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diff --git a/18607-h/18607-h.htm b/18607-h/18607-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..09e8be7 --- /dev/null +++ b/18607-h/18607-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,22217 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1"> +<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Manóbos of Mindanáo, by John M. Garvan</title> +<style type="text/css"> + body {background:#fdfdfd; + color:black; + font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; + margin-top:100px; + margin-left:12%; + margin-right:12%; + text-align:justify; } + hr.full { width: 100%; + height: 5px; } + hr.narrow { width: 50%; + text-align: center; } + a:link {color:blue; + text-decoration:none} + link {color:blue; + text-decoration:none} + a:visited {color:blue; + text-decoration:none} + a:hover {color:red; + text-decoration: underline; } + pre {font-size: 80%; } +</style> +</head> +<body> +<h1 align="center">The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Manóbos of Mindanáo, by John M. Garvan</h1> +<pre> +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: The Manóbos of Mindanáo</p> +<p> Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, Volume XXIII, First Memoir</p> +<p>Author: John M. Garvan</p> +<p>Release Date: June 16, 2006 [eBook #18607]</p> +<p>Language: English</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***</p> +<br><br><center><h3>E-text prepared by Carl D. DuBois</h3></center><br><br> + +<table border=0 bgcolor="ccccff" cellpadding=10> + <tr> + <td align="center"> + Transcriber's note: + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="justify"> + All Philippine peso amounts are indicated by an upper case "P" + instead of a fancier graphics character.<br> + All fractional centavo amounts have been converted to decimal + equivalents. + </td> + </tr> +</table> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<hr class="full" noshade> +<center> + <br> + <br> + <br> +<h1>MEMOIRS</h1> +<h3>OF THE</h3> +<h1>NATIONAL ACADEMY<br> OF SCIENCES</h1> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<h2>VOLUME XXIII</h2> +<h3>FIRST MEMOIR</h3> +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<h4>UNITED STATES</h4> +<h4>GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE</h4> +<h4>WASHINGTON : 1931</h4> +<p> </p> +<h5>For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - +- - - - - - - Price $1.00 (paper cover)</h5> +<p> </p> +</center> +<hr> + +<center> +<p> </p> +<h3>MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES</h3> +<h2>VOLUME XXIII</h2> +<h4>FIRST MEMOIR</h4> +<p> - - - - - - </p> +<p> </p> +<h1>THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO</h1> +<h5>BY</h5> +<h3>JOHN M. GARVAN</h3> +<p> </p> +<h5>PRESENTED TO THE ACADEMY AT THE ANNUAL MEETING, 1929</h5> +<p> </p> +</center> +<hr> + +<center> +<p> </p> +<h1>THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO</h1> +<h5>BY</h5> +<h3>JOHN M. GARVAN</h3> +<p> </p> +</center> +<hr> + +<center> +<h3>CONTENTS</h3> +</center> + +<table> +<tr><td><a href="#1">PART I. DESCRIPTIVE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#11"> CHAPTER I. Classification and geographical +distribution of Manóbos and other peoples in eastern +Mindanáo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#111"> Explanation of terms</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1111"> "Eastern +Mindanáo"</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1112"> The term +"tribe"</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1113"> Present use of the word +"Manóbo"</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1114"> The derivation and original +application of the word "Manóbo"</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112"> Geographical distribution of the +Manóbos in eastern Mindanáo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1121"> In the Agúsan +Valley</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1122"> On the eastern side of the +Pacific Cordillera</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1123"> On the peninsula of San +Agustin</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1124"> The Mamánuas, or Negritos, +and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1125"> The Banuáons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1126"> The +Mañgguáñgans</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1127"> The Mansákas</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1128"> The Debabáons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1129"> The Mandáyas</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#11291"> The Tágum +branch</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#11292"> The Agúsan Valley +branch</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#11293"> The Pacific coast +branch</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#11294"> The gulf of Davao +branch</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112A"> The Moros</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112B"> The Biláns</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112C"> The Tagakaólos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112D"> Lóaks or Lóags</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112E"> The <i>conquistas</i> or +recently Christianized peoples</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112E1"> The Manóbo +<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112E2"> The Mandáya +<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112E3"> The Mamánua +<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112E4"> The Mañgguáñgan +<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112E5"> The Mansáka +<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#112E6"> The Debabáon +<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#113"> The Bisáyas or Christian +Filipinos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#12"> CHAPTER II. Physical characteristics and +general appearance of the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#121"> Physical type</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1211"> Divergence of +types</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1212"> General physical +type</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#122"> Racial and tribal +affinities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1221"> Montano's Indonesian +theory</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1222"> Keane's view</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1223"> The Indonesian theory as +applied to Manóbos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#123"> Physical type of contiguous +peoples</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1231"> The +Mañgguáñgans</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1232"> The Mandáyas</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1233"> The Debabáons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1234"> The Mamánuas</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1235"> The Banuáons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#124"> Physical appearance as modified by +dress and ornamentation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13"> CHAPTER III. A survey of the material and +sociological culture of the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#131"> General material +culture</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1311"> Dwellings</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1312"> Alimentation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1313"> Narcotic and stimulating +enjoyments</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1314"> Means of +subsistence</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1315"> Weapons and +implements</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1316"> Industrial +activities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1317"> General sociological +culture</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1318"> Domestic life</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13181"> Marital +relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13182"> Pregnancy, birth, +and childhood</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13183"> Medicine, sickness, +and death</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13184"> Social and family +enjoyments</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1319"> Political +organization</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13191"> System of government +and social control</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13192"> Methods of +warfare</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#13193"> Intertribal and +analogous relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#131A"> Administration of +justice</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#131A1"> General principles +and various laws</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#131A2"> Regulations +governing domestic relations and property; customary procedure in +settlement of disputes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#14"> CHAPTER IV. Religious ideas and mental +characteristics in general</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#141"> A brief survey of +religion</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1411"> The basis, influence, and +machinery of religion</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1412"> The hierarchy of Manóbo +divinities, beneficent and malignant</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1413"> Priests, their functions, +attributes, and equipment</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#1414"> The main characteristics of +Manóbo religion</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#142"> Mental and other attainments and +characteristics</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2">PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#25"> CHAPTER V. The Manobo home</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#251"> In general</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#252"> Motives that determine the selection +of the site</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2521"> Religious +motives</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2522"> Material +motives</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#253"> Religious ceremonies connected with +the erection of a house</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#254"> Structure of the house</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2541"> The materials</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2542"> The dimensions and plan of +construction</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2543"> The floor</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2544"> The roof and the +thatch</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2545"> The walls</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2546"> The doorway and the +ladder</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2547"> Internal +arrangements</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2548"> Decorations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#255"> The furniture and equipment of the +house</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#256"> The underpart and the environment of +the house</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#257"> Order and cleanliness of the +house</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#26"> CHAPTER VI. Dress</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#261"> General remarks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2611"> Delicacy in exposure of the +person</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2612"> Variety in quantity and +quality of clothes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2613"> The use of bark +cloth</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2614"> Dress as an indication of +rank</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2615"> Dress in +general</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2616"> Preferential colors in +dress</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#262"> The man's dress</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2621"> Hats and +headkerchiefs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2622"> The jacket</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2623"> The lower +garment</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2624"> The girdle</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2625"> The betel-nut +knapsack</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#263"> The woman's dress</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2631"> The jacket</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#26311"> The upper Agúsan +style</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#26312"> The style of the +central group</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2632"> The girdle and its +pendants</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2633"> The skirt</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#27"> CHAPTER VII. Personal adornment</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#271"> General remarks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#272"> Hair and head adornment</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2721"> Care and ornamentation of +the head</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2722"> Combs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2723"> Ear disks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#273"> Neck and breast +ornaments</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#274"> Arm and hand +ornamentation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#275"> Knee and ankle +adornments</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#276"> Body mutilations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2761"> General remarks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2762"> Mutilation of the +teeth</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2763"> Mutilation of the ear +lobes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2764"> Depilation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2765"> Tattooing</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2766"> Circumcision</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#28"> CHAPTER VIII. Alimentation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#281"> Fire and its production</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2811"> The "fire-saw"</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2812"> The steel and flint +process</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2813"> Continuation of the +fire</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#282"> Lighting</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#283"> Culinary and table +equipment</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#284"> Various kinds of food</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#285"> The preparation and cooking of +food</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2851"> Preparing the +food</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2852"> Cooking the +food</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#286"> Food restrictions and +taboos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#287"> Meals</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2871"> Ordinary meals</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2872"> Festive meals</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#29"> CHAPTER IX. Narcotic and stimulating +enjoyments</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#291"> Drinks used by the +Manobos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2911"> Sugar-palm wine</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2912"> <i>Báhi</i> +toddy</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2913"> Sugarcane brew</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#29131"> Extraction of the +juice</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#29132"> Boiling</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#29133"> + Fermentation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2914"> Mead</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#292"> Drinking</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2921"> General remarks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2922"> The sumsúm-an</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2923"> Drinking during religious +and social feasts</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2924"> Evil effects from +drinking</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#293"> Tobacco preparation and +use</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#294"> The betel-nut +masticatory</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2941"> Ingredients and effect of +the quid</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2942"> Betel chewing +accessories</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A"> CHAPTER X. Means of subsistence</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A1"> Agriculture</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A11"> General remarks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A12"> The time and place for +planting rice</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A13"> The sowing +ceremony</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A14"> The clearing of the +land</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A15"> The sowing of the rice and +its culture</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A16"> The rice +harvest</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A17"> The harvest +feast</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A18"> The culture of other +crops</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A2"> Hunting</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A21"> Hunting with +dogs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A22"> Offering to Sugúdun, the +spirit of hunters</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A23"> The hunt</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A24"> Hunting taboos and +beliefs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A25"> Other methods of obtaining +game</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A3"> Trapping</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A31"> Trapping ceremonies and +taboos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A32"> The bamboo spear +trap</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A33"> Other varieties of +traps</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A4"> Fishing</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A41"> Shooting with bow and +arrow</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A42"> Fishing with hook and +line</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A43"> Fish-poisoning</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A431"> The <i>túba</i> +method</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A432"> The <i>túbli</i> +method</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A433"> The <i>lágtañg</i> +method</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A44"> Dry-season lake +fishing</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2A45"> Fishing with nets, traps, +and torches</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B"> CHAPTER XI. Weapons and +implements</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B1"> Introductory remarks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B2"> Offensive weapons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B21"> The bow and +arrow</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B22"> The bolo and its +sheath</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B23"> A magic test for the +efficiency of a bolo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B24"> The lance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B25"> The dagger and its +sheath</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B3"> Defensive weapons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B31"> The shield</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B32"> Armor</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B33"> Traps and +caltrops</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B4"> Agricultural implements</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B41"> The ax</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B42"> The bolo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B43"> The rice header</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B5"> Fishing implements</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B51"> The fishing bow and +arrow</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B52"> The fish spear</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B53"> Fishhooks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B6"> Hunting implements</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B61"> The spear</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B62"> The bow and +arrow</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2B63"> The blowgun</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C"> CHAPTER XII. Industrial +activities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C1"> Division of labor</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C11"> Male activities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C12"> Female +activities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C2"> Male industries in +detail</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C21"> Boat building</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C22"> Mining</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C23"> Plaiting and other +activities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C3"> Female industries in +detail</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C31"> Weaving and its accessory +processes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C32"> Pottery</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#2C33"> Tailoring and mat +making</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3">PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D"> CHAPTER XIII. Domestic life and marital +relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D1"> Arranging the marriage</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D11"> Selection of the +bride</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D12"> Courtship and antenuptial +relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D13"> Begging for the hand of the +girl</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D14"> Determination of the +marriage payment</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D15"> The marriage feast and +payment</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D16"> The reciprocatory payment +and banquet</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D2"> Marriage and marriage +contracts</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D21"> The marriage +rite</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D22"> Marriage by +capture</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D23"> Prenatal marriage contracts +and child marriage</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D24"> Polygamy and kindred +institutions</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D25"> Endogamy and consanguineous +marriages</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D26"> Intertribal and other +marriages</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D3"> Married life and the position of the +wife</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3D4"> Residence of the son-in-law and the +brother-in-law system</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E"> CHAPTER XIV. Domestic life: Pregnancy, +birth, and childhood</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E1"> Desire for progeny</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E2"> Birth and pregnancy +taboos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E21"> Taboos to be observed by the +husband</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E22"> Taboos to be observed by the +wife</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E23"> Taboos to be observed by +both husband and wife</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E24"> Taboos enjoined on +visitors</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E3"> Abortion</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E31"> Artificial +abortion</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E32"> Involuntary +abortion</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E4"> The approach of +parturition</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E41"> The midwife</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E42"> Prenatal magic +aids</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E43"> Prenatal religious +aids</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E5"> Accouchement and ensuing +events</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E6"> Postnatal customs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E61"> Taboos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E62"> The birth +ceremony</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E63"> The naming and care of the +child</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E7"> Birth anomalies</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E71"> Monstrosities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E72"> Albinism</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3E73"> Hermaphroditism</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F"> CHAPTER XV. Domestic life: Medicine, +sickness, and death</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F1"> Medicine and disease</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F11"> Natural medicines and +diseases</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F12"> Magic ailments and means of +producing them</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F13"> The composition of a few +"Kometán"</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F14"> Other magic +means</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F15"> Bodily ailments proceeding +from supernatural causes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F151"> Sickness due to +capture of the "soul" by an inimical spirit</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F152"> Epidemics attributed +to the malignancy of sea demons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F153"> Propitiation of the +demons of contagious diseases</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F2"> Sickness and death</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F21"> The theory of +death</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F22"> Fear of the dead and of the +death spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F23"> Incidents accompanying +deaths</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F24"> Preparation of the +corpse</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F25"> The funeral</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F26"> Certain mourning taboos are +observed</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F27"> Death and burial of one +killed by an enemy, of a warrior chief, and of a priest</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F28"> The after world</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3F29"> The death feast</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G"> CHAPTER XVI. Social enjoyments</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G1"> Instrumental music</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G11"> The drum</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G12"> The gong</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G13"> Flutes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G131"> The <i>paúndag</i> +flute</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G132"> The <i>to-áli</i> +flute</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G133"> The +<i>lántui</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G134"> The <i>sá-bai</i> +flute</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G14"> Guitars</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G141"> The vine-string +guitar</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G142"> The bamboo-string +guitar</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G143"> The +<i>takúmbo</i></a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G15"> The violin</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G16"> The jew's-harp</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G17"> The stamper and the horn of +bamboo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G18"> Sounders</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G2"> Vocal music</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G21"> The language of +song</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G22"> The subject matter of +songs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G23"> The music and the method of +singing</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G24"> Ceremonial +songs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G3"> Dancing</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G31"> The ordinary social +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G32"> The religious +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G33"> Mimetic dances</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G341"> The bathing +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G342"> The dagger or sword +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G343"> The apian +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G344"> The depilation +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G345"> The sexual +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3G346"> The war +dance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H"> CHAPTER XVII. Political organization: System +of government and social control</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H1"> Clans</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H11"> Territories of the clans and +number of people composing them</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H12"> Interclan +relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H2"> The chief and his power</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H21"> The source of the chief's +authority</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H22"> Equality among the +people</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H23"> Respect for ability and old +age</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H3"> The warrior chief</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H31"> General +character</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H32"> Insignia and prowess of the +warrior chief</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H33"> The warrior's title to +recognition</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H34"> Various degrees of warrior +chiefship</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H4"> The warrior chief in his capacity as +chief</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3H5"> The warrior chief as priest and +medicine man</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I"> CHAPTER XVIII. Political organization: War, +its origin, inception, course, and termination</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I1"> Military affairs in +general</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I2"> The origin of war</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I21"> Vendettas</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I22"> Private seizure</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I23"> Debts and sexual +infringements</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I3"> Inception of war</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I31"> Declaration of +war</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I32"> Time for war</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I33"> Preparations for +war</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I4"> The attack</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I41"> Time and methods of +attack</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I5"> Events following the +battle</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I51"> Celebration of the +victory</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I52"> The capture of +slaves</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I6"> The return of the +warriors</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I7"> Ambushes and other methods of +warfare</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3I8"> Peace</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J"> CHAPTER XIX. Political organization: General +principles of the administration of justice: customary, proprietary, and +liability laws</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J1"> General considerations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J2"> General principles</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J21"> The principle of material +substitution</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J22"> Right to a fair +hearing</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J23"> Securing the defendant's +good will</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J24"> Foundations of Manóbo +law</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J3"> Customary law</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J31"> Its natural +basis</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J32"> Its religious +basis</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J4"> Proprietary laws and +obligations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J41"> Conception of property +rights</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J42"> Land and other +property</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J5"> Laws of contract</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J6"> The law of debt</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J7"> Interest, loans, and +pledges</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J71"> Interest</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J72"> Loans and +pledges</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J8"> Laws of liability</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J81"> Liability arising from +natural causes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J82"> Liability arising from +religious causes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J83"> Liability arising from magic +causes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3J84"> The system of +fines</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K"> CHAPTER XX. Political organization: Customs +regulating domestic relations and family property; procedure for the +attainment of justice</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K1"> Family property</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K2"> Rules of inheritance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K3"> Rules governing the relations of the +sexes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K31"> Moral offenses</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K32"> Marriage contracts and +payments</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K33"> Illegitimate +children</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K34"> Extent of authority of +father and husband</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K35"> Residence of the +husband</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K4"> Crimes and their +penalties</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K41"> Crimes</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K42"> The private +seizure</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K43"> Penalties for minor +offenses</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K5"> Customary procedure</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K51"> Preliminaries to +arbitration</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K52"> General features of a +greater arbitration</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K6"> Determination of guilt</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K61"> By witnesses</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K62"> By oaths</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K63"> By the testimony of the +accused</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K64"> By ordeals</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K641"> The hot-water +ordeal</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K642"> The diving +ordeal</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K643"> The candle +ordeal</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K65"> By circumstantial +evidence</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3K7"> Enforcement of the +sentence</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L"> CHAPTER XXI. Political organization: +Intertribal and other relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L1"> Intertribal relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L2"> Interclan relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L3"> External commercial +relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L31"> Exploitation by Christian +natives</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L311"> Exploitation by +falsification</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L312"> Defraudation by +usury and excessive prices</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L313"> Exploitation by the +system of commutation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L314"> Wheedling or the +<i>puának</i> system</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L315"> Bartering +transactions</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L32"> General conditions of +trading</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L4"> Internal commercial +relations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L41"> Money and substitutes for +it</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L42"> Prevailing Manóbo +prices</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L43"> Weights and +measures</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L5"> Slave trade and slaves</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L51"> Slave trade</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L52"> Classes of +slaves</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#3L53"> Delivery and treatment of +slaves</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4">PART IV. RELIGION</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M"> CHAPTER XXII. General principles of Manóbo +religion and nature and classification of Manobo deities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M1"> Introductory</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M2"> General principles of +religion</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M21"> Sincerity of +belief</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M22"> Basis of religious +belief</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M23"> Means of detecting +supernatural evil</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M24"> Belief in an hierarchy of +beneficent and malignant deities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M25"> Other tenets of Manobo +faith</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M26"> Spirit companions of +man</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M3"> General character of the +deities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M4"> Classification of deities and +spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M41"> Benevolent +deities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M42"> Gods of gore and +rage</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M43"> Malignant and dangerous +spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M44"> Agricultural +goddesses</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M45"> Giant spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M46"> Gods of lust and +consanguineous love</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M47"> Spirits of celestial +phenomena</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M48"> Other spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M5"> Nature of the various divinities in +detail,</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M51"> The primary +deities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M52"> The secondary order of +deities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4M53"> The gods of gore, and +kindred spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N"> CHAPTER XXIII. Maleficent +spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N1"> The origin and nature of malignant +demons</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N2"> Methods of frustrating their evil +designs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N21"> Through priests</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N22"> By various material +means</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N23"> By propitiation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N3"> The <i>tagbánua</i>, or local forest +spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N31"> Their characteristics and +method of living</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N32"> Definite localities tenanted +by forest spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4N4"> Worship of the forest +spirits</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O"> CHAPTER XXIV. Priests, their prerogatives +and functions</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O1"> The <i>bailán</i> or ordinary Manobo +priests</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O11"> Their general +character</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O12"> Their +prerogatives</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O13"> Sincerity of the +priests</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O14"> Their influence</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O15"> Their dress and +functions</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4O2"> The <i>bagáni</i>, or priests of war +and blood</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P"> CHAPTER XXV. Ceremonial accessories and +religious rites</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P1"> General remarks</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P2"> The paraphernalia of the +priest</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P21"> The religious shed and the +<i>bailán's</i> house</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P22"> Equipment for +ceremonies</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P23"> Ceremonial +decorations</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P24a"> Sacred images</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P24"> Ceremonial +offerings</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P3"> Religious rites</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P31"> Classification</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P32"> Method of +performance</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P321"> The betel-nut +tribute</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P322"> The offering of +incense</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P323"> + Invocation</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P324"> Prophylactic fowl +waving</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P325"> Blood +lustration</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4P326"> Lustration by +water</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q"> CHAPTER XXVI. Sacrifices and war +rites</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q1"> The sacrifice of a pig</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q2"> Rites peculiar to the war +priests</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q21"> The betel-nut offering to +the souls of the enemies</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q22"> Various forms of +divination</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q221"> The betel-nut +cast</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q222"> Divination from the +<i>báguñg</i> vine</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q223"> Divination from +<i>báya</i> squares,</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q3"> Invocation of the omen +bird</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q4"> The <i>tagbúsau's</i> +feast</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4Q5"> Human sacrifice</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R"> CHAPTER XXVII. Divination and +omens</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R1"> In general</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R2"> Miscellaneous casual +omens</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R3"> Divination by dreams</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R4"> Divination by geometrical +figures</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R41"> The vine omen</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R42"> The rattan omen</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R5"> Divination by suspension and other +methods</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R51"> The suspension +omen</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R52"> The omen from +eggs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R6"> Divination by sacrificial +appearances</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R61"> The blood omen</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R62"> The neck omen</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R63"> The omen from the +gall</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R64"> The omen from the +liver</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R65"> The omen from a fowl's +intestinal appendix</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R7"> Ornithoscopy</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R71"> In general</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R72"> Respect toward the omen +bird</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R73"> Interpretation of the omen +bird's call</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4R74"> Birds of evil +omen</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S"> CHAPTER XXVIII. Mythological and kindred +beliefs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S1"> The creation of the +world</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S2"> Celestial phenomena</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S21"> The rainbow</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S22"> Thunder and +lightning</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S23"> Eclipse of the +moon</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S24"> Origin of the stars and the +explanation of sunset and sunrise</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S3"> The story of the <i>Ikúgan</i>, or +tailed men, and of the resettlement of the Agúsan Valley</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S4"> Giants</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S5"> Peculiar animal beliefs</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S6"> The petrified craft and crew of +Kagbubátañg</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4S7"> Angó, the petrified +Manóbo</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T"> CHAPTER XXIX. The great religious movement +of 1908-1910</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T1"> The extent of the +movement</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T2"> Reported origin and character of the +revival</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T3"> Spread of the movement</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T4"> Its exterior character and general +features</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T5"> The principal tenets of the +movement</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T51"> New order of +deities</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T52"> Observances prescribed by +the founder</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T6"> Religious rites</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T7"> The real nature of the movement and +means used to carry on the fraud</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T71"> The sacred +traffic</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T72"> Religious +tours</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T73"> The whistling +scheme</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T74"> Pretended chastity and +austerity</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T8"> The end of the movement</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#4T9"> Similar movements in former +years</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#5">APPENDIX</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#51"> Historical references to the Manóbos of +eastern Mindanao</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#511"> Early history up to +1875</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#512"> From 1875 to 1910</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#513"> Methods adopted by the missionaries +in the Christianization of the Manóbos</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#514"> The secret of missionary +success</a></td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="#52"> Explanation of plates</a></td></tr> +</table> +<br> +<br> + +<hr> +<br> +<br> +<center> +<a name="1"></a> +<h2>PART I. DESCRIPTIVE</h2> + +<a name="11"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER I</h3> +<h3>CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MANÓBOS<br> AND OTHER +PEOPLES IN EASTERN MINDANÁO</h3> + +<a name="111"></a> +<h4>EXPLANATION OF TERMS</h4> + +<a name="1111"></a> +<h5>"EASTERN MINDANÁO"</h5> +</center> + +<p>Throughout this monograph I have used the term "eastern +Mindanáo" to include that part of Mindanáo that is east of the +central Cordillera as far south as the headwaters of the River +Libagánon, east of the River Tágum and its influent the Libagánon, and +east of the gulf of Davao.