, +but the others cannot afford to pay for theirs; this tends to remove +industry. On the other hand, if a supply of the necessaries of life are +wanted in a rich country, they may be obtained from countries where +the value of money is less, without throwing prices out of their level; +whereas, in the country where money is of great value, that is not the +case. + +The price of bread, for instance, is, at Paris, one penny the pound, and +in London at eight-pence the quartern loaf, which weighs just four +French pounds, the price is exactly double. If every thing was +conducted in a fair way, corn, from all countries, where it is equally as +cheap as in France, might be brought and sold in London, at the + +--- +{141} At Bruges, (in Flanders) at Antwerp, Cologne, Ghent, or any of +those decayed towns, house-rent was fallen, before the French +revolution, to little more than an acknowledgement for occupation, +where the houses were large and retired. This induced people to live at +those places, who would not otherwise have done so. Small houses, +lately built, were more expensive than the large old ones, built in the +time that commerce flourished. +-=- + +[end of page #164] + +usual market price; but, before Paris could get a supply from London, +the bread would cost three times its usual price. This circumstance, if +properly managed, might be turned to advantage; why it is not, is +difficult to say, and is a proof that there are either regulations, or +practices without regulation, that counteract the true nature of things; +for it would not cost a farthing a pound to bring the corn from Paris to +the London market. + +Paris is only mentioned here for the sake of comparison, and because +the average prices have nearly the proportion of one to two. The +reasons why corn is not brought from thence are no secret, but the +same reasoning will apply to American corn, corn from Barbary, or +the Baltic, and from other places, where the value of money is greater +than in England. {142} + +The principal of the other effects of the depreciation of money are to +be found in the chapter on the exterior Causes of the Decline of +Nations, as it is in its foreign transactions that the depreciation of +money is the most felt. + +In the interior, that depreciation only acts when there is a considerable +lapse of time, during which the value has altered; it has, in general, no +effect on transactions that are begun and finished within a short +period, and in the interior of the country itself. + +The depreciation of money, wherever it takes place, would cause an +increase of taxes, even if there were no other reason for it; but, in so +far it counteracts itself, by making them to be more easily born. =sic= +Whatever its particular effects may be, and however complicated they +are, the general tendency of the depreciation of money is to depress +industry in that country, and to encourage it in others, where the value +is greater than in it. + +--- +{142} In America the value of money is less than in England, +compared with wages; but the usual proportion, between the wages of +labour and the price of corn, is different in that country from every +other with which we have any connection. +-=- + +[end of page #165] + + + + +CHAP. IX. + + +_Conclusion of the interior Causes.--Their Co-operation.--Their +general Effect on the Government and on the People.--The Danger +arising from them does not appear till the Progress in Decline is far +advanced_. + +Though these causes enumerated have all one general tendency, yet +their distinguishing characteristics deserve attention. + +Some begin their operation from the moment the wealth of a country +commences, others are only felt late in the progress of its decline. The +effects of some may be diminished greatly, others may be prevented +entirely; but, in all cases, the attention of government is necessary, and +that before the operation of decline is actually commenced; for, +prevention, and not remedy, is what ought to be aimed at, besides +which, when decline has once begun, governments are too feeble to be +capable of any effectual regulations. + +To assist nature, in every case where her operations are favourable to +the enjoyment and happiness of men, and to counteract those that are +unfavourable, is the business of individuals and of states. What the +individual is unable to do, should be done by those to whom the care +of public affairs is given; by those who act for the benefit of all, and in +the name of all. + +From the first approaches of a state to wealth and greatness, we find +that there are a combination of causes that begin to operate in +promoting its decline. The first moving principle, necessity, is +gradually done away, and with it flies industry; so that, from one +generation to another, both the moral and physical man becomes +changed, till he is unable to sustain the weight that he has raised; and, +at last, he is crushed by the decent =sic= of the ponderous mass. + +While a gradual progress destroys that industry, from which all wealth +springs, other causes act to remove or misapply the labour [end of +page #166] that is left, while others again are putting capital to flight, +or leading to a misapplication of it. + +Last of all come discord and war, the most universal cause of all those +that tend to depopulate a country, and to diminish as well as degrade +the inhabitants, thus giving durability to misfortune, and rendering +hopeless the fate of a fallen nation. + +Amongst all the causes of decline, one alone is found that has a double +effect, and counteracts in one direction what it promotes in another. + +This is taxation, a very certain cause of ruin if carried too far, and +always dangerous; but, for a length of time, having a very powerful +effect in repressing the progress of luxury, in continuing the action of +necessity, the mother of industry, and in preventing that species of +consumption that lays the foundation for the depopulation of a +country. + +From this it would seem to be almost as dangerous to take off the +burthens that have been laid upon a people, as to lay them on with too +heavy a hand. There is not any example worth noticing of such a case, +therefore, it must stand on its own ground: history informs us nothing +on the subject. + +The supposed case would be thus. That a nation should rise to a high +pitch of wealth by industry, and support a heavy load of taxes, still +increasing in wealth, and superior to most other nations. We are to +suppose the load of taxes greatly diminished, and then to investigate +the consequences. + +Perhaps this is an useless hyyothesis =sic=, the case never has been, and +perhaps never will be; but, still it is, at least, a possible case; it is +a matter of curiosity, at least, if it is not one of utility, and I have a +great example to plead as my apology. Dr. Adam Smith amused himself in +his inquiry into the causes of the wealth of nations =sic= in a similar +manner, by a hypothesis concerning the taxation of the British +colonies. + +Supposing the pressure of necessity were to be suddenly taken away, +those whose income is regulated by their efforts would relax in +exertion; that is to say, the productive labourers of the country would +relax, while those whose incomes are fixed, that is principally [end of +page #167] the unproductive labourers, would become comparatively +more opulent, and their luxury would increase. + +This is an effect very different from what the public expects. The most +useful class would gain little or nothing, while the drones of society +would find their wealth greatly augmented, which would be one of the +most unfortunate effects that could well be conceived, and might very +soon bring about a very serious and disagreeable event. + +In the course of investigating the national debt of England, in the +Fourth Book =sic--there is none.=, it will be necessary to examine this +at length, but, there it will be attended with another circumstance, not +one of general consideration; (as national debt is not any general or +necessary appendage to a government) namely, the letting loose a +great monied capital, which must either be employed here, or it will +seek employment in another country, which may rise on the ruin of +this. + +In considering the reduction of taxes that have been long standing, and +have risen to a great amount, there is certainly reason to fear evil +consequences, though this is no argument in favour of taxation; on the +contrary, it is a reason for avoiding it, for, it is in all cases dangerous +to do what it will be attended with danger to undo. + +Though the precise case of taxes being done away may never come +before us, there is, at this time, an operation going on that is nearly +similar, and the result of which will soon be known. + +The French people were loaded with nearly twenty-five millions +sterling annually to the church, and they do not now pay three. This, +indeed, was partly in taxes, and part in church-lands; they have also +got rid of a great deal of rent, by the sale of emigrant estates, the lands +have got into the hands of men, who mostly cultivate them +themselves, and have no rent to pay. + +On the supposition that the new government is not more expensive +than the old, (and it ought not to be so, the debts having been nearly +all wiped off,) the burthens on industry will be much less than +formerly, it will then be curious to observe if agriculture flourishes +more, if prices are reduced, and if the taxes that still remain are better +paid. There are, indeed, many concomitant circumstances that will +tend to derange the experiment, or render the conclusion uncertain; +but, still it is an in-[end of page #168] teresting and a great event, and +will be worth attentive observation. {143} + +We must, so far as this investigation goes, conclude, that, unless the +natural tendency of things to decline is powerfully counteracted, every +country that rises to wealth must have a fall; and that, therefore, it +merits investigation, whether it is or is not possible to counteract the +tendency to decline, without interrupting the progress towards greater +prosperity, and, to manage matters so, that whether it is not possible, +after having attained the summit of wealth, we may remain there +instead of immediately descending, as most nations have hitherto +done. + +From individuals, the exertion necessary is not to be expected; but, it +may be looked for from the government of a country, which, though +composed of individuals, the succession of persons is differently +carried on; it is not from age to age, and from an old father to a young +son, but from men in the vigour of life, to men in the vigour of life, +who, while they are occupied in public affairs, may be considered, +with respect to whatever is to be done for the good of the nation, (for +its prosperity, defence, or protection,) as animated with the same +spirit, without any interruption. + +With respect to the interior causes of decline, they may be +counteracted always with more or less effect, by a proper system of +govern- + +--- +{143} The burthens on the industry of old France, were, + + Livres. +Rent of land 700,000,000 +Revenues of clergy 600,000,000 +Taxes, including the expense of levying 800,000,000 + ____________ + 2,100,000,000 + +In sterling money L. 87,500,000 +Half land now occupied by the cultivators, } +and the remainder let at lower rents } 350,000,000 +Revenues of clergy, and the expenses 50,000,000 +Taxes as before 800,000,000 + _____________ + 1,200,000,000 +Or in sterling money L. 50,400,000 + +This makes a diminution of L. 37,100,000; or something more than a +third of the whole expense, and more than all the taxes to the state +estimated at the highest rate. +-=- + +[end of page #169] + +ment. In the latter portion of this work we shall endeavour to shew +how that may be attempted with safety, if not accomplished with full +success. + +Before, however, we conclude this subject, and rely on government, it +is necessary to mention that, in treating with other nations, a kind of +overbearing haughty pride is natural to those who govern a powerful +and wealthy people. In that case, they act as individuals, and are not to +be trusted; and the less so, that a nation of proud pampered citizens is +but too apt to applaud insolence in those who govern them. + +This pride has been a very constant forerunner of the fall of wealthy +and great nations, and, in Rome excepted, it has never failed. The +emperors of Rome were much less haughty than the ambassadors of +the republic; a love of false splendour had supplanted a ferocious +affectation of dignity, yet, the former was the less humiliating of the +two to other nations. {144} + +While the rulers of wealthy nations are apt to act haughtily to others, +they are liable to fall into another error, in mistaking the strength of +their own people, and loading them too heavily, trusting too much +both to their internal energy, and external force. + +As the near observers of the inability of the people are generally afraid +to carry unwelcome tidings to their superior; and, if they did, as he is +seldom inclined to give credit to unwelcome news, the ruin of a nation +has probably made a very considerable progress before he, whose +business it is to put a stop to it, is aware of the danger. + +The continual clamour that is made about every new burthen that is +laid on, and the cry of ruin, which perpetually is sounded in the ears of +a minister, and of those who execute his orders, are some ex- + +--- +{144} The appearance of virtue and self-command, which the +republican Romans preserved, added to the bravery with which they +maintained whatever claims they put in, overawed a great part of their +enemies; and those, who were not absolutely overawed thought that +defeat and submission were, at least, robbed of their shame, when +such was the character of the conqueror; and the claim once allowed +was no longer questioned. Very different was the case, when the +emperor was a fidler, or a buffoon, the senators puppets, and the pro- +consuls themselves robbers. +-=- + +[end of page #170] + +cuses for their not attending to them; but the consequence is not the +less fatal to the nation on that account. + +A nation that is feeble has, at least, the advantage of knowing it, and is +not insensible if she receives a wound; but the government of a +powerful nation is like the pilot of a ship, who navigates in a sea, the +depth of which he cannot sound, and who spreads all his sails: if he +strikes upon a rock, his ship is dashed to pieces in a moment. The +other, sailing amongst shallows and sands, proceeds with caution, +avoids them if possible, and, if she touches, it is so gently, that even +her feeble frame is scarcely injured. + +The rulers of nations appear, in general, not to be aware of the evil +that arises from the government they have to manage becoming too +unwieldly =sic=, or too complicated; in either case, a check, though +but of short duration, is irretrievable. This is a great oversight, and, at +least, greatly augments the chances against the durability of a +government. In proportion as the machine is unmanageable and +complex, the embarrassment of those who have the conduct of it will +be great, and the enemies will be proportionately bold and audacious. +In all such conflicts, much depends on the spirit of the combatants, +and more still on that of those who, at first, are lookers on, who act in +consequence of the opinion they have of the force or feebleness of +either party. {145} + +The tendency that a nation has to decline is not, then, in general, +counteracted, by the government; but, on the contrary, is pushed on by +it, and precipitated into the gulf. No wonder, then, that the career is +rapid, and the fall irretrievable. + +It is, nevertheless, to the government, and to it alone, that we must +look for that counteracting force that is to stay the general current. +Individuals can only look to their own conduct, and they neither can + +--- +{145} Not only when the French revolution began, but a hundred +times afterwards, did the party triumph that appeared the strongest, +merely because it appeared so. All those who stand neutral at first, +take a side the moment they have fixed their opinion as to the strength +of the contending parties, and this decision is always in favour of the +party they think the strongest. +-=- + +[end of page #171] + +be expected to have time nor inclination to study the public welfare, +and, even if they had, they would want the means. + +Government can never be better employed than in counteracting this +tendency to decay. It has the means, and is but performing its duty in +doing so. The previous step to all this, however, is a knowledge of +what is to be done, a full sense of the necessity of doing it, and a +disposition to submit to the regimen necessary. + +For this purpose, both the government and the people must give up +something. The people must allow government to interfere in the +education of children, and, in that, give up a little of their liberty; +{146} and those who govern must attend to many things which are +generally neglected. To do the routine business of the day is the +occupation of most of the governments of Europe, whether in war or +at peace; they therefore habitually become agents of necessity, and +what can be procrastinated is never done; that is to say, what is good +is very seldom done, and what is necessary to prevent immediate evil, +is always the chief, and sometimes the only, occupation. + +There are some men in the world who prosper merely because they +look beforehand, and conduct their affairs. There are others who, with +equal industry, and much more trouble and care, are always a little +behind, and allow their affairs to conduct them; such men never +succeed, and, if they can keep off the extreme of misfortune, it is all +that is to be expected. + +Most governments, in wealthy nations, are like those latter species of +individuals,--they do not conduct their affairs, but are conducted by +them, and think they succeed, when the necessary business of the day +is done. This listlessness must be done away, and, though the + +--- +{146} From the impossibility of a nation, once immersed in sloth and +luxury, returning to the tone and energy of a new people, we may +judge of the impossibility of a nation going on progressively towards +wealth, not suffering from the manner of educating children. The +leading distinction between a rising and a fallen people is the +disposition to industry and exertion, in the one, and to sloth and +negligence, in the other. It is while a nation is increasing in wealth that +this alteration gradually takes place; and, as this is the main point on +which all depends, the nation is safe when it is well attended to, even +if other things are, in some degree, neglected. +-=- + +[end of page #172] + +governments of countries that are wealthy have no occasion, like Peter +the Great, or the founders of new states, to create new institutions, and +eternally try to ameliorate, they ought to be very carefully and +constantly employed in preventing those good things that they enjoy +from escaping their grasp, so far as it depends upon interior +arrangement. Exterior causes are not within their power to regulate, +therefore they should be the more attentive to those that are; and, +though exterior causes are out of their dominion, yet, sometimes, by +wise interior regulations, the evil effects of exterior ones may be +prevented. Nothing of all this can be done, however, until the +government rises above the routine business of the day, and until all +the necessary and pressing business is got over. The first thing, then, +for a government is to extricate itself from the situation of one who +struggles with necessity, after which, but not before, it may study what +is beneficial, and of permanent utility. + +So far it would appear all nations are situated alike, with regard to the +general tendency to decay; {147} and so far all of them may be guided +by general rules, but as to the particular manner of applying those +rules, it must depend on the peculiar circumstances of the nation to +which they are meant to be applied. + +In general, revenue has become the great object with modern nations: +and, as their rulers have not ventured to tax the necessaries of the +people to any high degree, but have laid their vices, rather than their +wants, under contribution, the revenue-system, (as it may be called,) +tends to make a government encourage expensive vice, by which it +profits, and check innocent enjoyment, by which it has nothing to +gain. This is a terrible, but it is a very prevalent system; it is immoral, +inhuman, and impolitic. + +So far as this goes, a government, instead of checking, accelerates the +decline of a people; but, as this is not a natural cause of decline, as +it is not universal or necessary, it is to be considered with due + +--- +{147} The Chinese, and, in general, the nations of Asia have not been +considered as included in this inquiry. The Chinese, in particular, are a +people in a permanent situation: they do not increase in riches, and +they seem to have no tendency to decline. Their laws and mode of +education and living remain the same. +-=- + +[end of page #173] + +regard to particular circumstances. In general, we may say, that, in +place of inviting the lower classes to pass their time in drinking, by the +innumerable receptacles that there are for those who are addicted to +that vice, every impediment should be put in the way. Drinking is a +vice, the disposition to which grows with its gratification; most other +avocations (for drinking in moderation is only such) have no tendency +of the sort. Those enjoyments which have a tendency to degenerate +into vice should be kept under some check; those which have no such +tendency ought to be encouraged; for, where the main and general +mass of the population of a country is corrupted, it is impossible to +prevent its decline. If it remains uncorrupted, the matter is very easy, +or, more properly, it may be said that prosperity is the natural +consequence. + +Manners will always be found of more consequence than laws, and +they depend, in a great measure, on the wise regulations of +government in every country. + +Not only do most governments profit by laying the vices of the people +under contribution; but, as revenue is, by a very false rule, taken as a +criterion from which the prosperity of a nation may be estimated, the +very evil that brings on decay serves to disguise its approach. A nation +may be irretrievably undone, before it is perceived that it has any +tendency to decline; it is, therefore, unwise for governments to wait +till they see the effects of decay, and then to hope to counteract them; +they must look before-hand, and prevent, otherwise all their exertions +will prove ineffectual. [end of page #174] + + + + +CHAP. X. + + +_Of the external Causes of Decline.--the Envy and Enmity of other +Nations.--their Efforts, both in Peace and War, to bring Wealthy +Nations down to their level_. + +The external causes of the decline of nations are much more simple +in themselves than the internal ones, besides which, their action is +more visible; the way of operation is such as to excite attention, and +has made them thought more worthy of being recorded. + +The origin of envy and enmity are the same. The possession of what is +desirable, in a superior degree, is the cause of envy. That occasions +injurious and unjust proceedings, and enmity is the consequence, +though both originated in the same feeling at first, they assume +distinct characteristics in the course of time. + +The desire of possession, in order to enjoy, is the cause of enmity and +envy; and all the crimes of nations, and of individuals, have the same +common origin. + +It follows, as a natural consequence, arising from this state of things, +that those nations which enjoyed a superior degree of wealth, became +the objects of the envy of others. If that wealth was accompanied by +sufficient power for its protection, then the only way to endeavour to +share it was by imitation; but if the wealth was found unprotected, +then conquest or violence was always considered as the most ready +way of obtaining possession. + +The wandering Arabs, who are the only nations that profess robbery at +the present day, (by land,) follow still the same maxim with regard to +those whose wealth they mean to enjoy. If too powerful to be +compelled by force to give up what they have got, they traffic and +barter with the merchants of a caravan; but if they find themselves +able to take, they never give themselves the trouble to adopt the +legitimate but less expeditious method of plunder and robbery =sic=. +[end of page #175] + +As it has been found that wealth operates, by degrees, in destroying +the bravery of a people, after a certain time, so it happens that, in the +common course of things, a moment arrives when it is considered +safe, by some one power or other, to attack the wealthy nation, and +partake of its riches; thus it was that the cities of Tyre and of Babylon +were attacked by Alexander; and thus it was that his successors, in +their turn, were attacked and conquered by the Romans; and, again, +the Romans themselves, by the barbarous nations of the north. + +Besides those great revolutions, of which the consequences were +permanent, there have been endless and innumerable struggles for the +possession of wealth, amongst different nations; but the real and +leading causes are so uniform, and so evident, that there is not a +shadow of a doubt left on that subject. + +Mr. Burke had good reason to say that the external causes were much +easier traced, and more simple, than the internal ones; for, the Romans +excepted, the instances of rich nations attacking and conquering poor +ones are very rare indeed. + +The Romans had erected their republic on a different plan from that of +any other; they had neither arts, industry, nor territory of their own, +and they conquered nations upon speculation, and for the sake of +civilizing the people, and making them contribute revenue; how they +were successful has been explained. But even the Romans would not +have attacked poor nations, if they had been, at an earlier period, +possessed of the means of attacking those that were wealthy. + +Necessity obliged them to begin with Italy: their safety made them +defend themselves against the Gauls, and, till they had a navy, it was +impracticable to carry their conquests into Asia or Africa; but, after +they had conquered Carthage, they lost very little time in attacking +Egypt, and those countries occupied by the successors of Alexander. + +The taking of Constantinople was the last decided victory of this sort, +and in nothing but time and circumstance did it differ from the others; +in all the great outlines it was exactly the same. [end of page #176] + +The effeminacy and luxury of the rich, those interior causes, of which +we have already spoken, always give facility to those efforts which +envy and avarice excite. + +The rivalship, in time of peace, is a contest confined to modern +nations; or, at least, but little known to the ancients. Indeed, it is +only amongst commercial nations that it can exist. There can be no +competition in agriculture; and, indeed, it is only in war, or in +commerce, that nations can interfere with each other. + +The Phoenicians were the only commercial people of antiquity. +Carthage was the colony, and received the Indian produce at second +hand. It was in no way a rival. + +When Solomon mounted on the throne of his father David, he applied +himself to commerce; but the wisdom and power he possessed were +such as bore down all opposition during his reign. Having married the +daughter of the King of Egypt, who assisted him in several conquests, +he founded the city of Palmyra, or Tadmore in the Wilderness, for the +greater conveniency of the Eastern trade. The King of Tyre was his +ally, but he was so, most probably, from necessity, for the alliance was +very unnatural; and, soon after the death of Solomon, the Tyrians +excited the King of Babylon to destroy Jerusalem: so, that if there had +been, in ancient times, more people concerned in commerce, there is +no doubt there would likewise have been more envy and rivality. +=sic= + +The cities of Italy, the Dutch, the Flemish, the English, and the +French, have been incessantly struggling to supplant each other in +manufactures and commerce; and the war of custom-house duties and +drawbacks has become very active and formidable. + +This modern species of warfare is not only less bloody, but the object +is more legitimate, and the consequences neither so sudden nor so +fatal as open force; to which is to be added, that if a nation will but +determine to be industrious, it never can be greatly injured. If it +enjoyed any peculiarly great advantages, those may, indeed, be +wrested from it, but that is only taking away what it has no right to +possess, and what it may always do without. [end of page #177] + +The intention of this inquiry is not to discover a method by which a +nation may engross the trade that ought to belong to others, it is only +to enable it, by industry and other means, to guard against the +approaches of adversity, which tend to sink it far below its level, +thereby making way for the elevation of some other nation, on the +ruins of its greatness. + +As, in the interior causes of decline, we have traced the most part to +the manners and habits of the people, so, in the exterior causes, it will +be found that much depends upon the conduct of the government. [end +of page #178] + + + + +CHAP. XI. + + +_Why the Intercourse between Nations is ultimately in Favour of the +poorer one, though not so at first_. + +In all commercial intercourse with each other, (or competition in +selling to a third nation,) the poorer nation has the advantage in its +gain; but this advantage is generally prevented by the length of credit +which the wealthy nation is enabled to give, by which manufacturers +are sometimes ruined in their own country by strangers, who can +neither rival them in lowness of price nor goodness in quality. + +In countries that are poor, those who have the selling, but not the +manufacturing of goods, are so much greater gainers by selling goods +purchased on credit, of which they can keep a good stock and +assortment, than in selling from a shop or store scantily supplied with +ready money, that there is not almost any question about either price +or quality; there is not scarcely an alternative. In one line, a man can +begin who has scarcely any capital, and do a great deal of business; he +can even afford to sell the articles he purchases on credit with very +little profit, because they procure him ready money; whereas, if he +sells an article upon which he has no credit, he must replace it with +another, by paying money immediately. The consequence is, that +while those who sell to the public are poor, the nation or manufacturer +that gives the longest credit will have the preference; but this is daily +diminishing, for even with the capital of the rich nation itself, the +manufactures of the poor one are encouraged; the manner is as +follows: + +A, at New York, purchases goods for one thousand pounds from B, at +London, which he sells without any profit, and, perhaps, at a +considerable loss; because B gives him twelve months credit. But A, +who has, by this means, got hold of money, as if by a loan, will not lay +that out with B, nor let him touch it till the year's end; and, having +made no profit by the sale of B's goods, he must turn to advantage the +money he obtained for them. According to the situation of mat-[end +of page #179] ters in the country, and the nature of A's concerns, he +will make more or less, but what he makes it is not the business to +investigate; it is sufficient to know, that he will lay his ready money +out with those who will sell cheap, in order to get by it; that is to say, +he will lay it out with some person in his own country. {148} Thus, +though the rich nation sells goods on credit at a price which cannot be +obtained for them by the purchaser, yet its capital serves to give +activity to the manufacturers in the poor country. It is true, that this +operation is slow, but it produces an effect in time, and finishes by +robbing the wealthy nation of its superiority, obtained by giving credit. +It is thus that in all their intercourse, the first advantage is to the +rich nation, but terminates in favour of the poor; for whenever equality +of prices are the question, and both can give sufficient credit, the +poorer nation has the advantage in point of price. + +With regard to rivalling each other, in a third place, the poor nation +has the advantage, if the merchants there have the means of paying +with ready money, because the price is lower than that of the richer +country. {149} If they have not that means, they cannot deal with +them, but must wait till they have, by perseverance; and, in course of +time, come to have the means when the poor nation is certain to enter +into competition with advantage. + +But this is not the only way in which the capital of a rich nation is +employed in fostering a rivalship in a poorer nation. Were the +manufacturers the only persons who sold goods, it would be confined +to this; but that is not the case, for merchants, who are the sellers, +study only where they can purchase the cheapest; thus English +merchants purchase cloths in Silesia, watches in Switzerland, fire- +arms at Liege, + +--- +{148} The Dutch used to give long credit, and buy with ready money, +by which means they had great advantage for a long time; but, at last, +the ready money they paid to some, and the credit they gave to others, +set their industry at work, and they became rivals. Dutch capital was, +at one period, of great service to the English, as that of England now is +to the Americans. + +{149} This is not meant to apply to any particular sort of manufacture. +In some, a nation may have a permanent advantage over another; in +others, only a temporary one, and in the greater portion no other +advantage than what arises from superior capital. +-=- + +[end of page #180] + +in preference to laying out the money in England or Ireland; and they +will give credit, as before explained, to the nation that wants it. + +In this manner it is, that the capital of a rich country supplies the want +of it in poorer ones, and that, by degrees, a nation saps the foundation +of its own wealth and greatness, and gives encouragement to them in +others. + +It is then that the weight of taxes, the high price of commodities, and +the various causes which encumber those who live in wealthy nations, +begin to produce a pernicious effect. The tendency of industry is to +remove its abode, and the capital of the merchants, who know no +country, but understand arithmetic, and the profits of trade, gives the +industry the means of doing it with more ease and promptitude. + +The Dutch, for the last century, employed their capital in this manner, +and, at one time, were the chief carriers, for they secured custom by +paying readily and giving credit largely. They ruined many of their +own manufactures in this manner, but it is impossible to separate the +calculation of gain from the mercantile system and mercantile practice +in individuals; therefore it is no reproach to their patriotism, for +patriotism cannot be the rule in purchasing goods from an individual. +A merchant can have no other rule, but his own advantage, or, if he +has, he will soon be ruined. + +There are many manufactures in England that originally rose by +means of Dutch capital, not lent capital, but by ready money paid for +goods, which were carried to other nations, and sold here upon credit. + +The English have, for a long time, been able to do this piece of +business for themselves; and, of course, the Dutch did not find the +same means of supporting their carrying trade; and as they had ruined +many of their own manufactures, they sunk both as a commercial and +manufacturing people. + +If the time should ever come that capital should be so abundant in all +nations, as that obtaining credit will not be an object, then it will be +seen that no nation will have so very great a share of manufactures +and commerce more than others, as has hitherto been the case. + +In countries where the common practice is to sell, chiefly, for [end of +page #181] ready money, great fortunes are seldom gained. Even in +wealthy countries, in branches of business where no credit is given, +great fortunes are very seldom got, and for a very simple reason. The +business is pretty equally divided. But in a country that gives long +credits, or in a branch of trade on which long credits are given, we +always see some individuals gaining immense fortunes, by means of +doing a great deal more business than others, who, having less capital, +are enabled to do less. + +There is not any one thing in which a nation resembles an individual +so much, as in mercantile transactions; the rule of one is the rule of all, +and the rich individual acts like a rich nation, and the poor one like a +poor nation. The consequences are the same in both cases. The rich +carry on an extensive trade, by means of great capital; the poor, a +limited one, dependant =sic= chiefly on industry; but wherever the +poor persevere in good conduct, they finish by getting the command +of the capital of the rich, and then becoming their rivals. + +There is one thing peculiar to the intercourse of rich and poor nations, +in which it differs from the intercourse between rich and poor +individuals in the same country. Money, which is the common +measure of value, has a different price in different countries, and, +indeed, in different parts of the same country. If a man, from a poor +country, carries a bushel of corn with him into a rich, he can live as +long upon it as if he had remained where he was; but if he carry the +money, that would have bought a bushel of corn at home, he perhaps +may not be able to live upon it half so long. {150} + +The effect that this produces, in the intercourse between two countries, +is, that in proportion as the difference becomes greater, the rich +country feels it can command more of the industry of the poor, and the +poor feels it can command less of the industry of the rich; so that + +--- +{150} In common life, this difference, between carrying money and +necessaries, is perfectly well understood, but it is experience that is +the teacher; and the rough countryman, or woman, when they have the +opportunity of judging from fact, understand the motives as well as +the most profound and ingenius =sic= writer on political economy. +-=- + +[end of page #182] + +when their industry can be both applied, with any degree of equality, +to the same object, the poor supplies the rich, and therefore increases +its own wealth. + +It is thus that great numbers of the people in London are fed with +butcher-meat from Scotland, and wear shoes from Yorkshire; but there +would be a very limited sale in either of those places for meat from +Smithfield, or shoes manufactured in London. {151} + +This diminution of the value of money, that takes place in all rich +countries, serves farther to increase the advantage of poorer ones in +manufacturing, and accelerates the natural effect of competition, +which is facilitated, as has been said, by the capital of the rich country +giving activity to the industry of the poorer one. + +This last neither can be called an exterior nor an interior cause, as it is +derived entirely from the relative situations of the two countries, and +belongs to both, or originates in both; but, as it raises the poor nation +nearer the level of the rich one, its effect gradually becomes less +powerful. Though there is no means of preventing the operation of +two nations coming nearly to a level by this means, yet it does not +appear to be a necessary consequence that the nation that was the +richer should become the poorer. As this, however, has been a general +case, we must conclude it to be a natural one, but there we stop, and +make a distinction between what is natural only, and what is a +necessary effect. Their coming to a level was a necessary effect; but, +though the other may be natural, it cannot be necessary, and therefore +may be counteracted; to find the means of doing this, is all that is +proposed by the present inquiry. + +--- +{151} If it was not for taxes and rent, that are chiefly spent in large +towns, as well as law-expenses, and the prices of luxuries, of dress, +and furniture, the cities, like London, would soon be reduced. +-=- + +[end of page #183] + + + + +CHAP. XII. + + +_Conclusion of exteror Causes.