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1112"></a> +<h5>THE TERM "TRIBE"</h5> +</center> + +<p>The word "tribe" is used in the sense in which Dean C. +Worcester defines and uses it in his article on The non-Christian Tribes +of Northern Luzon:<sup>1</sup></p> + +<blockquote><p>A division of a race composed of an aggregate of +individuals of a kind and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves +in, and distinguished from their congeners by physical characteristics, +dress, and ornaments; the nature of the communities which they form; +peculiarities of house architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and +carrying on agriculture; character and importance of manufacture; +practices relative to war and the taking of heads of enemies; arms used +in warfare; music and dancing, and marriage and burial customs; but not +constituting a political unit subject to the control of any single +individual nor necessarily speaking the same dialect.</p></blockquote> + +<p><sup>1</sup>Philip. Journ. Sci., 1: 803, 1906.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1113"></a> +<h5>PRESENT USE OF THE WORD "MANÓBO"</h5> +</center> + +<p>The word "Manóbo" seems to be a generic name for people of +greatly divergent culture, physical type, and language. Thus it is +applied to the people that dwell in the mountains of the lower half of +Point San Agustin as well as to those people whose habitat is on the +southern part of the Sarangani Peninsula. Those, again, that occupy the +<i>hinterland</i> of Tuna Bay<sup>2</sup> come under the same +designation. So it might seem that the word was originally used to +designate the pagan as distinguished from the Mohammedanized people of +Mindanáo, much as the name <i>Harafóras</i> or <i>Alfúros</i> was +applied by the early writers to the pagans to distinguish them from the +Moros.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>Tuna Bay is on the southern coast of Mindanáo, about +halfway between Sarangani Bay and Parang Bay.</p> + +<p>In the Agúsan Valley the term <i>manóbo</i> is used very frequently +by Christian and by Christianized peoples, and sometimes by pagans +themselves, to denote that the individual in question is still +<i>unbaptized</i>, whether he be tribally a Mandáya, a Mañgguáñgan, or +of some other group. I have been told by Mandáyas on several occasions +that they were still <i>manóbo</i>, that is, still unbaptized.</p> + +<p>Then, again, the word is frequently used by those who are really +Manóbos as a term of contempt for their fellow tribesmen who live in +remoter regions and who are not as well off in a worldly or a +culture[sic] way as they are. Thus I have heard Manóbos of the upper +Agúsan refer to their fellow-tribesmen of Libagánon as <i>Manóbos</i>, +with evident contempt in the voice. I asked them what they themselves +were, and in answer was informed that they were <i>Agusánon</i>--that +is, upper Agúsan people--not <i>Manóbos</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1114"></a> +<h5>THE DERIVATION AND ORIGINAL APPLICATION OF THE WORD +"MANÓBO"</h5> +</center> + +<p>One of the earliest references that I find to the Manóbos of the +Agúsan Valley is in the General History of the Discalced Augustinian +Fathers (1661-1699) by Father Pedro de San Francisco de +Assis.<sup>3</sup> The author says that "the mountains of that +territory<sup>4</sup> are inhabited by a nation of Indians, heathens for +the greater part, called Manóbos, a word signifying in that language, as +if we should say here, <i>robust or very numerous people.</i>" I +have so far found no word in the Manóbo dialect that verifies the +correctness of the above statement. It may be said, however, in favor of +this derivation that <i>manúsia</i> is the word for "man" or +"mankind" in the Malay, Moro (Magindanáo), and Tirurái +languages. In Bagóbo, a dialect that shows very close resemblance to +Manóbo, the word <i>Manóbo</i> means "man," and in Magindanáo +Moro it means "mountain people,"<sup>5</sup> and is applied by +the Moros to all the mountain people of Mindanáo. It might be +maintained, therefore, with some semblance of reason that the word +<i>Manóbo</i> means simply "people." Some of the early +historians use the words <i>Manóbo</i>, <i>Mansúba</i>, <i>Manúbo</i>. +These three forms indicate the derivation to be from a prefix +<i>man</i>, signifying "people" or "dweller," and <i>súba</i>, a +river. From the form <i>Manúbo</i>, however, we might conclude that the +word is made up of <i>man</i>("people"), and +<i>húbo</i>("naked"), therefore meaning the "naked +people." The former derivation, however, appears to be more +consonant with the principles upon which Mindanáo tribal names, both +general and local, are formed. Thus <i>Mansáka</i>, <i>Mandáya</i>, +<i>Mañgguáñgan</i> are derived, the first part of each, from <i>man</i> +("people" or "dwellers"), and the remainder of the +words, respectively, from <i>sáka</i> ("interior"), <i>dáya</i> +("up the river"), <i>guáñgan</i> ("forest"). These names +then mean "people of the interior," "people that dwell on +the upper reaches of the river," and "people that dwell in the +forest." Other tribal designations of Mindanáo races and tribes are +almost without exception derived from words that denote the relative +geographic position of the tribe in question. The <i>Banuáon</i> and +<i>Mamánua</i> are derived from <i>banuá</i>, the "country," as +distinguished from settlements near the main or settled part of the +river. The Bukídnon are the mountain people (<i>bukid</i>, mountain); +<i>Súbanun</i>, the river people (<i>súba</i>, river); <i>Tirurái</i>, +the mountain people (<i>túduk</i>, mountain, <i>etéu</i>, +man);<sup>6</sup> <i>Tagakaólo</i>, the people at the very source of a +river (<i>tága</i>, inhabitant, <i>ólo</i>, head or source).</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>Blair and Robertson, 41: 153, 1906.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>The author refers to the mountains in the vicinity of +Líano, a town that stood down the river from the present Veruéla and +which was abandoned when the region subsided.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Fr. Jacinto Juanmarti's Diccionario Moro +Magindanáo-Español (Manila, 1892), 125.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>My authority for this derivation is a work by Dr. T. H. +Pardo de Tavera on The Origin of Philippine Tribal Names.</p> + +<p>The derivation of the above tribal designations leads us to the +opinion that the word <i>Manóbo</i> means by derivation a +"river-man," and not a "naked man."</p> + +<p>A further alternative derivation has been suggested by Dr. N. M. +Saleeby,<sup>7</sup> from the word <i>túbo</i>, "to grow"; the +word <i>Manóbo</i>, according to this derivation, would mean the people +that grew up on the island, that is the original settlers or +autochthons. The word <i>túbo</i>, "to grow," is not, however, a +Manóbo word, and it is found only in a few Mindanáo dialects.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>Origin of Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the +Philippine Academy, Manila, Nov. 1, 1911.</p> + +<p>Father F. Combes, S. J.,<sup>8</sup> says that the owners, that is, +the autochthonic natives of Mindanáo, were called Manóbos and +Mananápes.<sup>9</sup> In a footnote referring to Mananápes, it is +stated, and appears very reasonable and probable, that the +above-mentioned term is not a tribal designation but merely an +appellation of contempt used on account of the low culture possessed by +the autochthons at that time.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1664). Ed. Retana +(Madrid, 1897).</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>The word <i>mananáp</i> is the word for <i>animal</i>, +<i>beast</i> in the Cebu Bisáya, Bagóbo, Tirurái, and Magindanáo Moro +languages. Among some of the tribes of eastern Mindanáo, the word is +applied to a class of evil forest spirits of apparently indeterminate +character. It is noteworthy that these spirits seem to correspond to the +<i>Manubu</i> spirits of the Súbanuns as described by Mr. Emerson B. +Christie in his Súbanuns of Sindangan Bay (Pub. Bur. Sci., Div. Eth., +88, 1909).</p> + +<p>Hence there seems to be some little ground for supposing that the +word <i>Manóbo</i> was originally applied to all the people that +formerly occupied the coast and that later fled to the interior, and +settled along the rivers, yielding the seashore to the more civilized +invaders.</p> + +<p>The following extract from Dr. N. M. Saleeby<sup>10</sup> bears out +the above opinion:</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>The Origin of the Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before +the Philippine Academy on Nov. 1, 1911.</p> + +<blockquote><p>The traditions and legends of the primitive tribes of the +Philippine Archipelago show very clearly that they believe that their +forefathers arose in this land and that they have been here ever since +their creation. They further say that the coast tribes and foreigners +came later and fought them and took possession of the land which the +latter occupy at present. When Masha' ika, the earliest recorded +immigrant, reached Súlu Island, the aborigines had already developed to +such a stage of culture as to have large settlements and rajas or +<i>datus</i>.</p> + +<p>These aborigines are often referred to in Súlu and Mindanáo as +Manubus, the original inhabitants of Súlu Islands, the Budanuns, were +called Manubus also. So were the forefathers of the Magindanáo Moros. +The most aboriginal hill tribes of Mindanáo, who number about 60,000 +souls or more, are called Manubus.</p></blockquote> + +<p>[Transcriber's note: Both of the above paragraphs comprise the +quotation.]</p> + +<p>The idea that the original owners were called Manóbos is the opinion +of San Antonio also, as expressed in his Cronicas.<sup>11</sup> Such a +supposition might serve also to explain the wide distribution of the +different Manóbo people in Mindanáo, for, besides occupying the regions +above-mentioned, they are found on the main tributaries of the Rio +Grande de Kotabáto--the Batañgan, the Biktósa, the Luan, the Narkanitan, +etc., and especially on the River Pulañgi--on nearly all the influents +of the last-named stream, and on the Hiñgoog River in the Province of +Misamis. As we shall see later on, even in the Agúsan Valley, the +Manóbos were gradually split on the west side of the river by the +ingress, as of some huge wedge, of the Banuáons. Crossing the eastern +Cordillera, a tremendous mass of towering pinnacles--the home of the +Mamánuas--we find Manóbos occupying the upper reaches of the Rivers +Hubo, Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan, on the Pacific +coast. I questioned the Manóbos of the rivers Tágo and Hubo as to their +genealogy and former habitat and found that their parents, and even some +of themselves, had lived on the river Kasilaían, but that, owing to the +hostility of the Banuáons, they had fled to the river Wá-Wa. At the time +of the coming of the Catholic missionaries in 1875, these Manóbos made +their way across the lofty eastern Cordillera in an attempt to escape +from the missionary activities. These two migrations are a forcible +example of what may have taken place in the rest of Mindanáo to bring +about such a wide distribution of what was, perhaps, originally one +people. Each migration led to the formation of a new group from which, +as from a new nucleus, a new tribe may have developed in the course of +time.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>Blair and Robertson, 40: 315, 1906.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112"></a> +<h4>GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE MANÓBOS IN EASTERN +MINDANÁO<sup>12</sup></h4> +</center> + +<p><sup>12</sup>See tribal map.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1121"></a> +<h5>IN THE AGÚSAN VALLEY</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbos occupy the whole Agúsan Valley as far as the town of Buai +on the upper Agúsan <i>with the following exceptions</i>:</p> + +<p>1. The upper parts of the rivers Lamiñga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and +Óhut, and the whole of the river Maásam, together with the mountainous +region beyond the headwaters of these rivers, and probably the territory +beyond in the district of Misamis, as far over as the habitat of the +Bukídnon tribe.<sup>13</sup></p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>The reason for the insertion of this last clause is that +the people inhabiting the mountains at the headwaters of the above +rivers have the same physical types, dress, and weapons as the +Bukídnons, if I may judge from my slight acquaintance with the +latter.</p> + +<p>2. The towns of Butuán, Talakógon, Bunáwan, Veruéla, and +Prosperidad.</p> + +<p>3. The town of Tagusab and the headwaters of the Tutui and +Binuñgñgaan Rivers.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1122"></a> +<h5>ON THE EASTERN SIDE OF THE PACIFIC CORDILLERA</h5> +</center> + +<p>In this region I include the upper waters of the Liañga, Hubo, +Oteiza, Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan Rivers.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1123"></a> +<h5>ON THE PENINSULA OF SAN AGUSTIN</h5> +</center> + +<p>I desire to call the reader's attention to the fact that <i>this +monograph has no reference to the Manóbos of Port San Agustin nor to the +Manóbos of the Libagánon River and its tributaries, nor to the Manóbos +that occupy the hinterland above Nasipit as far as the Bugábus +River</i>. I had only cursory dealings with the inhabitants of the +last-named region but both from my own scant observations and from the +reports of others more familiar with them, I am inclined to believe that +there may be differences great enough to distinguish them from the other +peoples of the Agúsan Valley as a distinct tribe.</p> + +<p>As to the Manóbos of Libagánon, it is probable that they have more or +less the same cultural and linguistic characteristics as the Manóbos +that form the subject matter of this paper, but, as I did not visit them +nor get satisfactory information regarding them, I prefer to leave them +untouched until further investigation.</p> + +<p>Of the Manóbos of the lower half of the peninsula of San Agustin, I +know absolutely nothing except that they are known as Manóbos. I noted, +however, in perusing the Jesuit letters<sup>14</sup> that there were in +the year 1891 not only Manóbos but Moros, Biláns, and Tagakaólos in that +region.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 335, <i>et +seq</i>., 1892.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1124"></a> +<h4>THE MAMÁNUAS, OR NEGRITOS, AND NEGRITO-MANÓBO HALF-BREEDS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Mamánuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds of Mindanáo +occupy the mountains from Anao-aon near Surigao down to the break in the +eastern Cordillera, northwest of Liañga. They also inhabit a small range +that extends in a northeasterly direction from the Cordillera to Point +Kawit on the east coast.</p> + +<p>I heard three trustworthy reports of the existence of Negritos in +eastern Mindanáo. The first report I heard on the Umaíam River (Walo, +August, 1909). It was given to me by a Manóbo chief from the River +Ihawán. He assured and reassured me that on the Lañgilañg River, near +the Libagánon River exists a group of what he called Manóbos but who +were very small, <i>black as an earthen pot</i>, kinky-haired, without +clothes except bark-cloth, very peaceable and harmless, but very timid. +I interrogated him over and over as to the bark-cloth that he said these +people wore. He said in answer that it was called <i>agahan</i> and that +it was made out of the bark of a tree whose name I can not recall. He +described the process of beating the bark and promised to bring me, 60 +days from the date of our conference, a loin cloth of one of these +people. I inquired as to their manner of life, and was assured that they +were <i>tau-batañg</i>; that is, people who slept under logs or up in +trees. He said that he and his people had killed many of them, but that +he was still on terms of friendship with some of them.</p> + +<p>The second report as to the existence of Negritos I heard on the +Baglásan River, a tributary of the Sálug River. The chiefs whom I +questioned had never visited the Negritos but had purchased from the +Tugawanons<sup>15</sup> many Negrito slaves whom they had sold to the +Mandáyas of the Kati'il and Karága Rivers. This statement was probably +true, for I saw one slave, a full-blooded Negrito girl, on the upper +Karága during my last trip and received from her my third and most +convincing report of the existence of Negritos other than the Mamánuas +of the eastern Cordillera. She had been captured, she said, by the +Manóbos of Libagánon and sold to the Debabáons (upper Sálug people). She +could not describe the place where her people live, but she gave me the +following information about them. They are all like herself, and they +have no houses nor crops, because they are afraid of the Manóbos that +surround them. Their food is the core<sup>16</sup> of the green rattan +and of fishtail palm,<sup>17</sup> the flesh of wild boar, deer, and +python, and such fish and grubs, etc., as they find in their wanderings. +They sleep anywhere; sometimes even in trees, if they have seen strange +footprints.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>The Tugawanons were described by my Sálug authorities as +a people that lived at the headwaters of the River Libagánon on a +tributary called Tugawan. They were described as a people of medium +stature, as fair as the Mansákas, very warlike, enemies of the reported +Negritos, very numerous, and speaking an Atás dialect. Perhaps the term +Tugawanon is only a local name for a branch of the Atás tribe.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>O-bud</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Ba-hi</i> (<i>Caryota</i> sp.).</p> + +<p>Their weapons are bows and arrows, lances, daggers, and bolos. +According to her description, the bolos are long and thin, straight on +one side and curved on the other. The men purchase them from the Atás in +exchange for beeswax. The people are numerous, but they live far apart, +roaming through the forests and mountains, and meeting one another only +occasionally.</p> + +<p>The statements of this slave girl correspond in every particular with +the report that I received on the upper Sálug, except that the Sálug +people called these Negritos Tugmaya and said that they live beyond a +mountain that is at the headwaters of the Libagánon River.</p> + +<p>Putting together these three reports and assuming the truth of them, +the habitat of these Negritos must be the slopes of Mount Panombaian, +which is situated between, and is probably the source of, the Rivers +Tigwa (an important tributary of the Rio Grande de Kotabáto), Sábud (the +main western tributary of the Ihawán River), and Libagánon (the great +western influent of the Tágum River).</p> + +<p>Montano states that during his visit to the Philippines (1880-81) +there were on the island of Samal a class of half-blood <i>Ata'</i> with +distinctly Negroid physical characteristics. Treating of <i>Ata'</i> he +says that it is a term applied in the south of Mindanáo by Bisáyas to +Negritos "that exist (or existed not long ago) in the interior +toward the northwest of the gulf of Davao."<sup>18</sup> A careful +distinction must be made between the term Atás<sup>19</sup> and the +racial designation <i>Ata'</i>, for the former are, according to Doctor +Montano, a tribe of a superior type, of advanced culture, and of great +reputation as warriors. They dwell on the northwestern slope of Mount +Apo, hence their name Atás, <i>hatáas</i>, or <i>atáas</i>, being a very +common word in Mindanáo for "high." They are, therefore, the +people that dwell on the heights. I heard of one branch of them called +Tugawanons, but this is probably only a local name like Agúsanons, +etc.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup>Une Mission aux Philippines, 346, 1887.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup>Called also Itás.</p> + +<p>I found reports of the former existence of Negritos in the Karága +River Valley at a place called Sukipin, where the river has worn its way +through the Cordillera. An old man there told me that his grandfather +used to hunt the Negritos. The Mandáyas both of that region and of +Tagdauñg-duñg, a district situated on the Karága River, five days' march +from the mouth, on the western side of the Cordillera, show here and +there characteristics, physical and cultural, that they could have +inherited only from Negrito ancestors. One interesting trait of this +particular group is the use of blowpipes for killing small birds. In the +use of the bow and arrow, too, they are quite expert. These people are +called <i>taga-butái</i>--that is, mountain dwellers--and live in places +on the slopes of high mountains difficult of access, their +watering-place being frequently a little hole on the side of the +mountain.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1125"></a> +<h4>THE BANUÁONS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Banuáons,<sup>20</sup> probably an extension of the Bukídnons of +the Bukídnon subprovince. They occupy the upper parts of the Rivers +Lamiñga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Óhut, and the whole of the River +Maásam, together with the mountainous region beyond the headwaters of +these rivers, and probably extend over to the Bukídnons.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup>Also called Higaunon or Higagaun, probably "the +Hadgaguanes--a people untamed and ferocious"--to whom the Jesuits +preached shortly after the year 1596. (Jesuit Mission, Blair and +Robertson, 44:60, 1906.) These may be the people whom Pigaffetta, in his +First Voyage Around the World (1519-1522) calls Benaian (Banuáon ?) and +whom he describes as "shaggy and living at a cape near a river in +the islands of Butuán and Karága--great fighters and archers--eating +only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons" (Blair +and Robertson, 30:243, 1906).</p> + +<center> +<a name="1126"></a> +<h4>THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS</h4> +</center> + +<p>This tribe occupies the towns of Tagusab and Pilar on the upper +Agúsan, the range between the Sálug and the Agúsan, the headwaters of +the Mánat River, and the water-shed between the Mánat and the Mawab. The +physical type of many of them bespeaks an admixture of Negrito blood, +and their timidity and, on occasions, their utter lack of good judgment, +brand them as the lowest people, after the Mamánuas, in eastern +Mindanáo. One authority, a Jesuit missionary, I think, estimated their +number at 30,000. An estimate, based on the reports of the people of +Compostela, places their number at 10,000 just before my departure from +the Agúsan Valley in 1910. The decrease, if the two estimates are +correct, is probably due to intertribal and interclan wars.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1127"></a> +<h4>THE MANSÁKAS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Mansákas do not seem to me to be as distinct tribally as are the +Manóbos and Mandáyas. It would appear from their physical appearance and +other characteristics that they should be classed as Mandáyas, or as a +subtribe of Mandáyas with whom they form one dialect group. I judge them +to be the result of intermarriage between the Mañgguáñgans and the +Mandáyas. They occupy the Mawab River Valley and the region included +between the Hijo, Mawab, and Madawan Rivers. They are probably the +people whom Montano called Tagabawas, but I think that this designation +was perhaps a mistaken form of <i>Tagabaas</i>, an appellation given to +Mañgguáñgans who live in the <i>bá-as</i>, or prickly swamp-grass, that +abounds at the headwaters of the Mánat River.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1128"></a> +<h4>THE DEBABÁONS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Debabáons are probably a hybrid group forming a dialect group +with the Manóbos of the Ihawán and Baóbo, and a culture group in dress +and other features with the Mandáyas. They claim relationship with +Manóbos, and follow Manóbo religious beliefs and practices to a great +extent. For this reason I have retained the name that they apply to +themselves, until their tribal identity can be clearly determined. They +inhabit the upper half of the Sálug River Valley and the country that +lies to the west of it as far as the Baóbo River.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1129"></a> +<h4>THE MANDÁYAS</h4> +</center> + +<p>These form the greatest and best tribe in eastern +Mindanáo.<sup>21</sup> One who visits the Mandáyas of the middle Kati'il +can not fail to be struck with the fairness of complexion, the brownness +of the hair, the diminutiveness of the hands and feet, and the large +eyes with long lashes that are characteristic of many of these people. +Here and there, too, one finds a distinctly Caucasian type. In +psychological characteristics they stand out still more sharply from any +tribe or group of people that I know in eastern Mindanáo. Shrewd and +diplomatic on the one hand, they are an affectionate, good-natured and +straight-forward people, with little of the timidity and cautiousness of +the Manóbo. Their religious instincts are so highly developed that they +are inclined to be fanatical at times.</p> + +<blockquote><p><sup>21</sup>It is very interesting to note that the +people called <i>Taga-baloóyes</i> and referred to by so many of the +writers on Mindanáo can be none other than the Mandáyas. Thus San +Antonio (Blair and Robertson, 40: 407, 1906) states that "the +Taga-baloóyes take their name from some mountains which are located in +the interior of the jurisdiction of Caraga. They are not very far +distant from and trade with the villages of (Karága) and some, indeed, +live in them who have become Christians. * * * These people, as has been +stated above, are the descendants of lately arrived Japanese. This is +the opinion of all the religious who have lived there and had +intercourse with them and the same is a tradition among themselves, and +they desired to be so considered. And it would seem that one is +convinced of it on seeing them: for they are light complexioned, +well-built, lusty, very reliable in their dealings, respectful, and very +valiant, but not restless. So I am informed by one who has had much to +do with them: and above all these are the qualities which we find in the +Japanese."</p> + +<p>In further proof, Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (ibid. 41: +138, <i>et seq</i>.) says: "The nearest nation to our village +[Bislig] is that of the Taga-baloóyes who are so named from certain +mountains that they call Balooy. * * * They are a corpulent race, well +built, of great courage and strength, and they are at the same time of +good understanding, and more than halfway industrious. Their nation is +faithful in its treaties and constant in its promises, as they are +descendants, so they pride themselves, of the Japanese, whom they +resemble in complexion, countenance, and manners." The writer +describes briefly their houses and their manner of life, and mentions in +particular the device they make use of in the construction of their +ladders. It is interesting to note that the same device is still made +use of by the more well-to-do Mandáyas on the Karága, Manorigao, and +Kati'il Rivers. In other respects their character, as described, is very +similar to that of the present Mandáyas of the Kati'il River who in +physical type present characteristics that mark them as being a people +of a superior race.</p> + +<p>In Medina's historia (Blair and Roberston, 24:175, 1906,) we find it +related that Captain Juan Niño de Tabora mistreated the chief of the +Taga-baloóyes in Karága and that as a result the captain, Father Jacinto +Cor, and 12 soldiers were killed. Subsequently four more men of the +religious order were killed and two others wounded and captured by the +<i>Taga-baloóyes</i>.</p> + +<p>Zuñiga in Estadismo (ibid. 2:71, <i>et seq</i>.) notes the fairness +of complexion of the Taga-baloóyes, a tribe living in the mountains of +Balooy in Karága.</p> + +<p>Father Manual Buzeta in Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico +de las Islas Filipinas (1: 506, 1905) makes the same observation, but M. +Felix Renouard de Sainte Croix in Voyage commercial et politique aux +Indes Orientales (1803-1809) goes further still by drawing attention to +these people as meriting distinction for superior mentality.</p> + +<p>The Jesuit missionary Pastells in 1883 (Cartas de los PP. de la +Compañía de Jesús, 4:212, 1884) writes that the people above Manresa +(southeastern Mindanáo) are perhaps of Moro origin but bettered by a +strain of noble blood, which their very appearance seems to him to +indicate. In support of this view he cites the authority of Santayana, +who claims Japanese descent for them and repudiates the opinion of those +who attribute Hollandish descent. In a footnote, the above celebrated +missionary and scholar adds that the town of Kinablangan (a town on the +east coast of Mindanáo) owes its origin to a party of Europeans who were +shipwrecked on Point Bagoso and took up their abode in that place, +intermarrying with the natives. I was informed by a Bisáya trader, the +only one that ever went among the mountain Mandáyas, that he had seen a +circular, clocklike article with strange letters upon it in a settlement +on the middle Kati'il. The following year I made every effort to see it, +but I could not prevail upon the possessors to show it to me. They +asserted that they had lost it. It is probable that this object was a +ship's compass.</p></blockquote> + +<p>[Transcriber's note: The preceding six paragraphs are all part of +footnote 21.]</p> + +<p>On the whole, the impression made upon me in my long and intimate +dealings with the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorigao, and Karága Rivers +is that they are a brave, intelligent, clean, frank people that with +proper handling might be brought to a high state of civilization. They +are looked up to by Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, Mansákas, and Debabáons as +being a superior and more ancient race, and considered by the Bisáyas of +the Agúsan Valley as a people of much more intelligence and fair-dealing +than any other tribe. The Mandáyas consist of four branches:</p> + +<center> +<a name="11291"></a> +<h5>THE TÁGUM BRANCH</h5> +</center> + +<p>These occupy the country from near the mouth of the Tágum to the +confluence of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, or perhaps a little +farther up both of the last-mentioned rivers. It is probable that the +Debabáons farther up are the issue of Manóbos and Tágum Mandáyas.</p> + +<center> +<a name="11292"></a> +<h5>THE AGÚSAN VALLEY BRANCH</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is usual for the people of the upper Agúsan from Gerona to +Compostela to call themselves Mandáyas, but this appears to be due to a +desire to be taken for Mandáyas. They have certainly absorbed a great +deal of Mandáya culture and language, but, with the exception of Pilar +and Tagusab, they are of heterogeneous descent--Mandáya, Manóbo, +Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, and Mansáka.</p> + +<p>At the headwaters of the Agúsan and in the mountains that encircle +that region live the Mandáyas that are the terror of Mandáyaland. They +are called by the upper Agúsan people <i>Kau-ó</i>, which means the same +as <i>Tagakaólo</i>, but are Mandáyas in every feature, physical, +cultural, and linguistic.</p> + +<center> +<a name="11293"></a> +<h5>THE PACIFIC COAST BRANCH</h5> +</center> + +<p>They occupy the following rivers with their tributaries: the Kati'il, +the Baganga, the Mano-rigao, the Karága, the Manai, the Kasaúman, and +the upper reaches of the Mati. There are several small rivers between +the Kasaúman and the Mati, the upper parts of all which, I think, are +occupied by Mandáyas.</p> + +<center> +<a name="11294"></a> +<h5>THE GULF OF DAVAO BRANCH</h5> +</center> + +<p>These occupy the upper reaches of all the rivers on the east side of +the gulf of Davao, from Sumlug to the mouth of the Hijo River whose +source is near that of the Agúsan and whose Mandáyas are famous in +Mandáyaland.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112A"></a> +<h4>THE MOROS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Moros or people with a preponderance of Moro blood and culture occupy +the coast towns on the eastern and northern sides of the gulf from +Sumlug to the mouth of the Tágum. Of course they have other settlements +on the north and west sides of the gulf.</p> + +<p>In Mati and its vicinity, I believe there are a comparatively large +number of Moros or Mohammedanized Mandáyas.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112B"></a> +<h4>THE BILÁNS<sup>22</sup></h4> +</center> + +<p><sup>22</sup>Called also, I think, <i>Bi-la-an</i>.</p> + +<p>Biláns were found according to the testimony of the Jesuit +missionaries<sup>23</sup> in Sigaboi, Tikbakawan, and Baksal, on the +peninsula of San Agustin.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 331, <i>et +seq</i>., 1889-1891.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112C"></a> +<h4>THE TAGAKAÓLOS</h4> +</center> + +<p>According to the authorities just cited there were Tagakaólos in +Sigaboi, Uañgen, Kabuaya, and Makambal between the years 1889 and 1891. +It is probable that these people are scattered throughout the whole of +the hinterland to the west of Pujada Bay, and that they are only +Mandáyas who, unable to withstand the stress of war, fled from the +mountains at the headwaters of the Agúsan River. I base this suggestion +on the fact that the Mandáyas at the headwaters of the Agúsan are known +as, and call themselves, Kau-ó<sup>24</sup> and that they were, and are +probably still at the date of this writing, the terror of Mandáyaland. +If the Tagakaólos of Point San Agustin are fugitive <i>Kau-ó</i>, +according to the prevailing custom they would have retained their former +name; this name, if <i>Kau-ó</i>, would have been changed by Bisáyas and +by Spanish missionaries to <i>Tagakaólo</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup><i>Kau-ó</i> would be <i>Ka-ólo</i> in Bisáya, from the +prefix <i>ka</i>, and <i>ólo</i>, head or source.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112D"></a> +<h4>THE LÓAKS OR LÓAGS</h4> +</center> + +<p>According to the authority of Father Llopart<sup>25</sup> the Lóaks +dwell in the mountains southwest of Pujada Bay. He says that in customs +they differ from other tribes. They dress in black and hide themselves +when they see anyone dressed in a light color. No stranger is permitted +to enter their dwellings. The same writer goes on to state that their +food is wholly vegetable, excluding tubers, roots, and everything that +grows under the ground. Their chief is called +<i>posáka</i>,<sup>26</sup> "an elder who with his mysterious words +and feigned revelations keeps his people in delusion and under +subjection." It is the opinion of Father Llopart that these people +are only fugitives, as he very justly concludes from the derivation of +their name.<sup>27</sup></p> + +<p><sup>25</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 337-338, +1891.</p> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>Posáka</i> means in Malay, and in nearly all known +Mindanáo dialects, an "inheritance" so that in the usage +attributed to these Lóaks it would appear that there may be some idea of +an hereditary chieftainship. The word in Bagóbo, however, means +something beloved, etc., so that the reported Lóak <i>posáka</i> or +chief might be so called because of his being beloved by his people.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup>He states that <i>lóak</i> is probably from <i>lóog</i>, +"to flee," "to take to the mountains." In several +dialects of eastern Mindanáo <i>laag</i>, <i>lag</i>, means, "to get +lost," while <i>lágui</i> is a very common word for "run" or +"run away."</p> + +<p>Another writer, Father Pablo Pastells<sup>28</sup> makes mention of +these Lóak as being wild Tagakaólos who are more degraded than the +Mamánuas. He designates the mountains of Hagimitan on the peninsula of +San Agustin as their habitat. I am inclined to think that the authority +for this statement was also a Jesuit missionary.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup>Ibid., 8: 343, 1887.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112E"></a> +<h4>THE CONQUISTAS OR RECENTLY CHRISTIANIZED PEOPLES</h4> +</center> + +<p>The work of Christianizing the pagans of eastern Mindanáo was taken +up in earnest in 1877 by the Jesuit missionaries and carried on up to +the time of the revolution in 1898. During that time some 50,000 souls +were led to adopt Christianity. These included Mandáyas, Manóbos, +Debabáons, Mansákas, Mañgguáñgans, and Mamánuas, and members of the +other tribes that live in eastern Mindanáo. For the present, however, we +will refer to the <i>conquistas</i> of the Manóbo, Mandáya, Mamánua, +Mañgguáñgan, Mansáka, and Debabáon tribes.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112E1"></a> +<h5>THE MANÓBO CONQUISTAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The inhabitants of all the settlements in the Agúsan Valley except +Novela, Rosario, the towns south of Buai, the towns within the Banuáon +habitat, and a few settlements of pagan Manóbos on the upper Umaíam, +Argáwan, and Ihawán, Wá-wa and Maitum are Manobó <i>conquistas</i>.</p> + +<p>On the eastern slope of the Pacific Cordillera in the vicinity of San +Miguel (Tágo River), on the Marihátag and Oteiza Rivers there are +several hundred Manóbo <i>conquistas</i>. The towns up the Hinatuán and +Bislig Rivers are made up of both Manóbo and Mandáya +<i>conquistas</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112E2"></a> +<h5>THE MANDÁYA CONQUISTAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the Agúsan Valley the towns on the Sulibáo River and perhaps on +the Adlaian River are made up of Mandáya <i>conquistas</i> for the most +part. These Mandáyas evidently worked in from the Hinatuán River for one +reason or another, perhaps to avoid missionary activity on the east +coast or to escape from Moro raids.</p> + +<p>On the Pacific coast we find Mandáya <i>conquistas</i> to a greater +or less extent in nearly all the municipalities and <i>barrios</i> from +Tándag to Mati, with the exception of such towns as have been formed by +immigration of Bisáyas from Bohol and other places. There can be no +doubt but that in former years the Mandáyas covered the whole Pacific +slope from Tándag to Mati, for we still find recently Christianized +Mandáyas in Kolon and Alba on the Tágo River and in Kagwáit and Bakolod +on the Kagwáit River. The inhabitants of these eastern towns are not +known by the designation of <i>conquistas</i>, but assume the name and +status of Bisáyas and are not so dependent on the older Christians as +are the <i>conquistas</i> of the Agúsan Valley who are called +<i>conquistas</i> and treated as inferiors by the older Christians.</p> + +<p>I think that from Liñgig to Mati all the barrios, both of the coast +and in the hinterland, are made up of Mandáyas that have been +Christianized since 1877.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112E3"></a> +<h5>THE MAMÁNUA CONQUISTAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>These Mamánua <i>conquistas</i> live in the vicinity of Anao-aon and +Malimono' on the northeast coast; in San Roque and San Pablo, also on +Lake Maínit; on the River Asiga, a tributary of the River Jabonga; and +somewhere up the Lanusa River on the east coast.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112E4"></a> +<h5>THE MAÑGGUÁÑGAN CONQUISTAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>During my stay on the upper Agúsan, there were only two towns of +Mañgguáñgan <i>conquistas</i>--Tagusab and Pilar--and even these were +mere suggestions of towns. It may be, however, that since the +appointment of a deputy governor, the great numbers of Christianized +Mañgguáñgans that had fled from the wrath of their enemies into the +swamp region at the headwaters of the Mánat River have returned and that +Mañgguáñgan towns now exist.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112E5"></a> +<h5>THE MANSÁKA CONQUISTAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>In Compostela, Gandia, and Tagaunud are found a few Mansáka +<i>conquistas</i>. The inhabitants of these towns, however, are of such +a heterogeneous blend that it is difficult to assign any tribal place to +them. It may be said, in general, that these towns are still passing +through a formative period, the result of which will probably be their +complete adoption of Mandáya culture and language, if they are left free +to follow their own bent.</p> + +<center> +<a name="112E6"></a> +<h5>THE DEBABÁON CONQUISTAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Debabáon <i>conquistas</i> are found in the town of Moncayo and +are also scattered about on the upper Sálug. The missionaries found the +Debabáon people very recalcitrant; the comparatively few converts made +evinced, on the one hand, all the fickleness and instability of the +Manóbo and, on the other, the aggressiveness of the Mandáya.</p> + +<center> +<a name="113"></a> +<h4>THE BISÁYAS OR CHRISTIAN FILIPINOS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Bisáyas or Christian Filipinos in the Agúsan Valley occupy the +towns of Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Prosperidad, of which +latter they formed, during my last visit to the Agúsan Valley, a +majority. Outside of the Agúsan Valley, they occupy all the towns on the +north coast except the towns of Tortosa, Maasao, Tamolayag, and +Malimono'. On, and in the vicinity of Lake Maínit, they occupy the towns +of Sison, Timamana, Maínit, Jabonga, Santiago, Santa Ana and several +other small ones. On the east coast they occupy all the coast towns from +Surigao to Bislig. South of Bislig only the towns, of Kati'il, Baganga, +Karága, Santiago, and Mati may be said to be Bisáya, although the +Christianized Mandáyas of the intervening towns call themselves Bisáyas. +But even the above-mentioned towns, with the exception of Santiago, have +hardly any claim to be considered Bisáya in the sense in which that word +is applied to the Bisáyas of the town of Surigao. The same holds true of +a great portion of the inhabitants of Tándag, Tágo, La Paz, and Kagwáit, +where the Mandáya element in language and in superstitious beliefs still +holds sway to a considerable extent among the lower class of the +inhabitants.</p> + +<p>In the Agúsan Valley a great part of the Bisáyas of Talakógon can not +be considered as Bisáyas in the full sense of the word. Many of them +called Sulibáonon are of no higher culture than the <i>conquistas</i> of +the River Sulibáo from which they come. They are distinctly Mandáya in +physical type and in manner of life except that they have abandoned the +ancient Mandáya religious beliefs and adopted those of Christianity. +They are probably the first group of Mandáya <i>conquistas</i> that were +induced to leave the Sulibáo and take up their abode in Talakógon.</p> + +<center> +<a name="12"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER II</h3> +<h3>PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE MANÓBOS OF +EASTERN MINDANÁO</h3> + +<a name="121"></a> +<h4>PHYSICAL TYPE</h4> + +<a name="1211"></a> +<h5>DIVERGENCE OF TYPES</h5> +</center> + +<p>There seem to be differences in physical type between the Manóbos on +the lower part of the Agúsan as far as the Bugábus River and those of +the Ihawán and the upper Agúsan Rivers. On the upper Agúsan the +variations become more noticeable as we approach the confines of the +Mandáyas and the Debabáons, both of whom differ from the Manóbos in +physical characteristics to such an extent that even an ordinary +observer can not fail to notice it. Again, on the upper Agúsan, in the +vicinity of Tagusab, we find types that remind us of the Mañgguáñgan +with his manifestly Negroid characteristics. Over on the Tágo River, +too, and on the far upper Wa-wa, there are groups of so-called Manóbos +who are clearly descendants of Mamánuas. With these exceptions the +following delineation holds good, I think, for the great mass of Manóbos +with whom one comes in contact throughout eastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1212"></a> +<h5>GENERAL PHYSICAL TYPE</h5> +</center> + +<p>In general, the Manóbo man is of athletic build and of strong +constitution, although he is often short of stature. His muscular +development denotes activity, speed, and endurance rather than great +strength. Corpulency and prominence of the abdomen are never present, so +far as I have observed. His skin, as a rule, is of a reddish-brown color +that turns to a somewhat dark brown after long exposure to the sun, as +in the case of those who engage in fishing in the lake region.</p> + +<p>The hair is abundant, long, black, straight, and coarse. As we +approach the domains of the Mañgguáñgans and of the Mamánuas, the hair +is a little less abundant and shows traces of curliness. Occasional +waviness may be observed also among those Manóbos who live near the +territory of the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mansákas.</p> + +<p>Beard and body hair are not abundant. In this respect the Manóbo +differs from the Mandáya and from the Banuáon, both of whom have a more +copious growth (though I can not be definite as regards the latter +people), and, in some cases, beards that are abundant enough to suggest +admixture with white people.</p> + +<p>The head appears to be well developed, being rather high and arched, +as compared with that of the average Bisáya.<sup>1</sup> There is no +flattening of the occiput. This roundness of the posterior part of the +cranium, due, as Montano<sup>2</sup> states, to the prominence of the +parietal bumps, becomes very apparent when comparison is made with the +heads of Bisáyas of other islands. The occipital arch of the latter is +invariably flattened.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>In physical comparisons between Manóbos and Bisáyas no +reference is made to the Bisáyas of eastern Mindanáo, the great majority +of whom are undoubtedly of Manóbo or other pagan origin.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>Une Mission aux Philippines, 349,1906.</p> + +<p>Owing to the prominence of the jawbones and to the above-mentioned +height of the cranium, the face is decidedly lozenge-shaped, a feature +that distinguishes it, on the one hand, from the long face of the +Mandáya and of the Banuáon and, on the other, from the short, round face +of the Mamánua and of the Mañgguáñgan. Montano<sup>3</sup> says that +this peculiar shape is due to the development of the zygomatic arches or +cheek bones and to the diminution of the minimum frontal line, that is, +the shortest transverse measurement of the forehead.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>Loc. cit.</p> + +<p>Prognathism is marked but variable according to the testimony of +Montano, who took the anthropometrical measurements of many crania which +he obtained from caves in northeastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>The forehead is somewhat high and prominent, and the superciliary +ridges are salient. The eyes are brown in color. The palpebral opening +is elongated as compared with that of the Mandáya, whose eye is round. +There is no trace of the Mongolian falciform fold, and the transverse +axis is perfectly horizontal.</p> + +<p>The nose is prominent and well-developed but short, and, as a rule, +straight. Toward the confines of the Banuáons we sometimes notice a +slight curve upward at the top. The nostrils are somewhat slender, but +otherwise well developed. They are a little larger than those of +Bisáyas. The ridge is broader than that of Bisáyas, and the root is +lower down.</p> + +<p>The lips bear resemblance to those of the Bisáyas except that the +upper lip of the Manóbo is more prominent and more developed, due, it is +suggested, to the universal, incessant practice of carrying a quid of +tobacco partly under it and partly protruding out between it and the +lower lip.</p> + +<p>The chin is round and well developed, but is not prominent.</p> + +<p>The above statements hold true of the women in all details except +that of stature. The difference between the stature of the male and +female Manóbo is much greater than that between the sexes among Bisáyas +and other civilized people of the Philippines. This difference in the +stature of the sexes is apparent in all the tribes of eastern Mindanáo +with the exception of certain groups of Mandáyas, and may be attributed, +on the one hand, to the excessive burdens carried, and the onerous labor +performed by the women in the discharge of their household and other +duties, and, on the other, to the unencumbered outdoor life pursued by +the men in their hunting, fishing, and trading expeditions.</p> + +<p>The other parts of the bodies of both sexes are in good proportions. +The thorax is especially well developed, and the feet are, perhaps, +inordinately large.</p> + +<p>The general appearance of the men is somewhat unpleasing and, +perhaps, among the Manóbos of remote regions, might be said to be +coarse. This is especially noticeable among the latter, as their eyes +usually bulge out and give them a somewhat wild and even vindictive air. +The blackening of the teeth and lips, the quid of black tobacco between +the lips, the look of alarm and suspicion, and various other +characteristics all tend to heighten this expression.</p> + +<p>The women have a more pleasing expression, but the timid furtive +look, the ungainly gait, and the ungraceful contour of their +<i>abaká</i> skirts, detract from the moderate beauty that they possess +in their youth. After marriage their beauty wanes incredibly fast.</p> + +<p>Comparing the Manóbo's physical and general appearance with that of +neighboring peoples, we may say that he stands fifth, the Mandáya, +Mansáka, Debabáon, and Banuáon leading, while below him stand without +any question the Mañgguáñgan and the Mamánua. He has not the height, the +proportions, the fairness, nor the gentility of the first three. He +lacks the nobility, courage, and intelligence of the fourth,<sup>4</sup> +but he maintains his superiority over the Mañgguáñgan, whose repellent +features, sparse hair, scanty clothing, and low intelligence put him +only a little above the Mamánuas. These latter are only poor homeless +forest dwellers like the Negritos of Luzon, and physically, mentally, +and culturally stand lowest in the plane of civilization of all the +people of the eastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>My acquaintance with Banuáons is so slight that I can not +make any definite physical comparison.