--Are seldom of much Importance, +unless favoured by interior ones.--Rich Nations, with care, capable, +in most Cases, of prolonging their Prosperity.--Digression on the +Importance of Public Revenue, illustrated by a statistical Chart_. + +The exterior causes of the decline of any nation, that has risen above +its level, though formidable, are nothing, in comparison to the interior +causes, and are of no great effect without their co-operation. + +As the government of a country has an influence over the interior +causes, so its alliances, and the laws of nations, though not very well +attended to, (yet seldom altogether forgot,) have a tendency to stop the +progress of the exterior causes, before they advance too far; that is to +say, before they absolutely depress a nation. + +For several centuries, the stronger nations of Europe protected the +weaker, and the matter was carried so far, that the weak powers +generally gained the most. Prussia and Sardinia are two examples of +nations rising by political connections; and though the system is lately +changed, and Poland has been despoiled and divided amongst nations, +to each of which it was superior in power only two centuries ago, and +though Holland and Switzerland groan under the yoke of France, yet, +it is to be hoped, the old system is not abandoned, otherwise there will +be no end to the encroachments of the great powers on the smaller. + +The means of communicating, between nations, are now easy; they +have felt the advantage of preserving a sort of balance, {152} and the +ad- + +--- +{152} The expression, balance of power, gives a false idea. It seems +to imply, that alliances in Europe were so nicely arranged, as to make +the force of nations, in opposite interests, equal; but this never was the +case for half an hour, nor was it ever intended. The whole [end of page +#184] that is meant, is to prevent the present order from being +overturned, by one nation annihilating or subduing another; and then, +by their united strength, swallowing up a third, as was the case with +the Romans. +-=- + +vantages are so great, that they probably never will be entirely +abandoned, though we have strong proofs, of late years, that they are +not always held very sacred. + +The chart subjoined to this, giving a statistical representation of the +powers of Europe, shews nearly in what manner power is distributed +at this time; the population and extent are there represented with +accuracy: these are the foundation of power; and the amount of the +revenue may be said to shew the means, which a nation has of +exerting that power. (For the description and explanation see the page +opposite the chart). [Transcriber's note: seemingly a reference to Chart +No. 2; the explanation in fact appears on page 190.] + +The balance of power, however well attended to, could not prevent the +decline of a nation from interior causes. It may prevent the operation +of exterior causes from pushing a nation to the extreme of humiliation, +by taking advantage of its internal situation. But the decline of almost +every nation has commenced within its own bosom, and has been +completed by causes acting from without. + +The common termination of the interior causes of decline is revolt, or +a division into parties, when the party that has the disadvantage +generally calls in some neighbour to its aid. This is the most miserable +fate that can befal =sic= a country, and no punishment is sufficiently +severe for the men, who have so far lost every sentiment of patriotism +as to have recourse to such a step. + +The exterior causes of decline, namely, rivalship in peace and the +combined efforts of enemies in war may be considered as irresistible, +if the government, which has the direction of a nation, does not act +wisely; but, if it does, they may be put at defiance. If a nation +preserves its interior sources of prosperity, and acts with moderation +and firmness towards others, their envy and efforts will be without +effect, and need never be a cause of much uneasiness. + +In its relation to other nations, the government of a country acts like +an individual. The first thing is to regulate its interior affairs, and, +the next is, in treating with others, to consider circumstances, and take +justice and moderation for a rule of conduct. [end of page #185] + +The circuitous politics attributed to ambassadors, who represent states, +is a common theme of invective: as custom has established it as a sort +of rule, in all such transactions as they conduct, to conceal a part of +what is meant, to demand more than is expected to be obtained, and +offer less than is intended to be given, there is no immediate remedy; +but this is only in the mode and manner of treating, and does not +necessarily imply unfair intention. If it has become a custom to ask +three by way of obtaining two, and of offering only two to prevent the +necessity of giving four, (which would be expected if three, the +number intended to be given, were offered at first) it is an abuse of +language, in so far that what is expressed is neither meant by one, nor +understood by the other to be meant; but, it is nothing more: neither is +it a custom void of meaning; it is founded on the nature of man. + +If men were perfect, and capable of seeing at one view what was fair, +each might come prepared to ask exactly what he wanted, and +determined not to yield any thing; and it would result from their being +perfect, that each would just demand what was right, and the other +was disposed to give; but, as men are not perfect, and as it is the +inclination and even the duty of each to obtain the most favourable +terms he can, (and as he does not see exactly what is right,) he +naturally demands more than he has a right to expect, or than the other +is disposed to give. If ambassadors met together with a determination +to speak explicitly at first, and with a determination not to recede, the +consequence would probably be, that they would not treat at all, so +that the mode of receding a little does not absolutely imply that more +is asked than is wished for, but that each party over-rates its own +pretensions, in order to obtain what is right. + +One thing is certain, that the treaties that have been the best observed +have been those founded on equity, where the contracting parties were +neither of them under the influence of fear or necessity. + +The exterior dangers of a country are not only more simple in their +nature than the interior ones, but, being less silent and gradual in their +progress have been more noticed by historians. + +Even the ambitious rapacity of the Romans was first directed [end of +page #186] against Carthage, on account of its pride and injustice in +attacking other states; and, in the history of the nations of the world, +there is scarcely a single example of national prosperity being +unattended with some degree of pride, arrogance, and injustice; nor +can it easily be otherwise, for, notwithstanding all the boasted law of +nations, power seems amongst them to be one of the principal claims +on which right is founded, though, in the moral nature of things, +power and right have not the most distant connection. + +It is then an object for those who govern nations, in the first place, to +counteract as much as possible the internal tendency to decline, +arising from the causes that have been enumerated; and, after having +done that, to regulate their conduct with regard to other nations, so as +to protect themselves from those external causes of decline, on the +existence of which they have no direct influence, but which are not +capable of producing any great effect, unless favoured by the internal +state of the country, and by the unwise conduct of those by whom it is +governed. + +======== + +_Digression concerning the Importance of Public Revenue_. + +No state, what ever its wealth may be, can possess power, unless a +certain portion of that wealth is applicable to public purposes. As the +want of revenue has not been a very common cause of weakness, we +shall give, as an example, the almost solitary, but very strong, case of +Poland. Its feebleness, in repelling the attacks of its enemies, was +occasioned, in a great measure, by want of revenue. It was with far +superior population, with more fertile soil, and a people no way +inferior in bravery, greatly inferior in actual exertion to Prussia. +When, at last, the Poles, seeing their danger, united together, and were +willing to make every personal exertion and sacrifice, to preserve their +country, they had no means of executing their good intentions. They +had not kept up an army when it was not wanted, and they could not, +on the emergency, create one when it was become necessary. [end of +page #187] + +The definition given of power makes it a relative thing, and, therefore, +the revenue necessary to maintain that power or force must be relative +also; it, therefore, depends on circumstances, what is to be considered +as a sufficient or insufficient revenue. + +If the United States of America were accessible with ease to European +nations, or if they had powerful neighbours on their own soil, they +would find their present revenues quite unequal to preserving their +independence; but, as it is, perhaps they are the most wealthy +civilized nation in the world, if an excess of revenue constitutes +wealth. + +In Europe, whatever nations are unable to keep up forces sufficient to +make those exertions which, according to their alliances and dangers, +may be necessary, they are weak from want of revenue, and ought to +augment it. + +In the course of making greater exertions than the revenues would +bear, some nations have contracted debts. It is not the purpose here to +enter into the complication such debts occasion, and the alterations +they make on the revenue, and the disposal of the revenue of a +country; but, so far as that subject is yet understood, it appears that the +clear revenue, after paying the interest of the debt, ought to be as great +as it would be altogether, if there were no debt; that is to say, after +paying interest, there ought to remain a sufficient surplus to pay all the +expenses necessary for government and defence. + +The money that goes for the payment of interest has some tendency to +increase the influence of government at home, but is of no manner of +use with regard to enemies. + +From the statistical chart here annexed, which shews the relative +proportion of the revenues of all the nations in Europe, as well as their +actual amount, it is perfectly clear, that, great and extensive as the +Russian empire is, it will not be very powerful until its revenues are +considerably increased. + +The great value of money, and the prices of provisions, and many +sorts of warlike stores, enable great armies to be maintained in that +country, even with small revenues; but the Russians can make no great +effort, at a distance from home, till their revenues are augmented. + +The revenues of Spain are considerable; but the free revenue is not, +[end of page #188] and it has no credit to supply the place. The same +thing may be said of Portugal; and if England had no credit, it would +be in the same situation; but as it has better credit than any nation ever +had, so, likewise, it is the only one whose efforts have never been in +any way, or at any time, either restricted or suspended, for want of +money to carry them into effect. + +The Dutch were, at one time, situated nearly as England is now; they +had not sufficient free revenue, but they had good credit; of which, +however, they were not willing to make the necessary use, and the +French marched into Amsterdam with greater ease than the Russians +did into Warsaw. + +The greatest victories of the French, during the revolution, were +gained at a time when her regular revenues were inconsiderable, and +when she was in a state of absolute bankruptcy. This is considered by +some as a proof that force is independent of revenue, and that +Frederick the Great was mistaken in saying, that money was the +sinews of war; but this case has been misunderstood as well as +misrepresented. + +Though, in general, regular resources for money are necessary to +support war, and regular resources imply revenue, it never was +asserted, that, if irregular resources could be obtained, they would not +answer the same purpose, so long as they lasted. During the first five +years of the French revolution, a sum equal to at least four hundred +millions sterling was consumed, besides what was pillaged from the +enemy. So that at the time that France was without regular revenue, +she was actually expending seventy-five millions sterling per annum: +a sum greater than any other nation ever had at its disposal. + +The impossibility of such a resource continuing is of no importance in +the present argument, although it is luckily of very great importance to +the peace of mankind. France supported war, for a certain time, by +consuming capital, and without revenue, but not without money; so +that what his Prussian Majesty said, stands uncontroverted, and the +necessity of revenue, regular and durable, for the maintenance of +regular and durable force, is established beyond the power of +contradiction. [end of page #189] + +EXPLANATION OF STATISTICAL CHART, NO. 2. + +In this chart, the different nations of Europe are represented by circles, +bearing the proportion of their relative extent. This is done in order to +give a better idea of the proportions than a geographical map, where +the dissimilar and irregular forms prevent the eye from making a +comparison. + +The graduated scale of lines represents millions of pounds sterling; +and the red lines, that rise on the left of each circle, express the +number of inhabitants in millions, which may be known by observing +at what cross-line the red one stops. + +The yellow lines, on the right of the circles, shew the amount of +revenue in pounds sterling. + +The nations stained green, are maritime powers; those stained pale +red, are only powerful by land. + +The dotted lines, to connect the extremities of the lines of population +and revenue, serve, by their descent from right to left, or from left to +right, to shew how revenue and population are proportioned to each +other. + +The impression made by this chart is such, that it is impossible not to +see by what means Sweden and Denmark are of little importance, as +to wealth or power; for, though population and territory are the +original foundation of power, finances are the means of exerting it. + +What must the consequences be if the Russian empire should one day +become like other nations? If ever that should happen, it either will be +divided, or it will crush all Europe. + +The prodigious territory of Russia, and the immense revenues of +England, are the most astonishing things represented in that chart; +they are out of all proportion to the rest. [end of page #190] + + + + +========= +BOOK III. +========= + + + + +CHAP. I. + + +_Result of the foregoing Inquiry applied to Britain.--Its present State, +in what its Wealth consists, illustrated by a Chart, shewing the +Increase of Revenue and Commerce_. + +Having now taken a view, and inquired into the causes that have +ruined nations that have been great and wealthy, from the earliest to +the present time; having also inquired into the causes that naturally +will operate where those did not, and that would, at a later period, +have produced the same effect; it is now the business to examine how +far and in what way the result of the inquiry applies to the British +empire. + +The power and wealth of Britain, according to the definition given at +the beginning of this work, are founded not on conquests, extent of +territory, superior population, or a more favourable soil or climate, or +even in bravery; for in those it is but on a par with other nations. + +The only natural advantages of Britain are, its insular situation and the +disposition of the people, and the excellent form of its government. + +From the two first have arisen that good government, commerce, and +industry; and on those have arisen again a great naval power, and an +uncommon degree of wealth. + +In arms, it does not appear that England is so powerful by land, in +proportion as in former times: her power must then be considered as a +naval power, and that founded principally on commerce. {153} + +--- +{153} Our last brilliant achievements by land were under the Duke of +Marlborough; but even then, with allies to assist, we were but a +balance to France. Before the conquest, England seems to have been +far below the level of most other nations, as a power by land. Soon +after [end of page #191] she appears to have risen above France, and +other nations, or they probably rather sunk; but, ever since England +became formidable at sea, she has lost her superiority in the army; +although she has never sunk under the level, and never, in any +instance, were her armies beat when the numbers were equal to those +of the enemy. +-=- + +{Here appears at page 192 the second chart, entitled + +"Chart +Representing the +Extent, Population & Revenue +-of the- +PRINCIPAL NATIONS in EUROPE +--in 1804--by +W. Playfair"} + +As such then we have only to examine the foundation on which she +stands, and find in what she is vulnerable. + +We must first begin with the interior situation, to follow the same +order that has been attended to in the rest of the work. + +Changes of manners, habits of education, and the natural effects of +luxury, are as likely to operate on the British empire, as on some +others which they have destroyed. + +From the unequal division of property, there is perhaps less danger, +but from the employment of capital there is more than almost in any +other nation. + +From the abuses of law and public institutions and _l'esprit du corps_, +we run a very great risk; more indeed than under an arbitrary +government or even a republic. These last are the dangers that most +seriously threaten a nation living under a mixed government. + +As to the produce of the soil becoming unequal to the maintenance of +a people addicted to luxurious habits, we have much also to fear from +that: the operation is begun, and its effects will soon be most serious: +they are already felt, and very visible. + +From taxation, unproductive and idle people, we have more to fear +than most nations; and from an alteration in the manner of thinking, +and persons and property leaving the nation, we have as much as any +other nation, according to the degree of wealth that we possess; so +that, upon the whole, the interior causes of decline are such as it is +extremely necessary to guard against in the most attentive manner. + +In respect to the exterior causes, we are exempt entirely from some, +from others we are not; and, in one case, we have exterior causes for +hope that no nation ever yet had. + +The advancement of other nations, their enmity and envy, are full as +likely to operate against this nation as against any other that ever +existed; but as we owe none of our superiority to geographical situa- +[end of page #192] tion like the Greek islands, the Delta of Egypt, and +borders of the Mediterranean Sea, we run no risk of any discovery in +geography, or in navigation, operating much to our disadvantage. + +We are not so far advanced before other nations in arts as to have any +great reason to dread that their advancement will be our ruin; but still +we must allow, that a number of external causes may combine to bring +us to their level, when the effects of our present wealth may soon +operate in reducing us under it. + +Since, then, commerce is the foundation of our wealth, and since our +power, which is naval, is built upon commerce, let us begin with +taking a view of its present situation. + +The increase of the trade of Britain to foreign parts, within these last +fifteen years, though a very natural effect of the causes that have +operated during that period, is not itself a natural increase, because the +causes that produced it are uncommon, temporary, and unnatural. + +The East and West India trades have been both lost to France and +Holland. The French, before the revolution, had a greater share of the +West India trade than ever we had, and they could undersell us in +foreign markets. + +The Dutch and French together had a very great share of the +commerce of the East; this partly accounts for the rapid increase of +English commerce since they lost theirs. Besides, the French nation +itself, which formerly consumed scarcely any English manufactures, +and supplied Germany, and many parts of Europe, with its own, has +been employed for several years in consuming its manufactured stock, +eating up its capital, and ruining its own manufactories; so that France +itself, Germany, and a great portion of the continent, have been +obliged to apply to Britain, both for manufactures and colonial +produce, as well as for the goods that come from India. + +Add to this, that capital on the continent of Europe has suffered an +unexampled diminution, from a variety of causes. A great part has +been consumed in France, and in all the countries into which her +armies have penetrated, particularly in Holland; and that confidence, +[end of page #193] which serves in place of capital, has been impaired +in all countries, and ruined in many. + +It has already been shewn that the want of capital prevents a poor +nation from supplying itself, and furnishes a rich one with the means +of supplying it, and, as it were, extorting usury from it by giving +credit. The misfortunes of the continent had, by this means, all of +them a direct tendency to advance the commercial prosperity of +England; but still the matter does not rest even here, for the real +capital that fled from the continent of Europe has, in part, taken refuge +in England. We have risen, (for the moment,) by their depression; and +though the advantage will be of some duration, yet we ought not to +consider it as permanent. {154} + +Those causes have operated, as indeed might be expected, in a most +powerful manner, but that operation has already begun to cease. In +such uncommon and unexampled circumstances as the present, it is +impossible to forsee =sic= what may happen, yet it is scarcely possible +to suppose things will remain as they are. Terror and alarm are too +painful to continue their action long on the human mind; and even if +the cause were not diminished, the effect would become less violent +with time and custom. Again, we are not to suppose, that such times as +those of 1793 and 1794 are ever to return, therefore the alarm will be +diminished, new capital will rise up, and, as security of private +property is now understood to be the basis of all wealth and +prosperity, confidence will be restored by degrees. + +The increase of trade is not then to be expected from the same causes +that have of late operated with so rapid and powerful an effect: on the +contrary, they may be expected so far to cease, as to occasion a +diminution of our exports. + +This will, however, be counteracted by some circumstances, while +others will tend to augment the violence of its effects. + +The trade with the American States and with Russia increase, from + +--- +{154} As one proof of capital taking refuge in England, the sudden +rise of stock, during the first three years of the French revolution, may +be adduced, without fear of being contradicted as to the fact, or the +assigned cause controverted. [end of page #194] +-=- + +no temporary or fallacious cause. In the former country, population +very rapidly increases, and, in the latter, wealth and civilization, which +have a similar effect {155} upon the wants of a nation. These are in +favour of a manufacturing country, like England. + +These two are not only, then, permanent, but augmenting causes for +our commerce; {156} they are causes that augment rapidly, and may, +with proper care, be carried to a great extent. + +The superiority in the West India trade is so far of a permanent nature, +that France will never again be a formidable rival there. St. Domingo +is not only lost, but probably lost for ever, while it is expected that +Britain may retain her islands. This trade, then, may be set down as +permanent; that is to say, that there does not seem to be any immediate +cause for its decline; {157} and the government of this country is +sufficiently aware of consequences not to neglect taking every +precaution possible. + +The East India trade does not, indeed, appear equally secure. There we +are powerfully rivalled by the Americans, and the merchants of other +countries; but, on the other hand, the demand for the produce of Asia +is augmenting rapidly all over the continent of Europe; so that perhaps +we may be able to maintain our ground, even though other nations +regain part of the trade they have lost. + +To remain, then, in the situation in which we are, with respect to + +--- +{155} The great augmentation of fine fertile territory, in America, will +retard the progress of manufactures and commerce in that country, by +employing the capital and attention of the inhabitants on agriculture. +This may be the case for half a century, and, if England improves, the +circumstances may continue to operate in favour of British +manufactures for many centuries to come. + +{156} The ports in the Black Sea add a new district to the commercial +world, which, in course of time, must greatly increase the demand for +such articles, as a civilized people consume. The fineness of the +climate and of the country will enable the inhabitants to gratify the +taste which civilization will bring along with it. + +{157} It would be quite foreign to the end of this inquiry to examine +into the interior state of the West India islands, or as to their +continuing subject to Great Britain. This is entirely a political affair, +unconnected with commerce, though its effects on it would be +prodigious. [end of page #195] +-=- + +foreign trade, we must exert ourselves; those external causes that have +forced trade upon us, for these last fifteen years, being but of a +temporary nature. + +In order to be more sensible of this necessity, let us consider a few +other circumstances. + +The wealth of England, which was the envy of Europe, even previous +to the American war, in which we stood single-handed and alone +(having the three most powerful maritime nations against us, and none +to take our part) has now become more conspicuous, and much more +likely to excite envy. + +Not only the situation of Britain is much more exalted, but the other +nations feel a comparison that is infinitely more humiliating; add to +this, that old attachments, and a regard to the laws of nations, and to a +balance of power in Europe, are much enfeebled, or rather nearly done +away. + +Britain has alone, for some time, stood forward to resist the +innovations and power of France; and, after having at first subsidized +every nation that would fight in the common cause, it has alone +maintained the common right itself, thereby adding a double +humiliation to those who wanted means of assisting, or whose courage +had failed. + +France, with all its acquisition of territory and alliance, with all that +influence over neutral nations, which terror of its arms inspires, will +never cease to combat the prosperity of England. Some other nations, +through envy or shame, stimulated by a hope of partaking in the +wealth that England loses, will either sit passive or assist. {158} + +The East India trade is that which excites the greatest portion of envy, +and it will be difficult to resist its effects. This superior degree of +envy is occasioned by three principal causes: + +The splendid establishments of the East India company, its fleets, + +--- +{158} Gratitude, some will say, may prevent this; but nations have no +gratitude, they only know their interest, and nothing retrospective is +any motive for action. We need not search into remote periods for +proofs of this, see Holland, Spain, Russia, &c. during the latter part of +the last war. [end of page #196] +-=- + +and the fact that it is the greatest commercial company that does now, +or ever did, exist, constitute the first cause, not only for envy, but +for a wish to participate in the trade. + +The second cause arises from the extent of our possessions, the +immensity of the territorial revenues, and the evident injustice of a +company of merchants becoming sovereigns, and holding the ancient +princes of the East, and the successors of the Great Mogul, as tributary +vassals. {159} + +It is in vain that we say the people are happier than they were before +we did them the honour to become their masters. Whether this is true +or not, there is no means of proving it, besides there can be no right +established by London merchants to force the inhabitants of Hindostan +to become happy, whether they will or not. + +The same pretence has been used by the French, in subduing Flanders +and Brabant, in governing Holland and Switzerland; but they have not +been able to obtain credit. The regular governments, who partitioned +Poland, have pretended the same thing; and our slave-merchants and +planters give very positive assurances that the negroes toiling on the +West India plantations are much happier than they were in their own +country; yet, in defiance of all this cloud of witnesses, there is +something in the human breast that resists and rejects such evidence; +evidence doubtful, on account of the quarter from whence it comes, +and the interests of the witnesses, as well as con- + +--- +{159} However we may look upon this, other nations certainly see the +matter as iniquitous and unjust; and it is well known with what +feelings such a belief is entertained. + +Though the revolutions in Farther Asia have not made any part of the +basis of our inquiry, yet it is impossible, having mentioned the Mogul +empire, not to notice its rapid and terrible fall. In 1707, only ninety- +eight years ago, the Great Mogul ruled over a country equal in extent, +and little inferior in population, to France, Spain, Germany, and +England. His revenues amounted to thirty-two millions sterling, +which, at that time, was nearly equal to the whole revenues of all the +monarchs of Europe. He is now circumscribed to a territory less than +the smallest county in England, and is the vassal at will of a company +of English merchants, who, with all their greatness, do not divide +profits equal to one week of his former revenues! [end of page #197] +-=- + +trary to the natural feelings of beings endowed with the power of +reason; at variance, also, with an opinion of a very ancient origin, +"that coercion and force are enemies to enjoyment." + +In defiance, then, of our assertions, the other nations of Europe will +and do view this acquired territory with anger, as well as envy; and, +though it is true, that, out of the immense revenues that arise to the +company, they divide little profit, though their debts are annually +augmenting, yet individual Englishmen, it must be admitted, bring +home great fortunes. + +This fact is not to be denied, and is so much the worse, that though a +government even of merchants may be supposed to obtain revenues +fairly, individuals, who rapidly acquire great wealth are always +supposed to do it by extortion or unfair means. {160} + +The third cause for envy is of great antiquity. The commerce of the +East, from the earliest ages, has been that which has enriched all the +nations that ever possessed it; and, consequently, has been a perpetual +cause of envy and contention, as we have already seen, in its proper +place. For all those reasons, not one of which we can remove entirely, +the East India trade is a particular object of envy; and, unless great +care is taken, will entail the same danger on this country, as it has on +all those that ever possessed it. Tyre and Sidon, in Syria, Alexandria, +in Egypt, Venice, Genoa, the Hans Towns, and Portugal, have all been +raised and ruined by this trade, which seems to + +--- +{160} So far back as 1793, Mr. Dundas estimated the sums remitted +by individuals at an annual million; add to this, plunder arising from +war, (which is become as natural a state in India as peace,) and we +shall see that now the revenues and establishments are nearly doubled. +The following will not be an unfair estimate: + +Private fortunes remitted in 1793 L. 1,000,000 +Average ditto arising from years +of war, the plunder of +Seringapatam, &c 300,000 +Increase remitted home since, +in proportion to revenue 700,000 + ____________ + +Remitted now by the same description +of men L. 2,000,000 + +Besides what is remitted home, those servants of the company expend +immense sums in the country, living there in the greatest luxury. [end +of page #198] +-=- + +have been the cradle and the grave of most of those nations that have +become rich and powerful by the means of commerce. + +Our West India wealth, though derived from a source still more, or at +least equally, impure, and though not inferior in amount, is, for several +reasons, not the cause of so much envy. It is not confined to a +company, and therefore the splendour and ostentation that, in the case +of the Asiatic trade, occasion envy, do not exist in that to the +American islands. + +Our monopoly is by no means so complete, which has a double effect +in our favour; for, besides preventing others from envying us so much, +it prevents them from condemning us so severely. + +The same nations that see, in its full force, the injustice of subjecting +the inhabitants of the East, in their own country, in a way that, at the +worst, is not very rigorous, join cordially in robbing Africa of its +inhabitants, to make them slaves in America, in a way, that, at the +best, is very rigorous. + +Such are the baneful effects of sordid interest acting on the mind of +man! But our business is not here to investigate opinions, but their +result; and, in the present instance, we find that to admit participation +in criminality is the only way to avoid envy and offence. + +The third cause for envy is likewise wanting. The commerce with the +West Indies is but of a recent date, and no nation has ever owed its +greatness or decline to that single source. {161} It is not like the +Asiatic trade, a sort of hereditary cause of quarrel; a species of +heirloom, entailing upon the possessor the envy and enmity of all +other nations. + +The envy occasioned by the West India trade is farther diminished by +the circumstance that the plantations have been raised with the money +of the persons by whom they are possessed; and that if they had no +original right to the soil in its barren state, the cultivation at least is +owing to their capital and industry. + +The most solid and secure portion of our trade is that which con- + +--- +{161} France was the nation that, before the revolution, gained the +most by this trade; indeed, no nation has, to this date, gained so much +as it did. +-=- + +[end of page #199] + +sists of our manufactures at home. In those, though we excite envy, +we excite no other of the hateful passions. Emulation is natural, and +admiration is unavoidable, on seeing the vast progress that arts and +industry have made in this country; so that England is absolutely +considered as the first country in the world for manufactures. + +This cause of greatness and wealth operates in a more uniform and +durable manner; though, like others, it has its bounds, yet the nature of +them is not easily ascertained. + +In this there are two things essential,--the procuring a market, and the +means of supplying it. We have always yet found the means of +supplying every market we have got; but we have not always been +able to extend our market so much as it might have been wished. + +America and Russia offer new markets, as has already been observed, +but, to extend our old markets, we must either reduce the price, +improve the quality, or extend the credit, and invention is the only +means by which these things can be done; and there is no possibility +of knowing where to set bounds to invention, aided by capital and the +division of labour. We are, however, not to forget that priority in point +of time being one of the causes of a nation's rise, and being of a nature +to be destroyed in the course of years, the superiority we enjoy may +leave us, as it did other nations in former times. + +When a country produces the raw material, and labour is cheap, and +the art established, we might suppose the superiority secure; but it is +not. The cotton trade was first established in the East Indies, where the +material grows, where the labour is not a tenth of the price that it is in +England, and the quality of the manufactured article is good; yet +machinery and capital have transplanted it to England. But the same +machinery may give a superiority, or at least an equality, to some +other country; it is, therefore, our business to persevere in encouraging +invention, by the means that have hitherto been found so successful. +{162} + +--- +{162} The law of patents, and the premiums offered by the Society of +Arts, suggest improvements, and reward them when made. To those, +to the security of property, and nature of the government, we chiefly +owe the great improvements made in England. +-=- + +[end of page #200] + +The most necessary thing for our commerce is the support of +mercantile credit, without which it is in vain to expect that trade will +be carried on to any great amount. In 1772, when a great failure +occasioned want of confidence, the exports of the country fell off +above three millions, but its imports fell off very little. {163} In 1793, +when the internal credit of the mercantile people was staggered, +precisely the same effect was produced. These are the only two +instances of individual credit being staggered to such a degree, as to +prevent mercantile men from putting confidence in each other; and +they are the only two instances of any very great falling off in the +exports in one year, except during the American war, when the chief +branches of trade in the country were cut off or diminished. + +The falling off, in exports, in 1803, which was very great indeed, +(being no less than one-third of the whole,) was not occasioned by the +same cause, but appears to have been owing to three others of a +different nature. + +First, the French had actually shut us out from a great extent of coast, +and this occasioned a diminution of exports, which will, in part, be +done away, when new channels of conveyance are found out. It will +nevertheless operate in causing some diminution, as circuitous +channels render goods more difficult to be introduced, and +consequently dearer to the consumers. + +The second cause appears to have been, the uncertainty of our +merchants where to send the goods, and who to trust, as the fear of the +extension of French power took away confidence, and produced a sort +of irresolution, which is always hurtful to business. + +The third cause of the diminution of trade, no doubt, arose from the +cessation of that alarm about property, that has been described as +having occasioned so much to be sent from the continent to England. +In other words, it is the return of the pendulum which had vibrated, + +--- +{163} This is a sort of paradox: when money became scarce, the +nation bought nearly as much as ever, but sold less. This is not the +case with individuals, and, at first sight, does not appear natural. +-=- + +[end of page #201] + +through a temporary impulse, beyond the natural perpendicular. Had +there been no revolution in France, and had it not been conducted on +the principles it was, our trade could not have augmented so fast as it +did; but a falling off of fifteen millions in one year is too much to be +ascribed to that cause alone. An examination of the branches that did +fall off will elucidate this. + +The commerce with the United States of America is one of those that +has fallen off, and is the only one that does not appear to be directly +connected with these causes. There are some reasons, however, for +thinking that it had an indirect connection with them. + +Whatever interrupts our connection with the continent of Europe, or +renders it unsafe, has, in some degree, the same effect with a +stagnation of credit at home. This has taken place; and as it of course +affected every branch of trade, that with America felt the blow +amongst the rest, and, indeed, more than in proportion; for, as there is +no course of exchange with any town in America, and as the credits +there are long, the exportation to that country suffers in a particular +manner when there is any heaviness in the money market here. Thus it +was that, in 1772, the American exports suffered a diminution of two +millions from the stagnation; and, in 1793, of rather more than half a +million. In the former case, the American trade seems alone almost to +have suffered, and, even in the latter case, it fell off more than in its +just proportion. + +It has been observed, that the improving our manufactures at home is +the most secure support of our foreign trade, which chiefly depends on +superior skill, industry, and invention, the wages of labour being +greatly against us. We shall consider by what stability of tenure we +hold that advantage. + +The nation or individual that proceeds first in improvement is always +uncertain how much farther it can be carried; those who follow, on the +contrary, know what can be done, and therefore act with certainty and +confidence. As to individuals, those who are the foremost in +improvement have great difficulties to encounter; they seldom can +procure the pecuniary aid necessary, and always do so with great +difficulty; whereas, those who copy, without half their merit, or, [end +of page #202] perhaps, without any merit at all, meet with support +from every quarter. {164} + +From this it is very evident, that the nation the farthest advanced in +invention has only to remain stationary a few years, and it will soon be +overtaken, and perhaps surpassed. Holland, Flanders, and France, +were all originally superior, in the arts of manufacturing most goods, +to England; and, indeed, it is no great length of time since we obtained +the superiority over Holland in several articles of importance, and in +particular where machinery was wanting. If it were necessary, it +would not be difficult to give examples, to shew with what eagerness +those who imported inventions were taken by the hand, on the bare +probability of success, while the inventors of machines, and of +methods of manufacturing entirely new, and of still more importance, +were left to grope their way, and, until crowned with success, rather +considered as objects of pity than of praise or admiration. {165} + +It is not then altogether by a sure or lasting tenure that we hold this +superiority of manufactures. We have examined several other sources +of wealth, and the general conclusion is, that, without care and atten- + +--- +{164} Mr. Arkwright, who produced the cotton-spinning machine, +underwent great difficulties for many years; as also did Mr. Watt, the +ingenious and scientific improver of the steam-engine; and, had not +good fortune thrown him in the way of Mr. Boulton, a man of fortune +and resource, and himself a man of genius, he probably must have +languished in obscurity, and the nation remained without his +admirable invention. The profits derived from the spinning-machine +may, at first sight, appear the greater national advantage of the two; +but it is not so in reality, for the spinning-machine only manufactures +a raw material, brought from another country, cheaper than before; +whereas, the steam-engine enables us to obtain raw materials from our +own soil cheaper; a thing more important, more permanent, and of +which we were more in want: besides this, the steam-engine is +extending the scope of its utility every day; whereas, the spinning +machines can go little farther. But to leave this digression, which is +not altogether foreign to the purpose, and return to the facility with +which inventors are followed, it is a fact, that in almost every country +in Europe, money can be got by any adventurer who will propose to +establish either a cotton spinning machine, or a manufactory of steam- +engines; and it is a fact, that immense sums have been, and are still +given, for those purposes. + +{165} Slitting-mills, saw-mills, the art of imitating porcelain, and of +making good earthen-ware, and paper, together with a vast number of +other inventions, were imported from Holland; in every one of which +we have gone beyond the Dutch, just as they got the better of the +Flemings in the art of curing herrings. Priority of invention is not then +a permanent tenure. +-=- + +[end of page #203] + +tion, this nation cannot be expected long to maintain its superiority +over others, in the degree it at present enjoys. + +The American market, {166} and the Russian (in a smaller degree,) +however, hold out a prospect of increased commerce to us, from +external causes, that we cannot flatter ourselves with in the internal +ones. It is to those we must look, and to those only, for the extension +of the sale of our manufactures; but, even in this case, we must use +efforts, for it is very seldom that a good end is effected by accident, or +without a view towards its accomplishment. + +Having now taken a view of the situation of this country, and seen +that, though it is not likely to be deprived of its commerce by +conquest, like Babylon, Tyre, or Alexandria, or by a new discovery in +geography and the art of navigation, like Venice and Genoa; though, +indeed, it has no great appearance of sharing the fate of Spain, +Portugal, or Holland, yet there are other causes that may stop its +career. If it is exempt from the dangers they laboured under, it is +subject to others from which they were free. + +We have already examined the effect of taxes and national debt on the +industry of a country, even whilst augmenting in wealth; but we have +not examined what that effect will be when a country comes to be on a +level with other nations that do not labour under the same burthens. + +There is no possibility of standing long still with a burthen on the +shoulders, it must either be thrown off or it will become a cause of +decline. Let us endeavour to point out methods by which that may be +averted, or at least procrastinated. In doing this, we are either exposing +our ignorance and presumption, or doing a signal service to our +country. + +--- +{166} The American exports from this country consist almost entirely +in manufactures; we neither supply that country with East or West +India produce. The Russians are aspiring at possessions in the West +Indies, and, no doubt, will succeed; they are advancing still more +rapidly in power than the Americans are in population. It was only in +1769, (not forty years ago,) that the first Russian flag was seen in the +Mediterranean Sea, and now Russia stands fair to be sovereign of a +number of the Greek islands; and, at any rate, by the Dardanelles, to +carry on a great commerce. What may thirty years more not effect +with such a country, and such a race of sovereigns? +-=- + +[end of page #204] + +The load must be taken off, or it will crush the bearer; but how this is +to be done is the difficulty. If our debt is paid off, the capital will go +to other nations, for it will not find employment amongst ourselves; and +this will reduce the nation, and raise others. If it continues, we sink +under it; and, if we break faith with the creditors, it destroys +confidence for ever; we can no longer give law, by means of our +capital, to the markets in other nations, and we probably overturn the +government of our own. + +Amongst the _exterior_ causes of decline that are general, none +applies so completely to Great Britain as that of the envy and enmity, +occasioned by the possession of colonies we have settled, or countries +we have conquered. + +The wealth of Britain and its power arise from agriculture, +manufactures, commerce, colonies, and conquests. The envy they +excite is not, however, in proportion to the wealth that arises from +them, but rather to the right we have to possess them, and the +consequent right that others have to contest the possession. + +Improved agriculture has never been a source of enmity amongst +civilized nations, though it has been an object of conquest when an +opportunity presented itself. + +Manufactures, the great source of our wealth, are, in a certain degree, +beyond the reach of our enemies. Our greatest consumption for them +is amongst ourselves, and if we did not export to any part of the world, +except enough to procure materials, we should enjoy nearly all that we +now do. Our wealth would not be very materially diminished, though +our naval strength would. The means of destroying our manufactures +is not then very easily to be found. + +The commerce with other nations, our enemies, or rivals, have a more +effectual means of diminishing, by the laying on duties on our +manufactures, and augmenting those duties when the goods happen to +be carried in English vessels; but still the advantage we enjoy in this +competition is great. + +Not so with our colonies and conquests. The whole imports from the +East Indies, from 1700 to the present day, have only amounted [end of +page #205] to 165,000,000 L. and our exports, during the same period, +to 83,000,000 L. while our total exports have amounted to 1,486,000 +L. during the same period. {167} + +There would be much affectation, and little accuracy, in attempting to +make any thing like a strict comparison between the relative +proportions of the wealth procured by general trade, and that procured +by trade with India. The exports amount to about one-nineteenth part +of the whole; and, perhaps, as they are manufactured goods, to about +one-tenth part of the whole manufactures of the country exported: but +the manufactures exported are not equal to one-third part of those +consumed at home, so that not above one-thirtieth part of our +manufacturers are maintained by the trade to India. + +In 1793, when the charter of the company was renewed, the India- +budget stated the private fortunes acquired and brought home, at one +million annually: that has probably increased since then; but it was at +that time greater than it had been before: if, then, we take the annual +arrival, since the year 1765, at one million, it will make forty millions, +which, compared with the balance of trade during that period, amounts +to about one-sixth part of the balance supposed to come into the +country. + +How much of our national debt might be set down to the account of +India, is another question. By debt contracted, and interest of debt +paid, during the same period, we have disbursed the sum of +1,100,000,000 L. which is equal to more than twelve times the whole +of the property acquired by our India affairs, supposing the +45,000,000 L. + +--- +{167} Comparison between the total foreign trade of the country, to +that with the East Indies only, for 104 years. + +Total Exports. Total Balance Exports to India. + in our favour. +From + +1700 +to 1760, +L540,000,000 L249,000,000 L18,000,000 + +1760 to +1785, +L370,000,000 L101,000,000 L25,000,000 + +1785 to +1805, +L576,000,000 L142,000,000 L40,000,000 +____________ ____________ ____________ +L1,486,000,000 L492,000,000 L80,000,000 +____________ ____________ ____________ + + +[Transcriber's note: L=GBP/Pounds Sterling.] + +This is about a nineteenth part of our foreign trade, and the balance +is greatly against us. +-=- + +[end of page #206] + +remitted, to be all gain, together with one-half of the 83,000,000 L. +which surely is allowing the gain at the highest rate for both. {168} + +Supposing, then, that the wars that India has occasioned have cost (or +the proportion of the debt they have occasioned) one-sixth part of the +whole of our debt, and that the profits on goods to India, and private +fortunes, came into the public treasury, there would still have been a +great loss to the state; but this has not been the case, the interest of +the debt has been levied on the people, and will continue to be so, till +all is paid off; which, according to the plan of the sinking fund, will be +in thirty-five years, so that we shall have about 750,000,000 L. more to +pay, {169} supposing we have peace all that time, and continue to +possess India. + +There is something very gloomy in this view of national affairs, and +yet there is no apparent method of making it more pleasing. + +It is, on the contrary, very possible, that as Malta, on account of its +being supposed the key to India, has cost us 20,000,000 L. within a +few years, that, in less than thirty-five years, it may cost us +_something_ more; and, it is not by any means impossible, that, before +that period, we may either lose India, or give it away; on either of +which suppositions, the arithmetical balance of profit and loss will be +greatly altered, to our farther disadvantage. + +On the possessions in India, and the complicated manner in which our +imports (again exported) affect the nation, a volume might be written, +but it would be to very little purpose, in a general inquiry of this sort. +It is sufficient to shew here that the wealth obtained by that channel is +not of great magnitude, in comparison either of the + +--- +{168} The nearness of the balance of trade, to the amount of debt +contracted, will naturally excite attention, but it appears merely +accidental, and to have not any real connection. + +Debt borrowed L500,000,000 +Interest paid L590,000,000 + ______________ + L1,090,000,000 + +[Transcriber's note: L=GBP/Pounds Sterling.] + +{169} Let the future profits and expenses be set against each other, +like the last. +-=- + +[end of page #207] + +wealth acquired by foreign trade, or by our industry at home; and that, +at the same time, we see that it excites more envy and jealousy than all +the rest of the advantages we enjoy put together. + +Badly as men act in matters of interest, and much as envy blinds them +in cases of rivalship, yet still there is a certain degree of justice +predominant in the mind, that admits the claim of merit and true +desert. Every person, who has heard the conversation, or read the +opinions of people in other nations, on the wealth and greatness of +England, will allow, that, as commercial men, and as manufacturers, +we are the wonder of the world, and excite admiration; but, +concerning our dominion over India, and our plantations in the +American islands, foreigners speak very differently. + +In order to bring down a nation, that has risen above its level, there is +followed a system of enmity in war, and rivalship in peace. + +The Portuguese seized on a lucky opportunity to undermine and +supplant the Venecians and the Genoese, who had long been the envy +of all nations, for the wealth they obtained, by the monopoly of the +trade to India. The Dutch soon rivalled the Portuguese in trade, and +the Flemings in manufactures; and, indeed, there is no saying in how +great a variety of ways the superiority of a nation may not be pulled +down. + +England, commencing later than any, has now obtained her full share +of the commerce of the East, and of manufactures; but the nations that +envy the wealth of others have always several great advantages. The +nation that is highest treads in discovery, invention, &c. a new path, +and is never certain how far she can go, nor how to proceed. Those +who follow have, in general, but to copy, and, in doing that, it is +generally pretty easy to improve. At all events, a day must arrive when +the nation that is highest, ceasing to proceed, the others must overtake +it. + +As the nation that is farthest advanced is ignorant of the improvements +that may be made, it does not feel what it wants; and, like a man in +full health, will give no encouragement to the physician. The countries +that follow behind act differently; and they generally, in order [end of +page #208] to protect their rising manufactures, impose duties on +similar ones imported; thus preventing a competition between old +established manufactures, and those recently begun. + +So far as priority of settlement, or of invention, give a superiority to a +nation over others, the equalizing principle acts with a very natural +and evident force; but, when the manners and modes of thinking of a +people have once taken a settled turn, in addition to their proficiency +in manufactures, it does not appear easily to be altered. + +The Germans excelled at working in metals, and possessed most of the +arts, in a superior degree to any other people in Europe, a few +centuries ago. In some arts they have been surpassed by the French, in +more by the Dutch, and in nearly all by the English. {170} + +Conquests and colonies are wrested from nations suddenly and by +force; arts and manufactures leave them in time of peace, silently and +by degrees, without noise or convulsion; but the consequences are not +the less fatal on that account; nor, indeed, is the effect slower, though +more silent. Though colonies or conquests pass away at once, such +changes only take place after a long chain of causes have prepared the +way for them; whereas, manufactures are perpetually emigrating from +one country to another: the operation, though slow and silent, is +incessant, and the ultimate effect great beyond calculation. + +A good government, and wise laws, that protect industry and property, +and preserve, in purity, the manners of the people, are the most +difficult obstacles for a rival nation to overcome. Prosperity, which is +founded upon that basis, is of all others the most secure. There are +sometimes customs and habits that favour industry, the operation of +which is not perceptible to those who wish to imitate and rival +successful and wealthy nations. + +In general, it is not to be expected that the southern nations can come +in competition with those living in more northerly climates in + +--- +{170} The individual German workmen have not been excelled by the +workmen of any other nation, but the German nation itself has been +outdone. +-=- + +[end of page #209] + +those manufactures, where continued or hard labour is necessary. +Nature has compensated the inhabitants of such countries for this +incapacity, by giving them a fine climate, and, in general, a fertile soil; +and, when they do justice to it, they may live affluent and happy. But, +since industry and civilization have got into northern countries, it is +impossible for the southern ones to rival them in manufactures. + +It would be impossible for any people living on the banks of the Nile, +where the finest linen was once manufactured, to rival the cloths of +Silesia, or of Ireland: as well might we think to bring back the +commerce with India to Alexandria by the Red Sea. + +The fine manufactures of India, notwithstanding the materials are all +found in the country, the lowness of labour, and the antiquity of their +establishment, are, in many cases, unable to keep their ground against +the invention and industry of Europeans. The art of making porcelain- +ware, from a want of some of the materials, has not, in every respect, +equalled that manufactured in China; but in everything else, except +material, it excels so much, that the trade to that country in that article +is entirely over. + +Many of the finest stuffs are nearly sharing the same fate, and they all +probably will do so in time. Those whom we hope to surpass are +determined to remain as they are, while Europeans aim at going as far +in improvement as the nature of things will allow. + +But the nations that follow others in arts are not always confined to +imitation, though we have seen that even there they have a great +advantage. It frequently happens that they get hold of some invention +which renders them superior, in a particular line, to those whom they +only intended to imitate. + +When the superiority of a nation arises from the natural produce of the +earth, such as valuable minerals, then it is very difficult for others to +rival it with advantage; and it is very unwise of any nation to employ +its efforts in rivalling another in an article where nature has given to +the other a decided advantage; and it is equally ill-judged of a nation +to neglect cultivating the advantages which she enjoys from nature, as +they are the most permanent and their possession the most certain of +any she can enjoy. + +[end of page #210] + +If nations were to consider in what branches of manufacture they are +best fitted to excel, it would save much rivalship, misunderstanding, +and jealousy; at the same time that it would tend greatly to increase +the general aggregate wealth of mankind. It is not to industry and +effort alone that mankind owe wealth, but to industry and effort well +directed. + +This is well explained in the excellent Inquiry into the Causes of the +Wealth of Nations, and it is to be regretted that this truth is not more +generally understood; for it would contribute still more to the peace +and happiness of mankind, than to their commercial wealth. + +There is not, however, any subject on which nations are so apt to err, +and, indeed, the error is natural enough, if the ambition of a rival is +not checked by judgement and attention to circumstances. + +When a nation is particularly successful in one branch of manufacture +more than in any other, it is generally because some peculiar +circumstances give it an advantage. This ought to operate as a reason +for doubting whether it might be prudent to attempt to rival a nation in +an object in which it had particular advantages; but quite the contrary +is the case; a rival nation aims directly at the thing in which another +excels the most, and frequently fails when, in any other object, she +might have proved successful. {171} + +The changes of the taste and manners of mankind, as well as +discoveries in arts and science, lay a foundation for political changes; +but it is an irregular foundation for change; its operation is sometimes +in favour of, and sometimes against the same nation, and it never can +be calculated beforehand. + +As the nations that have improved in manufactures the latest have +always carried them to the greatest perfection, it is natural to inquire +how this happens. + +The exertion of the mind and body are both of them greatly aug- + +--- +{171} How many ridiculous attempts have been made, in the north, to +rival the Italians in raising silk, and by enlightened men too; but it is +not sufficient to be enlightened, it is necessary to follow a proper train +of reasoning.--Good natural sense sometimes supplies the place of +regular reasoning, and, as if it were intuitively, arrives at a true +conclusion. +-=- + +[end of page #211] + +mented by success, and diminished by any thing of a contrary +description. The rising nation has always an increased energy, and that +which is about being rivalled a sort of discouragement and dismay. +This is one cause, but there are others. + +So far as methods of working and machinery are connected, the +imitating nation has the advantage; it copies the best sort of machine, +and the best manner of working at once. The workmen have neither an +attachment to the old inferior methods, nor do they use old inferior +machines, to avoid the expense of new ones. {172} In short, they +adopt all improvements without much additional expense; and, as +men's minds are always more occupied in thinking about a new object +than an old one, they are even more likely to make improvements. + +As to difficulties in rivalling a nation in skill, in any mechanical art, +there are none. The only difficulties in manufactures are in the +inventions and improvements, and those have been overcome by the +leading nation, and are no difficulties to that which follows. There are, +indeed, some arts which require particular talents, and a real exertion +of genius; but those are so few in number, and have so little +connection with the common affairs of mankind, or the wealth of +nations, that they do not deserve to be noticed. + +There is nothing in the art of weaving, or working in metals, or in any +other material for common use, that is of such difficulty but that any +man, with a common capacity, may do it nearly as well as any other +man. The habits and manners of mankind, their disposition to labour, +and the nature of the government under which they live, may +encourage or discourage manufacturing; but both the strength and +capacity of any of the natives of Europe, taking them on an average, +are fully sufficient to enable them to excel in any work. + +--- +{172} Where machines are very expensive, new improvements, that +require other machinery, are sometimes crushed and rejected on that +account. To adopt them, a man must sometimes begin by sacrificing +half his fortune, by destroying his old machinery. + +There have been several instances of this seen, particularly in the +making of iron, when it was proposed to convert the rough gueze into +good malleable iron bar, by rolling it at a welding heat, instead of +hammering it by a forge-mill. +-=- + +[end of page #212] + +{Here appears at page 212 the third chart, entitled +"Chart +Shewing the Amount of the +Exports and Imports +-of- +ENGLAND +to and from all parts +from 1800 to 1805"} + +The British nation has begun to seek for wealth from agriculture. It +had long been the mode to pay attention and give the preference to +manufactures; but the current is, for the present, set in, in another +direction. Calculation has, till of late, been confined to mercantile +men; but, after all, they have not carried it to a very great length: and, +as to their speculative wisdom, it consists chiefly in taking a ready +advantage of some immediate object. + +EXPLANATION OF PLATE NO. III. + +The space from right to left is divided into years, each line +representing the year marked under and above. From the beginning of +the last century, till the year 1770, every tenth year only is expressed, +and the average amount of exports and imports only is shewn; but, +from 1770 to the present time, every year is separately represented by +a line going from the top to the bottom. + +The divisions from top to bottom are millions of pounds sterling, each +representing a million, measuring from the bottom, the number of +millions indicated is marked on the right margin. + +As the exports, which are expressed by a red line, increased or +diminished, the red line rises or falls, crossing the division +representing the year at the line which indicates the number of +millions to which the exports amounted that year. + +The yellow line is drawn on the same principle, and represents the +imports for the same years; the difference between the two, which is +stained green, being the balance for or against England. + +Thus, for example, we see that, till the year 1775, the exports rose +very fast, and were far above the imports, but that then their +proportion begun =sic= to vary; insomuch that, in 1781, the yellow +line rose above the red, when the balance in favour of England turned +against it, to the amount of a million for one year. In 1782, the balance +again became favourable; but, though the trade was increasing, the +balance was once more, in 1785, against England; ever since which it +has been more or less in our favour. + +The difference between the two lines is stained pale green, when the +balance was favourable, but of a pale red when against England. + +[end of page #213] + +The advantages proposed by this mode of representing matters are the +same that maps and plans have over descriptions, and dimensions +written in figures; and the same accuracy is in one case as the other; +for, whatever quantities can be expressed in numbers may be +represented by lines; and, where proportional progression is the +business, what the eye does in an instant, would otherwise require +much time. + +The impression is not only simple, but it is as lasting in retaining as it +is easy in receiving. Such are the advantages claimed for the invention +twenty years ago, when it first appeared; the claim has been allowed +by many, and not objected to, so far as the inventor knows, either in +this or in any other country. + +EXPLANATION OF PLATE NO. IV. + +Chart of revenue, from the time of Queen Elizabeth to the present day. + +Till the accession of William III. in 1688, the materials for this are not +altogether accurate; but they are not far wrong, and indeed, the low +state of the revenue, previous to that period, is such that it is a matter +of little importance whether or not they are very exact. It is +represented here rather as a contrast to the present high revenue, and a +matter of curiosity, than as being of much importance. + +The pale red part expresses the free revenue, or what is over, after +paying the interest of our debt. + +This free revenue has not increased so fast as the value of money has +decreased, previous to the year 1793; and certainly, at that time, the +annual sum of 7,000,000 L. was no equal to 4,000,000 L. in the reign +of Queen Anne. + +The green part shews the annual interest of the national debt, and +proves, beyond contradiction, that, under such a system, expenses of +war (for the whole debt has been contracted for wars) augment in +much more than a simple proportion. + +The yellow part, bounded by a curved line, shews the manner in which +the sinking fund will increase in its operation of paying off the debt, +on the supposition that the nation continues to borrow as it has [end of +page #214] done for the last twelve years; setting apart one per cent. +on every new loan, for its liquidation. + +As comparative views are the great object of these charts, a yellow +dotted line is made, representing the amount of the revenue of France +during the same period, till 1789, when the revolution stopped its +progress; since which its amount has not been regularly known. {173} + +--- +{173} The author published an Atlas, containing twenty-seven charts +of the different branches of commerce, revenue, and finance, of +England, which was translated into French. The fifth edition, much +improved, and brought to the present time, is now printing, and will be +published in November. +-=- + +[end of page #215] + + + + +CHAP. III. [=sic=--error in printer's copy, should read II.] + + +_Of Education, as conducted in England.--Amelioration proposed.-- +Necessity of Government interfering, without touching the Liberty of +the Subject_. + +The importance of education has been already mentioned, as it in +general regards all nations, and certainly when we have examples to +shew what are the lasting and terrible consequences of degradation of +national character and manners, it is impossible to pay too strict an +attention to that subject. + +The natural tendency in a nation, while growing richer, to alter its +character, owing to the different manner in which the children are +educated and brought up, applies particularly to England, and to every +nation getting rich by trade or manufactures. In another part, it has +been observed, that where the wealth of a country circulates amongst +the labouring classes first, it alters the manner of living more than +when it originates with the higher; it produces, also, a greater change +on the education of children. + +No part of the general inquiry is so particularly applicable to England, +in an excessive degree, as that relative to education. In proportion as +ignorant people arrive at that sort of affluence, which manufactures +and trade produce, in that same proportion do they ruin their children. +The manners, the nature of the government, and the way of thinking of +the people, all lead to this in England; and so far as it is possible to +observe the effect, it may be said to appear as if it operated with +rapidity at the present period. + +Many volumes have been written on education, by the ablest men; but +it has already been observed, that they have all treated the subject in a +manner much too intricate and complex. Fully aware of the +importance, they seem to have thought that it could not be treated too +much at length, or investigated too minutely; and, by this means, what +they have said is little applicable to general purposes; for, if to educate +a man for common life were a difficult complicated operation, it +would very seldom be performed. [end of page #216] + +{Here appears at page 216 the fourth and final chart, entitled +"Chart +Representing the +Increase of the Annual Revenues +-of- +ENGLAND AND FRANCE, +from the beginning of the 17th Century to +the present time"} + +The word education itself appears to be misapplied or misunderstood, +owing, probably, to its original construction and use, and no other +word having been substituted in its place. + +By education was meant, in former times, the teaching to read and +write; and these accomplishments, which, at that time, distinguished a +gentleman from the lower classes, and, by that means, education is +still considered as only applying to the learning of what is taught at +schools or universities. It is principally in this light that those who +have written on it have viewed it, though in fact _well brought up +(bien eleve)_ comes nearer to the meaning than being _well learnt_, +which is equivalent to well educated. + +In this, as in every other thing, the end in view should never be +forgotten; but, as it happens with respect to the middling and lower +orders, it is forgotten so soon as affluence has made a little progress in +a country. + +The education of the higher classes is generally pretty well conducted; +and, indeed, human beings, when beyond the reach of want, who do +not inherit the necessity derived from Adam, of gaining their bread by +the sweat of their brows, require much more teaching than others, +whose conduct is regulated by necessity, and who have not the means +of giving way to the passions that beset human nature. + +With respect, however, to the higher classes, it is scarcely possible for +a government to interfere to much purpose. Those who are possessed +of fortune will act according to inclination; and, in respect to this class +of society, in England, it is already in less need of reform or +interference than any others, while the lower and middling classes +require it more. + +There is no possibility for an ignorant man to become of any +importance in this country, even with the aid of wealth and fortune. +An immoral character, or a mean selfish one, has not a much better +chance, while, by talents and good conduct, every thing desirable may +be obtained: perhaps, nothing further can be done to excite men of +rank and fortune to emulation and virtue. + +With respect to the learned professions, the modes by which students +are brought up to them are by no means unexceptionable; but that is +not a point of very great national importance; at any rate, [end of page +#217] it is not the part in which England stands the most in need of +attention {174} and interference from the government of the country. + +The two classes to whom bringing up, as it is generally understood, +would apply better than the word education, are the middle rank of +society, and the lower order of people in trade. + +The middle rank of society is, in all countries, the most important in +point of principles and manners. To keep it pure is always of the +highest importance, and it is the most difficult, for there a baneful +change is the most apt to take place. + +Gentlemen of rank, in all countries, resemble each other very nearly; +not, perhaps, in exterior, because that depends on fashion, which is +arbitrary, but in mind and manners there is less difference than +between men in a second rank of society. + +The lower orders, so far as they are forced, by necessity, to labour, +resemble each other also; they are pressed by necessities and passions +on one side, and the desire of rest on the other; and a fair allowance +being made for variety of climate, of circumstances, and of natural +dispositions, there is nothing very different amongst them. {175} + +What applies with respect to the higher and lower orders does not + +--- +{174} Our lawyers (barristers) are probably superior to those of any +other nation, and the clergy are, at least, equal. This is not, indeed, +saying a great deal; but it is so difficult, in matters of religion, to +temper zeal, and draw a line between emulation and fanaticism, that, +perhaps, it is better that they should be a little remiss than righteous +overmuch. It is not in the education of churchmen, but in the manner +of paying and providing for them, that the error lies; and that subject is +treated elsewhere. + +{175} Cervantes, in his admirable romance of Don Quixote, paints the +mind of a gentleman, which all countries will acknowledge to be like +the truth. The madness apart, the manner of thinking and acting was +that of the gentleman of Spain, France, Germany, or England. Neither +was he the gentleman of the fifteenth or eighteenth century, but of any +other century. His dress was Spanish; his madness and manners +belonged to the ages of chivalry and romance, but the mind and +principles of the gentleman suited all ages and all countries. + +Sancho, again, barring likewise his oddities, is the peasant of all +countries; studying to live as well as he can, and labour as little as he +may. In short, a mind continually occupied about personal wants, and +alive to personal interest. In the middle ranks of society there is no +such similarity. +-=- + +[end of page #218] + +apply at all to the middling classes, nor even to the most wealthy class +of labourers in a manufacturing country: in those we can find no fixed +character; it is as variable as the circumstances in which the +individuals are placed, and it is there that a government should +interfere. It should interfere in guiding the richer classes of working +people, and the middling ranks, in the education of their children, and +in assisting those of the lower orders, who are too much pressed upon +by indigence. + +The end in view in all education is to make the persons, whether men +or women, fill their place well and properly in life; and this is only to +be done by setting a good example, instilling good principles, +accustoming them, when young, to good habits; and, above all, by +teaching them how to gain more than they are habituated to spend. + +It follows from this, that industry, and a trade, are the chief parts of +education, that reading and writing are not, being but of a very +doubtful utility to the labouring class of society. + +On this subject, it is absolutely necessary to advert to what Dr. Smith +says relative to apprenticeships; the opinion of so great a writer is of +too much importance not to be examined, and refuted, if found wrong. + +Apprenticeships, or teaching a trade, is the basis of the future +happiness and prosperity of the individual in the lower and middle +classes. On this subject, however, Mr. Smith says quite the contrary. +That the idleness of apprentices is well known, that their inducement +to industry is small, and that, as to what they have to learn, a few +weeks, or sometimes a few days, would, in most cases, be sufficient. +In short, he maintains, that they would learn better, be more +industrious and useful, if employed on wages, than if bound for a term +of years; and, finally, that there were no apprentices amongst the +ancients. As to there being no apprentices in the ancient world, if that +was the case, is no argument with respect to the present state of things; +for, while most part of working men were slaves, there could not +possibly be much occasion for apprentices; but are we quite certain, +that the freed men, so often mentioned, were not people who had +served apprenticeships? Freed men are so often mentioned, that there +must have been probably something else to which they owed their +freedom, besides the goodwill or [end of page #219] caprice of their +masters, particularly as that goodwill must have been exercised to +deserving objects, and consequently the sacrifice made in giving +liberty was the greater. {176} + +As men