</p> + +<center> +<a name="122"></a> +<h4>RACIAL AND TRIBAL AFFINITIES</h4> +</center> + +<p>With our present lack of knowledge concerning the great number of +tribes that inhabit not only the island of Mindanáo but Borneo, Sumatra, +and other islands of the Indies, it is impossible to make any definite +statement as to the racial and the tribal affinities of the Manóbo +people.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1221"></a> +<h5>MONTANO'S INDONESIAN THEORY</h5> +</center> + +<p>Montano proposed the Indonesian theory to explain the origin of the +Samals, Bagóbos, Giangas, Atás, Tagakaólos, Manóbos, and Mandáyas. He +asserts that these peoples are pure Indonesians whose origin can not be +explained otherwise than by supposing them to be the indigenes of all +the islands included under the term Indonesia. Hence he calls the above +tribes Indonesians of Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>He claims that these Indonesians are the result of a fusion of three +elements: (1) the Polynesian, (2) the Malay-Bisáya, and (3) the +Negrito.</p> + +<p>The Bisáya element, he says, is considerable and becomes apparent in +the increase of transverse diameter of the cranium. The Negrito element +is apparent only in the waviness of the hair, the height and prominence +of the forehead, and the darker color of the skin.</p> + +<p>He further states that the anatomical characteristics of these tribes +are their superior stature, their muscular development, and the +prominence of the occipital region in contradistinction to the +flattening noticeable in Malays in general, and especially in those of +the Philippines.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1222"></a> +<h5>KEANE'S VIEW</h5> +</center> + +<p>Keane in his Ethnology<sup>5</sup> notes that--</p> + +<blockquote><p>the term "Indonesian," introduced by Logan to +designate the light-colored non-Malay inhabitants of the Eastern +Archipelago, is now used as a convenient collective name for all the +peoples of Malaysia and Polynesia who are neither Malays nor Papuans but +of Caucasic type. * * * Doctor Hamy, who first gave this extension to +the term Indonesian, points out that the Battaks and other pre-Malay +peoples of Malaysia so closely resemble the Eastern Polynesians, that +the two groups should be regarded as two branches of an original +non-Malay stock. Although all speak dialects of a common +Malayo-Polynesian language, the physical type is quite distinct and +rather Caucasic than Mongolic, though betraying a perceptible Papuan (or +Negrito) strain especially in New Zealand and Mikronesia. The true +Indonesians are of tall stature (5 feet 10 inches), muscular frame, +rather oval features, high, open forehead, large straight or curved +nose, large full eyes always horizontal and with no trace of the third +lid, light brown complexion (cinnamon or ruddy brown), long black hair, +not lank but slightly curled or wavy, skull generally brachycephalous +like that of the Melanochroic European.</p></blockquote> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Ethnology, 326 <i>et seq</i>., 1901.</p> + +<p>Regarding the Indonesians of the Philippine Islands, he +says:<sup>6</sup></p> + +<blockquote><p>Apart from the true Negrito aborigines Blumentritt +distinguishes two separate "Malay" invasions, both prehistoric. +Montano also recognizes these two elements which, however, he more +correctly calls Indonesian and Malay. The Indonesians whom he affiliates +to the "Polynesian family" were the first to arrive, being +followed by the Malays and then, in the sixteenth century, by the +Spaniards, who were themselves followed, perhaps also preceded, by +Chinese and others. Thus Blumentritt's Malays of the first invasion, +whom he brings from Borneo, are Montano's Indonesians, who passed +through the Philippines during their eastward migrations from Borneo and +other parts of Malaysia. The result of these successive movements was +that the Negritoes were first driven to the recesses of the interior by +the Indonesians with whom they afterwards intermingled in various +degrees. Then the Indonesians were in their turn driven by the Malays +from the coast lands and open plains, which are consequently now found +occupied mainly by peoples of true Malay stock. Then with peaceful times +fresh blends took place and to previous crossings are now added +Spaniards and Chinese with Malays, there "quadroons" and +"octoroons" with Indonesians, and even here and there with +Negritoes. It has thus become difficult everywhere to distinguish +between the true Malays and the Indonesians, who are also less known, +dwelling in the more remote upland districts, often in association with +the Negritoes and not always standing at a much higher grade of +culture.</p></blockquote> + +<p><sup>6</sup>Op. cit., 332.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1223"></a> +<h5>THE INDONESIAN THEORY AS APPLIED TO MANÓBOS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Comparing the physical characteristics of the Manóbos with those +which are predicated of the Indonesians by these and other writers, I +find that, in the case of the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley, in stature, +waviness of the hair, abundance of the beard, and lightness of the skin +color there appears to be a divergence from Keane's Indonesian standard. +Keane requires 1.795 meters as an average for the stature of the +Indonesian, whereas the average of the Manóbo, as I found it from +cursory measurements, is approximately only 1.60 meters and Doctor +Montano found it to be only 1.4667 meters. As to waviness of the hair, I +have observed it rarely among the Manóbos to which this paper refers. +Neither is the beard abundant, and as for fairness in the color of the +skin, a casual glance at the great mass of Manóbos that occupy the +Agúsan and its tributaries will convince one that their color is +decidedly ruddy brown and not light. It is true that in the mountains +children and even young women are found with fair complexions, but this +is probably due to confinement in the house or to protection from the +sun while out of doors.</p> + +<center> +<a name="123"></a> +<h4>PHYSICAL TYPE OF CONTIGUOUS PEOPLES</h4> +</center> + +<p>In the first part of this chapter a broad comparison was made between +the Manóbos and the contiguous tribes of eastern Mindanáo, but, in order +to bring out in stronger relief the physical characteristics of the +Manóbo, it is considered expedient to give a brief description of the +contiguous tribes.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1231"></a> +<h5>THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS</h5> +</center> + +<p>In stature the Mañgguáñgan is shorter than the Manóbo. His physical +configuration gives one the impression that he is undersized. His +cranium is elongated from the front backward along the antero-posterior +curve, there being formed accordingly an enlargement on the upper part +of the occiput. From this enlargement downward there is a flattening of +the curve. The forehead is large, high, and very prominent, and diverges +backward from the plane of the face at an observable angle. The face is +narrow and flat, the narrowness being due to the prominence of the lower +jaw and to a depression that is formed in the side of the face between +the jaw and the cheek bone. The hair is lank, coarse, and in males, +scant. The beard is very sparse except in elderly men, and even then it +is far from being as abundant as that of the Manóbos and especially that +of the Mandáyas. The nose is broad and conspicuously depressed, while +the nasal orifices are rather large. On the whole, the prognathism is +considerable but is not as variable as that of Manóbos and of +Mandáyas.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt as to the Negritic character of the +Mañgguáñgan. Owing to the peculiar circumstances that arose after my +arrival on the upper Agúsan in 1909, I found it impossible to get into +communication with any but the more domesticated Mañgguáñgan in the +vicinity of Compostela, but my observation of their physical and mental +characteristics and of their low degree of culture led me to a strong +conviction of a Negrito origin not far removed.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1232"></a> +<h5>THE MANDÁYAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Mandáya, on the other hand, with the exception of groups on the +upper Karága and perhaps on the upper Kasaúman Rivers, is of superior +stature. Montano found the stature to be only 1.578 meters, but the +number of men measured by him was so small that we can not base any +conclusion on his figures. I did not make any measurements of Mandáyas, +but it is my impression that the male Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Karága, +and Manorigao Rivers are noticeably taller than Manóbos. In fact, one +meets a great number that seem to come up to the Indonesian standard of +Keane.</p> + +<p>The Mandáya's cranial conformation differs, according to Montano, +from that of the Manóbo only in one particular, namely, in the +straightness of the middle part of the antero-posterior curve of the +cranium. In other respects his cranium is similar to that of the Manóbo. +The face is oval rather than lozenge-shaped and has a pleasant, +sympathetic look, due no doubt to the greater width of the palpebral +opening, the largeness of the eye, and the length, darkness, and +prominence of the eyelashes.</p> + +<p>The nose is straight and prominent, occasionally quite European, and +the nostrils are not depressed nor flattened. Their lower edges, instead +of being horizontal, slant slightly upward from the tip. The nasal +apertures are of medium size.</p> + +<p>The superciliary ridges are prominent, but as the hair of the +eyebrows is constantly kept shaved, there is not such an impression of +prominence as in the Christianized Mandáyas of the southeastern seaboard +of Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>As to the abundance of beard, it is hard to form a judgment because +from youth it is constantly and conscientiously eradicated. The hair of +the head is long, black, and abundant, often somewhat wavy and not as +coarse, I think, as that of Manóbos.</p> + +<p>The most striking characteristic of the Mandáya is his fair color. It +is not my intention to give the impression that he is one of a "lost +white tribe" or that he is entitled to be called white in the sense +in which we use the term when speaking of Europeans. But for a native of +the Philippine Islands he certainly may be denominated white, though his +skin is not tawny white like that of the Japanese or Chinese but has a +peculiar ashy tint. I have seen a few individuals that were very nearly +as white as the average American, but who otherwise were not of a +pronounced Caucasian type.</p> + +<p>It is very difficult to explain the prevailing fairness of this tribe +except by presupposing an admixture of some other blood. The Manóbo +lives in as dark forests and on as lofty mountains as those occupied by +Mandáyas. His manner of life is practically the same, and yet the +average tint of his skin is far darker, so much so that the Mandáya, in +speaking not only of him but of Mañgguáñgan and even of Bisáya, spurns +them all as being "black."</p> + +<center> +<a name="1233"></a> +<h5>THE DEBABÁONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>As to the Debabáons, I have not come in touch with a sufficient +number of them to enable me to make any general statements. The groups +that I met in Moncayo, on the Sálug where the Baglásan River empties +into it, and in the country extending some 10 kilometers to the west of +it, closely resemble the Mandáyas in physical characters, and yet in +language, general culture, and religious belief, and by genealogy, they +belong to the Manóbo tribe. It is probable that they are the result of +intermarriage of Manóbo men of Baóbo and Ihawán origin with Mandáya +women of the lower Sálug and Tágum Rivers.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1234"></a> +<h5>THE MAMÁNUAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Mamánuas need little comment. They are full-blooded Negritos in +every respect, physical and cultural, like the Negritos of Mariveles, as +Montano very explicitly states. The Manóbos of the upper Tágo River +constantly intermarry with Mamánua women, as I had occasion to observe +on several visits which I made to that region. It is probable that the +same thing takes place on the Húbo, Marihátag, Lanusa, and Kantílan +Rivers. In the vicinity of Lake Maínit, a great many Mamánuas are +reported to be half-breeds.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1235"></a> +<h5>THE BANUÁONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>I visited only one settlement of Banuáons, near the mouth of the +Maásam River. I met members of the tribe here and there along the Agúsan +between San Luis and Las Nieves, but my observations of them were casual +and superficial so that I am not prepared to make any statements as to +their physical characteristics. All reports, both of Manóbos and Bisáyas +and the testimony of the Jesuit missionaries, state that they are a +superior people. It is probable that this group of people, known as +Banuáon in the Agúsan Valley, is a branch of the Bukídnons of whom the +celebrated missionary Urios and others make such commendatory +mention,<sup>7</sup> the former in one place going so far as to make the +statement that the Bukídnons are fit to be kings of the Manóbos.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, passim.</p> + +<center> +<a name="124"></a> +<h4>PHYSICAL APPEARANCE AS MODIFIED BY DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION</h4> +</center> + +<p>The upper garment of both sexes among the Manóbos is a closed +square-cut garment with sleeves and with a sufficient opening on top to +admit the head. It fits the body either closely or fairly loosely. It is +made of <i>abaká</i> fiber when imported cloth is not available. It is +always adorned with embroidery of imported red, white, blue, and yellow +cotton, on the cuffs, on the seams of the shoulders and the side, and on +the neck and lower edges. The garment of the man differs from that of +the woman in being all of one color, except that across the back, over +the shoulders, and as far down as the breasts, are horizontal, parallel, +equidistant lines of inwoven blue cotton yarn.</p> + +<p>The body and sleeves of the woman's garment are of different colors. +Thus, if the sleeves are black, the body is red and vice versa. Another +distinguishing feature is the profuseness of cotton embroidery on the +front of the garment.</p> + +<p>The lower garment of the man is a pair of trousers, generally of +native cotton and <i>abaká</i> fiber, reaching somewhat below the knees, +with cotton embroidery in the above-mentioned colors on the sides and at +the bottom. The ends of the draw string that holds the trousers in place +hang down in front and are ornamented with tassels of the same +colors.</p> + +<p>The lower garment of the women is a doubled sacklike skirt of +<i>abaká</i> fiber, almost invariably of a reddish color, with beautiful +designs in horizontal panels or with a series of horizontal equidistant +black stripes. A girdle of human hair or of plaited vegetable fiber, +held in place with a shell button or with a plaited cord, retains this +garment in place. The consequent gathering of the capacious opening of +the skirt at the waist and the bulging out at the bottom (which is just +a little below the knees), detracts not a little from the gracefulness +of the Manóbo woman's figure. From the girdle hang, in varying number +and quality, beads, hawk bells, redolent, medicinal, and magic seeds, +sea shells, and fragrant herbs.</p> + +<p>The hair is worn long by both sexes. It is dressed much like that of +a Chinese woman except that it is twisted and tied up in a chignon on +the crown of the head.</p> + +<p>The man wears a long narrow bamboo hat which protects only the top of +the head, and which is held on the head by two strings passing from end +to end behind the ears. It usually has a plume of feathers standing up +at right angles to the back part. The woman wears no hat as a general +rule, but in lieu thereof adorns her head with a bamboo comb, at times +inlaid with mother-of-pearl, at others covered with a lamina of beaten +silver, but nearly always ornamented with decorative incisions. A pair +of ear plugs with ornamental metal laminae are placed in the enlarged +ear lobes.</p> + +<p>I have seen men who had each ear lobe pierced in one or two places +and small buttons fastened over the orifices, but I never saw a case of +a Manóbo woman with any other perforation in the ears than the great +aperture in each lobe for her ear disks.</p> + +<p>Around the neck the woman wears in more or less profusion, according +to her means and opportunities for purchase, necklets of beads, and +necklaces of seeds, beads, shells, and crocodile teeth.</p> + +<p>On her forearms she wears one or more sea-shell bracelets, circlets +of black coral or of copper wire, and a close-fitting ringlet of plaited +<i>nito</i>. This last adornment is also worn by men, who dispense with +the use of other forms of bracelets, but who usually adorn the upper arm +with a finely plaited ligature made of a dark fibrous vine. Both men and +women frequently wear similar ligatures just below one or both knees. On +solemn and festive occasions the woman decks her ankles with loose coils +of heavy wire.</p> + +<p>A square knapsack of hemp, frequently fringed with cotton yarn of +many colors and suspended from the back by strings passing over the +shoulders and under the arms, constitutes the man's receptacle for his +chewing paraphernalia. It may be more or less elaborate in beadwork and +embroidery, but as a rule there is no ornamentation of this kind.</p> + +<p>Both sexes blacken the lips with soot black, and continually keep +them more or less in that condition by the use of a large quid of +tobacco, mixed with lime and <i>máu-mau</i> juice, the whole being +carried between the lips. This mixture serves not only as an +indispensable and pleasing narcotic, but also as the principal factor in +bringing about the complete and permanent staining of the teeth.</p> + +<p>In order that "they may not look like dogs," both sexes have +the upper and lower incisors ground at an early age. They proceed at +once to stain what is left with frequent applications of the +above-mentioned masticatories.</p> + +<p>As white and sharp teeth are doglike, so beard and body hair are +suggestive of the monkey. Hence all straggling hairs are sedulously and +constantly eradicated.</p> + +<p>Tattooing by both sexes is universal. It consists of the puncturing +of the skin and the rubbing in of a soot made from a very common variety +of resin. The figures tattooed, often artistic, are representations of +stars, leaves, crocodiles, etc.</p> + +<p>Both sexes are tattooed on the breast, arms, and fingers, but it is +customary for women to have an extra design on the calves of the legs +and sometimes on the whole leg.</p> + +<p>As to the Christianized Manóbos, it is obvious that the great +majority have adopted the garb of their Bisáya brethren and abandoned +the use of ornaments and mutilations characteristic of their pagan +compeers. The change was enjoined by Spanish missionaries for religious +reasons and, in the case of clothing, was encouraged by Bisáya traders +for commercial motives, but did not benefit the new Christians, as far +as my observation goes, either religiously, financially, or +esthetically.</p> + +<center> +<a name="13"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER III</h3> +<h3>A SURVEY OF THE MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE OF THE MANÓBOS OF +EASTERN MINDANÁO</h3> + +<a name="131"></a> +<h4>GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE</h4> + +<a name="1311"></a> +<h5>DWELLINGS</h5> +</center> + +<p>For a home the Manóbo selects a site that is clearly approved by +supernatural agencies, and that is especially suitable for agricultural +purposes by reason of its fertility, and for defense, because of its +strategic position. Hereon he builds an unpretentious, square, +one-roomed building at a height of from 1.50 meters to 8 meters from the +ground. The house measures ordinarily about 3 meters by 5 meters. Posts, +usually light, and varying in number between 4 and 16, support the +floor, roof, and intervening parts. The materials are all rattan lashed +and seldom consist of anything but light materials taken from the +immediate vicinity. The floor is made of slats of palm or bamboo, the +roof is thatched with palm leaves, and the walls are light, horizontal, +superimposed poles laid to about the height of the shoulders of a person +sitting on the floor. The space between the top of the walls and the +roof constitutes a continuous window. This open space above the low +house wall permits the inmates during a fight to shoot their arrows at +the enemy in any direction.</p> + +<p>The one ceilingless room serves for kitchen, bedroom, and reception +room. There is no decoration nor furniture. Scattered around or hung up, +especially in the vicinity of the fireplace, are the simple household +utensils, and the objects that constitute the property of the +owner--weapons, baskets, and sleeping mats. On the floor farthest away +from the door are the hearth frames, one or more, and the stones that +serve as support for the cooking pots. A round log with more or less +equidistant notches, leading from the ground up to the narrow doorway, +admits the visitor into the house.</p> + +<p>Under the house is the pigpen. Here the family pigs and the chickens +make a living off such refuse or remnants as fall from above. The +sanitary condition of this part of the establishment is in no wise +praiseworthy. The only redeeming point is that the bad odors do not +reach the house, being carried away by the current of air that is nearly +always passing.</p> + +<p>The house itself is far from being perfectly clean. The low, +cockroach-infested thatch, the smoke-begrimed rafters, the unswept, +dirt-bestrewn floor, the bug-infested slats, the smoke-laden atmosphere, +the betel-nut-tinged walls and floor, these and other features of a +small over-populated house make cleanliness almost impossible. The order +and quietude of the home is no more satisfactory. The crying of the +babies, the romping and shouting of the boys, the loud talking of the +elders, the grunting of the pigs below, the whining and growling of the +dogs above, and the noise of the various household occupations produce +in an average house containing a few families a din that baffles +description. But this does not disturb the serenity of the primitive +inmates, who laugh, chew, talk, and work, and enjoy themselves all the +more for the animation of which they form a great part.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1312"></a> +<h5>ALIMENTATION</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the absence of such a luxury as matches, the fire-saw or friction +method of producing fire is resorted to, although the old steel and +flint method is sometimes employed.</p> + +<p>The cooking outfit consists of a few homemade earthen pots, +supplemented by green bamboo joints, bamboo ladles, wooden rice paddles, +and nearly always a coconut shell for receiving water from the long +bamboo water tube.</p> + +<p>The various articles of food may be divided into two classes, one of +which we will call the staple part of the meal and the other the +concomitant. It must be remembered that for the Manóbo, as well as for +so many other peoples of the Philippine Islands, rice or <i>camotes</i> +or some other bulky food is the essential part of the meal, whereas +fish, meat, and other things are merely complements to aid in the +consumption of the main food. Under the heading, then, of staples we may +classify in the order of their importance or abundance the following: +<i>Camotes</i>, rice, taro, sago, cores of wild palm trees, maize, +tubers and roots (frequently poisonous). Among the concomitant or +supplementary foods are the following, their order being indicative of +the average esteem in which they are held: Fish (especially if salted), +domestic pork, wild boar meat (even though putrefied), venison, iguana, +larvae from rotted palm trees, python, monkey, domestic chicken, wild +chicken, birds, frogs, crocodile, edible fungi, edible fern, and bamboo +shoots. As condiments, salt, <i>if on hand</i>, and red pepper are +always used, but it is not at all exceptional that the latter alone is +available.</p> + +<p>Sweetpotatoes, taro, tubers, and rice are cooked by steaming. Maize +and the cores of palm trees are roasted over the fire.</p> + +<p>There are only two orthodox methods of cooking fish, pork, venison, +iguana and chicken: (1) In water without lard; (2) by broiling. Python, +monkey, crocodile, wild chicken, and birds must be prepared by the +latter method.</p> + +<p>When the meal is prepared, it is set out on plates, banana leaves, or +bark platters, with the water in glasses or in the coconut-shell dipper. +On ordinary occasions the husband, wife, children and female relatives +of a family eat together, the unmarried men, widowers, and visitors +partaking of their meals alone, but on festive occasions, all the male +members, visitors included, gather in the center of the floor.</p> + +<p>The hands and mouth are washed both before and after the meal. All +begin to eat together on the floor. The men eat with their left hands +and, on occasions, when the remotest suspicion of trouble exists, keep +their right hand on their ever-present weapons. It is customary not to +leave one's place after the meal without giving due notice.