cultivated difficult arts; that is, as luxury increased, it must +have become difficult to get labour done by slaves, merely by +compulsive means; there must have been bargain and mutual interest +settled between the master and the slave, so as to accomplish the end +intended. {177} Amongst rewards to a slave, liberty, at a certain +period, is not only the greatest, but is the only one that effectually +serves the slave; for, while he remains the property of a master, his +rewards can consist of little else than good treatment, as all property +given is liable to be taken back again. + +Supposing, however, the point yielded, and that there were no +apprentices in the early ages; but that the practice originated in the +days of ignorance; in the dark ages, under the feudal system, together +with the invention of corporations and privileged bodies, against +whose existence the whole set of economists have leagued together, as +the Greeks did against Troy; still the obscurity of the origin is no +objection. A constitution like that of Britain, for example, is not an +invention of antiquity; it took its rise in the dark ages and in times of +ignorance, but it is not for that the less an object of admiration. Many +other examples may be furnished of the admirable things that took rise +in the dark ages; and amongst them, not the least, is the abolition of +slavery itself. {178} + +Let us, however, examine the effect of apprenticeships in those places +where they can be compared with persons brought up entirely free. + +--- +{176} We may form some idea of the difficulty of getting work done +by people in no way interested in the success, by the workhouses in +this country. The smallest quantity, and of the most simple nature, is +all we get done, because the overseers are ignorant, and the nation +inattentive, and the labour compulsive. + +{177} In Egypt, and most other ancient countries, the son followed, by +law, the trade of his father: this was equivalent to an apprenticeship. + +{178} Whether it arose from the mixture of a northern with the +southern people, or from what other cause, it is certain, that, during +the ages of ignorance, the foundation was laid for almost all that is +great, at the present time. +-=- + +[end of page #220] + +If there are trades, where it is true, (as Mr. Smith affirms,) that the art +of working may be learnt in a few weeks, what are the consequences? +At the age of sixteen or seventeen, a boy can get as much money as he +will be able to earn at any future time in his life; he will be able to get +as much as a man, who has a wife and five or six children to maintain. +There will be required a very great share of moderation and wisdom, +indeed, under such circumstances, to prevent such a boy from wasting +his money in ways that will incapacitate him from living easy when he +shall become a father of a family himself, or from idling away the +spare time that his gains afford him. He will, naturally, do part of +both: but the way that is generally done is this. Without controul from +a master, and totally independent of parents, who are quite left behind +in poverty, (not having more to maintain their whole family than the +youth himself earns,) he despises them, saves a little money at first, +and purchases finery. The novelty of dress soon wears off, and the +more immediate pleasures of eating, drinking, and keeping company, +as it is termed, take the lead. The consequence of the same is idleness +and rags. Ashamed to shew himself amongst persons of better +conduct, the youth changes his place of residence and work; habit has +got hold of him, and labour becomes hateful; a soldier's life appears +the best for a youth of such a description; and, it is an undoubted fact, +that, at those places where trades are carried on, that can be learnt in a +short time, {179} there are more recruits obtained for the army than in +any other districts of equal population. It is also an undoubted fact, +that, in these same districts, the most respectable people bind their +sons apprentices; and, in doing so, they are guided by experience, and +affection for their children, not by interested motives. + +--- +{179} This is not the case with many trades, and Mr. Smith is under a +mistake as to the fact; but, granting it to be true, the places in +question, Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, and other towns where the +division of labour reduces every operation to great simplicity, are the +best for recruiting the army. In those places, all respectable people, +who can afford it, bind their sons apprentices, to prevent the danger. +-=- + +[end of page #221] + +In the other case, again, where a trade is not easily learnt, how is skill +to be obtained but by an apprenticeship. The bringing the son up to his +father's trade, a practice that prevails in the eastern parts of Asia, is +one way; parental authority needs not the aid of a written indenture; +but, where this is not the case, who is to teach a youth, if he is not to +be bound for a certain number of years, but to go away as soon as he +has learnt a trade? The father, in some cases, may be able to pay for +his son learning the trade, and this experiment has sometimes been +tried, but generally with very imperfect success. The youth, for the +most part, in those cases, considers himself as independent of the +master, and gives himself very little trouble to learn his business. + +Where the reward of the master, or rather the remuneration for his +pains and trouble, is to arise from the labour of the boy, the master is +interested in his learning; and the other feels an obligation, as well as +an interest in learning. Though the apprentice is not absolutely paid +for what he does, he finds his ease, his importance, and comfort, all +depend on his proficiency; and, with young minds, such motives are +much more powerful, and act through a better channel than avarice. + +The power that the legislature gives to a master over his apprentice +appears not only to be wise but necessary; and, if rewards for earning +a trade could be given, in addition to that without infringing on liberty, +or burthening the state, it would be a great advantage. + +But learning a trade is not the only advantage of an apprenticeship; a +good moral conduct, fidelity, and attention to his duties, are all +acquired at the same time, or ought to be so; whereas, the youth who, +at an early age, is left without control, is apt to learn just the +contrary. + +Where people have fortune, circumstances give them a control over +their children by expectancies; but, where there is no fortune, and +children must provide for themselves, an apprenticeship is a substitute +for expectancies, which appears highly necessary; and it is wonderful +how so discriminating and profound a man as Dr. Smith could +overlook so material a circumstance. It shews how far prejudice, and +an [end of page #222] opinion once adopted, will lead men of the first +judgement and genius astray; {180} for it is not to be supposed that +any person will stand forward of himself to maintain an opinion +against which experience speaks so decidedly. + +To learn a trade, and be taught a good moral conduct, and attention to +one's duty, is certainly the essential part of education, both in the +lower and middling classes; and that portion of education, which +appears to have got an exclusive title to the name, reading and writing, +are, with the working classes, a very inferior object. + +One of the duties of government, then, is to watch over the education +of the children of the middling and lower orders, which has a tendency +to grow worse, as the nation advances in wealth. + +In England, the pride of the middling classes is to have their children +educated at boarding-schools, where the business of eating, sleeping, +dressing, and exercise, is pretty well understood; where the branches +of education, pretended to be taught, are little attended to, (writing, +and some exterior accomplishments, of which the father and mother +can judge, excepted,) where moral conduct, the duties in life, and the +conduct necessary to be followed, are scarcely once thought of. + +It is true, that, till a certain age, it is generally not known for what +particular line of life a young man is intended; but, there are certain +things necessary to every line of life, and those should never be +neglected. The habits contracted at schools are very often of a sort +never to be got the better of; and how can good habits be contracted +when no attention is bestowed on the subject? + +The consequence of this is, that, when the good sense of the father or +mother, or of the boy himself, does not correct the evil, he is bred up +to consider himself as born to be waited on, and provided for, without +any effort of his own; he is led to suppose that he is to indulge + +--- +{180} In the notes upon the Wealth of Nations, this case is argued, but +the matter is too important not to be examined on every occasion and +opportunity. The opinion here alluded to is that general way of +thinking, respecting corporations, privileges, and regulations, or +restraints of every sort imposed on trade, which the writers on political +economy, in general, think ought all to be entirely done away. +-=- + +[end of page #223] + +in a life similar to that his father leads at home, where a few +indulgencies =sic= are the natural consequences of age, and the fair +returns for a life employed in care and industry. + +In England, it would be absolutely necessary to make school-masters +undergo an examination; not only at first, and before the school should +be licensed, but the boys should be examined twice a year, and the +result enregistered, so that the business would really be to learn +something, and not merely to spend the time. + +The small proficiency made in the schools, in England, and around +London in particular, is incredible. It is even difficult to conceive how +the boys avoid learning a little more than they generally do, during +eight or ten years. {181} The masters pretend, for the most part, to +teach boys Latin, by way of teaching them English, but without almost +ever accomplishing it. In arithmetic, the common rules are taught, but +scarcely ever decimal fractions, and almost never book-keeping, so +useful and so easy an art. + +Writing and spelling are better taught, perhaps, than in any other +country, and, certainly, those are great advantages; but, according to +the time and money spent, it is the least that can be expected. Here we +may remark, that those are the only acquirements with the proficiency +in which the father and mother are necessarily acquainted; it therefore +gives reason for thinking, that, if the same check were held in other +branches of their education, they would be excited to make equal +progress. + +When the time comes that it is fixed on what line of life a young man +is to adopt, then there should be schools for different branches, where + +--- +{181} Without contesting the point, whether dead languages are of +any use, it will be allowed that the study costs pretty dear. Three- +quarters of the time, for seven years employed on that is equal to five +years employed constantly, and twenty pounds a year, at least, is the +expense. Not above one in one hundred learns to read even Latin +decently well, that is one good reader for every 10,000 L. expended. +As to speaking Latin, perhaps, one out of one thousand may learn that, +so that there is a speaker for each sum of 100,000 L. spent on the +language. It will, perhaps, be said, that Latin is necessary to the +understanding English, but the Greeks, (particularly at Athens,) who +learnt no language but their own, understood and spoke it better than +the people of any other country. +-=- + +[end of page #224] + +there should be knowledge taught, analogous to the profession. For the +mercantile line, for agriculture, for every line of life, boys should be +prepared; and, above all, it should never be neglected to instil into +them the advantages of attention to industry, to doing their duty, and +in every case making themselves worthy of trust. + +Public examinations, such honours and rewards as would be +gratifying, but not expensive, for those that excelled, would produce +emulation. Though, perhaps, it is not of very great importance to excel +in some of the studies to which a young man applies at school, yet it is +of great importance to be taught that habit of application that produces +excellence. + +With regard to the education of the lower classes, it would be no great +additional burthen to the nation if there were proper schools +established in every parish in the kingdom, at the expense of the +public, in order that there might be a proper control over those who +teach, and over what is taught. {182} Without going so far as to +compel people of the lower classes to send their children to school, +they might be induced to do it for a short time, and, at all events, care +should be taken that the teachers were fit for the office they undertake. + +In no country do the lower classes neglect the care of their children +more, or set them a worse example, than in England; they are mostly +brought up as if the business of eating and drinking were the chief +purpose of human existence; they are taught to be difficult to please, +and to consider as necessary what, in every other nation in Europe, is +considered, by the same rank of people, as superfluous. + +Although the lower orders have as good a right as the most affluent to +indulge in every enjoyment they can afford, yet to teach this to +children, without knowing what may be their lot, is doing both them +and society an injury. A great number of crimes arise from early +indul- + +--- +{182} As there are between nine and ten thousand parishes, twenty +pounds given in each, to which the schoolmaster would be allowed to +add what those who were able could pay, might perhaps answer the +purpose, and would not amount to a great sum. +-=- + +[end of page #225] + +gence of children, and from neglecting to instil into them those +principles which are necessary to make them go through life with +credit and contentment. {183} + +The Spartans used to shew their youth slaves or Helots in a state of +intoxication, in order to make them detest the vice of drunkenness; but +this was the exhibition of a contemptible and mean person in a +disgraceful situation. The effect is very different when children see +those they love and respect in this state; it must have the effect of +either rendering the parent contemptible, or the vice less odious, it +perhaps has some effect both ways; but, at all events, it must operate +as a bad example, and, amongst the lower classes, it is a very common +one. + +When a nation becomes the slave of its revenue, and sacrifices very +=sic= thing to that object, abuses that favour revenue are difficult to +reform; but surely it would be well to take some mode to prevent the +facility with which people get drunk, and the temptation that is laid to +do so. The immense number of public houses, and the way in which +they give credit, are undoubtedly, in part, causes of this evil. It would +be easy to lessen the number, without hurting liberty, and it would be +no injustice if publicans were prevented from legal recovery for beer +or spirits consumed in their houses, in the same manner that payment +cannot be enforced of any person under twenty-one years of age, +unless for necessaries. There could be no hardship in this, and it would +produce a great reform in the manners of the lower orders. + +There are only three modes of teaching youth the way to well-doing,-- +by precept, by example, and by habit at an early age. Precept, +without example and habit, has but little weight, yet how can a child +have either of these, if the parents are encouraged and assisted in +living a vicious life? Nations and individuals should guard + +--- +{183} The French, before the revolution, were not be =sic= +considered as a more virtuous people than the English, yet there were +fewer crimes, and less dissipation amongst the lower orders than in +England, and more amongst the higher. The French, particularly the +mothers, have less affection for their children, yet they brought them +up better, both in habits and in principles. +-=- + +[end of page #226] + +against those vices to which they find they have a natural disposition; +and drinking and gluttony are the vices to which the common people +in this country are the most addicted. + +Whatever other things may be taught, let this truth be instilled into all +children brought up to earn their bread, that in proportion to their +diligence will be their ease and enjoyment, and that this world is a +world of sorrow and grief to the idle and the ignorant; that knowledge +does not consist in being able to read books, but in understanding +one's business and duty in life, and that industry consists in doing it. + +Female education, in England, requires as much reform as that of the +other sex; but, though the subject is not much less important, it is +perhaps still more difficult. It has been remarked, by those who have +travelled abroad, that, in other countries, women are in general not +better, but rather worse dressed than men of the same rank: in England +it is different; for, at an early age, the women are dressed, both as to +style and quality of clothes, far above their rank. This might, perhaps, +not be difficult to account for, but it undoubtedly is a misfortune, and +one that is greatly increased by the mode of education and manner of +thinking; for the main and indispensable virtue of that amiable sex +excepted, (for which Englishwomen are highly distinguished,) perhaps +no women in the world are brought up in a more frivolous unmeaning +manner. The French women, with all their vivacity and giddy airs, +have more accomplishment; {184} and, as they speak their mind +pretty plainly, they have, on many occasions, testified surprise to find +English ladies, who had studied music for years, who could scarcely +play a tune, and who, after devoting years to the needle, were +incapable of embroidering a pin-cushion. + +Novels, a species of light, insipid, and dangerous reading, are the bane +of English female education. They teach a sort of false romantic +sentiment, and withdraw the mind from attention to the duties of + +--- +{184} The emigrants have taught to ladies of rank, fashions; and to +those of an inferior class, arts and industry. The English women did +not know half what they could do, till the French came amongst them, +about twelve years ago. +-=- + +[end of page #227] + +life, at a time when it should be taught to learn their high importance. +In female education the government should interfere; for the education +of the mother will always have an influence on the education of the +son, as her conduct in life must have on that of her husband. + +As one general observation, relative to the education given at most +public schools, it may be observed, that, whilst much time is taken up +in teaching things that can never probably be of great utility, that +species of knowledge that does not belong to any particular class, but +which is of the utmost importance, is left to chance and to accident. +While a boy is tormented with learning a dead language he is left to +glean, as in a barren field, for all those rules of conduct on which the +prosperity and happiness of his future life depends. {185} + +A public education is, in many respects, better than a private one for +boys, but, in some things, it is inferior: consequently those who can +afford it, and wish to give their sons the most complete education, try +to unite the advantages of both, by sending them to a public school, +under the care of a private tutor. It is not in the power of the middling +classes to do this; but modes should be adopted to give the boys, either +by books or public lectures, those instructions, relative to moral +conduct, to prudence, behaviour, &c. which a private tutor gives to +those under his particular charge. + +As to female education, it is a difficult subject: one great improvement +would, nevertheless, be not to allow above a certain number in any +one seminary; to have people of irreproachable conduct over them, +and, wherever the parents can, to bring them home at the age of +thirteen or fourteen. The public education ought certainly to finish at +an early age, and, in all cases, with respect to females, a private is +much preferable to a public education. {186} + +--- +{185} The most virtuous of the Roman emperors attributed to his +preceptors every one of those excellent qualities he possessed. The +ancient education of Greece and Rome was very different from that of +the moderns. + +{186} Since this was written, we understand a book for this very +purpose is about to be printed, with the professed design of uniting the +advantages of a public and private education. +-=- + +[end of page #228] + + + + +CHAP. III. + + +_Of the Effects of Taxation in England_. + +What has been said of the increase of taxes, their tendency to ruin a +nation, and bring on its decline, together with the counteraction +occasioned by the continuance of necessity, as being applicable to all +nations in general, applies, in every sense, to England, and even more +to England than to any other nation. Taxes are carried to greater +excess than in any other country; and, as England flourishes by trade +and manufactures, (the price of which taxes enhance,) they gradually +tend to shut foreign markets against us. This has already been +explained; we, however, still have to inquire into the particular +manner in which it operates upon this country. + +That the system of taxation, though irregular in England, is less so +than in any other country, in proportion to the extent to which it has +been carried, is true; but still, however, if a number of the most +troublesome and ill-contrived taxes were done away, and others +established in their place, it would be a great advantage. + +Greater danger arises from the augmentation of taxes in a wealthy +country than in a poor one, when they stretch beyond the proper line, +because the general prosperity hinders the effect from being visible, +till it has advanced beyond the power of remedy; whereas, in a poor +country, the injury is soon felt. + +The invention and industry of this country have been most +wonderfully increased by the necessity of exertion, under the +protection of good laws, which rendered property secure. But we trust +too much to our resources, and, like men in health and vigour, are the +most likely to injure our constitution. + +The most part of the arts, in point of manufacturing, seem to have +come to nearly the last degree of perfection, so far as abbreviation of +labour can carry them. [end of page #229] + +The division of labour, and the modes of working in the iron and +metal branches, have not of late been in any material degree improved +in our towns, the most famous for them; and as to any particular gift +of bringing things to perfection, or reducing prices, it does not appear +to be confined to England. Watches and fire-arms are two of the most +ingenious and nice branches of metal manufactures; yet, at Liege, the +latter is carried to greater perfection than at Birmingham, and London +and Lancashire are outdone by Switzerland, in the former. Those, +indeed, are not manufactures of which the taste or form is constantly +altering; but they are a proof of the ability to work with equal +advantage, both as to quality and price, with the manufacturers of this +country. + +The next great branches are the weaving. For silks, France has always +had the advantage of us; and our fine woollen cloths have never +equalled those of Louvier and Sedan for quality, although, in point of +price, they have the advantage. + +In linens, we enjoy no particular pre-eminence; and, in the American +market, we are beginning to be undersold by those of Silesia. For a +second quality of woollen cloth, and for the manufacture of cotton, in +all its branches, we still have the superiority; but our great advantage, +the cause of the general preference to our manufactures is the long +credit we give, which, if it should ever cease to be practicable, would +ruin not one, but all our manufactures, nearly at a stroke. + +It is very natural and very well for Englishmen, who have never been +out of their own country, to ascribe to superiority of quality, (and +inferiority of price is the same thing,) the great success they have in +selling their goods in foreign countries; but such as have had an +opportunity to see how it really is, know the contrary; and those who +have not, may know it by observing who are the individuals in any +branch of business at home that do the most, and they will find it +always to be those who have the power of giving the longest credit. It +is true that, in the course of time, and by struggling hard, those who +have little means of extending their business at first, do it by degrees; +but, until they do, they never can, in point of quantity, rival those who +give long credit. + +[end of page #230] + +In the inability of other nations to give equal length of credit, consists +our principal advantage; but we have seen, by the vicissitudes of +ancient nations, that the wants of others, or their being behindhand, +are but a very insecure tenure for the prosperity of any nation. + +The exportation of Britain was but inconsiderable at the beginning of +last =sic= century, or about one-ninth of what it was two years +ago.{187} Previous to the American war, it gradually increased to +about three times what it was in the year 1700; that is, in seventy-five +years. The progression was pretty regular till the year 1750, when it +had risen to nearly double; but, in twenty-five years after, it increased +as much as it had in fifty years before. The American war threw it +back forty years, but it soon got up again to where it probably would +have been, had the American war not intervened; it, however, rose +beyond any thing that had ever been seen. It doubled in less than ten +years; and, from this, we are led to conclude, that the taxes had not +then begun to hurt national industry. But we shall see the reason, for +the great increase was not owing so much to any cause inherent in this +nation, as to the absolute impossibility of other nations continuing +their commerce. We had got all the East and West India trade of the +French and Dutch, and America had again become our greatest +customer for British manufactures. + +Capital that could be removed was, in a manner, banished from the +continent of Europe, and had taken refuge in England, and a great +extent of the continent had been desolated with war. We are not, +however, to expect this amazing export trade to continue; indeed, it +has already fallen, in one year, as much as it ever rose in any three +years; it fell fifteen millions in one year. The taxes may have operated +much against our prosperity, without our knowing it, in a crisis of this +sort, though they did not absolutely counteract the favourable effect +produced by other causes. + +The commerce of the American states, which were, (like England,) +out of the vortex of danger, and secure, increased in fully as rapid + +--- +{187} In 1802, the exports amounted to 45,500,000 L. In 1702 to +5,500,000 L. +-=- + +[end of page #231] + +a manner as ours, and fell off in the same way. We must not then, +consider as durable, or owing to ourselves, circumstances that arose +out of the general and temporary situation of other nations. + +It has been said in the general chapter on taxation, and again repeated +in that on national debt, that both the one and the other operate, for a +certain time, in augmenting the industry and wealth of a country, but +that there is some point at which they begin to have a contrary effect; +that point, however, being dependent on a variety of circumstances, is +not a fixed one, it cannot be discovered by investigation before the +time, but it may by symptoms and signs that become visible soon +after. + +It is a sign that a nation has passed the point at which taxes cease to be +a spur to industry, when the duties on consumption, or optional duties, +which one may avoid paying, by not using the article taxed, become +less productive than formerly, and when it is found necessary to lay +taxes on land, houses, and such sort of property as can be made to pay, +independent of the will of the proprietor. + +When taxes are laid upon property, not on consumption, it is to be +supposed the latter can bear no more. Taxes on property are forced +taxes; on consnmption =sic=, they are generally, to a certain degree, +voluntary, though not always so. + +The augmentation of wealth has, in this country, been great, but it has +never been regular or uninterrupted; that of taxation has, on the +contrary, been uninterrupted, and this is better seen from the chart +than from any thing that can be said. There can be no doubt that, +though hitherto our increasing prosperity has been so great as to +counteract the effect of heavy taxation, yet that the same thing cannot +be expected to continue long. How long it may continue, or whether it +has not already ceased, or is on the point of ceasing, is uncertain; but +there is nothing more positive, than that, if taxes increase, they must, +in process of time, crush industry, and, therefore, at all events, they +should be kept as low as possible. + +The whole income of the country is estimated only at 150,000,000 L. +The taxes to the state amount to 40,000,000 L. and those for the +maintenance of the poor to 5,500,000 L. But this is the mere money +ac-[end of page #232] count, without estimating loss of time, trouble, +and inconvenience; so that it may fairly and reasonably be put down at +one-third of the whole revenue or income of the individuals, yet the +complaints are not so loud, and the clamour is not so great, as when +they did not amount to one-twentieth of that revenue. This may, +however, be accounted for. + +One-third part of revenue is derived from the state itself, so that there +are but two-thirds remain independent of it. The habit of bearing +burthens, and experience of the inutility of complaint, are likewise +reasons for acquiescence; besides these, we cannot but all be sensible, +that complaints were very violent when there was little occasion for +them. We cannot deny, that the nation has been prospering for a +hundred years, while the cry of ruin has been resounding perpetually +in every corner; it is therefore natural to mistrust our fears, and sit in +silence, waiting the event. + +The portion of our expense that consists in interest of money, on +which no economy can operate, is so great, that it prevents any hope +of much diminution from economy; and, indeed, in the time of peace, +no economy that could be practised, more than what has commonly +been done, would diminish our burthens one-fiftieth part. Even that +would be very difficult, perhaps impracticable; for our free revenue, in +time of peace, has not augmented in proportion to the diminution of +the value of money; so that, in 1792, the expenses of the state were +comparatively less than in the reign of Queen Anne. + +Economy, then, is not the mode in which we must seek relief in time +of peace. To carry on war in a less expensive manner in future, and +take a solid and effectual method of reducing our debts, are the means, +both of which are treated of in their proper place. + +The modes of relief then, are three: + +1. Economy in war. + +2. A solid and fair method of reducing the present interest. + +3. Attention, to render the system of taxation as little troublesome, and +as fair and equal as possible. + +[end of page #233] + + + + +CHAP. IV. + + +_Of the National Debt and Sinking Fund.--Advantages and +Disadvantages of both.--Errors committed in calculating their +Effects.--Causes of Error.--Mode proposed for preventing future +Increase_. + +In no circumstance does the British empire differ so widely from all +nations recorded in history, or from any now in existence, as with +regard to the national debt. + +Not only the invention of contracting debt to carry on war is but of +recent origin, but no nation has ever carried it to near the extent that it +has arrived at in England. The Italian states, in which this mode was +first practised, never had the means of carrying it very far. In Spain, +France, and Holland, national debt met with obstacles that arrested its +progress long before it arrived at the pitch to which it has now come in +this country. + +The interest of the debt is above thrice the free revenue of the country, +in time of peace, as that revenue was, previous to hostilities in 1793. + +Whenever any operation is begun, the result of which is not known, +owing to its being new, but which is in itself of great importance; the +anxiety it occasions must be great, and, generally, the alarm is more +than proportioned to the danger. If ever this truth was exemplified in +any thing, it has been with regard to the national debt of England, +which has been a continual object of terror since its first creation; not +a public terror, merely amongst the ignorant, but the most profound +and enlightened statesmen. Calculators, and writers on political +economy, have served to augment the uneasiness by their predictions +of a fatal termination. + +While the debt has been augmenting with great rapidity, the wealth +and resources of the nation have, at least, augmented equally fast, and +the matter of fact has given the lie to all the forebodings of those who +[end of page #234] occasioned the alarm. This very extraordinary +circumstance merits an investigation. + +It unfortunately happens, that, where people are deeply interested in a +subject, they form their opinion before they begin to examine and +investigate, and consequently the mind commences with a bias, and +acts under its influence, the consequence of which is, that the +conclusion is not so accurate as it otherwise would be. Not that, in +calculating with figures, the disposition of the mind can make an unit +of difference, the question being once fairly stated; but the previous +impression on the mind tends to prevent the fair statement of the +question. + +That an uninterrupted practice of borrowing must end in an inability to +pay is a self-evident axiom. It is not a matter that admits of dispute; +but to fix the point where the inability will commence is a problem to +resolve of a very difficult nature; it is indeed a problem, the re- +solution =sic= of which depends upon some circumstances that cannot +be ascertained. There are, it is true, certain fixed principles; but there +are some points also that depend on events entirely unconnected with +the debt, and, in themselves, uncertain. Two great considerations, that +operate powerfully, have been omitted by most writers on this subject. +The first, is the increased energy of human exertion, under an +increased operation of necessity; the second, is the effect that the +depreciation of money has, on lessening the apparent burthen +occasioned by the interest of the debt. That these two causes, which +have not been taken into account, have rendered the calculations +erroneous, there is not a doubt; and how far they may still continue to +operate is, at this time, as uncertain as ever; but they ought not to be +considered as of operation beyond a certain unknown point, else the +practice of contracting debt would be capable of infinite extension, +which is impossible. + +But the augmentation of the debt itself is not the only circumstance +that excites attention, as intimately connected with the fate of this +nation. + +The increasing wealth and prosperity of the nation, under the heavy +load of taxes, of which the debt is the principal occasion, is as much a +matter of surprize as the ultimate result is an object of anxiety. + +So long, however, as the nation is not actually born =sic= down by the +[end of page #235] weight of taxes, its wealth must increase; and, +what is considered as a very strange phenomenon, is only the natural +and necessary consequence of increased taxation. + +When men inhabit and cultivate land of their own, they are under no +necessity of creating any greater value than they consume; but, when +they pay RENT and TAXES, they are laid under a necessity of +producing enough to supply their own wants, and to pay the rent and +taxes to which they are subject. The same is the case with regard to +manufacturers in every line of business, for though they do not, +perhaps, consume any part of what they produce, (what comes to the +same thing is that,) they are obliged to produce as much as will +exchange, or sell, for all they want to consume, over and above paying +their rent and taxes. + +Without rent and taxes there are only three things that excite the +exertion of man:--Necessity, arising from natural wants; a love of +pleasure; or, a love of accumulation. + +When a man labours no more than for his mere natural necessities, he +is a poor man, in the usual acceptation =sic= of the word, that is, he +has no wealth; {188} and a nation, peopled with such men, would +justly be called a poor nation. When a man labours for nothing more +than what he expends on pleasure, or to gratify his taste and passions, +it is still the same, he consumes what he creates, and there is an end of +the matter; and, whether he creates much or little, as his consumption +is regulated by it, no difference is made to society; but, when rent and +taxes constitute a part of the price of every commodity, the +consumption of every man, whether he pays any taxes directly or not, +himself, is attended with an increase to the revenues of those who +receive the rent and taxes, and obliges him to create more than he +consumes. + +--- +{188} Some philosophers call a man rich, who wants little, and has +that little; they are quite right, in their way, but that does not apply +here. Perhaps, according to their definition, the Lazzaroni of Naples +are richer than the merchants of London; and, a man who is contented +in a parish work-house, is, beyond dispute, rich; to say that such a man +is wealthy would be absurd, because wealth, with writers on political +economy, implies being possessed of real tangible property. +-=- + +[end of page #236] + +It arises from this, that the aggregate wealth of a people increases with +rent and taxes; for, where there are neither, the desire of accumulation +is the only thing that increases wealth. {189} + +It is for this reason, that, by obliging a man to create more than he +himself consumes, taxation increases the wealth of a nation; so that +the flourishing state of England is a very natural effect of heavy +taxation. The misery and poverty of those people who have little or +nothing to pay, is equally natural, though it does not astonish one quite +so much. + +As there is nothing in the world without a bound, and a limit, it is +clear, that, in laying it down as a principle, that rent and taxes +occasion wealth instead of poverty, it is only to be understood, to a +certain extent; that is to say, to the length to which the nature of things +will admit of the exertion of man augmenting his industry, but not a +step farther. + +To ascertain this point would be to solve a most curious problem; +observing, that the solution would, in every case, depend on a great +variety of particular circumstances. + +Something like a general investigation, however, is possible. It will +not be accurate, nor is that wanted, but it may lay the foundation for +understanding the matter better at a future period. + +In London, rent and taxes are heavier than in any other part of the +kingdom, and in Scotland they are less than in any other; yet, the +working people, from all parts of the kingdom, come to London, and +from the poorest places, in the greatest numbers. Ireland, Scotland, +and Wales, are the poor countries, _lightly taxed_, and from them + +--- +{189} Accumulation is sometimes not a passion, but arises from +necessity; by accumulation, is meant the increasing the value of the +stock you possess, whether it consists of land, cattle, money, or +merchandize. + +Thus, for example, the Americans are increasing in wealth, from +necessity, because their country is becoming better, by being +cultivated, in order to produce what is necessary. They cannot have +what they want, in the way they wish, without increasing or bettering +the property of which they have taken possession. + +If they had no more rent and taxes than they have, and if this were not +the case, they would remain a poor people. Thus, the inhabitants of +Syria, of Egypt, of Arabia Felix, formerly the finest countries in the +world, having a property that does not better in their possession, and +having scarcely either rent or taxes to pay, remain, from generation to +generation, creating little, and consuming what they create. +-=- + +[end of page #237] + +people come, perpetually, to pay _heavy taxes_ in London. Yes, but it +will be said, in answer, these are poor countries. They are, however, +richer than England was in the days of Queen Elizabeth; and, if the +nature of things could have admitted of people _changing centuries_, +as they _change countries_, the people of the seventeenth century, +with light taxes, would have emigrated to the nineteenth century, with +all its heavy taxes, just as those Irish and Scotch come to London. + +This proves that, even in London, the excess of taxes is not yet such as +to create a retrograde effect, and it proves it in a very striking manner. +Though there may, at first sight, appear something ludicrous in the +idea of emigrating from the seventeenth to the nineteenth, from the +reign of Queen Elizabeth to that of his present majesty, it is a perfectly +fair comparison, and will hold good, examine it as much as one will. +The common expression, (and a very significant one it is,) that one +part of the country is a century behind another, or twenty years, or +fifty years, is exactly the same idea, expressed in other words, for it is +a comparison between the changes which a lapse of time makes in one +case, and a removal of place in the other. The present times are then +better to live in than those of Elizabeth, as London is better than any +distant part of the country. + +That the ability of the nation to sustain a given burthen, for a certain +number of years, is no proof of a permanent ability to support it, must +be admitted, even if the same annual resources were to continue; but, +that permanent ability becomes much less certain, when we consider +that the annual resources are perpetually varying, that, therefore, they +have so many uncertain quantities, that it is impossible to resolve the +problem. + +As to the effect, with respect to the increasing the burthens of the +people, that has been treated under the general head of taxation. +Whether the money goes to pay for a ship of war, a regiment of +soldiers, or the interest of loans, makes no difference to him who pays +the tax; and, indeed, makes little to the general system of national +economy, as, in every case, what is paid to the state is employed on +unproductive labourers or idle people. That is to say, it is consumed, +and never appears again. + +[end of page #238] + +National debt, then, so far as it increases the taxes of a country, is like +any other national expenditure; and, in maintaining unproductive and +idle people, it is also the same; but it has, in another point of view, a +different effect, and that effect is an advantageous one. + +In every nation, the greatest part of the capital is employed, or, as it is +called, sunk. Land, houses, machines, merchandize, &c. are the +principal employments of capital. As those are transferred from one to +another, or as the use or produce of them is paid for, by one to +another, money is wanted occasionally; and, if there were no other +employments, money must either be lying idle in some persons =sic= +hands, till an employment could be found for it, or the possessor of it +must begin some enterprise, and sink it himself. + +But, when money is thus employed, it is no longer in the power of the +proprietor; and, though money may be borrowed on such sort of +security, it is slowly, and with difficulty. The expense, the +inconveniency =sic=, and time necessary, prevent the lenders of +money from lending any for occasional purposes on such sort of +security; but when a nation borrows, and the stock is divisible and +transferable at will, money can always be realized when it is wanted +for any purpose that affords a greater advantage than the stock affords. +{190} + +Without this had been one of the effects of national debt, how could +the facility of borrowing have increased, {191} as it has done? or how +could merchants and individuals raise the sums they now do? {192} + +--- +{190} In 1793, 5,000,000 L. was lent to merchants on exchequer-bills. +The property, on which the money was secured, was really +merchandize, but the lenders would have nothing to do with the +goods; government stepped in, and took the goods as a security, +creating a stock transferrable, that represented the same goods, and, as +if by magic, the money was found in a moment. I know of no +operation so fit for elucidating the advantage of national debt as this. + +{191} Borrowing on life rents is bad, for this reason; where there is no +employment of this sort, all money is constantly employed in some +sort of trade or enterprise that will produce profit, but cannot be +realised. Example, Paris, &c. + +{192} When money was wanted, in Queen Anne's time, the +Chancellor of the Exchequer, (Mr. Montague,) attended by the Lord +Mayor and Sheriffs, went about, from shop to shop, to borrow it, +much in the way that is occasionally practised by the beadles for a +public charity!! Yet England's credit was good, it owed little, the war +was popular, and the country rich. +-=- + +[end of page #239] + +It must be allowed that one hundred millions, or at least a much +smaller sum than our debts amount to now, would have produced this +effect, and might answer every purpose of this sort, but there is still a +consideration arising from the fluctuations in a stock, when it is small, +and also from the number of persons possessed of it. People buy in +and sell out with total indifference when the quantity is great, and the +fluctuations small; but, the moment the funds are agitated, whether in +rising or falling, money becomes scarce for those who want it for +other purposes. + +That the number of persons ready to buy and sell must be +proportioned, in some degree, to the quantity of stock, is of itself so +evident, that it would be useless to enlarge upon it; but it must be +granted that the national debt has long ago passed the sum that was +necessary to produce this advantage. + +We find, then, that the evils attending the increase of debt are greatly +counteracted by the debt itself, and that, to a certain amount, it is +productive of a very considerable advantage to a trading nation. As +those who calculated its ill effects, and foretold the ruin it would bring +upon the state, did not take into account those circumstances, the +result of their enquiries was necessarily wrong, in point of time, +though the effect of which they spoke is perfectly certain to take place, +if the debt continues to increase. Their reasoning may be compared to +that of an astronomer, who observed the position of a planet, but, in +his calculations, made no allowance for the refraction of the +atmosphere, who would therefore err as to the place of the star, but not +as to its existence. + +Let us now consider the natural consequence, supposing that future +increase is prevented by means of the sinking fund established for that +purpose. As to the probability of this, it depends on so many +circumstances that are concealed in the womb of time, that it would be +madness to give any other than a hypothetical solution of the question. + +If the war continues, and expenses increase nearly as they have +hitherto done, great as is the operation of a sinking fund, it will not +have time to counteract the evil. If the war stops soon, it will dim- +[end of page #240] inish the debt with a most prodigious rapidity, +{193} if it continues; the question, whether taxes can be found to pay +the interest or not? can only be answered as a matter of opinion, which +is, in a case of this sort, equivalent to no answer at all. + +With respect to the supposed case of the debt augmenting, the +observations that apply to that have been made already; they now only +remain to be made with respect to the debt being paid off. + +It has been observed already, in the chapter on Taxation, that the case +of taxes being taken off to a great amount would be a new one of +sudden and hurtful operation. Wages of labour would be diminished, +as well as the burthens on those who live on settled income; it would +therefore render people of fixed income more affluent, without giving +ease to those who want it; in short, as the augmentation of taxes falls +most on people with fixed incomes, so the advantages of this would +principally be felt by them; and, as the baneful operation carries a sort +of counteracting antidote with it, so, likewise, this beneficial operation +would be attended with some drawback and inconveniency =sic=. + +The diminution of taxes, though the ultimate is not, however, the +immediate consequence of the operation of the sinking fund, the +efficacy of which depends on the taxes being kept up to their full +extent for a considerable time. =sic= The first effect of the fund is, +that a large sum, annually expended, as revenue drawn from the +subject, is reimbursed to the stockholders, and becomes capital. + +This would immediately raise the funds, and thereby would counteract +the sinking fund itself in a very material degree. Money would +become abundant for all the purposes of trade, and it would be +difficult + +--- +{193} A sort of ridicule has been thrown on the operation of +compound interest, because its effects are so amazing as not to be +capable of being realized; but, on this subject, two things are to be +said,--first of all, it has never been to the operation during the first +hundred years that either incredulity or ridicule have applied, and the +sinking fund was never meant to continue to operate so long. +Secondly, though there are many drawbacks on the employment of +large sums laid out at interest, that diminish, and would at last destroy, +the result of the calculation in accumulating; it is not so in paying off +debt, where the effect calculated is produced with the greatest +certainty. +-=- + +[end of page #241] + +to find employment for it; and, if the progress continued, part of it +would most undoubtedly be sent to other countries, and so be the +means of impoverishing this. + +If, then, we could suppose fifty years of peace, and that the national +debt could be paid off, (as it might be in that time,) the situation of +productive labourers would be worse; of unproductive, better; and, +finally, capital would leave the country, which would be deprived of +that transferable stock, the beneficial effects of which have been +mentioned. + +The necessity that creates industry would be diminished, so that +nothing could tend more effectually to bring on the decline of the +nation than if all the debt were to be paid off; an operation which, +though possible in calculation, never certainly would take place; the +evils attending it would be so manifest, so clear, and so palpably felt +before that was accomplished. + +To let the national debt continue to increase is, then, certain ruin, at +some period unknown, but perhaps not very distant; to pay it off +would be equally dangerous: what then are we to do? + +We must try to raise the resources necessary for war within the year, +by which means we may avoid augmenting the debt. That is not, +however, to be done while the present heavy interest remains, and that +cannot be got rid of, according to any method yet publicly known, +without bankruptcy, breaking faith with creditors, or paying off the +debt; a resource in itself dangerous, and one that, after all, would bring +relief at a very distant day. + +Since the debt has been contracted, let it be kept up; but let a mode be +taken of reducing the interest, without breaking faith with the creditors +of the state, so that we may never be obliged to borrow any more. + +At present, the sum that goes annually for interest, and for the sinking +fund, (that is for paying off capital,) amounts to twenty-four millions, +and the expenses of a year of war do not exceed that sum. Twelve +millions of this may be found by war-taxes, and twelve millions +diminution of the interest would just leave a residue sufficient to pay +for a constant state of war; and, if peace came, the war-taxes would be +taken off. The enemies of England would then not be able to make +notches [end of page #242] in a stick, and say, "When we come to +such a notch England will be ruined." + +If this could be done it would be a solid and permanent system of +revenue, arising out of an unsolid and transitory one. + +Any thing like want of faith with the creditors would, however, not +only be disgraceful and dishonourable, but would reduce such +numbers to beggary, and ruin credit so completely, that the nation +would be lost for ever; and, certainly, if we are to be ruined, there is +no balancing between ruin with honour and ruin with disgrace. + +There is a mode that would be fair and practicable, and the present is +the most favourable moment for executing it; indeed, it is perhaps the +only one when it has been practicable or would be just. By +practicability and justice, two words very well understood, we mean, +in this instance, that it is a moment when those who would have to pay +the difference would be willing to do it, would see their interest in +doing it, and would feel that they ought to do it. + +We mean not to propose any of those imaginary means, by which +debts will be paid off without burthens laid on. We have no talent for +schemes, where all is produced from nothing, and no faith in their +practicability. + +The late and present wars, which have occasioned one-half of the debt, +and for which our exertions are to be continued, were undertaken for +the preservation of property; for, though the French system is so +completely bad that even the beggars in England would be losers by +adopting it, yet, it will be allowed, that the evil to people of property +would be much greater than to those who have no property. Let us +look to Flanders, Holland, and other countries, and say no if we can. + +It was on this idea that an income-tax, afterwards termed a property- +tax, was laid on, by which the rich are made to pay, and the poor are +exempted. The justice and expediency of this was universally +admitted: there might be some difference of opinion as to modes and +rates, but there was none as to the general principle. + +We would, then, propose to RAISE LOANS, at a low rate of interest +to reimburse the present creditors, ON THE SAME PRINCIPLE ON +WHICH THE PROPERTY-TAX EXISTS, in the following manner: + +There are, by Mr. Pitt's calculation, (and his may be taken [end of +page #243] in order to prevent caviling) 2,400,000,000 L. of capital in +the kingdom. Let us then create a two and a half per cent. stock, into +which every person possessed of property should be _compelled_ to +purchase at par, in proportion to their capital, so as to redeem fifty +millions every year, thereby creating fifty millions of new debt at two +and a half per cent. and reimbursing an equal sum bearing an interest +of five per cent. + +A loan of two per cent. per annum, on each man's capital would do +this, and would never be an object for the safety of the whole, +particularly as it would only last for ten years. As he would have +interest at two and a half per cent. he would, in reality, only lose half, +that is, one per cent. a year during twelve years; so that a man, with +10,000 L. would only have given 100 L. a year for twelve years. + +At the end of ten years, the interest of the national debt would be +reduced to one-half its present amount, which, together with the war- +taxes, would be sufficient to prevent the necessity of creating more +debt. This, however, is not all, a more prompt effect and advantage +may be expected. It is more than probable, that the moment our enemy +found that the nation, could, without any great exertion, put its +finances on a permanent footing, the present contest would finish. It is +now only continued, in hopes of ruining our finances, and it is on the +accumulation of the debt that the expectation of that is alone founded. + +We observed, in the beginning of this Chapter, that most people are +biased by hope or fear, in examining a question of great importance; +and that, therefore, they do not state it quite fairly, without being +sensible of their error. In the case of the gloomy calculators of this +country, fear and anxiety operated in causing a misstatement; but, with +regard to our enemies, hope is the cause of their magnifying the effect +of our national debt, and, it must be allowed, that hope had seldom +ever a more easy business to perform. The general conclusion is +certain, and all the question that remains, is with respect to time. + +The only mode of putting an end to this hope of our enemy, and to the +war, at once, will be by shewing that enemy _that it is quite out of his +power to augment our debt_, but untill =sic= a method shall be +adopted by [end of page #244] us, that is PRACTICABLE AND +EASILY UNDERSTOOD, that will not be believed by our enemy. + +The rapidity of the operation of a sinking fund is easily calculated, but +not so easily credited, particularly by people not inclined to do so, and +who would not themselves have the constancy and self-denial to leave +it time to operate. Besides, by this operation, we shall not get free of +debt till the taxes are raised far above their present amount. Our +enemies may be pardoned for believing it impracticable, particularly +as many of our friends are of the same opinion. + +France, which has always been the rival of this country, and hates it +now more than ever, (envy being now an ingredient of its hatred,) +knows well that it is fallen and degraded, that it has less wealth and +happiness than England; but then it considers, that, however bad its +finances may be, they are getting no worse; that to continue the war +for twenty years will bring no more ruin on the nation, while half the +term would probably ruin us. Till we show the fallacy of this +calculation, we cannot expect a durable peace. Our ruin is become an +object, not only of ambition, but of necessity, as it were, to France; +and nothing but despair of being able to accomplish their object will +make them abandon the attempt. + +We must be permitted here to ask a few questions: + +Is not the time favourable for the plan here proposed? + +Would it not be fair in its operation? + +Would it not bring relief effectually and speedily? + +Would it not reduce our burthens, without breaking faith with the +creditors of the state? + +Would it not reduce the interest, without setting too much capital +afloat, that might leave the country? + +Could our enemies then calculate on the national debt destroying +England? + +The affairs of nations, it has been observed, become so complicated, +and the details so multiplied, that those who have the management of +them are scarcely equal to the business of the day; and they have no +leisure to inquire into the best modes of keeping off evil when it is yet +distant; of this we have had ample experience. + +[end of page #245] + +Allowing all the credit possible to the sinking fund, (and a great deal +is due,) still during war its operation is a sort of paradox; it does not +obtain relief: it is liable to be questioned; but we are come to a point, +where the stability of our finances ought to be put out of doubt, and +beyond all question. The mode of settling our affairs ought not only to +be such as in the end may succeed, but its efficacy and practicability +ought to be such as our enemies can understand and give credit to. +Without this, we shall have no end to the contest. + +With respect to what our enemies will give credit to, a good deal +depends on their own natural disposition. A fickle and arbitrary +people, who are continually breaking their faith, can have little belief +in the constancy of a sinking fund, but they will be perfectly well +inclined to believe, that men of property may be compelled, and will +even be glad to pay one per cent. a year, for ten years, to ensure the +safety of that property. Supposing then that the sinking fund were the +better plan of the two in reality, it would not be so in the present +circumstances, because it would not obtain credit, and the other will. + +As to the rest, deprive the French of their hopes of ruining our +finances, and they will make peace on reasonable terms, whenever we +please; their object for continuing the war will then be at an end; and, +if they do continue it, we can go on as long as they can, without any +addition to our burthens. + +Whatever the cause of a war may be, the hope of success is the only +possible motive for persisting in it. The French have been led into two +errors; first, by the comparison of this country to Carthage, and of +their own to Rome, (an absurd comparison that does not hold,) and, in +the second place, by looking on our ruin, from the increase of our +debt, as certain. We ought to undeceive them, and then they will have +less inclination to persist in war. No pains has hitherto been taken to +set them right; nor, indeed, with respect to the national debt, can it +ever be done by the present method, till they see the effect; for though +the progress of a sinking fund in peace is easily understood, in time of +war there is much appearance of deception; it looks like slight =sic= +of hand more than a real and solid transaction. + +[end of page #246] + + + + +CHAP. V. + + +_Of Taxes for the Maintenance of the Poor.--Their enormous +Increase.--The Cause.--Comparison between those of England and +Scotland.--Simple, easy, and humane Mode of reducing them_. + +Amongst the interior causes that threaten England with decline, +none is more alarming than the increasing expenses of the poor; +expenses evidently rising in a proportion beyond our prosperity, and +totally without example, either in the history of past times, or in that +of any modern nation. + +The poor of England cost more to maintain than the free revenue of +the country amounted to thirty years ago, and to nearly three times the +amount of the whole revenues of the nation, at the time of the +revolution. + +The proportion between the healthy and the sick cannot have changed +so much as to account for this augmentation; we must, therefore, seek +for the cause elsewhere. + +It probably arises from several causes; the increasing luxury, which +leaves more persons in indigence when they come to an advanced age, +owing to their being unwilling or unable to undergo the hardships to +which nature subjects those who have been born to labour, and outlive +their vigour; being thereby deprived of those indulgences which, in +better days, they have experienced. In England, menial servants are +accustomed to consume more than people of moderate fortune do in +other countries, and they are the race of people most likely to be left to +penury in their old age. In countries where there are, indeed, greater +trains of menial attendants than in England, they, in general, belong to +the great, who make some provision for them, or who, keeping them +from ostentation, can retain them to a more advanced age; and, at all +events, as they live a less luxurious life, they can make a better stand +against that penury which it is their hard destiny to encounter. [end of +page #247] + +In a commercial country there is less attachment between master and +servant, than in any other; and the instances of provision for them are +very rare. + +In proportion as a nation gets wealthy, the human race shares the same +fate with other animals employed in labour; they are worked hard, and +well fed while they are able to work, but their services are not +regarded when they can do but little. {194} + +Want of economy in the management of the funds destined for the +purpose of their maintenance is another cause of increase in the +expense of the poor. In a nation where every individual is fully +occupied with his affairs, and has little time to attend to any thing else, +those who manage the affairs of the poor find that few are inclined to +look close into matters, and fewer still have the means of doing it if +they would; so that abuses increase, as is always the case when there +is no counteracting check to keep them within bounds. + +Another cause, no doubt, is that, as the number of unproductive +labourers increase, greater numbers of children are left in want. + +To all those causes we must add the increase of towns, and the +decrease of hamlets and villages. Towns are the places where +indigence has the greatest consolation, and where the relief which is +held out is attended with the least degree of humiliation and reproach. + +When we compare the cases of England and Scotland, the causes +cannot be doubted; for, there, servants live harder, the working class +do not labour so hard, and are not so soon worn out, neither have the +towns increased so much, at the expense of the hamlets and villages. + +The greatest of all the causes of the increase of poor, however, arises +from taxation and rent. It has been observed, in the chapter on +Taxation, that, for a certain length, taxes and rent are productive of +industry, and that, at last, they finish by crushing it entirely. + +--- +{194} If it were the custom to keep horses that were worn out till they +died a natural death, the maintenance of them would cost more in +England than in any other country; for their vigour is exhausted before +the term of old age arrives. The calculation is in this country, to pay +well, and be well served. +-=- + +[end of page #248] + +The manner that this happens, is, that long before a country is as +highly taxed as the majority of its inhabitants will bear, those who are +the least able to pay are crushed, and reduced to absolute poverty. + +There are two causes which may render a person unable to support the +burthen of taxation: the one is, having a great family; the other is, +being able to gain but little from weakness, or some other cause; and, +where there are two causes that tend to produce the same effect, +though they operate separately, they must, of course, sometimes act in +conjunction. + +The weakest part of society gives way first, in every country; and, on +account of the arbitrary and ignorant, though lavish method of +relieving that portion of society, in England, the evil is increased to +more than double. + +There is no relief at home in their own houses, no help, no aid, for the +indigent, which might produce so admirable an effect, by +counteracting the ruin brought on by heavy taxes and high prices; no, +the family must support itself, or go wholesale to the workhouse. This +is one of those clumsy rude modes of proceeding that a wealthy +people, not overburthened with knowledge, naturally takes to +overcome a difficulty, but without care or tenderness for the feelings +of those relieved, or that regard for public interest, which ought to go +hand in hand. For this it would be well to search a remedy. + +A father and mother, and six children, will cost, at least, fifty pounds a +year in a workhouse; but, perhaps, the aid of twelve or fifteen pounds +would keep them from going there, and by that means save the +greatest part of the money, while the country, which loses their +industry, would be doubly a gainer. + +There is a sort of rough, vulgar, and unfeeling character, prevalent +amongst the parish-officers, that is a disgrace to the country and to the +character of Englishmen. It is highly prejudicial to the nation; and, if +there were no moral evil attending it, if the feelings of the poor were +no object, =sic= the rich ought to attend to it for self-interest. If they +will not, the government of the country is interested, both in honour +and in interest, to do so. + +Exemption from taxes will do little or nothing, the lower orders [end +of page #249] are nearly all exempt, but that general dearness, that is +the consequence of a general weight of taxes, is severely felt by them, +and from that they cannot be exempted. They must get relief by +assistance, and that assistance ought to be given in a manner that will +not throw them altogether a burthen on the public. {195} + +It is impossible to tax the people of a nation so highly, as they can all +bear, because, before some will feel, others will be crushed; before the +bachelor feels the tax, the father of a large family is obliged to starve +his innocent offspring. Before he who has only two children feels the +hard pressure, the family of twelve will be reduced to want; and so in +proportion. The mode, then, to raise the most money possible, would +be to tax the whole nearly as high as the bachelor can bear, and then to +give a drawback in favour of the man with the children, they would +then be on a perfect equality as to taxation, and the highest sum +possible might be raised without hurting any one portion of the people +more than another. + +If the links of a chain are not all equally strong, before any strain is +felt by the strong links the weak ones give way, and the chain is +broken. The case is the same with the members of a community. Now, +when you lay on taxes, the general tendency is to raise the price of +food and labour; most labourers receive the advantage of the price of +labour, but many pay unequally for the rise of food. + +A tax on the wealthy, it will be said, is the thing proposed, but no, that +would do nothing, it must be a premium or drawback to men with +families who are poor, not merely to counteract the effect of any one +tax, but the total effect of taxation with respect to maintaining their +children. Wide, indeed, is the difference between a tax on those who +are well able to pay, and a premium or drawback in favour of those +who are not. + +The manner of providing for the poor in England leads to a degree + +--- +{195} Probably, the reason that so small a sum serves the purpose in +Scotland is, that relief is administered to the families, at their own +houses, by the minister and elders of the parish. It is a rare instance of +an administration, without emoluments and without controul. The +funds are distributed with clean hands, in all cases, and impartially in +most. +-=- + +[end of page #250] + +of wastefulness and improvidence unknown in any other country. +Improvidence ought as much as possible to be discouraged; for, with +those who labour hard and are indigent, the desire to gratify some +pressing want, or present appetite, is continually uppermost. This may +be termed the war between the belly and the back, in which the former +is generally the conqueror. It would be a small evil if this victory were +decided seldom, as in other countries, but in the great towns of +England there is as it were a continual state of hostility. In London, +the battle is fought, on an average, at least, once a week; and idleness, +and the profits of those sort of petty usurers, called pawnbrokers, are +greatly promoted by it. + +Some part of this evil cannot, perhaps, be remedied, but there are +certain articles that ought not to be taken in pledge, such as the clothes +of young children and working tools. {196} + +There is no doubt but, that, in a populous inhospitable trading town, +where there is no means of obtaining aid, from friendship, where the +want is sometimes extreme, the resource of pledging is a necessary +one. This is to be admitted in the degree, but by no means without +limitation; for the facility creates the want, (even when it is a real +want) for it brings on improvidence and carelessness. The lower +classes come to consider their apparel as money, only that it requires +changing before it is quite current. {197} + +If this matter were well looked into, together with the other causes +from which mendicity proceeds, which increases so rapidly, we +should + +--- +{196} In Scripture it is forbidden to pledge the upper or the nether +mill-stone. This is a proof, of very great antiquity, and indisputable +authority, of the care taken to prevent that sort of improvidence that +hurts the general interest of a people. It should be imitated in this +country with regard, to all portable implements of labour, such as +mill-stones were in those early times. + +{197} In Scotland, twenty years ago, there were not so many +pawnbrokers as there are in Brentford, or any little village round +London. In Paris, as debauched a town as London, and where charity +was as little to be expected, there was only one lending company, the +profits of which, after dividing six per cent., went to the Foundling +Hospital. It was, as in London, a resource in cases of necessity, but +there was too much trouble to run it on every trifling occasion, as is +done in London, and, indeed, in most towns in England. +-=- + +[end of page #251] + +soon perceive a diminution of the poors' rates, and the wealthiest +country of Europe would not exhibit the greatest and most multiplied +scenes of misery and distress. + +The numbers of children left in indigence, by their parents, would be +comparatively lower, and there would not be that waste in the +administration of the funds on which they are supported. + +There is, probably, no means of greatly diminishing the number of +helpless poor, but by an encouragement to lay up in the hour of health +an abundance to supply the wants of feebleness and age, but this +might go a great way to diminishing the evil. All persons who have +places under government, of whatever nature, ought to be compelled +to subscribe to such institutions; this would be doing the individuals, +as well as the community, a real service, and would go a great way to +the counteracting of the evil. {198} Preventatives are first to be +applied, and after those have operated as far as may be, remedies. + +The poor, &c. to whose maintenance 5,500,000 L. a year goes, (a sum +greater than the revenues of any second rate monarchy in Europe,) +may be divided into three classes: + +First, Those who by proper means might be prevented from wanting +aid. + +Second, Those who, for various reasons, cannot get a living in the +regular way, but might, with a little aid, either maintain themselves, or +nearly so; and, + +Third, Those who, from inability, extreme age, tender youth, or bodily +disease, are unable to do any thing, and must be supported at the +public expense. Nobody will dispute that there are of all those +descriptions maintained at pressnt =sic=; and, therefore, all that can +create a difference of opinion is about the proportions between the +three. + +It is probable that one-half, at least, could maintain, or nearly + +--- +{198} The widows scheme, as it is called in Scotland, for the aid of +the widows and children of clergymen, is a most excellent institution; +it has been attended with the best effects, both on individual happiness +and national prosperity so far as it goes. The plan is such as might, +with very little variation, be applied to all the officers of the revenue, +clerks in office, &c. &c. +-=- + +[end of page #252] + +maintain, themselves; one-quarter might be prevented from ever +requiring any aid at all; and the other quarter would be assisted as at +present. + +This would reduce the expenses to less than one-third, and, probably, +to one-quarter of what they are now; that is, of 5,500,000 L. there +would be a saving of 3,500,000 L. but that is not all, for the national +industry would be augmented by 2,000,000 L. and more; that is to say, +by the industry of the half that maintained themselves, so that the +nation would gain partly in money saved, and partly in money got, +5,500,000 L. + +According to the true spirit of the English nation, in which there is a +great fund of generosity and goodness at the bottom, it may perhaps +be said, that the poor are not able to labour at all, and, that the plan +would not answer. This is but a rough manner of answering a +proposal, which neither is in reality, nor is meant to be, void of +humanity. There were, by last years =sic= accounts, nearly 900,000 +persons of one sort and another maintained or relieved, which does not +make above six pounds a year for each person, now, where is there a +person that can work at all, that cannot earn above four-pence a day in +England? {199} + +The plan for remedying this abuse ought to be very simple, for it will +be administered by such ignorant and rough directors, that, if it is not +simple, it must fail entirely. + +--- +{199} It would be foreign to the plan of this Inquiry to enter into the +details of the poor persons, and shew the absurdity of the +management; but, it is very evident, from those that are printed, that +they get no work to do, the quantity of materials delivered to them to +work upon will not admit of earning money to maintain themselves. + +The following is a specimen of the attention given to this subject, and +the means taken to enable the poor to pay for their maintenance, by +their labour. In Middlesex, where the expense amounted, in 1803, to +123,700 L. or about 340 L. a day, the sum expended to buy materials +amounted to no more than 4L.1s.11d. !!! It is impossible to +comprehend how this capital stock could be distributed amongst +above ten thousand labourers. It is not very easy to conceive the +impertinence of those who presented this item, as a statement to the +House of Commons, which would have done well to have committed +to the custody of the sergeant-at-mace, the persons who so grossly +insulted it. One thing, however, is very easily understood and +collected from all this. The business altogether is conducted with +ignorance, and executed carelessly and negligently, and that to an +extreme and shameful degree. +-=- + +[end of page #253] + +To have a good surgeon or physician is essential; and those who +would not work, and who were able, should have the same allowance +that a prisoner has in a jail; but those who would work should be paid +a fair price, and allowed to lay out the money, to hoard it, or do as +they please, except drinking to excess. [{200}] + +Though many for want of vigour are refused employment in a +workshop, some for want of character, and others for various reasons, +become burthensome, yet there are not a few, who, from mere +laziness, throw themselves upon the parish, where they live a careless +life, free from hunger, cold, and labour. When the mind is once +reconciled to this situation, the temptation is considerable, and there +are many of those poor people, who will boast that the have +themselves been overseers, and paid their share to the expenses. + +Whatever evil is found to have a tendency to increase with the wealth +of a nation ought, most carefully, to be kept under; and this is one not +of the least formidable, and, of all others, most evidently arising from +bad management and want of attention. + +It would be necessary to have all sorts of employment, that the +persons in such places can, with advantage, be occupied in doing, and +a small allowance should be made to defray general expenses; +amongst which, ought to be that of surveyors of districts, who should, +like those employed by the excise-office, inspect into the state of the +different poor-houses, and the whole should be reported, in a proper +and regular manner, to the government of the country, from time to +time. + +Those little paltry parish democracies that tax one part of the people, +and maltreat the other, ought to be under some proper con- + +--- +{200} [Transcriber's note: assumed location--footnote not assigned a +place in the text.] +The system, in England, of only employing people in the vigour of life +is a source of much mischief, and is an increasing evil, which +government, the East India company, and all the public bodies, are +encouraging. Men are treated in this instance exactly like horses. They +are worked hard and well rewarded in their vigour; but, in so wealthy +a county =sic= as this, those occupied in commerce, and men in +power, will not be troubled with any but such as can do their business +with little trouble to the master. They do