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1313"></a> +<h5>NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The most common and indispensable source of everyday enjoyment is the +betel-nut quid, It would be an inexcusable breach of propriety to +neglect to offer betel nut to a fellow tribesman. Not to partake of it +when offered would be considered a severance of friendship. The +essential ingredients of the quid are betel leaf, betel nut, and lime, +but it is common to add tobacco, cinnamon, lemon rind, and several other +aromatic elements. At times substitutes may be used for the betel leaf +and the betel nut, if there is a lack of either.</p> + +<p>Another important masticatory is the tobacco quid with its +ingredients of lime and <i>máu-mau</i> juice. This is carried constantly +between the lips. Occasionally, however, the men like to smoke a little +mixed tobacco in small pipes or in little leaf cones.</p> + +<p>The greatest and the most cherished enjoyment of all is drinking: +Men, women, and children indulge, the last two sparingly. In Manóboland +the fame of a banquet is in direct proportion to the number of those who +became drunk, sobriety being considered effeminate, and a refusal to +drink an affront to the host.</p> + +<p>The main drinks are of four kinds: <i>Cabo negro</i> toddy, sugarcane +brew, <i>bahi</i> toddy, and mead. The first and third are nothing but +the sap of the palms that bear their respective names, the sap being +gathered in the same manner as the ordinary coconut <i>tuba</i>. The +second or sugarcane brew is a fermented drink made from the juice of the +sugarcane boiled with a variety of the ginger plant. It is the choice +drink of Manóbo deities. The fourth drink mentioned above is mead. It is +similar to the last mentioned except that instead of sugar-cane juice, +honey is used in its preparation.</p> + +<p>One feature of the drinking is that it is seldom unaccompanied by +meat or fish. Hence, on every occasion that a supply of these may be +obtained, there is a drinking bout. Religious sacrifices, too, afford +abundant opportunity for indulgence.</p> + +<p>Quarrels sometimes ensue as a result of the flowing bowl, and war +expeditions are proposed, but on the whole it may be said that the +Manóbo is a peaceful and a merry drinker.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1314"></a> +<h5>MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo makes his living by farming, fishing, hunting, and +trapping. He clears a patch of the primeval forest, and his womenfolk +clean off the brush, sow broadcast a little rice, plant <i>camotes</i>, +some taro, maize, and sugarcane. As the rice crop seldom is sufficient +for the sustenance of his household, the Manóbo must rely also on the +<i>camote</i> for his maintenance.</p> + +<p>He obtains his supply of fish from the streams and rivers. When the +water is deep and the current is not strong, he shoots the fish with a +special bow and arrow. When the water is shallow and swift, he makes use +of bamboo traps and at times poisons the whole stream.</p> + +<p>To provide himself with meat, he occasionally starts off into the +forest with dogs and seldom returns without a deer or a wild boar. He +keeps several spring traps set somewhere in the forest but it is only +during the rainy season that he may be said to be successful with these. +He has a trap for monkeys, a snare for birds, a decoy for wild chickens, +and uses his bow and arrow on monkeys and birds.</p> + +<p>With the meat that he procures from the above sources, together with +lizards and pythons which he sometimes catches, and fungi, larvae, and +palm trees, which he finds in the forest, he manages to fill in the +intervals between the ceremonial and the secular celebrations that recur +so frequently during the year, and to keep himself fairly well +supplied.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1315"></a> +<h5>WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The bolo and, in some districts, the dagger, is the inseparable +companion of the Manóbo. On the trails he always carries a lance and +frequently a shield. For war he has an <i>abaká</i> coat of mail and a +bow and arrow. In time of alarm he sets out bamboo caltrops, makes an +abatis of fallen trees, and places human spring traps around his lofty +house.</p> + +<p>For work he has a bolo and a primitive adze[sic]. These, with a rice +header, a small knife, a hunting spear, a special arrow for hunting, a +fish spear, and perhaps a few fishhooks, serve all the purposes of his +primitive life. With one or the other of these he fells the mighty trees +of the primordial forest, performs all the operations of agriculture, of +hunting and fishing, builds himself a house, in certain districts hews +out shapely canoes, whittles out handsome bolo sheaths, and makes a +variety of other necessary and often artistic articles. They are the sum +total of his tools and serve him instead of all the implements of modern +civilization.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1316"></a> +<h5>INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The burden of toil falls on the woman. The man fells the heavy timber +once a year, builds the house, hunts, fishes, traps, and fights. +Practically all the rest of the daily labor is the woman's share. The +man is the master, and as such he attends to all matters that may arise +between his family and that of others.</p> + +<p>Besides the occupations mentioned above, the man may engage, usually +under the stress of a contract or of a debt, in canoe making, mining, +and basket making.</p> + +<p>The women weave all the clothes of the family except when imported +cloth has been obtained. Most of the Manóbos' clothes, both for men and +women, are made of native-woven cloth. The woman does all the sewing. A +needle of brass wire in the absence of an imported needle, and a thread +of <i>abaká</i> fiber, constitute her sewing outfit.</p> + +<p>Almost all the material employed in weaving is <i>abaká</i> fiber. +The dyes are vegetable, their fastness depending upon the duration of +the boiling. The Manóbo woman, unlike the Mandáya women, and women of +most other tribes in Mindanáo, has never developed the art of inweaving +ornamental figures. The best she can do is to produce warp and weft +stripes.</p> + +<p>The making of simple earthen pots is also one of the industries of +the woman. Pots are not, however, made in great quantities, the demand +being, I think, a little greater than the supply.</p> + +<p>Bed mats and rice bags are made out of various materials such as +<i>pandanus</i> and <i>buri</i> in the ordinary Philippine style. The +work is done principally by the woman and the supply is not equal, as a +rule, to the family needs.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1317"></a> +<h4>GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE</h4> + +<a name="1318"></a> +<h5>DOMESTIC LIFE</h5> +</center> + +<a name="13181"></a> +<p><i>Marital relations</i>.--In his choice of a wife the man is guided +to a great extent by the wishes of his relatives, but the woman is given +no option. There are no antenuptial relations between the pair, the +marriage contract and all arrangements being made by their respective +relatives. The transactions usually cover years. The woman's relatives +demand for her an amount of worldly goods--slaves, pigs, bolos, and +spears--that is almost impossible of payment. The man's relatives, on +the other hand, strive to comply, but make use of every means to gain +the friendship of the other side and thereby bring about a more +considerate demand.</p> + +<p>When, perhaps after years of effort, an agreement is reached, a great +feast is prepared by the two parties. The final payment is made by the +man's relatives, and the following day a reciprocal banquet is given by +the girl's relatives, in the course of which one-half of the value of +the payment made by the man's relatives is returned by the girl's +relatives as an indication that "she has not been sold like a +slave."</p> + +<p>The marriage ceremony consists in the exchange of rice between the +bride and the bridegroom. This is followed by a religious rite that +consists mainly in determining by divination the fate of the couple.</p> + +<p>Marriage is sometimes effected by capture, usually, I think, with the +connivance of the woman. But the procedure involves a heavier payment to +the throng of armed relatives that invariably set out in pursuit of the +captors.</p> + +<p>Prenatal marriage contracts are rare, but child marriage without +cohabitation is practiced to a certain extent, especially among the more +influential members of the tribe.</p> + +<p>The age for marriage is about the age of puberty for the women and +about the age of 18 for the men. Polygamy is a recognized institution, +but is comparatively rare except among those who have the means to pay +for the luxury of a second, third, or fourth wife. It presupposes the +consent of the first wife, who always retains and maintains her +position, there being no jealously, as far as my observation goes, and +few domestic broils. Polyandry is considered swinish, and concubinage is +unknown. Divorce is not in accord with tribal customs. The same holds +true of prostitution.</p> + +<p>There is no evidence of the practice of endogamy which is so +widespread among the Oceanic peoples. As a rule, however, the Manóbo +marries within his own tribe. This is due to his environment, to the +hostile relations he ever holds with surrounding tribes, and to +differences of religious beliefs. The only impediment to marriage is +consanguinity, but even this impediment may be removed in the case of +cousins by appropriate religious ceremonies. Consanguineous marriages +are rare.</p> + +<p>Upon the death of the husband, the wife is considered to belong to +his relatives. Upon the presentation of a second suitor, she is +remarried in the same manner as on her first marriage, but the payments +demanded are not so high.</p> + +<p>Marriages seem to result in reciprocal good understanding and +happiness. The wife goes about her manifold duties day after day without +a murmur, while her master keeps his weapons in good condition, fishes +and hunts occasionally, goes on a trading trip at times, takes part in +social gatherings, lends his voice in time of trouble, and goes off to +fight if there should be occasion for it.</p> + +<p>Faithfulness to the marriage tie is one of the most striking features +of Manóboland. Adultery is extremely rare. The husband lives, at least +during the first part of the married life, with his father-in-law, and +displays toward his parents-in-law the same feelings that he entertains +for his own parents. His wife is always under the eyes of her own +parents, so that he is restrained from indulging in any marital +bickerings.</p> + +<a name="13182"></a> +<p><i>Pregnancy, birth, and childhood</i>.--The desire for children is +strong. Hence voluntary abortion and infanticide are unknown. In case of +involuntary abortion, which is comparatively frequent, the fetus is hung +or buried under the house. When the child begins to quicken in the womb, +the mother undergoes a process of massage at the beginning of every +lunar month.</p> + +<p>Parturition is effected almost invariably without any difficulty, the +umbilical cord is cut usually with a bamboo sliver, the mother sits up +to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth into the womb, the child is +washed, and the operation is over. If the mother can not suckle her +child it is nourished with rice water, sugar cane juice, and other light +food, but is not given to another to be suckled. In a few days after her +delivery the mother is up and back at her work. A little birth party +takes place soon after the birth in which the midwife receives a slight +guerdon for her services.</p> + +<p>The child is named, without any ceremony, after some ancestor or +famous Manóbo, or occasionally receives a name indicative of something +which happened at the time of the birth. He is treated with the greatest +tenderness and lack of restraint. As he grows up he learns the ways of +the forest, and about the age of 14 he is a full-fledged little man. If +the child is a girl, she helps her mother from the first moment that she +is able to be of service.</p> + +<p>Birth anomalies are rare. I have seen several albinos and several +people who might be called in a loose sense hermaphrodites.</p> + +<a name="13183"></a> +<p><i>Medicine, sickness, and death</i>.--The Manóbo attributes some +twelve bodily ailments to natural causes, and for the cure of such he +believes in the efficacy of about as many herbs and roots. For wounds, +tobacco juice and the black residue of the smoking pipe are considered a +good remedy. Betel nut and betel leaf are a very common cure for pains +in the stomach. The gall of snakes has a potency of its own for the same +trouble.</p> + +<p>As a rule, all natural remedies are applied externally until such +time as they prove unavailing, and the symptoms assume a more serious +aspect.</p> + +<p>Whenever an ailment is of a lingering character, especially if +accompanied by increasing emaciation and not classifiable as one of the +familiar maladies, it is attributed to magic causes. Certain individuals +may have the reputation of being able to compound various noxious +substances, the taking of which, it is believed, may superinduce +lingering ailments. The pulverized bone from a corpse or the blood of a +woman, dried in the sun and exposed to the light of the moon and then +mixed with finely cut human hair, are example of such compounds. Other +magic medicines exist such as aphrodisiacs, and bezoar stones. When it +is decided that the ailment is due to any of these magic causes, +neutralizing methods must be resorted to, the nature and application of +which are very secret.</p> + +<p>Epidemics are attributed to the malignancy of sea demons, and by way +of propitiation, and inducement to these plague spirits to hurry off +with their epidemic, offerings placed on raftlets are launched in the +nearest rivers.</p> + +<p>As soon as it is realized that the malady is beyond the power of +natural or of magic resources, recourse is had to the deities or good +spirits, as will be explained under the resume of religion. Upon the +occurrence of a death, wild scenes frequently take place, the relatives +being unable to restrain their grief. Signals, by bamboo horns, are +often boomed out to neighboring settlements to warn them to be on their +guard. War raids to settle old feuds are sometimes decided upon on these +occasions, so all trails leading to the house are closed.</p> + +<p>The corpse is washed and laid out on its back in its best apparel. +The coffin is a hexagonal piece of wood made out of a log with a +three-faced lid also hewn out of a log. The body is often wrapped in a +grass mat before being laid in the coffin.</p> + +<p>Before decomposition sets in, the coffin is borne away by men amidst +great grief and loud shouts. A high piece of ground is selected in a +remote part of the forest for the last resting place of the deceased. A +shallow grave is dug, a roof of thatch is erected, a potful of boiled +rice is placed over the grave as a last collation for the departed one, +and the burial party hurry back in fear to the settlement. As soon as +they can provide themselves with temporary huts they almost always +abandon the settlement.</p> + +<a name="13184"></a> +<p><i>Social and Family enjoyments</i>.--Music, instrumental and vocal, +and dancing are the two great sources of domestic enjoyment. There are +several kinds of instruments, which I will mention in the order of their +importance and frequency of use. The drum, the gong, four varieties of +flutes, four species of guitars, a violin, and a jew's-harp. With the +exception of the first two, the instruments are made of bamboo and are, +in every sense of the word, of the most primitive kind. The strings are +of vine, bamboo, or <i>abaká</i> fiber.</p> + +<p>The drum is the instrument of most frequent use. It is played during +all dancing and at other times when a tribesman feels inclined. It is +used as a signal to give alarm or to call an absent one. During the +dance, religious or secular, it is nearly always accompanied by the +gong. The use of the other instruments seems to depend upon the caprice +of the individuals, though two of them appear to have a religious +character.</p> + +<p>With the exception of the gong and the Jew's-harp, all of these +instruments can be made to produce varied and pleasing rhythms or music, +according to the knowledge and skill of the performer. Each strain has +its appropriate name, taken frequently from the name of the animal that +it is supposed to imitate.</p> + +<p>Instrumental music, in general, is of minor tonality, melancholy, +weird, and suggestive in some ways of Chinese music.</p> + +<p>Bamboo stampers are sometimes used to give more animation to a +dancing celebration, and bamboo sounders are attached to looms to draw +attention to the industry of the weaver.</p> + +<p>Songs are always sung as solos. They are all extemporaneous and for +the most part legendary. The language is archaic and difficult for an +outsider to understand. The singing is a kind of declamation, with long +slurs, frequent staccatos, and abrupt endings. Of course, there are war +songs that demand loudness and rapidity, but on the whole the song music +is as weird and melancholy as the instrumental. Ceremonial chants do not +differ from secular songs, except that they treat of the doings of a +supernatural world, and are the medium through which supplications are +made to supernatural beings.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the greatest of all social enjoyments, both for men and +deities, is the dance. It is performed by one person at a time. Men, +women and children take part. Dressed in a woman's skirt and decked out +in all obtainable finery, the dancer keeps perfect time to the rhythm of +the drum and the clang of the gong.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1319"></a> +<h5>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION</h5> +</center> + +<a name="13191"></a> +<p><i>System of government and social control</i>.--Manóboland is +divided into districts, more or less extensive, which are the property +of the different clans. Each district is under the nominal leadership of +the warrior chiefs and of the more influential men. In time of peace +these districts are open to everybody, but in time of war--and wars were +formerly very frequent--only persons of tried friendship are permitted +to enter.</p> + +<p>A clan consists of a chief whose authority is merely nominal, and of +a number of his relatives varying from 20 to perhaps 200 souls. The +whole system is patriarchal, no coercion being used unless it is +sanctioned by the more influential members, approved by the consensus of +opinion of the people, and in accord with traditional custom.</p> + +<p>The authority of the elder people is respected as long as they are +physically and mentally able to participate in public gatherings. Those +who have distinguished themselves by personal prowess always command a +following, but they have a greater influence in time of trouble than in +time of peace.</p> + +<p>Perfect equality reigns among the members of the clan, except in the +one respect that the recognized warriors are entitled to the use of a +red headkerchief, jacket, and pantaloons, each of these articles, +beginning with the first, being added as the number of people whom the +warrior has killed is increased.</p> + +<p>The chieftainship naturally falls to one who has attained the rank of +<i>bagáni</i>--that is, to one who has killed a certain number of +persons--provided he is otherwise sufficiently influential to attract a +following. His duties consist in lending his influence to settle +disputes and in redressing the wrongs of those who care to appeal to +him. As a priest he is thought to be under the protection of a war god +whose desire for blood he must satisfy.</p> + +<p>The <i>bagáni</i> also acts as a medicine man, for he is reputed to +have certain magic powers both for good and for evil. The natural +secretiveness of the <i>bagáni</i> made it difficult for me to secure +much information on this point, but his power of harming at a distance +and of making himself invisible are matters of general belief. In his +character as a priest, he performs ceremonies for the cure of diseases +in which fluxes of blood occur.</p> + +<a name="13192"></a> +<p><i>Methods of warfare</i>.--There is no military organization in +Manóboland. The greater part of those who form a war party are relatives +of the aggrieved one, though it is usual to induce some others of +acknowledged prowess to take part. No resentment is harbored by the +opposing party toward paid warriors.</p> + +<p>Vendettas and debts are the most usual cause of war, and not, as has +been reported, glory and the capture of slaves. There is never wanting +on the part of those who originate the war a reasonable motive. The +vendetta system is not only recognized, but vengeance is considered +incumbent on the relatives of one who has been killed, and, as a +reminder, a piece of green rattan is sometimes strung up in the house. +The rattan suggests that until it rots the wrong will not be forgotten. +If the father is unable to avenge the wrong, he bequeathes[sic] the +revenge to his son as a sacred legacy. Sometimes another person is +deputed to take vengeance, in which case no blame is attached to him.</p> + +<p>The peculiar custom prevails of killing a third party who may be +neutral, or of seizing his property, but I have known such an act to be +resented. As a result of this custom a war party returning from an +unsuccessful raid is dangerous.</p> + +<p>There is usually no formal declaration of war. In fact, the greatest +secrecy is generally observed, and in urgent cases a body of ambushers +proceed at once to kill the first one of the enemy that happens to pass +their lurking place. As a rule, the enemy's house and his actions are +watched for weeks, perhaps for years, until a favorable opportunity for +attack presents itself.</p> + +<p>The usual times for undertaking an expedition are during the rice +harvest and after a death. The preparation consists in acquiring a +thorough knowledge of the enemy's house and of its environment. +Everything being ready, the warriors assemble, a sacrifice is made, +omens are taken, and the band starts out at such an hour as will enable +them to reach the vicinity of the enemy about nightfall. From the last +stopping point a few warriors make a final reconnaissance in the gloom +of the night, release the enemy's traps, and return. The whole band, +numbering anywhere from 10 to 100, advance and, surrounding the house, +await the dawn, for it is at the first blush of the morning that sleep +is supposed to be heaviest. Moreover, there is then sufficient light to +enable the party to make the attack. Hence the peep of dawn is almost +always the hour of attack.</p> + +<p>If the enemy's house is within spear reach, it is usually an easy +matter to put the inmates to death, but if it is a high house, and, +especially, if the inmates are well prepared, a warrior climbs up +silently under the house and spears one of them. This, followed by the +killing of pigs and by the battle cry, usually causes consternation. A +battle of arrows then takes place; there is a bandying of fierce +threats, taunts, and challenges, and the attacking party endeavors to +set the roof on fire with burning arrows. If they succeed the inmates +flee from the flames, but only the children, as a rule, escape the bolo +and the spear.</p> + +<p>It is seldom that the attack is prolonged more than a few hours, and +it is seldom that the attack is unsuccessful, for if other means fail, +hunger and thirst will drive the besieged ones to flight, in which case +they become the victims of the besieging warriors. If one of the latter +is wounded or killed, the attack is abandoned at once, such an +occurrence being considered extremely inauspicious.</p> + +<p>Each warrior gets credit for the number of people whom he kills, and +is entitled to the slaves that he may capture. The warrior chiefs open +the breasts of one or more of the headmen of the slain, insert a portion +of their charm collars into the openings, and consume the heart and +liver in honor of their war spirits.</p> + +<p>During the return home the successful warriors make the forest +resound with the weird ululation of the battle cry, and adorn their +lances with palm fronds. Upon arrival at their settlement they are +welcomed with drum and song and loud acclaim. A purificatory bath is +followed by a feast in which each one recounts the minutest details of +the attack. After the feast some of the captives may be given to +warriors who were unlucky or who desire to satisfy their vengeance. The +captives are dispatched in the near-by forest.</p> + +<p>Ambush is also a very ordinary method of warfare. Several warriors +station themselves in a selected position near the trail and await their +enemy.</p> + +<p>Whenever there is open rupture between two parties, it is customary +for each of them to erect a high house in a place remote and difficult +of access, and to surround it with such obstacles as will make it more +dangerous. In these houses, with their immediate relatives and with such +warriors as desire to take their part, they bide their time in a state +of constant watch and ward.