not consider what mischief +they are preparing for their country. Shenstone, the poet, seems to +have thought of this when he says, in a case of woe: + +"But power and wealth's unvarying cheek was dry." +-=- + +[end of page #254] + +troul; and the happiness and prosperity of England should not be left +at their mercy. + +In a country where every thing is done with such admirable accuracy +in the revenue-department, as England, it would be useless to attempt +pointing out the manner of executing the plan; it is sufficient to shew +its practicability and the necessity of attending to it. + +If, in the first instance, the advantage would be such as is here +mentioned, it would, in a few years, be much greater, particularly in so +far as fewer families would be left in a state of indigence; for, it is +clear, that such families are a continual encumbrance on the rising +generation, and tend to the diminution of the general mass of useful +citizens. + +If it should so happen, that taxes augment, or that trade falls off, (both +of which may very likely happen,) then the interference of +government may become a matter of absolute necessity; but then, +perhaps, it may be too late. It would be much better if government +would interfere, before the evil is actually come to the highest pitch. +The parishes might, perhaps, look with jealousy on an interference of +this sort, as being an infringement on their rights; for Englishmen are +sometimes very tenacious of privileges that are highly pernicious to +themselves. This difficulty, (for it probably would be one,) might be +got over, by previously establishing inspectors in the different bishop's +sees, who should be obliged to render an account to the bishop, to be +communicated to government, by which means, the evil would either +be removed, or its existence ascertained, so as to answer the +complaints that might be made, and thereby prevent all discontent on +the subject. + +Without being able to say what might absolutely be the best remedy, it +is, at least, fair to ask the question, whether it is fit that the +administration of 5,500,000 L. a year should be intrusted to the hands +of ignorant men? It may likewise be asked, if the feelings of the +necessitous ranks of society (as keen in many instances as those of +their betters,) should be wounded by men, who have not sufficient +knowledge of any sort to act with the humanity necessary. The +candidates for popular favour, amongst the lower housekeepers, are +generally flattering, fauning =sic=, cringing men, and such are almost +without exception, cunning, ignorant, and overbearing, wherever they +have the least [end of page #255] authority over others. Such, in +general, are the parish-officers, to whose care this important affair is +committed. + +Though this is an institution almost on the purely democratic principle +of equal representation, it is a very bad specimen of that mode of +government. The shameful lawsuits between parishes, about paupers, +the disgraceful and barbarous treatment of women, who have been +betrayed and abandoned, admit of no excuse. They are not productive +even of gain or economy. Amongst some tribes of savage Indians, the +aged and helpless are put to death, that they may not remain a burthen +on those who are able and in health; and it is equally true, that, in +England, the young innocents, who have not parents to protect them, +are considered as a burthen; and, if they are not absolutely sent out of +the world, the means necessary to preserve them in it are very +inadequate to the purpose. If criminality could be engraved on a +graduated scale, their deaths ought in general to be written down at +some intermediate point between accidental homicide and wilful +murder. The persecution of this unfortunate race may be said to +commence before they are born; and, though the strength of a nation +depends much on its population, less care is taken to encourage it, +than to produce mushrooms, or to preserve hares and partridges. + +[end of page #256] + + + + +CHAP. VI. + + +_Causes of Decline, peculiar to England_. + +In addition to the causes of decline which Britain, as a wealthy +country, has, in common with most other nations, it has some peculiar +to itself, (or of which the degree at least is peculiar to it). + +The national debt, the high rate of taxation, the prodigious expense of +the poor, and the nature of the government, are peculiar to this +country. There are other circumstances in its favour, of which we shall +speak in the next chapter; but, in this, we shall review those that are +against it, and of an unfavourable nature and operation. + +The high rate of taxation, for the very reason that it is the highest ever +known, inspires our enemies with hopes of our downfall, and makes +them persevere in continuing to put us to expense. + +The unprecedented commerce we enjoy, of which every other nation +would wish to have a share, (and of which each, most mistakenly, +thinks it would have a share, if Britain was undone,) is a cause of +attracting envy and enmity, and repelling friendship. Our colonies in +the West, and our possessions in the East, act like the conductors that +draw the electric fluid to a building, but they do not, like those +conductors, serve to protect it from violence. We have seen, that the +advantage arising from them is more than doubtful, that they enrich +individuals and impoverish the state; but all this would be nothing +new, were it not for the vast scale on which those evils exist. + +The poor's rate, which is in itself completely unexampled, though a +common thing to all nations, is so exorbitant in England, that it may +very properly be ranked amongst the dangers peculiar to this country. +Who would believe, that Frederick the Great of Prussia carried on his +brilliant and successful wars against the most formidable enemies, +expended more than one-eighth of his revenues annually on the +encouragement of industry, and left his treasury well stored, yet all +this with an income, less by one-fourth than the sums that go to +support [end of page #257] the poor in England, notwithstanding all +the miserable manoeuvres that are practiced =sic= to avoid giving +them assistance? + +The form of government in England, though best for the liberty of the +subject, and for the security of persons and property, is deficient in the +means of repressing those infringements which particular bodies of +people make upon the community at large. The representative system, +when well understood, divides itself into parties, having different +interests. There are the commercial, the landed, the East India, the +West India, and the law, all of which have great parliamentary +influence, and can be formidable to any minister; they therefore have a +means of defending their interests, and they are concerned so deeply +as to take a very active part whenever any questions are agitated +relative to them. + +The landed interest and the law are, indeed, the only ones that have +any great party in the House of Peers; but then the House of Peers +seldom interferes in matters that concern the interests of the others. +The Lords seem not to think it their province; and, in general, more +through diffidence than negligence, they avoid meddling, though, to +do that honourable house justice, to it we owe much. Many bills, of a +dangerous tendency, have been thrown out by it, after they had passed +the other house; and it has been generally done with a wisdom, +magnanimity, and moderation, which is only to be accounted for by a +true love of the country and an upright intention. {201} + +--- +{201} It is wonderful to what a length good intention, (zeal apart,) +will go in leading men right, even when they have not paid very +particular attention to a subject. There is a feeling of what is wise, as +well as of what is right, that partakes a little of instinct, perhaps, but +is more unerring than far fetched theory on many occasions. This was +seen in a most exemplary manner, at the time that the principles of the +French revolution were most approved of here. Those principles were +plausible, though flimsy, and founded on sophisms, and a species of +reasoning, that plain unlettered men could not answer, and men who +did give themselves the pains to reason might have answered; yet, +three times in four, it was the man who could not answer it, who, +guided by upright intentions, rejected it as bad, without being able to +tell why. The most acute were, in this case, the most deceived; for it +must now be allowed, that all approbation of the theories, relative to +the rights of man, and the manner of asserting them were wrong. +Many of those who fell into the error had, no doubt, unblameable +intentions, but they did not consult common sense. +-=- + +[end of page #258] + +In every assembly, a small number, who completely understand their +own interest, can do a great deal, if they will act together; but, this is +not all, they can use arguments with a minister that pave the way for +obtaining the ends they have in view, while the general interests of the +country alarm no one but upon great occasions. + +Under arbitrary monarchs, all bodies with separate interests, are kept +in due order, they have no means of defending themselves but by +remonstrance, which, against power, is but a very inadequate +protection. + +There is nothing forced or chimerical in this statement of the case, and +the consequence is, that no country ever saw any bodies rise to such a +height, except the clergy in Roman Catholic countries, and the barons +during the feudal system, when they had arms in their hands; who, if +they could not absolutely resist their sovereign, were at least able to +refuse him aid, and could annoy him greatly. But those examples will +bear no comparison with the separate interests in England at this time. +The barons have long lost their power, and the Roman Catholic clergy +have lost the greatest part of their power and revenue also. If they had +not, wealthy and powerful kingdoms would not have existed. + +Under a free government, where people think that an opposition to a +minister in parliament is a most excellent thing, the energies of the +nation, as to war, are greatly lessened. This must, in its connections +with other nations, produce very hurtful effects; but, where the evil is +without a remedy, there is no advantage in dwelling upon it; and it +does not appear that there is any possibility of separating from a free +government, some sort of an opposing power, that must hamper the +executive, and lessen the energies of the nation. + +Under pure monarchies, kings can reward merit; they can encourage +talents, and act according to circumstances. In England, the king, or +his ministers, have no fund from which they can do this. An +application to parliament is expensive and troublesome; and, in many +cases, where the object would be fair, it would be unattainable. But +this is not all, for when, by act of parliament, any thing of the sort is +[end of page #259] once done, it is left without proper controul, and +the expense is generally double what it ought to be. + +On the whole, there is too little of discretional =sic= power in a +representative government; good cannot be done but by rules, which, +in many cases, it is impossible to comply with. This is a disadvantage +which we labour under, and is a sort of drawback on our excellent +form of government; but this is not like the opposition in the senate, it +may be got over, and merits attention. + +Such appear to be the disadvantages to which Britain is peculiarly +liable, either in toto, or in the degree; but, on the other hand, she has +many circumstances in her favour, if they are properly taken hold of; +and, indeed, some, of which the effect will be favourable, whether any +particular attention is paid to them or not. To those we shall advert +with peculiar pleasure, and hope that they will not be neglected, but +that they may afford a means of continuing our career of prosperity on +the increasing scale, or that, at least, they may prevent us from sharing +the fate of those nations that have gone before. + +[end of page #260] + + + + +CHAP. VII. + + +_Circumstances peculiar to England, and favourable to it_. + +It has been observed, that, in northern nations, where luxury is not +attended with such a degree of sloth and effeminacy as in warm +climates, the habits of industry can never so completely leave a +country. The feelings of cold and a keen appetite are enemies to sloth +and laziness; indeed they are totally incompatible with those habits +and that degradation of character, that are to be found in southern +climates. This advantage Britain shares with other nations of the +north; but she has some peculiar to herself. + +Situated in an island, the people have a character peculiar to +themselves, that prevents foreigners and foreign influence from +producing those baneful effects that are so evident in many nations, +where they come and depart with more facility, and where a greater +similarity in manners and in character enable them to act a +conspicuous and a very dangerous part, in the cases of +misunderstanding and party dispute. + +In all the wars, bloody and long-contested as they were, between the +houses of York and Lancaster, foreign influence never produced any +effect such as that of Spain did in France, previous to the accession of +Henry IV. or as the influence of France and Spain have produced in +Italy, or that of France on Spain itself, or those of Russia and Prussia +in Poland, with numerous other examples on the continent. + +We know of no ideal boundaries in this country. In this country we are +all one people, and can distinguish ourselves from any other; indeed, +the national character is rather too averse to mixing with people from +the continent; but this, that seems now a fault, may some day be +considered as a very useful virtue. + +Even in the times when an unfortunate jealousy and mistaken interest +kept England and Scotland at variance, and when the latter kingdom +was in the habit of adopting the politics of France, and [end of page +#261] embracing its interests, there seems to have been some repelling +principle that kept the little nation out of the gripe of the great one. + +The French never had any preponderating power there, and, indeed, in +latter times so little, as not to be able to defend Queen Mary or the +Romish religion against the reformers; to do both of which there was +no want of inclination. It appears, then, very clearly, that though, on +the best terms of friendship, the Scotch had at the bottom that British +mistrust of foreigners, that, ever since it was civilized, has freed the +island from foreign influence. + +The form of government, the security of property, and the free scope +that is given to exertion in every line of business, will continue to +enable this country to hold itself high, even if some of its present +sources of wealth should be dried up; and, whatever may be the +feelings of the representatives of the people upon ordinary occasions, +the moment that any real danger occurs, they will, we are certain, act +like men, determined to stand by their country. + +How feeble was the former French government when assailed with +difficulty? It was at once as if struck motionless, or, the little +animation that was left was just sufficient to enable it to go from one +blunder to another. How different has England been on every +emergency? In place of the arm of government seeming to slacken in +the day of danger, it has risen superior to it. We have never seen the +same scenes happen here, that have taken place in Poland, Sweden, +and so many other places. In the three attempts to invasion, {202} +(Monmouth's and the two other rebellions,) where foreign influence +was used, the event was the most fatal possible to those who made +them; they were contemptible in the extreme; and, if it is considered in +whose favour they were, it is probable the support from a foreign +power rather did injury to the cause. + +--- +{202} Here we must not confound the case of the Stuarts with that of +the King of France. In England, it was the government that was +divided, the legislative being against the executive; _one_ part of the +government was feeble, but the other was not, and therefore we cannot +say that the government was feeble. In France, the king and ministers +governed alone, they were the whole government, and therefore as +they were feeble, the government may be taxed with weakness. +-=- + +[end of page #262] + +The form of government has this great advantage in it, that, as abilities +are the way to preferment, the higher classes (at least) have a better +education than the same rank of persons in any other nation, so far as +regards the interest of the public, and the nature of the connection +between the different orders of society; ignorance of which, is the +surest way to be destroyed. + +In all new and rising states the higher orders, even under despotic +governments, and where all the distinctions of ranks are completely +established, have a proper regard for the importance and welfare of the +lower orders of people. As they increase in wealth and have lost sight +of its origin, which is industry, they change their mode of thinking; +and, by degrees, the lower classes are considered as only made for the +convenience of the rich. The degradation into which the lower orders +themselves fall, by vice and indolence, widens the difference and +increases the contempt in which they are held. This is one of the +invariable marks of the decline of nations; but the nature of the +English government prevents that, by keeping up a connection and +mutual dependence amongst the poor and the rich, which is not found +either under absolute monarchies or in republics. In republics, the +people become factious and idle, when they become any way wealthy. +In this country, besides the insular situation, circumstances in general +are such as to prevent the lower classes from falling into that sort of +idleness, apathy, and contempt, that they do in other countries, even +supposing these burthens were done away, that at present necessitate +exertion. + +To those causes let another still be added, the religious worship of the +country, which, without any dispute or question, is greatly in its +favour. + +To speak nothing of the religious opinions or modes of worship in +ancient times, there are three at present that merit attention and admit +of comparison. + +The Christian religion is distinguished for raising men in character, +and the Mahomedan for sinking them low. Whenever the Mahomedan +faith has extended, the people are degraded in their manners, and the +governments despotic. The disposition of a Mahomedan king [end of +page #263] or emperor is more different in its nature, from that of a +Christian sovereign, than the form of a hat is from that of a turban. + +Under the most despotic Christian sovereigns, matters are governed by +law, there are no regular murders committed by the hand of power, +without the intervention of justice; and if plenitude of power admits of +the greatest excesses in the sovereign, in some Christian countries, the +opinion of his fellow men, the fear of his God, or some sentiment or +principle in his own breast, restrains him in the exercise of it. + +It is not so with Mahomedan princes: with them, nothing is sacred that +they hate, nothing shameful that they do. Whatever their conscience +may be, whatever may be the nature of their moral rules, rapine and +murder are certainly not forbidden by them, or the law is not obeyed. +In proportion to the despotism and ferocity of the sovereign, is the +slavishness of the people, their brutality, and vice, in all Mahomedan +countries; their character and its great inferiority is so well known, +that it is impossible for any person to be ignorant of it. + +When the Mahomedan governments possess power, they are proud +and overbearing; the people luxurious, and given to every refinement +in vice. When they sink, that pride becomes ferocity, and the luxury +degenerates into brutality and sloth; but neither in the one nor in the +other case have they the proper value for science, for literature, for +liberty, or for any of the acquirements that either make a man +estimable or useful. They neither excel in arts, nor in science; +phisically =sic=, they are inferior in utility, and their minds are less +instructed. They are not equal to Christians either in war or in peace, +nor to be compared to them for any one good quality. + +The greatest and the best portion of the old world is, however, in their +hands; but, in point of wealth or power, they are of little importance, +and every day they are sinking lower still. + +Amongst those who profess Christianity it has been remarked, by all +who have travelled, and who have had an opportunity of observing it, +that agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, flourish most in +Protestant countries. Even where there are different sects of the +Christian religion in the same country, arts, manufactures, and +commerce, appear to have flourished most amongst the Protestants. +The [end of page #264] cruelties of the Duke of Alva, and the absurd +bigotry of Louis XIV. drove the most industrious inhabitants from the +Netherlands, and from France, merely because they happened to be +Protestants, which is a proof that there is a connection between that +branch of the Christian religion and industry. The Protestants were the +most industrious. + +The Protestants appear also to be the most attentive to preserving a +good form of government, and to set a greater value upon liberty than +people of any other religion. In this, England has an advantage that is +inappretiable. {203} + +The reformation in religion, and the establishment of manufactures in +England, date from nearly the same period; it was about the same time, +also, that the spirit of liberty began to break out first in Scotland, +and then in England, which terminated in the revolution. There are, +therefore, many reasons, from experience, for believing that the +Protestant religion is particularly favourable to industry and freedom. +There are other reasons, likewise, that arise from a consideration of +the subject, that would lead one to the same conclusion, even if there +were no experience of the fact. + +Whatever frees the human mind from useless prejudice, and leads it to +pure morality, gives dignity to man, and increases his power of +becoming a good and useful member of society. + +The Christian religion not only contains the most pure moral code, but +the best, most useful, and simple rules for conduct in life are + +--- +{203} The great influence, founded on attachment to her person, and +the feeling of the long happiness they had enjoyed, under Queen +Elizabeth: her great authority, supported by esteem, and confirmed by +long habit, restrained the spirit of freedom which so soon after +tormented her successors. James had had full experience of that spirit +before he left Scotland; and, when he mounted the English throne, was +known, frequently, to exclaim against presbytry, as the enemy of +monarchy. He, as was very natural, thought that the difference of +religion caused the superior love of freedom in Scotland, for he was +not sensible of the different effects produced by the calm, steady, and +dignified deportment of Elizabeth, and the unsteady conduct of his +unhappy mother, Mary. He also confounded hatred for arbitrary +prerogative in kings, with hatred for kings themselves; and considered +monarchy, and his own sort of monarchy, as essentially the same. Had +he lived in our days, he would have experienced the difference, and +not have considered the church of Scotland as being a greater enemy +to kingly power than that of England, or as being more favourable to +liberty. +-=- + +[end of page #265] + +there promulgated. The Roman Catholic faith was clogged, in the +early days of the church, with a great number, both of dogmatical and +practical errors, that tend not only to fetter the mind, but actually +embarrass the business of human life. + +In a former chapter, we had occasion to speak of the encroachments +made by public bodies on the general mass of the people, but none +ever was so pernicious in its effects, so grasping, and so well +calculated to retain, as the Roman Catholic church. + +Their celibacy took away from the clergy every disposition to alienate +even personal property, while the practice of auricular confession, and +the doctrine of the remission of sins, gave them an opportunity of +besieging the human mind in its weakest moment, and the weakest +place, in order to rob posterity, and enrich the church. In the moment +of weakness, when a man's mind is occupied in reflecting on the +errors, and perhaps the crimes, of a long and variegated life; when his +ties to this world are loosened, and his interest in eternity becomes +more lively, and near; a religion that enables a zealous or interested +priest (aided by the casuistry and argument of centuries) to barter a +promise of everlasting bliss, for lands and tenements bequeathed to +the church, provides amply for the acquisition of earthly treasure, for +its ministers, and those devoted to a life of religious pursuits. It is, +indeed, wonderful, that, with such means, the church, in Roman +Catholic countries, did not become more wealthy than it was. {204} +With a continual means of acquiring, and none of alienating, it +appears well qualified for absorbing the whole landed property of a +nation. Such an encroachment on the public wealth, and industry of a +people, is a sufficient reason for the Protestant countries (where the +clergy have not the same means) becoming more wealthy and +industrious. + +It would not be difficult to prove that there is an effect produced on +the minds of individuals in Protestant countries, that is favourable to +industry; but a discussion of this nature might seem displaced in a +book of this sort. It is sufficient that we see, from experience and + +--- +{204} In France, before the revolution, the revenues of the clergy, in +lands, tythes, &c. were reckoned to amount to 25,000,000 L. sterling +per annum. The number of feasts and fasts was also a great drawback +on industry. +-=- + +[end of page #266] + +reason, that, of all religions, the Christian is the most favourable to the +prosperity of a people, and that of its different branches, the +Protestant, or what is termed the Reformed Religion, is again the best. +It is the religion established in Britain. + +Another source of hope arises from a circumstance of very great +importance, and very peculiarly favourable to Great Britain. + +It has been observed, that the colonies in the West, and conquests in +the East, cost a great deal and produce little; that, in short, their +possession is of very doubtful advantage. + +The possession of the North American provinces, now the United +States, were a great burthen to England, from their first settlement till +about the year 1755, when their trade began to be of advantage to this +nation; but, in twenty years after, the revolt took place, and cost +England a prodigious sum. + +To enter into a long detail on this subject it is not necessary; but no +sooner were the hostilities at an end, than the American states bought +more of our manufactures than ever. Their laws and manners are +similar to our own, the same language, and a government evidently +approaching as near to ours as a republican well can to a monarchical +form. There is not, at this time, any branch of trade, either so great in +its amount, or beneficial in its nature, as that with the United States; +with this farther advantage, that it is every day augmenting, {205} and +as no country ever increased so fast in population and wealth, so none +ever promised to afford so extensive a market for our mannfactures +=sic= as the United States. This market is the more secure, that it will +not be the interest of the people who have got possession of that +immense tract of country to neglect agriculture and become +manufacturers, for a long period of time. + +The greatest project, by which any nation ever endeavoured to enrich +itself, was certainly that of peopling America with a civilized race of +inhabitants. It was a fair and legitimate mode of extending her means +of acquiring riches; but Britain failed in the manner of obtaining her +object, though not in the object itself, and + +--- +{205} By this is not literally meant, that the trade every year is greater +than the preceding, but that it continues to increase. +-=- + +[end of page #267] + +the United States promise to support the industry of England, now that +it has humbled its ambition, far more than both the Indies, which +gratify it so much. + +It is highly probable, that America will increase more rapidly in +wealth and population than in manufactures, such as she at present +takes from great Britain; but if the ratio merely continues the same +that it is now, the purpose will be completely answered, and a market +for British manufactures insured for ages to come. In 1802, by the last +census, the inhabitants of the United States amounted to about eight +millions; and, for several years together, the exports of British goods +have amounted to seven millions, so that it is fair to reckon a +consumption equal to sixteen shillings a year to each person. It was +about the same in 1774, previous to the revolt; and, as the population +doubles in about fifteen years, in the course of thirty years more, the +exports to that country alone would amount to 24,000,000 L. provided +we continue to be able to sell at such rates as not to be undersold by +others =sic= nations in the American market. + +There is nothing great, nothing brilliant, in this commerce, all is solid +and good; it is a connection founded on mutual wants and mutual +conveniencey, not on monopoly, restriction, or coercion; for that +reason it will be the more durable, and ought to be the more valued; +but it is not. Governments, like individuals, are most attached to what +is dear to purchase and difficult to keep. It is to be hoped, however, +that this matter will be seen in its true light. + +One circumstance, that makes the matter still more favourable for +Britain is, that the western country of America, by far the most fertile, +as well as the most extensive, is now peopling very rapidly. The +labour and capital of the inhabitants are entirely turned to agriculture +and not to manufactures, and will be so for a great number of years; +for, when there are fifty millions of inhabitants in the United States, +their population will not amount to one-half of what may naturally be +expected, or sufficient to occupy the lands. The fertility of the soil will +enable the Americans, with great ease to themselves, to make returns +in produce wanted in Europe, so that we may expect a durable, a great, +and an advantageous trade with them. In British [end of page #268] +manufactures our trade was not near so great before the revolt, for we +then supplied America with every article. + +This, however, will depend partly on our circumstances; for, if wages +and the prices of our manufactures rise, as they lately have done, our +merchants will buy upon the continent of Europe, what they otherwise +would purchase in England, to supply the American market. + +America is the only country in the world where, with respect to the +wages of labour, and the produce of industry, money is of less value +than in England. The Americans will then be able to afford to +purchase English goods, when other nations will not; but then, they +will only purchase such articles as cannot be had elsewhere; for +though they may and will continue able to purchase, they will not do it +if they can get goods that suit them elsewhere. {206} + +No country, that we read of in history, ever enjoyed equal advantages +with the American states; they have good laws, a free government, +and are possessed of all the inventions and knowledge of the old +world. Arts are now conveyed across the Atlantic with more ease than +they formerly were from one village to another. It is possible, that a +new market of so great an extent being opened may do away those +jealousies of commerce, which have, for these two or three last +centuries, occasioned many quarrels, and which are peculiarly +dangerous to a nation that has risen high above its level. + +All those things, with care and attention, will prove advantageous to +Britain in a superior degree. They afford us much reason for hope and +comfort, and do away one of the causes for fearing a decline that has +been stated, namely, the being supplanted by poorer nations, or by not +having a market for our increasing manufactures. + +There remains yet another consideration in favour of Britain, as a +manufacturing and a commercial country; for, as such, we must view +it, reckoning more on industry than on the ideal wealth of our colonies +in the West, and our conquests in the East. It is this, we are the + +--- +{206} England begins already to lose the market for linen-cloth, +window-glass, fire-arms, and a number of other articles. It would have +entirely lost that of books, if any nation on the continent of Europe +could print English correctly. As, it is, they are printing in America, in +place of our keeping the trade, which we might have done with great +profit and advantage. +-=- + +[end of page #269] + +latest of European nations that has risen to wealth by commerce and +manufactures. In looking over the map, there does not seem to be any +one to supplant us; all those, who have great advantages, have already +gone before, and, till we see the example of a country renewing itself, +we have a right to disbelieve that it is possible. + +Russia is the only country in Europe that is newer than England, and +many circumstances will prevent it from becoming a rival in +commerce. It does not, nor it ever can increase in population, and +carry civilization and manufactures to the same point. Though, very +new, as a powerful European nation, the people are as ancient as most +others in Europe; the territory is so extensive, the climate so cold, and +the Baltic Sea so much to the north, and frozen so many months in the +year, that it never will either be a carrying or a manufacturing country. +To cultivate its soil, and export the produce of its mines, the skins, +tallow, hides, timber, &c. &c. will be more profitable, and suit better +the inhabitants than any competition in manufactures. + +It is not in great extensive empires that manufactures thrive the most, +they are great objects for small countries, like England or Holland; +but, for such as Russia, Turkey, or France, they are a less object than +attention to soil and natural productions; and, thus we see, that China, +the greatest of all countries in extent, encourages interior trade and +manufactures, but despises foreign commerce. {207} + +One peculiar advantage England enjoys favourable to manufactures, +deserves notice. The law of patents, if it does not make people invent +or seek after new inventions, it at least encourages and enables them +to improve their inventions. Invention is the least part of the business +in respect to public wealth and utility. There has long been a +collection of models, at Paris, made by one of the most in- + +--- +{207} The smaller a district, or an island is, the exports and imports +will be the greater, when compared with the number of inhabitants. +Take the exports and imports of all Europe, with the other quarters of +the world;--considering Europe as one country, and it will not be +found to amount to one shilling a person per annum. Take the amount +in Britain, it will be found about forty shillings a person. Consider +what is bought and sold by a single village, and it will be still greater +than that; and, last of all, a single labouring family buys all that it +uses, and sells all that it produces. And the meanest family, taken in +this way, does proportionably =sic= more buying and selling than the +richest state, taken in a body. Consider the whole earth as one state, +and it neither exports nor imports. +-=- + +[end of page #270] + +genious mechanics of the last century, (Mr. Vaucusson,) at the +expense of that government, in which were nearly all the curious +inventions brought forth in England, together with many not known in +it. Some Englishmen, in going through it, brought over new inventions +here, for which they obtained patents, and, by which, they, as well as +the public, were gainers, while the inventions lay useless and dormant +in France. + +Invention is not a thing in a man's power, and great inventions are +generally more the effect of accident than of superior abilities; at any +rate, no encouragement is certain to produce invention, but it always +will produce improvement on invention. When a man has a patent for +fourteen years, he does every thing in his power to make the object of +that patent become as generally useful as possible, and this is only to +be done by carrying the improvements as far as he is able. {208} +Others, again, who have no patent, but are of the same trade, +endeavour to preserve their business by improvement, and to this +contest in excellence may be attributed the great progress, made in +England, in bringing manufactures to a higher degree of perfection +than in any other country. + +The great inventions, from which others branch out and spring, are not +due, it has often been asserted, to natives of this country. Probably this +may be owing to the circumstance, that they were known before the +advancement of this country in any of the arts; but let that be as it +may, there are a vast number of inventions carried to greater + +--- +{208} This is sufficiently important to deserve to be illustrated by +some examples. The improvement of the steam-engine, by Mr. Watt, +was a matter of accident; an accident, indeed, that could not have +happened, had he been an ignorant man; but the improvement of it +was not accidental. It was, in consequence of great encouragement +given, and to the prolongation of the patent, by an express act of +parliament. This patent has been the occasion of almost totally +changing the machine, and of extending its use to a vast variety of +objects, to which it probably might never have been extended, had it +not been the sole business of a very able man, aided by a number of +other ingenious persons, whom he was enabled to employ. It was the +cause of improving the mechanism of mills for grinding corn, and +others of different descriptions, far beyond what they had been, +although the most able engineer in that line (Mr. Smeaton) died before +the last and greatest improvements were made. + +The same thing may be observed of the cotton-spinning-machines, and +with a little difference of all the inventions that have been brought to +perfection, under the influence of exclusive privileges. +-=- + +[end of page #271] + +perfection, and turned to more advantage in this country than in any +other. + +This advantage, which England enjoys over other countries, is a more +solid one than it appears to be, for it is intimately connected with the +government and laws of the country, and with that spirit which sees +the law well administered, which, in the case of patents, is a matter of +no small difficulty, and prevents others from becoming our rivals, or +attaining the same degree of perfection; {209} for, unless the law is +well administered, there can never be the great exertion that is +necessary to create excellence. + +The fine arts and the mechanic arts are quite different in regard to the +manner in which they are brought to perfection. Individual capacity +and genius will make a man, even without much teaching, excel in one +of the fine arts; whereas, in the mechanic arts, to know how an +operation is performed is every thing, and all men can do it nearly +equally well. The consequence of this is, that, as experience improves +the manner of working, the mechanic arts improve, from age to age, as +long as they are encouraged and practised. It is not so with the fine +arts, or only so in a very small degree, and from this it arises, that, in +sculpture, poetry, painting, and music, the ancients, perhaps, excelled +the moderns. In the mechanic arts they were quite inferior. The best +examples of this, (and better need not be,) are an antique medal, +boldly and finely executed, but ragged on the edges, not on a flat +ground, or of equal thickness, compared with a new guinea, or a +Birmingham button tamely engraved but trimly executed. In the +former, there is every mark of the artist, none of the machine. In the +latter, there are some faint and flat traces of an artist, but great proof +of mechanical excellence. The skill of the artist, necessary to produce +the first, cannot be commanded, though it may, by encouragement, be +called forth; but the reunion of talents, such as are necessary for the +latter, is so certainly obtainable, that it, at all times, may be procured +at will, after it has once been possessed. + +--- +{209} In 1790 the French laid down the law of patents, on the English +plan, and rather, in some respects, improved; but the people never +understood it. The lawyers never understood it; and, even before the +anarchy came on, it was evident it would never produce any very great +effect, for want of proper administration. +-=- + +[end of page #272] + +Security, to reap the fruits of improvements, is all that is wanted, and +this the law of patents, as applied and enforced in England, affords in +a very superior degree. Although, by the communication everywhere, +the ground-work of every art whatever is now no longer confinable to +any one nation, though the contrary is the case, and that the +knowledge necessary circulates freely, and is extended by a regular +sort of system, in periodical publications of various descriptions, yet +the manner of turning that knowledge to advantage does not, by any +means, seem equally easy to communicate. + +The legislature of the United States of America has, indeed, in this +case, done full justice to the encouragement of arts and to inventions; +but circumstances, as has been already said, make other objects more +advantageous for the employment of labour and skill in that country. +For these reasons, therefore, we may look forward with some +confidence, to the flourishing of arts and manufactures, for a long +term of years, if the same attention that has been paid to their +encouragement still continues; but neither this advantage alone, nor all +the advantages united, that have been enumerated, will be sufficient to +preserve our superiority, if those, who regulate the affairs of the +country, do not favour them. + +It is in consequence of great pains and care, that manufactures have +flourished in this country, and they cannot be preserved without a +continuation of the same care, although it is individual effort that +appears to be the principal cause. Thus, the travellers, on a well-made +highway, proceed with rapidity and ease, at their individual expense, +and by their individual energy; but, if the road is not kept in repair, +their progress must be impeded, and their efforts will cease to produce +the same effect, for they cannot individually repair the road. + +Such appear to be the peculiar circumstances that favour Great +Britain; and that under disadvantages that are also peculiarly great, +give hopes of prolonging the prosperity of the country. + +There is still, however, something wanting to increase our advantage. +Any person acquainted with the manufactures of England will +naturally have observed, that they are all such as meet with a market +in this country. We have no mannfactories =sic= for goods, for the +sole [end of page #273] purpose of our foreign markets; so that, +though we consider ourselves as so much interested in foreign trade, +yet we have adapted all our manufacturies, expressly, as if it were to +supply the home market. + +This observation will be found to apply very generally, though there +are a few exceptions, and though the quality of the goods +manufactured, and intended for exportation, is adapted to the market +for which they are destined. This last, indeed, is very natural, nor +could it well be otherwise, but that is not going half the length +necessary. + +Instead of carrying our goods into a strange country, and trying +whether the inhabitants will purchase, we should bring home patterns +of such articles as they use themselves, and try if we can supply them +with advantage. Nations vary, exceedingly, in taste, and so they +always will. The colour of the stuffs, the figures on printed cottons, +and even the forms of cutlery, and articles of utility, are, in some sort, +matters of taste. If we are to manufacture for other nations, let us try to +suit their taste as we do to suit that of our own people at home. The +reasons why we do not do this are pretty evident. In the first place, it +would not answer the purpose of an individual to procure the +information necessary, and make a collection where the advantage, in +case of success, would be divided with all that chose to imitate them; +besides this, in many cases, the means are wanting to procure what is +necessary. + +The study of botany has been greatly advanced, and kitchen gardens +greatly enriched, by the importation of exotic plants; and, probably, +our manufactures might be greatly extended, if the same care were +taken to collect foreign articles, the produce of industry. {210} We do +not find every foreign plant succeed in this country, but if it seems +pro- + +--- +{210} A collection of all sorts of stuffs, with the prices in the country, +where worn, and the same of all sorts of hardware, toys, trinkets, &c., +should be made, at the public expense, and be open, on application, to +the inspection of every person who might apply in a proper manner; +and even specimens, or patterns, should be delivered out, on the value +being deposited. In Persia, and many places, if we would copy their +colours and patterns, we might sell great quantities of cotton stuffs. +Our hatchets, and some other of our tools, are not made of a form +liked by the Americans. +-=- + +[end of page #274] + +bable, and worth trying, we never fail to do that; we trust it would be +so with foreign manufactures, if we had proper patterns. A fair trial +would be made, where success seemed probable, and the event would +determine the future exertion. + +Accidental circumstances, a few centuries ago, brought new plants +into this country, they now come into it in consequence of regular +exertions for that purpose. What was then true, with regard to plants +imported, is still true with respect to manufactures exported. We +manufacture for ourselves, and if any thing of the same sort suits other +nations, we send it, if not, there is no trade to that part; now, this must +be allowed to be an accidental cause, for the promotion of foreign +trade. + +Wherever it is possible to prevent the debasing the quality of an +article, so as to hinder it answering the purpose, or gratifying the +expectations of the purchaser, that ought to be done, for it has long +been such a practice for English manufacturers to undersell each other, +that they stick at no means of being able to do so. + +A variety of qualities, according to price, is necessary. All persons +cannot afford to buy the best sort of goods; but, when a reduction of +price is carried so far as to be obtained by making an article that is +useless, this is a means of losing the trade; and it would be very easy +to prove that such examples are very numerous, and that various +branches of trade have been lost by that means. + +With regard to the extent of sea coast, the advantage that may be +derived from the fisheries, and the benefit arising from that +circumstance to commerce, they are natural advantages, and already +perfectly understood. [end of page #275] + + + + +CHAP. VIII. + + +_Conclusion_. + +After having gone through the subject of the Inquiry, according to +the mode that appeared to be the best, in which there has been one +invariable rule, never to oppose theory and reasoning to facts, but to +take experience as the surest guide, a recapitulation can scarcely be +very necessary; but a conclusion, applicable to the situation of this +country, certainly may. + +This, however, ought to be short, as the reader has all the materials for +it in his own power, but it may save him trouble. + +The great end of all human effort is, to improve upon the means which +nature has furnished men with, for obtaining the objects of their wants +and wishes, and to obviate, to counteract, or do away those +inconveniencies =sic= and disadvantages which nature has thrown in +the way of their enjoyment. {211} + +With the mind, the same course should be used as with material +bodies. It is impossible, in either case, to create; but we may turn the +good to as profitable an advantage as we are able, and counteract the +bad. + +To attempt to hinder men from following their propensities, when in +power, is always arduous, generally ineffectual, and frequently +impracticable; besides, when it can be done coercively, it infringes too +much on the liberty and the enjoyment of mankind. A controuling +power should be employed as seldom as possible. + +--- +{211} Thus, in building a house, you form the stones, the clay, and +other materials, which nature has furnished, in order to counteract the +effect of heat or cold, moist or dry, as is most agreeable. Thus, men +have learned to melt and vitrify the sand on the sea-shore, to make +glass, grind it into a form, and make a microscope to view the most +minute objects of nature, or to bring the most distant nearer, by the +telescope: thus, rectifying the imperfection of human sight. Perhaps +the burning of _coals_ to convert _water_ into _steam_, and, with that +_steam_, raising _coals_ and _water_ from the mine is the most +complete triumph of human skill over physical difficulties. How +invention and discovery have improved the state of man since the time +that the uses of corn and fire were unknown in Greece!!! +-=- + +[end of page #276] + +To attempt to smother the passions is vain, to controul them difficult; +besides, it is from energy, arising from passions or propensities, that +all good, as well as all evil, arise. The business, then, will neither be +to curb nor to crush, but to give a proper direction. This is to be done +by good habits, when young, and a proper education, which cannot be +obtained by individual exertion, without the assistance of government; +an assistance that it is therefore bound to give. + +The general tendency of wealth and power are to enervate people, to +make them proud and indolent, and, after a certain time, they leave a +country. Individuals have no means to counteract this tendency, unless +the governing power of the country gives a general impulse to them, +in cases where they can act, and acts itself, with care and attention, +where individuals can do nothing. + +In the case of education and manners, in the case of providing for +children, individuals may do much, but government must not only +give the means, but the impulse. In the case of the soil becoming +insufficient for the inhabitants, and of taxes and national debt +increasing, government may stop the progress; and in the cases of +individual bodies trenching on the general weal, as well as in the +tendency of inventions, capital, &c. to emigrate to other countries, the +government may counteract, and, perhaps, totally prevent them all. + +In all cases, individuals will and must follow their lawful propensities, +both in the means of employing capital and expending revenue; that is, +they must be left free, in a general way, and only interrupted and +regulated in particular cases; but, sometimes, the means must be +furnished them of going right, and in other cases the inducements to +do so augmented. We shall take the subjects in the same order that +they followed in the Second Book. + +Though the manners of people, arrived at maturity, can only be +regulated by their education, when young, if that is properly attended +to, it will be sufficient; for though it will not prevent the generation +that has attained wealth, from enjoying it according to the prevailing +taste, it will prevent contamination being communicated with +increased force, as it now is, to the children. The evils then will go on +in a simple proportion; they now go on with a compound one, and the +evils arising from the [end of page #277] luxury of each generation are +doubled on that which follows after. If that is prevented, it will be all +that probably is necessary; at all events it is probably all that is +possible. + +In taxation, the government should study to do away what is +obnoxious in its mode of collection, for that does more injury to the +subject, in many cases, than an equal sum would do levied in another +manner; and when payments are to be made, the mode should be +rendered as easy as possible. Every unnecessary trouble should be +avoided in collecting a tax. In the tax on receipts and bills, why should +the sums to which they extend not be printed on them, so as to prevent +error, which is sometimes attended with great loss, and always with +inconvenience? If this had been done, how many law-suits, how many +nefarious tricks, would have been prevented? But not to speak of those +inconveniences only, how much useless trouble, uneasiness, and +uncertainty, would have been saved in the common way of transacting +business? In most cases, the subject is treated as if neither his time, +nor his conveniency, nor his feelings, were worth attending to. This is +equally impolitic and unjust: there is, perhaps, no country where +people are more careful to keep within the pale of the law, than in +England; but when they are within it, and have power, no people use it +with a more insulting rigour; and for this there is no redress. + +In many cases, this would be entirely prevented by proper attention in +first laying on the tax. There should be a board of taxation, to receive, +digest, and examine, the suggestions of others. In short, pains should +be taken to bring to perfection the system. At present, it is left to +chance; that is to say, it is left for those to do who have not time to do +it, and, of consequence, the blunders committed are seen by all the +world. {212} + +--- +{212} An act of parliament for a new tax is seldom ever right till it +has been evaded a number of times, and even then in perfectioning +=sic= it, an increase of revenue is the only object attended to; the +conveniency of the subject is scarcely ever thought of. Taxes are laid +on, that experience proves to be unproductive and oppressive, and +sometimes are, and oftener ought, to be repealed; thousands of persons +are sometimes ruined for a mere experiment. As the public pays for it, +they, at least, might be indulged with a little attention; nothing costs +less than civility. If half the attention were paid to preventing +unnecessary trouble to the subject, [end of page #278] in cases of +taxation, that is paid to the preservation of partridges, we should have +the thing very differently managed. There should also be a public +office, to hear just complaints against those who give unnecessary +trouble, as there is for hackney coachmen. Men in all situations +require to be under some controul, where they have power. Most of +those who _drive_ others, go wrong sometimes, unless held in check +by some authority. +-=- + +The encroachments of separate bodies on the public, it is entirely in +the power of the state to prevent. It is owing to weakness or +carelessness, or ignorance, that governments admit of such +encroachments, and they are easily to be prevented, partly, as has been +shewn, by positive regulation, and partly by counteracting them, +whenever they appear to be proceeding in a direction any way +doubtful. When they do so, the conclusion may be, that they are +working for themselves; and, in that case, they ought to be very +minutely examined into; and, as all public bodies, and men belonging +to a class that has a particular interest generally derive their means of +trenching on the public from government, it may very easily controul +their action, or counteract the effect. + +As lawyers have the administration of justice amongst themselves; as +the executive part is in their hand, the law-makers should be +particularly careful to make them amenable by law for bad conduct; it +ought not to be left in the bosom of a court, to strike off, or keep on, +an improper man. It is not right, on the one hand, that attorneys, or any +set of men, should be subject to an arbitrary exertion of power; and it +is equally unfair for them to be protected, by having those who are to +judge between them and the public, always belonging to their own +body. In defence of this, it is said, that attornies are servants of the +court, and that the business of the court being to do justice, their +correction cannot be in better hands. This is a tolerably ingenious +assertion, if it were strictly true; but the court consists both of judge +and jury; whereas, in this case, the judge assumes all the power; that is +to say, when a case is to be determined relative to the conduct of a +lawyer, a lawyer is to be the sole judge, and the jury, who represent +the public, are to have their power set aside; thus, when their opinion +is most wanted, it is not allowed to be given. Under such regulation, +what real redress can be expected? As for the taxing costs by a master, +it is [end of page #279] rarely that a client, from prudential motives, +dares appeal; and, when he does, the remedy is frequently worse than +the disease; and, even in this case a lawyer judges a lawyer. Without +saying any thing against the judgments, it will be allowed, that in +neither case is the principle of Magna Carta adhered to, of a man +being judged by his peers; besides, in every other fraud there is +punishment proportioned to the crime. In this case there is no +punishment, unless the extortion is exorbitant, and then the +punishment is too great. It ought to be proportioned to the offence, as +in cases of usury, and then it would be effectual; but to let small +misdemeanors go free and to punish great ones beyond measure is the +way to elude punishment in all cases. A man ought to pay his bill; let +the attorney take the money at his peril, and let there be a court to +judge fairly, at little expense, and with promptitude, and punish the +extortion by a treble fine. This would answer; but all regulations, +relative to law, are left to the lawyers themselves; and the fable of the +Man, the Lion, and the Picture, was never so well exemplified, Never, +in any case, was redress more wanted; perhaps, never was it less likely +to be had. + +The unequal division of property, as has been shewn, arises partly +from bad laws, and partly from neglect of regulation; it is, indeed, one +of the most delicate points to interfere in; nevertheless, as it has been +proved, that laws do already interfere between a man and the use of +his property, (and that it is, in some cases, necessary that they should +do so) the question is reduced to one of circumstances and +expediency, it is not one to be determined, in the abstract, on +principle. It is also of too nice a nature to be touched roughly by +general regulation; but, if large estates in land, and large farms, were +taxed higher in proportion than small ones, it would counteract, to a +certain degree, the tendency of landed property to accumulate in any +one person's hand; and, except in land, property seldom remains long +enough in one family to accumulate to a dangerous degree. {213} + +--- +{213} Besides the above truth, of other property being liable to be +dissipated from its nature the law of primogeniture does not attach on +it, and the evil, if it did, would not be any way considerable. +-=- + +[end of page #280] + +The increased consumption of a nation, which we have found one of +the causes of decline that increases with its wealth, may be more +effectually prevented than any other; not by interfering with the mode +in which individuals expend their wealth, but by managing it so that +vegetable food shall always be in abundance; and if so, the high prices +of animal food, and the low price of vegetables will answer the +purpose of counteracting the taste for the former, which is the cause of +the dearth, and brings on depopulation; and therefore its hurtful effect +will be prevented. {214} + +To this, gentlemen of landed property may object, and no doubt will +object, but let them consider how rapidly ruin is coming on. At the +rate matters now go, it would not be a surprising, but a natural effect, +if most of the fields in Britain were converted into pasture, and our +chief supply of corn obtained from abroad. The rent of land would, +indeed, be doubled, the wages of labour would rise more than in an +equal proportion, and a very few years would complete the ruin of this +country. The landed proprietors surely would not, for any momentary +gain, risk the ruin of themselves and of their country, for both may be +the consequence of persisting in this system. {215} Or, if they will +persist in it, will the government, which has other interests to consult +and to protect, allow that single one to swallow up all the rest? + +It is true, the freedom of trade will be invoked; but the freedom of + +--- +{214} Suppose that, of the waste lands, eleven millions of acres were +cultivated, and that as much as possible (suppose five millions) were +always in grain, those five millions would be able to supply the nation +nearly in an ordinary year. A law might also be made, compelling all +landlords and farmers to have only three-fourths in grass; this could be +no hardship. There would then be always corn in plenty; monopoly +would be prevented, because anxiety would be avoided; for a real +deficiency to a small amount gives cause to great anxiety and grievous +monopoly. The waste lands, when disposed of, might have whatever +condition attached to them was thought fit. + +{215} We say persisting in this system, for when bread fell to be at a +moderate price, last summer, (1804,) the outcry amongst the farmers +was great and violent, and the legislature altered the law about +exports; the consequence of this was, that the price of wheat rose +regularly every week till it was doubled. All this was the effect of +opinion, for the price of corn rose too quickly to allow any to be sent +out of the kingdom, by the new law. +-=- + +[end of page #281] + +trade is a principle not to be adopted without limitation, but with due +regard to times and circumstances; let it then never be invoked upon a +general question, without examination. Though this is the true way of +arguing the question, let freedom of trade be taken in another way; let +it be considered as a general principle, it will then be immutable, and +cannot be changed. {216} The present corn-laws must on that +principle be done away, and no bounty allowed for exportation or for +importation, which indeed would be the best way; but, at all events, let +us have one weight and one measure for both parties, and not invoke +freedom of trade to protect the corn-dealers when prices are high, and +enact laws to counteract the effects of plenty, which produces low +prices. + +On this subject, government must set itself above every consideration, +but that of the welfare of the country: it is too important to be trifled +with, or to be bartered for any inferior consideration. + +The prices of our manufactures will soon become too high for other +nations. Our inventions, to abbreviate labour, cannot be perpetual, +and, in some cases, they can go no farther than they have already +gone; besides, the same inventions, copied by nations where labour is +cheaper, give them still a superiority over us. + +If increased consumption was the leading cause of the destruction of +Rome, to which money was sent from tributary nations, and employed +to purchase corn, (so that its supply was independent of its industry,) +how much more forcible and rapid must be its effects in this country, +living by manufactures, and having no other means to procure a +supply from strangers, when that is necessary? {217} + +The burthens of our national taxes continuing the same, those for + +--- +{216} When corn was dear, and the public cry was for regulation, it +was announced, in the highest quarters, that trade was free. Ministers +acted as if they had been the colleagues of of =sic= the economist +Turgot; but, when prices fell, the language was changed, and new +regulations were made. Compare the Duke of Portland's letter, in +1799, with the act for the exportation of grain, in 1804. + +{217} The money sent out of the country for corn is a direct +diminution of the balance due to us from other nations, and it now +amounts to near three millions a year on an average. The balance in +our favour is not much more than twice that sum at the most, and was +not equal to that till lately: the imports of grain may soon turn the +balance against us. +-=- + +[end of page #282] + +the poor increasing, our means diminishing; what could possibly +produce a more rapid decline? + +The danger is too great and too evident to require any thing farther to +be said; particularly as the last ten years have taught us so much, by +experience. + +It is unnecessary to repeat what was said about the mode of reducing +the interest of the national debt without setting too much capital +afloat; without breaking faith with the creditors of the state, or +burthening the industry of the country. + +On the increase of the poor and the means of diminishing their +numbers enough has been said. That must originate with government +in every case and in some cases exclusively belongs to it. They must +act of themselves entirely, with respect to the very poor and to their +children. With those who are not quite reduced to poverty, they should +grant aid, to enable them to struggle against adversity, and prevent +their offspring from becoming burthensome to the public. + +The other affairs well attended to, capital and industry will lose their +tendency to leave the country; and, if they should continue to leave it, +the case will be desperate; for, after the lands are improved, and the +best encouragement given to the employment of capital, and to the +greatest extent nothing more can be done. It will find employment +elsewhere. + +The efficacy of a remedy, like every thing else in this world, has a +boundary, but the extent and compass of that depends, in a great +degree, on exertion and skill, and particularly so in the present +instance. It remains with the government to make that exertion, either +directly itself, or by putting individuals in the way to make it. + +The government of a country must then interfere, in an active manner, +in the prevention of the interior causes of decline. As to the exterior +ones, they do not depend on a country itself; but, so far as they do, it is +exclusively on the government, and in no degree on the individual +inhabitants. + +The envy and enmity which superior wealth create, can only be +diminished by the moderation and justice with which a nation +conducts itself towards others; and if they are sufficiently envious and +[end of page #283] unfair to persist, a nation like Britain has nothing +to fear. But we must separate from envy and enmity occasioned by the +possession of wealth, that envy and enmity that are excited by the +unjust manner in which wealth is acquired. + +In respect to Britain, it has been shewn, that the envy and enmity +excited, are chiefly by her possessions in the East Indies; we have +seen, also, that the wealth obtained by those possessions is but very +inconsiderable, and that they have, at least, brought on one-third of +our national debt; it would then be well, magnanimously to state the +question, and examine whether we ought not to abandon the +possession of such unprofitable, such expensive, and such a dangerous +acquisition; till we do so, it is to be feared that we shall never have a +true friend, nor be without a bitter enemy. + +We have had experience from America, which is become precious to +us now, that we have lost it, and which was a mill-stone about our +neck, while we were in possession of it. Let us take a lesson from +experience, and apply its result to what is at this moment going on, +and we cannot mistake the conclusion to be formed. Let the nation be +above the little vanity of retaining a thing, merely because it has +possessed it. {218} Let the great general outline of happiness, and of +permanent happiness, be considered, and not that ephemerical +splendour and opulence, that gilded pomp that remains but for a day, +and leaves a nation in eternal poverty and want. Britain can only be +firm and just in its conduct towards other nations, give up useless +possessions, defend its true rights to the last point, encourage industry +at home, and take every step to prevent the operation of those causes +of decline that we have been examining; let merit be encouraged, and + +--- +{218} In this country, public opinion would be against a minister, who +proposed to give up any possession abroad, however useless. This is +owing to the pride occasioned by wealth. The people are not rapacious +for conquests, but once in possession they are very unwilling to let +them go. + +It is not necessary to quit the trade to India, or abandon all our +possessions, but to diminish our establishments, circumscribe our +conquests, and not aim at possessing more than we had thirty years +ago. That moderation would conciliate all nations, and envy would +find its occupation gone. +-=- + +[end of page #284] + +let it never be forgotten or lost sight of, that wealth and greatness can +only be supported, for a length of time, by industry and abilities well +directed, guided by justice and fair intention. This is the truth of which +we are never to lose sight. We may keep sounding for the bottom, and +reconnoitring the shore, the better to direct our steps, but we must +never lose sight of the beacon, with the help of which alone we can +safely enter the wished-for harbour. + +There is a great disposition in the human mind to give the law, when +there is the power of doing it. The abuse of power appears to be +natural and dangerous; yet, we have seen, that most nations, both +ancient and modern, have fallen into that error. The hour of British +insolence has also been mentioned, and, certainly, with regard to +America, we did not more materially mistake our power than we did +the rights of those with whom we had to treat. + +It is much to be questioned, whether the undaunted and brave spirit of +our naval commanders does not, in some cases, lead them too far in +their rencontres with vessels of other nations on the high seas, and we +ought not to forget that, in this case, the match played is that of +England against all the world. As no other nation is under the same +circumstances with this, no one will be inclined to take our part, or to +wink at, or pardon, any error we may commit. + +The Hans Towns, at one time, were paramount at sea; they could bid +defiance to all the world; and, at first, they did great actions, and +employed their power to a good purpose. They destroyed the pirates, +and humbled the Danes, after they had robbed both the English and +French, and burnt both London and Paris; but they also had their hour +of insolence. They began to be unjust, and to be insolent, and the cities +that had begged to be united to them, in the times when their conduct +was honourable and wise, withdrew from the participation of their +injustice, pride, and arrogance. While they attended to protecting +themselves, and to following their own affairs, they did numberless +good offices to the ships of foreign nations; they had universal good +will and commanded admiration. But, when they became supercilious, +and a terror to others, their pride was soon humbled, never again to +rise. [end of page #285] + +In considering the whole, there is a considerable degree of consolation +arises to British subjects, to see the very mistaken comparisons that +have, in the first place, been made between Rome and Carthage; and, +in the second place, the still more unfair comparison made between +those two rival powers, and France and England. + +As opinion and belief have a great power over the minds of men, +whether they act in conformity to their views and wishes, or in +opposition to them, it is of great importance to remove an error, which +was of very long standing, very general, and had the direct tendency to +make the people of both countries think the parallel well drawn, and +therefore conclude that this mercantile country must, sooner or later, +sink under the power of France. But, when it appears that most authors +have been inadvertently led into the same mistake, with respect to +those two ancient republics, and that, even if there had not been the +mistake, the parallel drawn would not have been true, then France will +probably cease to found her hopes on that comparison, and we may, at +least, cease to feel any apprehension from so ill-grounded a cause. + +That a nation once gone on in the career of opulence can never go +back with impunity is as certain as its tendency to going back is. The +possession of riches is of a transitory nature, and their loss attended +with innumerable evils. Though nations in affluence, like men in +health, refuse to follow any regimen, and use great freedom with +themselves, yet they should consider there is a vast difference. A man, +well and in health, is in his natural state; yet even that will not resist +too much liberty taken with his constitution; but a nation that has risen +to more wealth than others is always in an artificial state, insomuch as +it owes its superiority, not to nature, but either to peculiar +circumstances, our =sic--sc.: or = superior exertion and care; it is +therefore not to be supposed capable of being preserved, without some +of that attention and care, which are necessary to all nations under +similar circumstances, and which, in the history of the world, we have +not yet seen one nation able to resist. + +There are sufficient circumstances, new and favourable in the [end of +page #286] case of Britain, to inspire us with the courage necessary +for making the effort. + +There is one part of the application of this Inquiry, to the British +dominions, left intentionally incomplete. It has been left so with a +design to keep clear of those discussions that awaken a spirit of party, +which prevents candid attention. It is of little use to enquire, unless +those who read can do it without prevention or prejudice. It is +therefore, very necessary not to awaken those feelings, by adding any +thing that may rouse a spirit of party; and it is difficult to touch +matters that concern men, deeply interested in an object, without that +danger. What seems impartial to an unconcerned man, seems partial to +those who are concerned; and sometimes the observer is blamed by +both the parties, between whom he thinks he is keeping in the middle +way. + +The advantages of the form of government adopted in Britain have +been fairly stated in account; but constitutions and forms of +government, however good, are only so in the degree; they are never +perfect, and have all a tendency to wear out, to get worse, and to get +encumbered. The French were the first, perhaps, that ever tried the +mad scheme of remedying this by making a constitution that could be +renewed at pleasure. But it was a violent remedy, to implant, in the +constitution itself, the power of its own destruction, under the idea of +renovation. The English constitution has taken, perhaps, the best way +that is possible for this purpose; it has given to king, lords, and +commons, the power of counteracting each other, and so preserving its +first principles. Without going into that inquiry, it is sufficient to say, +that the advantages which may be derived from the British +constitution can only be expected by the three different powers having +that will, and exercising it; for, if they should act together on a system +of confidence, without an attention to preserving the balance, they +must overset, instead of navigating the vessel. + +The individuals of whom a nation is composed, we have seen, never +can, by their efforts, prevent its decline, as their natural propensities +tend to bring it on. It is to the rulers of nations we must look for the +[end of page #287] prolongation of prosperity, which they cannot +accomplish, unless they look before them, and, in place of seeking for +remedies, seek for preventatives. + +It is very natural and very common for those who wield the power of a +great nation, to trust to the exertion of that power, when the moment +of necessity arrives; but that will seldom, if ever, be found to answer. +The time for the efficacy of remedy will be past before the evil +presents itself in the form of pressing necessity; and that very power, +which can so effectually be applied in other cases, in this will be +diminished, and found unequal to what it has to perform. + +[end of page #288] + +_Application of the present Inquiry to Nations in general_ + +IF there is a lesson taught by political economy that is of greater +importance than any other, it is, that industry, well directed, is the way +to obtain wealth; and that the modes by which nations sought after it +in the early and middle ages, by war and conquest, are, in comparison, +very ineffectual. + +Notwithstanding that princes themselves are now convinced of the +truth of this, by a strange fatality, the possession of commercial wealth +has itself become the cause of wars, not less ruinous than those that +formerly were the chief occupation of mankind. + +It was discovered a few centuries ago, that small principalities, and +even single cities, acquired more wealth by industry, than all the +mighty monarchs of the middle ages did by war; but we are not yet +advanced to the ultimate end of the lessons that experience and reason +give in regard to the interests of nations, with regard to wealth and +power. + +To suppose that mankind will ever live entirely at peace is absurd, and +is to suppose them to change their nature. Such a reverie would only +suit one of the revolutionists of France; but let us hope that there is +still a possibility to lessen the causes of quarrels amongst nations. The +true principles of political economy lead to that, and the object is +sufficiently important. + +By _agriculture_ and _manufactures_; that is, by producing such +things as are conducive to the happiness of man, the _aggregate +wealth of mankind_ can alone be increased. + +By _commerce_, which consists in conveying or selling the produce +of industry, the aggregate wealth of mankind is not increased, but its +_distribution is altered_. {219} + +--- +{219} Though the produce of soil is not obtained without industry, +yet, to make a distinction that is simple and easily understood and +retained, we suppose manufactured produce to go by the name of the +produce of industry. +-=- + +[end of page #289] + +As individuals, and sometimes nations, have obtained great wealth, +not by producing, but by altering the distribution of wealth produced; +that is, by commerce, that seems, to those who aim at wealth, to be the +greatest object of ambition. + +If every nation in the world were industrious, and contented with +consuming the articles it produced, they would all be wealthy and +happy without commerce; or, if each nation enjoyed a share of +commerce, in proportion to what it produced, there would be no +superiority to create envy. + +Variety of soil and climate, difference of taste, of manners, and an +infinity of other causes, have rendered commerce necessary, though it +does not increase the aggregate wealth of mankind: but nations are in +an error when they set a greater value on commerce than on +productive industry. + +Some nations are situated by nature so as to be commercial, just as +others are to raise grapes and fine fruits; therefore, though one nation +has more than what appears to be an equal share of commerce, it +ought not to be a reason for envy, much less for enmity. + +Some nations also find it their interest to attend chiefly to agriculture, +others may find it necessary to attend more to manufactures; but that +ought to be no cause of enmity or rivalship. + +With a view, if possible, to diminish a little the envy and rivalship