</p> + +<p>When both parties to a feud are tired, either of fighting constantly +or of taking refuge in flight, a peacemaking may be brought about +through the good services of friendly and influential tribesmen. On the +appointed day, the parties meet, balance up their blood debts and other +obligations and decide on a term within which to pay them. As an +evidence of their sincere desire to preserve peace and to make mutual +restitution, a piece of green rattan is cut by the leaders, and a little +beeswax is burnt, both operations being symbolic of the fate that will +befall the one that breaks his plighted word.</p> + +<a name="13193"></a> +<p><i>Intertribal and analogous relations</i>.--Intertribal relations +between pagan Manóbos and Christtianized[sic] Manóbos, and between the +former and Bisáyas were comparatively pacific during my residence in the +Agúsan Valley. Between Manóbos and other mountain tribes, excepting +Mañgguáñgans, the relations were, with casual exceptions, rather +friendly, due, no doubt, to the lessons learned by the Manóbos in their +long struggles with Mandáyas, Banuáons, andv Debabáons up to the advent +of the missionaries about 1877. The Manóbos are inferior to the tribes +mentioned in tribal cohesion and in intellect. Their dealings, however, +with Mañgguáñgans, who are undoubtedly their physical and intellectual +inferiors, present a different aspect. With the Mandáyas and Debabáons, +they have helped to reduce the once extensive Mañgguáñgan tribe to the +remnant that it is to-day.</p> + +<p>Manóbos and other mountain tribes have little to do with each other. +Only particular individuals of the various tribes, who have the happy +faculty of avoiding trouble, travel among other tribes. In general, +Manóbos are afraid of the aggressiveness of their neighbors (excluding +the Mañgguáñgans), and their neighbors f ear Manóbo instability and +hot-headedness; hence both sides pursue the prudent policy of +avoidance.</p> + +<p>Interclan relations have been comparatively peaceful since the +establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Occasional +killings took place formerly and probably still take place in remote +regions, notably on the upper Baóbo. It is probable that since my +departure from the Agúsan in 1910 these murders take place much less +frequently, as the special government organized in 1907 has made great +headway in getting in contact with the more warlike people of the +interior.</p> + +<p>Up to the time of my departure dealings between the various clans +were purely commercial and of a sporadic nature. Old enmities were not +forgotten, and it was considered more prudent to have as little as +possible to do with one another.</p> + +<p>On all occasions, when there is any apprehension of danger, arms are +worn. During meals, even of festive occasions, the Manóbo eats with his +left hand, holding his right in readiness for an attack. The guests at a +feast are seated in such a way that an attack may be easily guarded +against. Various other laws of intercourse, such as those governing the +passing of one person behind another and method of unsheathing a bolo, +regulate the dealings of man with man and clan with clan.</p> + +<p>Commercial relations between Bisáyas and Manóbos, both pagan and +Christianized, constitute, on the part of the first-mentioned, a system +of deliberate and nefarious spoliation which has been denounced from the +time of the first missionaries and which, by the establishment of +trading posts by the Government, eventually will be suppressed. +Absolutely inadequate values both in buying and selling commodities, use +of false weights and measures, defraudation in accounts, demands of +unspeakably high usury, wheedling by the <i>puának</i> or friendship +system, advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates, especially just +before the rice harvest, and the system of commutation by which an +article not contracted for was accepted in payment though at a paltry +price--these were the main features of the system. It may be said that +the resultant and final gain amounted to between 500 and 1,000 per +cent.</p> + +<p>The bartering was carried on in a spirit of dissimulation, the Manóbo +being cozened into the idea that the sale was an act of friendship and +involved a comparative loss on the part of the Bisáya. A period, more or +less extended, was allowed him wherein to complete the payment, with a +promise of further liberal advances.</p> + +<p>Since the Manóbo has become aware of the stupendous gain of the +Bisáya, he is not so prompt in his payments and in fact often thwarts +his creditor by deliberate delays. Hence the frequent bickerings, +quarrels, and ill will that are ever a result of these commercial +relations.</p> + +<p>It is needless to say that throughout the valley there was most undue +fluctuation of prices. Moreover, the Manóbo sold a part of his rice in +harvest time at 50 centavos a sack, and in time of scarcity repurchased +it at as much as 5 pesos.</p> + +<p>The internal commerce of the Manóbos presents, on the whole, a very +different spectacle. It consists in simple exchanges. There is no +circulating medium. The units of exchange are slaves (valued at from 15 +to 30 pesos each), pigs, and plates, but with the exception of the +first, these units are not constant in value.</p> + +<p>The measures used are the <i>gántang</i>, a cylindrical wooden vessel +with a capacity of from 10 to 15 liters; the <i>kabán</i>,<sup>1</sup> +which contains 25 gántang; the yard, measured from the end of the thumb +to the middle of the sternum; the span, the fathom, the finger, and the +finger joint.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>Called also <i>bákid</i> and <i>anéga</i>. A <i>kabán</i> +is measured by counting out 25 <i>gántang</i>.</p> + +<p>Slavery is a recognized institution, but since the diminution of +intertribal and interclan wars the number of slaves has diminished. +Slaves were originally obtained by capture and then passed from hand to +hand in making marriage payments. It sometimes occurs, in an exigency, +that a man delivers a child, even his own, into captivity.</p> + +<p>The slave is generally not ill-treated but has to do all the work +that is assigned to him. He has no rights of any kind, possesses no +property except a threadbare suit, and is usually not allowed to marry. +However, he receives a sufficiency of food and seems to be contented +with his lot.</p> + +<center> +<a name="131A"></a> +<h5>ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE</h5> +</center> + +<a name="131A1"></a> +<p><i>General principles and various laws</i>.--It is frequently stated +by Bisáyas and others that Manóbo justice consists in the oppression of +the weak by the strong, but I have not found this to be true. The Manóbo +is too independent and too much a lover of revenge to brook coercion. He +recognizes a set of customary rules, and any departure from them is +resented by himself and by his relatives.</p> + +<p>Nearly all violations of rights are considered as civil and not as +criminal wrongs, and upon due compensation are condoned. Failure on the +part of the offender to make this compensation leads the aggrieved man +and his relatives to take justice into their own hands.</p> + +<p>The guilty one in nearly every case is allowed a fair and impartial +hearing in the presence of his own relatives. The matter is argued out, +witnesses are called, and the offender's own relatives generally exert +their influence to make him yield with good will. Hence the feast that +follows nearly every case of successful arbitration.</p> + +<p>One of the fundamental customs of the Manóbos is to regard as a duty +the payment of one's debts, and this duty is performed sacredly and +often at a sacrifice. Another fundamental custom is the right of +revenge. Revenge is a sacred duty that is bequeathed from generation to +generation, and from it result the long and terrible feuds that have +devastated Manóboland.</p> + +<p>Customary law is based on the intense conservation of the Manóbo, +fostered by the priests and strengthened by a system of religious +injunctions and interdictions. Anyone who violates these taboos or +interdictions becomes liable for all evil consequences that may +follow.</p> + +<p>Property rights are understood and rigidly upheld, so much so that +there seems to be no conception of a gift as such. Large tracts of land +are considered the property of a clan, but anyone on good terms with the +clan may settle on the land and may have all the rights of a clansman +except those of fishing. Each individual becomes the temporary owner of +the land that he selects and of the crops that he plants thereon. As +soon as he abandons the land it becomes the collective property of the +clan. Land disputes are unknown.</p> + +<p>Property that is the result of one's labor or one's purchase belongs +to the individual except in the case of women, children, and slaves. +Loss of and damage to property belonging to another must be made good, +no excuses being admitted.</p> + +<p>The law of contracts is stringent, but a certain amount of +consideration is shown in case of a failure to fulfill a contract on +time, unless a definite stipulation to the contrary has been previously +made. All contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and +frequently a knotted rattan slip, representing the number of items or +the number of days to elapse before payment, is delivered by the one who +makes the contract.</p> + +<p>Nearly all transactions are made on a credit basis, hence frequent +disputes arise out of the failure of one party or the other to fulfill +the terms of the contract. The failures are sometimes due to the fact +that one individual man depends on payment from another in order to +satisfy his debt to a third party. Undue delay on the part of a debtor +finally gives the creditor the right to seize the property of the +debtor, or even the property of a third party. Such an action is not +common and is always taken under the stress of exasperation after +repeated efforts to collect have proved unavailing. As a rule the +relatives of the debtor prefer to settle the obligation rather than to +allow matters to become too serious, but it happens at times that they, +too, are obstinate and allow things to take their course.</p> + +<p>No interest is charged on loans except in the case of paddy. There +are few loans made, and no leases or pledges. These last imply a +distrust that is not pleasing to the Manóbo.</p> + +<p>The law of liability is very strict. For instance, if one should ask +another to accompany him on a journey and the latter should fall sick or +die, the former would be liable for his death. If one should die in the +house, thereby causing the abandonment of it, the relatives of the dead +man would have to pay the value of the house. Similar instances are of +frequent occurrence and can readily be understood. This liability law +extends to evils supposed to be due to the violation of taboos and to +the possession of magic powers.</p> + +<p>There is a system of fining that serves, harsh though it may seem, to +maintain proper deference to the person and the property of another. +Thus, spitting on another, rudely grasping another's person, entering +another's district without due permission, bathing in river without the +owner's leave, are a few of the many cases that might be adduced. The +fine varies according to the damage and amount of malice that may be +proved in the subsequent arbitration.</p> + +<a name="131A2"></a> +<p><i>Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary +procedure in settlements of disputes.</i>--The house belongs +collectively to the builders. The property in it belongs to the male +inmates who have acquired it.</p> + +<p>The elder brother takes possession of the property of his deceased +brother, unless the eldest son of the deceased is of such an age as to +be capable of managing the household. In case the deceased did not have +a brother, a brother-in-law or a son-in-law becomes the representative +of the household. The eldest son inherits his father's debts and must +pay them.</p> + +<p>There is so little property in the ordinary Manóbo home that there +are no disputes as to the inheritance. After a death the house is +abandoned and the grief-stricken relatives scurry off with their +baskets, mats, and simple utensils to make another home in a solitary +part of the forest.</p> + +<p>The relations both prenuptial and postnuptial between the sexes are +of the strictest kind. All evil conduct from adultery down to immodest +gazing is punished with appropriate fines and even with death. The fines +vary from the equivalent of three slaves down to the equivalent of a few +pesos.</p> + +<p>The marriage contract is very rigid. I know of few cases in which the +stipulated price was not paid prior to the delivery of the fiancé. In +case of the death of one of the affiancéd parties, the payments made +must be refunded. In case of the refusal of the bridegroom to continue +his suit even though there has been no fault on the part of the bride or +of her relatives, he loses all right to recover. Should the bride's +people, however, decide to discontinue the proceedings, they must return +the previous payments and make, I believe, compensation for the trouble +and expenses incurred during the previous transactions. No case of a +discontinuance of the marriage proceedings ever passed under my +observation.</p> + +<p>The father has theoretically full power over his wife and children, +but in practice his domestic jurisdiction is of the most lenient kind. +Marital affection and filial devotion reign in the household.</p> + +<p>The husband may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the +first without the latter's consent. This rule, as well as the lack of +sufficient worldly possessions to purchase another helpmate, makes +polygamy comparatively infrequent.</p> + +<p>The bridegroom is supposed to live with his father-in-law or with the +previous owner of his wife, very often his wife's brother, but nearly +always sets up his own establishment a few years after marriage.</p> + +<p>With the exception of adultery, fornication, rape, and wanton +homicide, all crimes presuppose an appeal to arbitration. The one that +is the author of another's death is the one on whom vengeance must be +taken, if it is possible.</p> + +<p>When an outraged party is unable to obtain redress by arbitration or +by the direct reprisal, he avenges himself on a third party, preferably +a relative of his enemy, by killing him or by seizing his property. He +thus brings matters to a head. It is usual to compound with the +relatives of this third party, either for the death or for the seizure, +on condition that they will league themselves with the one who is +seeking revenge, in opposition to the original wrongdoer or that they +themselves will undertake, as his paid agents, to wreak vengeance on his +enemy.</p> + +<p>Minor offenses are punished by fines that are determined by +arbitration. These fines vary in amount, but nearly always include a +feast, more or less elaborate, the expenses of which are borne by the +party that lost the case.</p> + +<p>The arbitration of a question may be made immediately after it has +arisen or it may not be brought about for weeks or months. When the +discussion has begun it is not considered politic for either side to +yield at once. Threats are bandied between the principals until, through +the influence of friendly chiefs, they are brought together. Then the +relatives discuss the affair, each side exaggerating its own view of the +question. It is only after lengthy discussions, and the use of +similitudes and allegories, loud shouts, dissimulation, and through the +sagacity and influence of the chief men that the opinions of the parties +are so molded that an agreement is reached.</p> + +<p>It may be necessary to determine the offense. This is done by +witnesses who give, as far as I have been able to judge, truthful +testimony. Whenever the veracity of a witness is doubted he may be +obliged to take a kind of oath which consists in the burning of beeswax. +A little beeswax is melted by holding a firebrand over it. While this is +being done, the person whose veracity it is desired to test, utters a +wish that in case of falsehood his body may be melted like the wax. In +the case of suspects, ordeals are employed. They consist of making the +parties under suspicion either plunge their hands into boiling water, or +undergo the diving test, or take the candle ordeal.</p> + +<p>Circumstantial evidence is admissible. By means of it, the authors of +hidden crimes are often brought to punishment after years of patient +waiting.</p> + +<p>It is customary for the guilty one to make at least a partial payment +immediately after the arbitration, and to treat the assembly to a +banquet in which it is good form for the two opponents to close the +breaches of friendship by generous quaffs to each other's health.</p> + +<center> +<a name="14"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER IV</h3> +<h3>RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS IN GENERAL</h3> + +<a name="141"></a> +<h4>A BRIEF SURVEY OF RELIGION</h4> +</center> + +<p>A study of Manóbo religion is difficult because of the natural +secretiveness and suspiciousness of this primitive man, because of his +dependence for his religious ideas on his priests, because of the +variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step, and, +finally, because of his inability to expound in a satisfactory manner +the beliefs of his religious system.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1411"></a> +<h5>THE BASIS, INFLUENCE, AND MACHINERY OF RELIGION</h5> +</center> + +<p>The religious belief of the Manóbo is an essential part of his life. +On his person he often carries religious objects. The site for his home +is not selected till omens and oracles are consulted. In his method of +cooking there are religious rules. He can not procure his meat from the +forest nor his fish from the streams without making an appropriate +offering. He sows and harvests his rice under the auspices of certain +deities. His hunting dogs are under the protection of a special +divinity. His bolo and his spear must answer a special magic test. He +can not go forth to fight till divination and sacrifice have assured him +success. All the great events of his life--his marriage, the +pregnacy[sic] and parturition of his wife, death, burial, war--all are +consecrated by formal, and often public, religious rites.</p> + +<p>As far as I have been able to judge, fear of the deities of evil +spirits, of the dead--of all that is unintelligible, unusual, somber--is +the mainspring of the Manóbos religious observances and beliefs.</p> + +<p>In order to detect the evils, natural and supernatural, to which he +may be exposed, he has recourse to dreams, divination, auguries, and +omens, and, in more serious cases he calls upon his priests to ascertain +by invocation, oblation, and sacrifice, the source of the evil that has +befallen him, or of the danger that he fears.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1412"></a> +<h5>THE HIERARCHY OF MANÓBO DIVINITIES, BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT</h5> +</center> + +<p>There is no supreme being in the Manóbo pantheon, though there are +two principal classes of beneficent divinities. Little is known of one +of these classes beyond its supposed existence. The other class is made +up of humanlike deities called <i>diwáta</i> that retain a fondness for +this world and the good things thereof. They select mortals for their +favorites, and through them keep themselves provided with such earthly +delicacies as they may desire, even though they may have to plague their +mortal votaries in order to secure them.</p> + +<p>There is another category of spirits, of a slightly different +character, whose desire is blood. These are the war divinities that +select certain individuals for their champions and urge them on to deeds +of valor, with the hope of procuring blood.</p> + +<p>In contradistinction to the above divinities are others of a +malignant or dangerous character. Chief among them are the <i>búsau</i>, +black, hideous spirits that dwell in dark, desolate places, and who are +for the most part implacable enemies of man. To counteract the +machinations of these spirits, the beneficent dieties[sic] are called +upon by Manóbo priests and feasted with song and dance and sacrifice. +Pleased with these tokens of friendship, the good spirits pursue the +evil ones, and even engage in battle with them.</p> + +<p>The <i>tagbánua</i> are a class of local spirits that reign over the +forest tracts and mountains. They are not of an unkindly nature as long +as a certain amount of respect is paid them. Hence the practice of +making offerings during hunting and other forest occupations.</p> + +<p>Among the other inimical spirits are: The rice pilferer, +<i>Dágau</i>; <i>Anit</i>, the thunderbolt spirit; numerous epidemic +demons; the goddess of consanguineous love and marriage; the spirit of +sexual excess; the wielder of the lightning and the manipulator of the +winds and storms; the cloud spirit; and various others.</p> + +<p>Agricultural and hunting operations are all performed under the +auspices of gods and goddesses. Thus <i>Hakiádan</i> and <i>Taphágan</i> +take care of the rice during sowing and harvest time, respectively; +<i>Tagamáling</i> attends to other crops; <i>Libtákan</i> is the god of +sunshine and good weather; and <i>Sugújun</i> is the god of the +chase.</p> + +<p>There are other gods: <i>Mandáit</i>, the birth deity; <i>Ibú</i>, +the goddess of the afterworld; <i>Makalídung</i>, the founder of the +world; <i>Manduyápit</i>, the ferryman; and <i>Yúmud</i>, the water +wraith.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1413"></a> +<h5>PRIESTS----THEIR FUNCTIONS, ATTRIBUTES, AND EQUIPMENT</h5> +</center> + +<p>The performance of nearly all the greater religious rites is left to +the priests who are of two classes--<i>bailán</i> or ordinary priests, +and <i>bagáni</i> or war priests. It is the prerogative of these priests +to hold communication with their familiar spirits; to find out from them +their desires; to learn the doings of the unfriendly spirits, and the +means to be taken for a mitigation of the evil in question.</p> + +<p>The ordinary priests are simple intermediaries, claiming no wondrous +powers, making use of no deceptive nor mercenary methods, as far as my +observation goes, with no particular dress and little paraphernalia, +having no political influence, but possessing, in all that concerns +religion, paramount authority. Their title to priesthood is derived from +violent manifestations, such as trembling, perspiring, belching, +semiunconsciousness, that are believed to be a result of communication +with their familiars.</p> + +<p>The war priests have blood spirits for their favorites, and +accordingly perform their rites only in matters that concern war and +wounds.</p> + +<p>Ceremonial accessories consist of a few heirlooms, a small altar +house, a wooden oblation tray, a one-legged stand, a sacrificial table, +ceremonial decorations, sacred images, and sacrificial offerings.</p> + +<p>The religious rites peculiar to the ordinary priests, consist of +betel-nut offerings, the burning of incense, invocations, prophylactic +fowl waving, omen taking, blood unction, the child ceremony, the death +feast, the rice-planting ceremony, the hunting rite, and the sacrifice +of pig or fowl.</p> + +<p>The ceremonies peculiar to the warrior priests, besides the betel-nut +tribute to the war spirits and invocation offered to them, are: +Invocation and offerings to the spirit companions or "souls" of +the living enemy, special forms of divination connected with war, a +special invocation to the omen bird preparatory to the war raid, +placation and propitiation of the tutelary war deities by invocation, by +sacrifice, and ceremonial cannibalism; and, probably, in the remote +districts, by human sacrifice.</p> + +<center> +<a name="1414"></a> +<h5>THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF MANÓBO RELIGION</h5> +</center> + +<p>The main features, then, of the Manóbo religious system are:</p> + +<blockquote><p>(1) A firm traditional belief in the existence of +anthropomorphic beneficent deities that will help the Manóbo if he +supplies them with the offerings they desire, but, if not, that will +allow and even cause evil to befall him.</p> + +<p>(2) A belief in the existence of forest spirits and sky spirits, who +on occasions may become hostile and must be propitiated.</p> + +<p>(3) An absolute reliance on priests, who are the favorites of one or +more of the friendly divinities, and through whose mediation he secures +their good will and assistance.</p> + +<p>(4) The fear of the dead who are thought to harbor an envious feeling +toward the living.</p> + +<p>(5) The frequent consultation or interpretation of omens, auguries, +and oracles for ascertaining future events.</p> + +<p>(6) A rigid adherence to a numerous set of taboos, some based on +religious ideas, some founded on sympathetic magic.</p> + +<p>(7) A frequent application of the principle of sympathetic magic by +which one act is believed to be productive of a correlated result.</p> + +<p>(8) A conscientious avoidance of everything disrespectful in word and +act toward one of the brute creation.</p> + +<p>(9) A belief in two spirit companions that accompany each mortal from +birth till death.