that +still subsists, let us take a view of this business in its present state. + +Britain, the wealthiest of nations, at this time, sells little of the +produce of her soil, and a great deal of the produce of her industry; but +she purchases a great deal of the produce of the soil of other countries, +though not much of their industry: in this there is great mutual +conveniency and no rivalship. In fact, her wealth arises nearly +altogether from internal industry, and, by no means from that +commerce that is the envy of other nations; for it is clear, that whoever +produces a great deal may consume a great deal, without any +exchange of commodities, and without commerce. + +The English, number for number, produce more, by one-half, than +[end of page #290] any other people; they can, therefore, consume +more; they are, therefore, richer. + +If France would cultivate her soil with the same care that we attend to +manufactures, (at the same time manufacturing for herself as much as +she did before the revolution,) she would be a much richer country +than England, without having a single manufacture for exportation. +Her wines, brandies, fruits, &c. &c. would procure her amply +whatever she might want from other nations. Let France make good +laws to favour industry; and, above all, render property secure, and +she will have no occasion to envy England. + +Russia, part of Germany, Spain, Italy, and Portugal, are all in a similar +situation with France in this respect; they will each be as rich as +England the moment they are as industrious, and have as many +inventions for the abbreviation of labour. + +Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, and some parts of Germany, are, +more or less, in the same situation with England; they require to pay +attention to manufactures, for they have not the means of raising +produce enough to exchange for all they want. + +If there is any occasion for rivalship, or ground for envy, it is then but +very small, and it happens that the rivalship which exists is between +those nations that, in reality, ought to be the least envious of each +other, the nations who have the fewest quarrels are those who really +might be rivals. + +Rivalship is natural between those who are in similar situations. +France, Spain, and Portugal, might be rivals. England, Holland, +Prussia, and Denmark, might also be rivals; but there can be no reason +for France envying England her manufactures and commerce, any +more than for England envying France for her climate, soil, extent, +=sic= of territory and population. + +The way to produce the most, being to give industry its best direction. +Nations, differently situated, ought never to be rivals or enemies, on +account of trade. + +If those, who regulate the affairs of nations, were to consider this in its +true light, there would be less jealousy and more industry. [end of +page #291] + +There appears to be only one real cause for war, so far as it is +occasioned by a wish to obtain wealth; and that arises from +possessions in the East and West Indies, and in America. + +If there were no such possessions, or if they were more equally +divided, there would be very little cause for war amongst nations. + +It may, very possibly, at some distant time, be an object for a general +congress of nations, to settle this point; so that it shall be no longer an +object of jealousy. This can be done only by abandoning entirely, or +dividing more equally; but, at present, the animosity and enmity +occasioned is considerable, though not well founded. + +The Spaniards are not envied for the possession of Peru, nor the +Portuguese for the Brazils, though they draw more wealth from them +than ever England or Holland did from their foreign possessions; yet, +England is, and Holland was, an object of envy, on account of +possessions abroad. This is the more unreasonable, that the Spaniards +and Portuguese keep the trade strictly to themselves, while England +allows nations, at peace with her, the most liberal conditions for +trading with her Indian possessions: conditions, indeed, that give them +a superiority over ourselves. {220} This conduct ought not to bring +down upon England, envy or enmity, (though it does); for the fact is, +that if all nations were at peace with England, they might, if they had +capital and skill, (and that they have not is no fault of England,) trade +with India to great advantage, while we should have the trouble of +defending our establishments, and of keeping the country. + +Before the revolution, France obtained more produce from Saint +Domingo alone, in one year, than Britain did from all her West India +Islands together, in three years, and much more than England did from +all her foreign possessions together; yet, France was never obnoxious +to other nations on that account. + +--- +{220} This may seem strange, but it is literally true; the quarrels +between the India Company, and the free trade, as it is called, are an +ample proof of the truth of it. The free-trade-merchants chiefly act +under the name of agents for Swedish and Danish houses, so liberally +has England acted with regard to neutral nations. +-=- + +[end of page #292] + +It appears, then, very evident, that the envy and jealousy do not arise +from the _magnitude or value of foreign possessions_, but from some +other cause, though it is laid to that account. This cause is worth +inquiring into. + +It appears that Holland and England have, alone, been causes of +jealousy to other nations, on account of foreign possessions; but, that +Spain, Portugal, and France, never have, though there was more real +reason for envy and jealousy. + +The reason of this appears to be, that those nations, who excited no +envy, escaped it, because their indolence, or internal economy, +prevented them from becoming rich; but, that Holland and England, +which, in reality, owed their wealth chiefly to internal industry, and +very little of it to foreign possessions, have excited great envy, and +that England does so to the present hour. {221} + +It is, then, wealth arising from industry, that is the object to be aimed +at, and that cannot be obtained by war or conquest. The purpose is not +advanced, but retarded, by such contests; and if those, who rule +nations, would condescend to enter into the merits of the case, they +would find, not only that the happiness of the people, and every +purpose at which they aim, would be better answered than by +contesting about the means of wealth, which, consisting in internal +industry, does not admit of a transfer. One nation may be ruined, and +another may rise, (as, indeed, they are continually doing,) but one +nation does not rise merely by ruining another; the wealth of a nation, +like the happiness of an individual, draws the source from its own + +--- +{221} From both the East and West Indies, England never has, till +within these last ten years, drawn three millions a year, that could be +termed profit or gain, and, even in the last and most prosperous times, +not eight millions, which is not equal to more than one-twentieth part +of the produce of national industry at home. Even the foreign +commerce of England, except so far as it procures us things we want, +in exchange for things we have to spare, is not productive of much +wealth. Supposing the balance in our favour to be six millions a year, +which it has never uniformly been, it would only amount to one- +twenty-fourth of our internal productive industry. In short, we gain +five times as much by a wise division of labour, the use of machinery, +ready and expeditious methods of working, as by the possession of +both the Indies!!! +-=- + +[end of page #293] + +bosom. The possession of all the Indies would never make an indolent +people rich; and while a people are industrious, and the industry is +well directed, they never can be poor. + +It is to be hoped, that the time is fast approaching, when nations will +cease to fight about an object that is not to be obtained by fighting, +and that they will seek for what they want, by such means as are safe +and practicable. [end of page #294] + + + + +====== +INDEX. +====== + +****************************************************************** +[Transcriber's note: the original work itself omits the page +references in the many instances where there is a trailing comma.] +****************************************************************** + + +[=sic=--no section heading in original] + +ABSOLUTE monarchy, in some particular instances, has an +advantage over limited monarchy; particularly in preventing the +infringement made by corporate bodies or professions on the public, +117, 118, 119. + +AGES, middle, commerce made slow progress during them, 3.--What +places flourished in them, 44 to 50. + +AGE, golden, the tradition, if that founded in any thing, must have +been a very ignorant one, though very happy, 214. + +ALEXANDER, the Great, history confused before his time, 20.--His +conquests had no permanent consequences, 24.--The only permanent +consequence was Alexandria supplanting Tyre, 52.--His expedition to +India was on purpose to get possession of the fine countries that +produced aromatics and precious stones, 53. + +ALEXANDRIA, rendered Egypt first a commercial country, and +brought on the decline of Carthage, 24.--Loses its commerce in the +7th century by the conquests of the Mahomedans, 54, 55. + +ALFRED the Great, made many efforts to render the people happy, +118. + +AMBASSADOR. See Diplomacy. + +AMBITION, sometimes renders labour an enjoyment, 82. + +AMERICA, its discovery forms a new epoch in the history of +commerce, 3.--Little similarity between it and other nations, 103.-- +United States, of, their revenues, ib.--May take all the goods Britain +can manufacture, 195.--British exports to, consist nearly all of +manufactured goods, 204.--Probability of its great increase and +consumption of English manufactures, 268, 269.--Encourages arts +and inventions, but agriculture a better object to it, 273. + +ANCIENT nations. See Nations. + +ANIMAL food, much used in northern nations and by manufacturing +people, 138.--Its effects on population, 139 to 146.--Price compared +with bread, 147.--In case of the demand becoming too great, a +remedy proposed, 155. + +ANTWERP, at one time acted as a sovereign, 47.--Became, in the +north, what Venice was in the south of Europe, 57. + +APPRENTICES. See Education. + +ARABIAN Gulf. See Red Sea. + +ARKWRIGHT, Sir Richard, as an inventor met with great difficulties, +203. + +ARTS. See Manufactures. + +ARTS, fine. See Fine Arts. + +ARTISTS, not unfit for soldiers, 32.--Banished by luxury from a +country, 113. + +ASIA, passage to it by the Cape of Good Hope a new aera in +commerce, 3.--Its mode of fighting with elephants only disconcerted +the Romans once, 31. + +ASSIGNATS. See France. + +ATHENS. See Greece. + +AUGUSTUS, his resolution to kill himself when supplies of corn +were likely to fail, 35. + +[=sic=--no section heading in original] + + +BABYLON. See Syria. + +BALANCE of trade, of England, has never much exceeded five +millions.--To be seen on the chart 3, p.213, during 105 years.--Is not +equal to more than one twenty-fourth of the produce of industry, 293. + +BALANCE of power could not preserve a nation from interior causes +producing decline, 185. + +BALTIC Sea, manufacturers early established on its southern shores, +45 to 48. + +BARTER, not an innate principle, as Dr. Smith thinks, 5, 6. + +BLACK Sea, a new market opened to commerce,195. + +BIRMINGHAM division of labour renders business easy, 217.-- +Apprenticeships not necessary to learn the art, but for other reasons.-- +Recruiting service succeeds there, ib. + +BOARDING Schools. See Education. + +BODIES Corporate and Public, their tendency to trench on the public, +117 to 124. + +BOULTON, M. Esq. his spirited conduct in bringing forward the +improvements, invented by Mr. Watt, on the steam-engine, 203. + +BORROWING. See Money. + +BRAZILS. See Portugal. + +BREAD, proportion between the price of, and butchers meat, 140.-- +Prices in Paris and London,164. + +BRITAIN, in what its power and wealth consist, 191.--Its interior +situation and exterior, 192, 193, 194, 195.--Its conquests and +colonies, 196 to 200.--Its great increase, 201.-- + +[end of page #295] Farthest advanced in manufacture, the +consequence of that investigated, 203, 204, 205.--Comparison +between its general trade and that to India, 206 to 211.--Begins to +encourage agriculture, 213.--Its exports and imports represented in +chart 3 described, 213, 214. + +BRUGES acted once as a sovereign, 47.--Became a depot for India +goods in the north, as Venice was in the south, 157. + +BURKE, Right Honourable Edmund, his opinion relative to exterior +causes of decline, 176. + +BUTCHERS meat. See Animal Food. + + +C. + +CAPE of Good Hope. Its passage a new epoch in commercial history, +3. + +CAPITAL, the result of past industry, 161.--Commands trade, but +supplies poor countries at the expense of richer ones, 181.--Tends to +leave a country when it becomes too abundant, 161, 162, 163.-- +Would leave England if the sinking fund were to operate long in time +of peace, 242. + +CARTHAGE, of wealthy places alone escaped the conquests of +Alexander, 24.--Mistake relative to its state, 32, 33.--Its fall ruined +the Roman manners, ib.--Comparison between it and Rome unfair, +36, 37, 38.--Was never so degraded as Rome, ib. + +CASPIAN Sea, goods brought by that route from India, 56. + +CHANGES, interior, take place by degrees, 89.--Most rapid and +observable amongst the Romans, 91. + +CHARLEMAGNE, from the fall of the Roman empire till his time, +nothing like wealth or power, 44.--Paved the way for civilizing and +enriching the north of Europe, 45. + +CHARTS, description and explanation of, illustrating the rise and fall +of nations, 78, 79, 80.--Statistical explanation of, 190.--Of +commerce, exports and imports, 213.--Of revenue and debts, 214. + +CHILDREN. See Education. + +CHRISTIAN religion most favourable to industry, 263, 264, 265, 267. + +COMMERCE, progress slow in feudal times, 3.--Changed its abode +when the magnet rendered navigating the ocean practicable, 4.-- +Commercial wealth degrades a nation less than wealth obtained by +conquests, 33.--Commercial spirit, its operation on national character, +37.--Commerce with India, the only one in the ancient world, 51.-- +How carried on, 52.--Its vicissitudes, the envy it created, quarrels and +revolutions it occasioned, 53 to 59.--Of Britain during the last fifteen +years; the increase great, but not arising from any permanent cause, +193.--Its dependence on credit, 201. + +CONSTANTINOPLE shares in the trade of India, 56.--Revolution +occasioned partly by the contests about that commerce, 57.--Sunk +before the discovery of America, by the conquest of the eastern +Empire by the Turks, 68. + +CONSUMPTION of food regulates the population of a country, 140.-- +Its nature and tendency in northern nations, 141, 142, 143.--Requires +attention from government, 146. + +CONQUEST first altered the natural state of the world, 2.--Its first +effect to lessen taxes, 35.--Ultimately degrades a nation, ib. + +CONDUCT in life. See Education. + +CORN, donations of at Rome, 35.--State of crops in England, 145.-- +Impossibility, if it fell much short, to find ships to bring over the +quantity wanted, ib.--calculations concerning, 146 to 154. + +CREDIT necessary to carry on trade extensively, 202, 203. + +CRUSADES tended to extend civilization and commerce, 45. + +CUSTOMS, the first great branch of public revenue, 106. + +CURING herrings, an improvement in the mode of, raised Holland +above Flanders, 47. + + +D. + +DEAD languages. See Education. + +DECAY. See Decline. + +DECLINE of nations. Though it cannot be finally prevented, may be +considered as if it never were to come on in this Inquiry, 7.--Are of +two sorts, 10.--Of the Carthaginians attended with less degradation +than that of the Romans, 36.--Mistaken or misrepresented by +historians in the instances of Rome and Carthage, 37.--Cause of it +amongst the Romans, 39, 40, 41, &c.--Cause of in Flanders, 47.-- +General in all nations that had been wealthy at the time of the +discovery of the passage to India and of America, 49.--Of the Turkish +government, 69.--Occasioned by taxation, 167.--How to be +prevented or retarded, 169.--Interior causes may be counteracted, ib.-- +In general hastened by the conduct of governments, 171.--Might be +otherwise, ib.--Certain causes of, common to all nations, 173.-- +External causes of operating on a nation, envy, enmity, &c. 176, 177, +178.--Causes of peculiar to Great Britain, 257, 258, 259, 260. + +DENMARK. Example of comparative power.--Occasions the +Hanseatic League by its piracies, and is afterwards pillaged and nearly +ruined by that confederacy, 48. + +DEPRECIATION of money counteracts the effect of taxation, 114, +115.--Takes place where ever wealth is, 164.--Its effects in dealing +with poor nations, 165. + +DIPLOMACY. The circuitous conduct ascribed to ambassadors, +partly necessary and not to be blamed, 186. + +[end of page #296] + +DIVISION of land. See Property. + +DIVISION of property. See Property. + +DUTCH. See Holland. + + +E. + +EAST INDIES. See India. + +EASTERN Empire. See Constantinople. + +EDUCATION of children in all countries grows worse as a nation +grows more wealthy, 90.--Brings on a change of manners, 91.-- +Would be better managed if parents were aided by govetnment, =sic= +94.--Cannot be properly taken care of without the aid of government, +95.--In what it consists generally, 96, 97, 98.--Has been in general +wrong understood =sic= by writers on it, 98, 99.--Female, its +importance, ib.--Has been ill understood and conducted, 100, 101.-- +Its importance, 216.--Of the higher classes of society is well enough, +217.--Not so of the lower, ib.--Apprenticeships, their advantages, +218.--To become a good member of society, the end of all education, +whatever the rank or situation, 219.--Dr. Smith's opinion about +apprenticeships examined, ib. and 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226.-- +Of females in England badly conducted, 227, 228. + +EGYPT, one of the first countries settled, 20.--Its fertility, &c. 21.-- +Its surplus industry appears to have belonged to the sovereign, 22.-- +Shared in the commerce to India at an early period, 51, 52.--Became +the chief channel for the trade to India after the founding of +Alexandria, 54. + +ELIZABETH, queen, Spanish armada in her reign not equal to the +privateers of our merchants now, 8.--Endeavoured to enrich the +country, 118. + +EMIGRANT ladies, astonishment shewn by them at the little progress +made in female education at public schools in this country, 228. + +ENERGY of those who attack greater than that of they =sic= who +defend, 17.--Occasioned by poverty, and necessity the cause of +changes and revolution, 19. + +ENGLAND began to see the advantages of manufactures and +commerce very late, 48, 74.--Its form of government a great +advantage, 191.--Manners likely to change, 193.--Increase of its +trade since 1791, owing to temporary causes, 195.--The American +and Russian markets great and increasing, 204.--Envy and enmity +excited by its conquests in India, 206.--Effects of taxation on it, 229, +230, 231, 232, 233.--Its national debt, 234 to 246.--Causes of decline +peculiar to it, 257 to 260.--Circumstances peculiarly favourable to it, +261 to 270.--Ought not to be envied for its possessions in India 291.-- +Owes its wealth chiefly to internal industry, 293. + +ENVY leads to rivalship in peace and brings on war, 14.--One of the +external causes of the fall of nations, 175.--Occasioned the fall of +Jerusalem after the death of Solomon, 177.--Excited by the wealth of +England, and particularly by its possessions in the east, 206. + +ESPRIT DE CORPS. See Bodies public and corporate. + +EUPHRATES. See Syria. + +EUROPE, wealth and power unequally divided in it, 13.--Division of +states, with the population and revenues, illustrated by a statistical +chart,190. + +EXCISE, established long after the customs, 107. + +EXPENDITURE of England consists chiefly in interest of debt, 233.-- +Cannot by any economy be much reduced in time of peace. ib. + +EXPORTS, chart shewing, 213. + +EXTERNAL causes of decline, cannot be prevented altogether by +internal arrangements, but their effect greatly diminished, 173.--More +simple than the internal causes, 175.--Envy and enmity, ib.--Opinion +of Mr. Burke, 176, 177, 178.--Causes arising from poor nations +having the advantage over rich in all dealings, 179.--High value of +money in poorer nations, 182.--Conclusion of exterior causes, 184 to +187. + + +F. + +FALL. See Decline. + +FINANCES. See Revenue. + +FINE arts do not flourish in a very wealthy country, 113.--Very +different as to their improvement, from the mechanic arts. + +FLANDERS enriched by manufactures, 3, 46.--The discovery of a +bettar =sic= method of curing herrings by the Dutch is hurtful to it, 47. + +FLORENCE served as a refuge for the nobles of Rome, when the city +was taken by the Goths, 44. + +FOOD. See Animal Food and Corn. + +FORCE, human, the superiority it gave nearly done away by the +invention of gun-powder, 4. + +FORESTALLING. See MONOPOLY. + +FRANCE has, since the revolution, invented new modes of fighting, +31.--Does not resemble Rome, 38.--Its assignats the principal cause +of the nature of the revolution, 48.--Its monied capital was sent away +when the revolution broke out,163.--Its burthens before the +revolution, 169.--It expended great sums in the last war, 189.--It, +before the revolution, gained more by the west-India trade than any +other nation, 193.--Have now nearly lost it, ib.--Its capital greatly +diminished, ib.--Will probably never possess great West-India trade +again, 195.--Will never cease to be an enemy to England, 196. + +FREED men. + +FREE revenue. See Revenue. + +FUND, public. See National Debt. + +FUND, sinking. See National Debt. + + +G. + +GAMING, though attended with painful sensations, is oftener +followed from propensity, as a mode of occupying the mind and +interesting it, than from a love of gain, 83. [end of page #297] + +GENTLEMEN resemble each other pretty nearly in all countries, 218. + +GEOGRAPHICAL discovery so far as connected with the rise and fall +of nations nearly at an end, 12. + +GENOA, why put with Venice in the chart of commercial history, 56.-- +Its greatness, ib.--Loses its superiority, 57.--Its power in the Black- +Sea, ib. + +GOLD. See Money. + +GOLDEN Age. See Age. + +GOVERNMENTS ought to aid in the education of the lower and +middling classes, 94, 95.--Neglect education in the useful arts, 98.-- +Should counteract the internal causes of decline, 172, 173, 187.-- +Government of Great Britain should take care of education, 225. + +GRAIN. See Corn. + +GREEKS, their education peculiar to themselves, 25.--Studied +Egyptian learning, 98, 99. + +GUN-POWDER changed the art of war, 4. + + +H. + +HANS Towns rose first to wealth in the north of Europe, 3.--Became +formidable towards the end twelfth century, 45.--Arose from the +circumstances of the times and necessity.--Became conquerors, 48.-- +Began to decline through pride and luxury, 49. + +HERRINGS, a new mode of curing them, discovered by the Dutch, +raised that country, and began to make Flanders decline, 47. + +HISTORY, an appeal to the best mode of inquiry, 1.--Dr. Robertson's +complaint about the scarcity of materials, ib.--Is confused previous to +the conquests of Alexander the Great, 20.--Commercial chart of, for +3005 years, 78. + +HOLLAND compared to the Phoenicians, 46.--New method of curing +herrings raised it above Flanders. Great industry and economy, 48.-- +Triumph over Spain at home, and Portugal in India, 62, 63, 64, 65.-- +Increase in wealth till the end of the seventeenth century, 66.--The +best example of overcoming difficulties, ib.--How it began to fall, +67.--How it at last sunk before France, 68. + +HORSES, there =sic= great consumption of food, 147, 157. + +HOUSE rent. See Rent. + +HUME, David, Esq. his errors respecting national debt, though a man +of great abilities, 114. + + +I. + +JAMES I. did not understand the true reason, why the Scotch were +greater lovers of liberty in his time than the English, 280. + +IDLENESS, incompatible with riches in a nation, in every case, but +not so with an individual, 82. + +IMPORTS of, England, chart of, 213. + +INDIA. Its productions seem to have been the first objects of +commerce, 51.--Digression concerning this trade, 51 to 69.--Its trade +and possessions excite envy, 193, 194, 195.--Our possessions too +great, 197.--Budget, its statement and calculation of sums remitted +home, 198.--Has lost the cotton trade notwithstanding the low rate of +labour, 200.--Its trade compared with that of the country at large, 206, +207.--A peculiar cause of other nations envying England, 257.-- +Ought not to be so, as they produce very little wealth compared with +what springs from national industry, 291.--The division of labour, +ready methods of working, and inventions produce more wealth than +both the Indies, 293. + +INDIES, West, the trade of, lost to France, 193.--Trade of England to, +of a permanent nature, 195.--A cause of envy, 196, 197, 198, 199.-- +Ought not to be a cause of envy. + +INDIVIDUALS, some may live without labour, but all those of a +country never can, 82.--Can pay for certain things, for which they +cannot provide, 95. + +INDUSTRY caused by poverty and necessity, 19.--A more +permanent source of wealth than any other, 42.--Industry in youth, the +great advantage of through life, 84.--Diminishes as wealth increases, +90.--Tends to leave a wealthy nation after a certain time, 161.-- +Industry of England, the great support of its wealth, and if other +nations were as industrious, each in the way most advantageous, they +would be as rich as England, 292. + +INTERIOR causes of decline enumerated and examined as habits of +life and manners, 81 to 93.--Arising from education, 94 to 101. The +effects on the people and the government, from 102 to 115.--Arising +from public bodies, from 116 to 124.--Arising from unequal division +of property and employment of capital, from 125 to 136.--Arising +from the produce of the soil, becoming unequal to the consumption, +from page 137 to 160.--From the tendency of industry and capital to +leave a wealthy country, from 161 to 166.--Conclusion of interior +causes, from 166 to 174. + +INTEREST, compound, its progress, more certain in paying off debts +than in accumulating capital, 241. + +INVENTIONS, three great ones almost totally changed the state of +mankind, 4.--Inventions render more capital necessary to commerce, +126.--Is one of the things that renders our superiority in manufactures +secure, 202.--A nation that remains stationary will soon be surpassed, +203. + +JOHNSON, Dr. would have been a greater man if he had lived in a +poorer nation, 113. + +ITALY was unable to supply its inhabitants with food in the splendour +of the Roman empire, 43. + + +L. + +LABOUR, some individuals may, but a nation never [end of page +#28] can exist without it, 82.--Division of, produces great wealth. + +LAND, price of, two centuries ago, and comparison of the profit of +purchasing, or lending on interest in a nation increasing in wealth, +130.--Its unequal division discourages industry, 132, 133, 134.--Total +amount of rent in England, 153, 154, 155. + +LANGUAGES, dead. See Education. + +LAWS better administered in England in criminal than civil cases, +119.--Tend to become more complicated, 123. + +LAWYERS, their ESPRIT DE CORPS, 120, 121, 122.--Individuals +have no means to resist their incroachments, 123.--Government ought +to do it, 124. + +LIVERPOOL fitted out privateers last war, equal in tonnage and men +to the Spanish Armada, 8. + +LOANS. See National Debt. + +LOCAL situation, one of the causes of wealth, 2.--The discoveries in +geography and navigation have changed that with regard to particular +nations, + +LONDON burnt by the Danes, 9.--Rent and taxes heavier than in any +other place, 237.--People prefer living in London, where all is dear, to +the cheaper parts of England, 238, 239. + + +M. + +MISERS, never a race of them for three or four generations, 83. + +MOGUL, the prodigious and rapid decline of his empire, 197. + +MONEY corrupted every thing at Rome when its decline begun, 46.-- +Money to borrow, only to be found in Italy and Flanders, 48.--Let +=sic= out at interest, loses; laid out to buy land, gains in a country +growing rich, 163.--Its value less in England than any country except +America, 165.--Though the best measure of value is not accurate, +being different in different countries, 182.--Its great value in poor +countries serves to enrich them in dealing with wealthy nations, 183. + +MONARCHY. See Absolute Monarchy. + +MONOPOLY not an imaginary evil, 49.--Dr. Smith's opinion +contradicted by experience, 150.--Proof of its existence, 151, 152, +153, 154.--Augments rent, and labour, and prices, 153. + +MONTESQUEU, his mistake relative to Rome and Carthage, 32.-- +His opinion of the affairs of Rome, 40. + +MONTAGUE, chancellor of the exchequer, attended by the lord +mayor and sheriffs, went from shop to shop in London to borrow +money, 239. + +MORALS. See Education. + +MOTHERS. See Education. + +MACHINERY. See Manufactures. + +MAHOMEDAN RELIGION, its rapid establishment, 54.--Its effects +on the commerce with India, ib. + +MANNERS greatly corrupted at Rome, 43.--A change in them +constantly going on, and tending to bring decline, + +MANUFACTURES settled early on the shores of the Baltic, 3.-- +Those who possess them first, lose them by imitation of others, 14.-- +India surpassed in them by England, 63.--In ancient times, only, +extended to luxuries for the great and simple necessaries for the poor, +73.--Manufacturers less splendid than merchants, 143.--The working +men consume more animal food than the same rank of people in any +other nation, 144.--England considered as excelling all other nations +for manufacturers =sic=, 200.--The effects of the inventions of the +steam engine and spinning machines, 203.--Scarcely any thing sold to +the American states, except our own manufactures, 204.--Southern +nations cannot rival northerly ones, 210.--Manufactures, and +agriculture, more conducive to wealth than commerce, are not the +same thing, 209. + +MEDITERRANEAN, its shores the first abodes of commerce, 3 and +4, 20.--Lost its importance by the discovery of America, the magnet, +and the passage to India by the Cape, + +MERCHANTS less splendid than conquerors and planters, 143.--Can +have no rule of conduct in transactions but their own advantage, 181. + + +N. + +NATIONS, none that ever submitted to pay tribute, ever flourished +long, 40.--Enriched by commerce, not so certain to decline as by +conquests, 41.--There =sic= situation with respect to wealth and +power previous to the discovery of America, 49.--Feeble nations have +some advantage in knowing their weakness, 171.--Exterior causes of +their decline of less importance than interior ones, 184.--Should +consider which is the best object on which to employ their industry, +210, 211.--Their comparative extent, revenues, and population, +illustrated by an engraved chart, 213, 214.--Nations of Europe, +application of the present inquiry to them, 284. + +NECESSITY consisting of a desire to supply wants, the cause of +industry and wealth, 14.--Necessity ceases its operation on the nation +that is risen highest, 15, 16.--Operated very powerfully on the Dutch, +47.--Habit prolongs the action of it, 81.--With young men that can, +alone, produce industry, 84.--Less and less on each generation as +wealth increases, 85. The consequences of this, 87.--Its operation +prolonged to a certain degree by taxation, 239.-- + +NORTHERN countries most favourable to industry, 44. + +NILE. See Egypt. + + +P. + +PALMYRA founded by Solomon, King of Israol =sic=, for the +purpose of trading with India, + +PARIS burnt by the Danes soon after the death of Charlemagne. +Prices of bread at, compared with those of London, 150. + +PARISH-OFFICERS defend themselves against the public at the +expense of the public, 122.--Bad administrators, 123, 124.--Rough, +vulgar, and a disgrace to the country, 249. + +PATENTS, laws of, its utility, 200, 201. + +PETER the Great endeavoured to improve his country, and make his +people happy, 118. + +PITT, Right Hon. W. his estimate of national property, 243, 244. + +POLAND, causes of its decline, and subjugation, different from that +of most other nations, 75. + +POOR, their wretched state at Rome, 43.--Of England cost six times +as much, in proportion, as in Scotland, and fifty times as much in +reality, 88.--Increase, as capital becomes necessary for industry, 156.-- +Causes of their increase, &c. &c. 157, 158, 159, 160.--Of England, +cost more to maintain, than the revenues of many kingdoms, 247.-- +Causes, inquired into, and remedy, 248 to 256. + +POPULATION, 142.--Connected with wealth, and the manner of +living, so that a nation may not require to import ordinary food in +great quantities 159.--May be considered as diminished in a double +ratio as the poor increase, 249. + +PORTUGAL, 65. + +POWER in nations, sometimes united with wealth, sometimes not, 7.-- +Definition of, 8, 9.--Sought after by the Romans, and most nations, +too eagerly, 39.--Quitted Rome when wealth was too great, 36. + +PRICES of animal and vegetable food; highness of price diminishes +consumption, 161.--Those of the late dearth at Paris compared with +London, ib.--When known to the corn-dealers, they can combine +without any express stipulation, 152, 153.--Rises to that of monopoly +as soon as an article of necessity becomes scarce, 154, 155.--Of rent +and wages have advanced more within these last twelve years, than in +half a century before, 155. + +PRINCIPLES. See Education. + +PRIORITY of possession of settlement, or of invention, one of the +causes of wealth and power, + +PRODUCE, indulging in eating animal food renders it unequal to +maintaining the population of a country, 138, 139.--Of Italy, +inadequate to its population in the time of Augustus, 3.--Easier +purchased than raised when a nation is rich, + +PROPERTY at Rome very unequally divided before its fall, 43.--Has +a natural tendency to accumulate in particular hands as a nation gets +rich, 125, 126, 127.--Its accumulation and unequal division, one of +the causes of decline, 128.--In land, the accumulation is the most +dangerous, 129 to 136. + +PROSPERITY. See Wealth and Power. + + +R. + +REFORMATION favourable to manufactures and industry, + +RELIGION, Christian, more favourable than any other to industry and +good moral conduct, 264.--Protestant still more favourable than the +Roman Catholic, 265, 266, 267. + +RENT. See Prices. + +REVENUE of Rome wasted on soldiers and public shews, 43.--Want +of, tended to ruin Poland, 75.--Digression concerning, 187, 188, 189, +190.--When it becomes the chief object of, to government, +encourages vice, 226. + +REVOLUTIONS in ancient nations traced, 17, 18, 53, 54, 55.--Of +Poland, the account of, 75, 76, 77. + +ROBINSON, Dr. his complaint about ancient history, 1. + +ROME, her rise not accidental, but from the most unremitting +perseverance, 27.--An account of her conduct in war, and internal +policy, 28 to 33.--Lost her purity of manners, neglected agriculture +and the arts, when she became rich by her conquests in Asia, and the +fall of Carthage, 34, 35.--Became more degraded than ever Carthage +was, 36, 37.--Her courts of justice became venal, property divided in +a very unequal way, taxes became oppressive, her armies enervated, +and she fell, 38, 39, 40. + + +S. + +SARACENS got possession of Egypt, &c. 44. + +SCHOOLS. See Education. + +SINKING Fund, its progress shewn in a stained chart, 215.--Will not +immediately diminish the taxes, 241.--When the capital was +reimbursed to individuals, part of it would leave the country, 242.--If +it completely paid off the debt in time of peace, would be productive +of much mischief, ib.--Plan proposed to be substituted for it, 243.--If +ever so effectual, its operation in time of war will never obtain credit +amongst ourselves, and much less with the enemy, 244, 245, 246. + +SMITH, Dr. Adam, did not make proper allowance about national +debt, 114.--His opinions concerning monopoly, examined, 149, 150.-- +His opinion about apprentices, 219. + +SOLOMON, king of Israel, on terms of friendship with the king of +Tyre, 21.--Founded Palmyra for the purpose of trade to India, 25.-- +After his death, rivalship in trade, and the envy of the Tyrians, caused +them to excite the king of Babylon to besiege Jerusalem, 53. + +SPAIN, its grand armada not equal to the privateers fitted out at +Liverpool during the last war, 8.--Persecutes the Flemings, 47.--The +effects of wealth on it, 63.--Its insolence and pride, 64.--And sudden +decline, ib.--Wealth made it neglect industry, 65.--Gains great sums +by South America, yet is not an object of envy, 292. + + +T. + +TAXES at Rome, in its decline, became terrible, 40,--41, 42.--Taxes +in France taken off while the assignats were creating, 42.--So great at +Rome, that the citizens envied the barbarians, 43.--The power of +laying on depends on circumstances, 92.--Always increasing, 102.-- +Of the American States an exception, 103.--Why collected rigorously, +104.--Those which fall on persons or personal property, the most +obnoxious, 105.--Of England, laid on better than in any other nation, +106.--Prolong the action of necessity, and augment industry to a +certain point, which, when they pass, they crush it, 107, 108.--Their +produce expended on unproductive people, 109, 110, 111.--Are like a +rent paid for living in a country, 112 to 115.--In England, their +effects, 229 to 233.--Taxes and rent augment industry, 236, 237.--In +London, heavier than elsewhere, yet people crowd to London, 238, +239.--If taken off suddenly, would be hurtful, 240 to 244.--For the +maintenance of poor, 247 to 256. + +TRADE--See Commerce. + +TREATIES, the best observed, have been those founded on equity +add =sic= mutual interest, 186. + +TYRE, early commerce, 21, 23.--Its destruction one of the most +permanent effects of Alexander's wars, 24.--Excited the king of +Babylon to take Jerusalem, 45. + + +V. + +VENICE, its greatness, 56, 57. + +UNITED STATES. See States of America. + + +W. + +WAGES. See Prices. + +WAR generally occasioned by envy or rivalship, 14, 175, 219.-- +Ought not to be followed to procure wealth, as it is much more easily +done by industry, 293. + +WATT, James Esq. his invention of the steam engine, 203. + +WEALTH, its definition in contra-distinction to power, 8, 9, 10.-- +Diminishes the necessity of industry, 29, 30.--Leaves richer to go into +poorer countries, 93.--In England arises from industry, not from +foreign possessions, 293, 294. + +WEST Indies. See Indies, West. + + +Y. + +YOUTH. See Education. + + + + +---> _The reader will observe, on one =sic= of the pages, reference to +an Appendix, but the design was altered, from the consideration that +readers of history do not require solitary facts, by way of illustration, +though such are very easy to be produced._ + + + +THE END. + +-------------------------------------- + +W. Marchant, Printer, Greville-street. + +-------------------------------------- + + + + +************************************************************** +[Transcriber's note: +In the original work: +--the footnotes are designated by [*] but are here serially +numbered for ease of reference; +--in some cases the same word is spelt differently in various +parts of the text, e.g. controul/control; Hans/Hanse Towns, +shew/show (one instance only of the latter) etc. These and +other vagaries are reproduced largely without special note. +Likewise treated are the numerous examples of the number +of the subject not agreeing with that of the verb.] +************************************************************** + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Inquiry into the Permanent Causes +of the Decline and Fall of Powerful and Wealthy Nations., by William Playfair + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DECLINE AND FALL OF NATIONS *** + +***** This file should be named 16575.txt or 16575.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/5/7/16575/ + +Produced by Robert W. 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