</p> + +<p>(10) A belief in the possibility of capture of one of these spirit +companions by malignant spirits.</p> + +<p>(11) A universal and constant faith in the existence of an afterworld +and of the eternal survival of at least one spirit companion therein.</p> + +<p>(12) A belief in dreams as being often indicative of future evil.</p> + +<p>(13) A belief in secret methods that may be productive of harm to +others.</p> + +<p>(14) The recourse to oaths and ordeals for the enforcement of +promises and for the determination of truth.</p> + +<p>(15) The unmistakable apotheosis of bravery as illustrated by the +warlike character of one class of deities.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Such are the main characteristics of this form of primitive religion. +The peculiar fear, entertained by its lowly votary, of lonely mountains, +odd-shaped rocks, gloomy caves and holes, hot springs and similar +formations of nature; his belief that planted things have +"souls" and his peculiar respect for animals and insects--these +and minor manifestations may point perhaps to a former nature and animal +worship, but at present there is no indication of such. The Manóbo's +conduct in the presence of such objects and phenomena is one of fear +toward, and placation of, the agencies which he believes produce the +phenomena or of the spirit owners of the objects that come across his +path. It is to them alone that he pays his respect, and not to the +material object or manifestation that has become the object of his +perception.</p> + +<p>Though one of the characteristics of Manóbo religion is the +apotheosis of bravery, as is apparent from the warlike character of the +divinities, and from the general desire to die the death of the slain, +yet I find little trace of ancestor worship. The dead are feared, their +burial place is shunned, their character is deemed perfidious, and +relations with them are terminated by a farewell mortuary feast, after +which it is expected that they will depart, to vex the living no +more.</p> + +<center> +<a name="142"></a> +<h4>MENTAL AND OTHER ATTAINMENTS AND CHARACTERISTICS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo's intellectual attainments are very limited. He counts on +his fingers and on his toes, or by means of material objects such as +grains of maize. He has never had any system of writing and does not +know how to read. His "letters" and his "contracts" are +material objects in the shape of bolos and other things, sent from one +person to another with a verbal message, or strips of rattan with knots. +His method of counting is decimal, and comprehends all numbers up to a +hundred, though I am inclined to think that this last number represents +to him infinity.</p> + +<p>The reckoning of time is equally simple. The day is divided into day +and night, the hour being indicated by stretching out the arm and open +hand in the direction of that part of the sky where the sun or the moon +would be at the time it is desired to indicate.</p> + +<p>The month is not divided into weeks but the lunar month itself is +carefully followed, each phase of the moon having its distinct name, +though it is only in the case of the extreme of each phase that they +agree on its name.</p> + +<p>Years are reckoned by the recurrence of the rice-harvesting season, +which varies according to the climate and geographical position of +different regions. It is seldom that one can count backwards more than +four or five years unless he can help his memory by some event such as +an earthquake, and extra heavy flood, the arrival of the Spanish +missionaries, the Philippine insurrection, or the growth of trees, but +as a rule no attempt is made to determine the number of years that have +elapsed since any event. I have seldom met a Manóbo who had any idea as +to his age, or any ability to judge approximately of the age of +another.</p> + +<p>Historical knowledge is confined almost entirely to events that have +occured[sic] within one's lifetime. There are few traditions that have +any historical value, and even in these there is an element of the +wonderful that makes them unreliable as guides.</p> + +<p>It is obvious that the pagan Manóbo has made no advance along +academic lines, clue to the fact that he never has had an opportunity +afforded him, but judging of his intellectual ability by that of the +Christianized Manóbos, it is not inferior to that of the Bisáya. I had +experience in organizing and conducting schools among the +<i>conquistas</i>, and it has been my experience that <i>ceteris +paribus</i>, they advance as rapidly as Bisáyas. If the +<i>conquistas</i> have not progressed as far intellectually, it is due +to lack of facilities and not to any inherent inability to learn.</p> + +<p>Knowledge of astronomy is limited among the Manóbos to the names of a +few of the principal stars and constellations. The nature of the stars, +moon, sun, eclipses, and kindred phenomena are all explained in +mythological tales, from a belief in which no amount of reasoning can +move them. The old story that the comet is the harbinger or bearer of +disease is in vogue.</p> + +<p>Esthetic arts, such as painting and architecture, are unknown, though +Manóbos can carve rude and often fantastic wooden images, and can make +crude tracings and incisions on lime tubes and baskets.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding their lack of scientific and esthetic knowledge, +their observation of nature is marvelous. This is obviously due to long +familiarity with the forest, the stream, and the mountains. From his +boyhood years the Manóbo has lived the life of the forest. He has +scanned the trees for birds and monkeys, the streams for fish. Living, +as he generally has, within a definite district, and roaming over it in +search of game and other things to eat, at the same time keeping a close +watch for any variation that might indicate the presence of an outsider, +he has come to possess those marvelous powers of sight and of +observation that would astonish the average white man. Within his own +district the position of every tree is known. Every stream and every +part of it, every mountain, every part of the forest is known and has +its appropriate name. The position of a place is explained in a few +words to a fellow tribesman, and is understood by the latter.</p> + +<p>Trees and plants are recognized, and their adaptation in a great many +cases for certain economic uses is known, though I think that, in his +knowledge of the latter, the Manóbo is inferior to both the Bisáya and +the Mandáya, as he is undoubtedly of a more conservative and less +enterprising disposition.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo character has been so maligned by missionaries, and by all +the Bisáyas who have dealings with them, that it deserves a clearance +from the aspersions that have been cast upon it. In dealing with the +Manóbo, as with all primitive peoples, the personal equation brings out +more than anything else the good qualities that underlie his character. +Several of the missionaries seem not to have distinguished between the +pagan and the man. To them the pagan was the incarnation of all that is +vile, a creature whose every act was dictated by the devil. The Bisáya +regarded him somewhat in the same light, but went further. He looked +upon him as his enemy because of the many acts of retribution, even +though retribution was merited, that had been committed by the Manóbo or +by his ancestors. He entertained a feeling of chagrin and disappointment +that this primitive man was unwilling to become an absolute tool in his +hands for thorough exploitation. Hence no name, however vile, was too +bad for the poor forest dweller who refused to settle near his +plantation and toil--man, woman, and child--for an utterly inadequate +wage. His feeling toward the <i>conquistas</i> is little, if at all, +better.</p> + +<p>Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo is timid and suspicious. This is +due to the extreme cautiousness that teaches him to guard a life that +among his own people has only a nominal value. When in the presence of +strangers for the first time, he remembers that reprisals have been +bandied from time immemorial between his people on the one hand, and +Bisáyas, on the other, and he realizes that without proper care, +reprisals might be made on him. Again, if the visitor has penetrated +into his district, his suspicion may be aroused to its full force by +calumnious reports or rumors that may have preceded the visitor's +arrival. My own visits were frequently preceded by rumors to the effect +that I had magic power to poison or to do other things equally +wonderful, that I was a solider in disguise, or by other similar +reports. But in these cases and in all others one may allay the +timorousness and suspiciousness of these primitive people to a great +extent by previous announcement of one's visit and intentions, and upon +arrival in their settlement, by refraining from any act or word that +might betray one's curiosity. Surprise must not be expressed at anything +that takes place. The mere question as to what, for instance, is beyond +such and such a mountain, or where is the headwaters of such and such a +stream, may start up the full flame of suspicion. Hence prudence, a +kind, quiet, but alert manner, a good reputation from the last visited +locality and a distribution of trifling gifts, is always efficacious in +removing that feeling of distrust that these primitive people feel +toward a stranger.</p> + +<p>Another charge is that they are revengeful. They certainly believe in +"an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." Revenge for an +unatoned wrong is a stern, fundamental, eternal law, sanctioned by +Manóbo institutions, social, political, and religious; one that is +consecrated by the breath of the dying, and passed on from generation to +generation to be fulfilled; but it has one saving clause, +<i>arbitration</i>. Hence a stranger must inform himself of such past +happenings as might jeopardize him. The Manóbo has a very limited +conception of the extent of the outside world and of the number of its +inhabitants, and he is inclined to believe that one American, for +instance, knows every other one and may be related by blood to any +other. Hence any imprudent action on the part of one may draw down +revenge on the head of another<sup>1</sup>, relative or not, for even +innocent third parties may, by Manóbo custom, be sacrificed to the +unsatisfied spirit of revenge. The danger, however, in which a stranger +might find himself from this cause, is easily eliminated by questioning +the people as to who had wronged them on previous occasions; and should +he learn that he is considered a party to the wrong through identity of +blood or of race with the guilty one, he must gently suggest a plan for +arbitration at some later date, and in other pacific ways avert the +revenge from himself.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>It is not improbable that the death of Mr. H. M. Ickis, +geologist of the Bureau of Science, Manila, was partly due to the +capture and exile of one Gubat of the upper Umaíam some 15 or 20 years +ago.</p> + +<p>It is, moreover, affirmed that Manóbos are treacherous. If by +treachery is meant a violation of faith and confidence, they can not be +said to be treacherous. They kill when they feel that they are wronged. +I know of few cases where they did not openly avow their feelings and +demand reparation. Refusal to make the reparation demanded is equivalent +to a declaration of war, and in war all is fair. It is every man's duty +to safeguard himself as best he can. The Manóbo, Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, +and Debabáon houses erected in strategic positions throughout the +interior of eastern Mindanáo, bear witness to the fact that these people +recognize the principle that all is fair in war. The fact that they +frequently carry their spears and shields when on the trail, and in time +of trouble accompany their womenfolk to the farms and guard them there, +is sufficient evidence of the fact that every means must be taken to +safeguard one's self and interests from an enemy. But let a case be once +arbitrated, and beeswax burned or other solemn manifestation of +agreement be made, and it is my opinion that the pledge will not, as a +rule, be broken.</p> + +<p>Cowardice is a trait attributed to Manóbos and other people of +Mindanáo. It is true that they do not take inordinate risks. The +favorite hour for attack on an enemy's house is dawn. They prefer to +thrust a spear through the floor rather than to call the enemy out to +fight a hand-to-hand battle. In other cases they prefer to ambush him on +the trail, 5 or 10 men against 1. Again, it may be more convenient to +pick off a lone woman in a <i>camote</i> patch. Such are recognized +methods of warfare. Once aroused, however, the Manóbo will fight, and +fight to a finish. Throughout the Jesuit letters we find mentioned +various instances of really brave deeds on the part of Manóbos. In some +cases the husband killed his family and then himself rather than fall +into the hands of the Spanish troops. I have been informed of hundreds +of instances in which the male members of the attacked party threw +themselves against superior numbers in order that their wives might +escape. Hand-to-hand encounters are not uncommon, if I may believe the +endless stories that have been narrated to me by warriors throughout +eastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>Laziness and dilatoriness can certainly be predicated of Manóbo men, +but such qualities are to be attributed to lack of incentive to work and +to hurry. All the household duties fall, by custom, upon the shoulders +of the women, so that there is little left for the man except to fish, +hunt, trap, trade, and fight. When, however, the men set themselves to +clearing the forest or to other manual tasks, it is surprising with what +agility, skill, and perseverance they work, though such spells of labor +are short lived.</p> + +<p>No one has ever uttered or written a word against the Manóbo's sexual +morality. It is true that sexual matters are discussed with the greatest +freedom, but the most venial breaches of morality are punished. The +greatest modesty is observed in regard to the exposure of the private +parts. Gazing at an undressed woman, for instance, at the bathing place +results in a fine. Unseemly insinuations to a woman are visited with a +similar punishment, but should such overtures go further, even death may +be the penalty.</p> + +<p>As to temperance and sobriety, the rule is to eat and drink all one +can, hence the amount of food and drink consumed depends upon the +supply. Sobriety is not a virtue. To lose one's equilibrium and senses +is to do honor to the host and justice to his generosity.</p> + +<p>Honesty is certainly a trait of the Manóbo character. I do not mean +to maintain that there are not occasional pilferings, especially in +small things that are considered to be more or less communal in their +nature, such as palm wine while still flowing from the tree, but other +kinds of property are perfectly safe. The rare violations of the rule of +honesty are punished more or less severely according to the amount of +the property stolen and according to other considerations.</p> + +<p>Though respect for another's property is decidedly the rule, yet it +is surprising to note with what care everything is counted, tied up, or +put away, and how marks of ownership are set up on all occasions. I +think, however, that these precautions are due not so much to a fear of +pilferers as to a feeling of the instability of conditions in a country +that has always been subject to turmoil.</p> + +<p>Honesty in the payment of debts is one of the most striking +characteristics of these people. I have advanced merchandise on credit +to people whom I had never met before and the whereabouts of whose +houses I did not know except from their own information, and yet, six +months or a year later, when I entered their region I had no difficulty +in locating them nor in collecting from them. So high is their feeling +of obligation to pay a debt that even children are sometimes parted with +in settlement, but this occurs in extreme cases only. Though debts are +satisfied conscientiously, yet a certain amount of consideration is +expected as to the time and other details of payment, except in some +very urgent cases.</p> + +<p>Honesty in other matters, as in the performance of formal agreements, +is equally noticeable though I must say that the performance may not be +as prompt in point of time as we would expect. But it must be +remembered, in connection with this last point, that in making an +agreement one is presumed to make allowance for a great many +impediments, such as evil omens, that do not figure in our system of +contracts. Another difference, which applies also to the matter of +debts, is that the man who owes a debt must be reminded of his +obligation and urged in a gentle way to the performance of it. It occurs +in some rare instances that a debtor is under a definite contract as to +the exact time for meeting his obligation. In these cases the creditor +may be more insistent upon payment. It is to the credit of the Manóbo +that he never disowns a debt nor runs away to avoid the payment +thereof.</p> + +<p>It has been said that the Manóbo is ungrateful, but I do not think +that his gratitude is so rare nor so transitory a virtue as is claimed +by those who pretend to know him. It is true that he has no word to +express thanks, but he expects the giver to make known his desires and +ask for what he wants. This is the reason why he himself is such an +inveterate beggar. He receives you into his house, feeds you, considers +you his friend, and proceeds to make you reciprocate by asking for +everything he sees. If he is under any obligation to you, he expects you +to ask in a similar manner. If you do not do it, he considers you either +apathetic or rich, and hence no reciprocation is forthcoming. Among +Manóbos no presents are made except of such trifles as have no value.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo feels that he is at perfect liberty to conceal his real +thoughts and to give utterance to such distortions of truth as may not +compromise him with others. The penalty for slander is so great that +this is a fault that is seldom committed. Hence to get the truth from a +Manóbo, it is useless, as a rule, to question him singly or even in the +presence of his friends alone. He must be brought face to face with +those who hold an adverse opinion or belong to an opposite faction. If +this can be done, in a more formal way, as for example, by having a +number of principal men attend, it will be so much the easier to obtain +the desired information.</p> + +<p>Queries as to trails or the dwelling places of neighboring Manóbos +are hardly ever answered truthfully and do more harm than good, because +they tend to arouse suspicions as to the questioner's motives. Such +information is obtained more readily by cultivating the friendship of +boys than by consulting the older folks. This tendency to disguise or to +distort the truth, though it has its natural basis in a desire for +self-protection, gives the Manóbos a reputation for lack of that +straightforwardness and frankness that is so noticeable among the +Mandáyas, even after very short acquaintance. This lack of frankness, +coupled with a certain amount of natural shrewdness, makes the truth +difficult to discover, unless the suggestion made before be carried out, +or unless one is willing to wait till the truth leaks out in private +conversation among the Manóbos themselves.</p> + +<p>One trait of the Manóbo that seems hard to understand is his love for +long discussions. No matter how trifling the matter may be, it always +becomes the subject of an inordinately long conference even though there +are no dissenting parties. Even in such trifles as getting a guide to +take me, by well-known trails, to settlements of people with whom I was +well acquainted, the inevitable discussion would always take place. A +great number of people would assemble. The matter would be discussed at +length by every one present without a single interruption, except such +exclamations of assent as are continuously uttered whether the speaker's +views are acceptable or not. It seems that these and more solemn +discussions afford the speakers an opportunity to make themselves +conspicuous or to display their judgment. I can divine no other reason +for these conferences because, in many cases that I have known, the +result of the discussion was a foregone conclusion from the beginning. +Perhaps such discussions are for the purpose of "making no +concessions" or if they must be made, of making them +begrudgingly.</p> + +<p>These conferences are as a rule rather noisy, for though one speaker +at a time "has the floor," there are always a number of +collateral discussions, that, joined to the invariable household sounds, +produce somewhat of a din. Noise, in fact, is a general characteristic +of Manóbo life, so much so that at times one is inclined to be alarmed +at the loud yelling and other demonstrations of apparent excitement, +even though the occasion for it all may be nothing more than the arrival +in the settlement of a visitor with a dead monkey.</p> + +<p>Harmony and domestic happiness are characteristic of the Manóbo +family. The Manóbo is devoted to his wife, fond of his children, and +attached to his relatives, more so than the Mañgguáñgan, but much less +so than the Bisáya or the Mandáya. He is dearly fond of social +gatherings for, besides the earthly comforts that he gets out of them, +they afford him an opportunity to display such wealth, rank, and +possessions as he may possess. His invitations to neighbors serve to +keep him high in their estimation and thereby gather around him a number +of friends who will be of service in the hour of trouble. Of the Manóbo, +as of the other people of Mindanáo, too much can not be said of his +hospitality. If he has once overcome his suspicions as to a stranger's +motives, he takes him into his house and puts himself to infinite pains +to feast him as best he knows how. In Manóboland one who travels carries +no provisions. He drops into the first house and when the meal hour +arrives he sits down upon the floor and helps himself without any +invitation. It is practically his own house, because for the time being +he becomes one of the family. If there happens to be a feast, he +partakes without any special invitation, and when he is ready to go, he +proceeds upon his journey, only to repeat the operation in the next +house, for it is customary always to pay at least a short visit to every +friendly house on or near the trail.</p> + +<p>One of the mental traits that has perhaps done more than anything +else to retard the Manóbo in his progress towards a higher plane of +civilization is his firm adherence to traditional customs. All things +must be done as his forefathers did them. Innovations of any kind may +displease the deities, may disturb the present course of events, may +produce future disturbances. "Let the river flow as it ever +flowed--to the sea," is a refrain that I heard quoted on this +subject by Manóbos. "Fish that live in the sea do not live in the +mountains," is another, and there are many others, all illustrating +that conservatism that tends to keep the Manóbo a Manóbo and nothing +else. He is Christianized but, after going through the Christian ritual, +he will probably invoke his pagan divinities. He takes on something new +but does not relinquish the old. Hence the difficulty of inducing the +Manóbo to leave the district of his forefathers, and take up his abode +in a new place amid unfamiliar spirits.</p> + +<p>This feature of their character explains the inconstancy and +fickleness exhibited by the Christianized Manóbos at the beginning of +their conversion. These were due to the call of the forest hailing them +back to their old haunts. These characteristics will explain also a host +of anomalies that are noticeable throughout the Manóbo's life.</p> + +<p>The first visit of a stranger to a primitive settlement may produce +upon him a very unfavorable impression. He may find that the women and +children have fled, so that he finds himself surrounded by men, all +armed. This should not discourage him, as it happens in many cases that +the men were unable to keep the women from flight. The wearing of arms +is as much a custom with Manóbos as the wearing of a watch is with us. +The bolo is his life and his livelihood. Were he not to wear it he would +be branded as insane, and he looks upon a defenseless person, stranger +or otherwise, much in the same light, unless he attributes the absence +of a weapon to the possession of secret powers of protection, in which +case he is inclined to follow the example of the fugitive women and +betake himself beyond the reach of harm.</p> + +<p>Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo will ask a host of questions that +will tax the patience of the visitor if he ventures to answer them +personally. These questions spring from a desire to learn the motives of +the visit. People from the neighboring houses drop in at intervals just +as soon as word reaches them of the new arrival, and may continue to do +so until the time of the visitor's departure, thereby keeping the house +crowded. The assembling of these people arises from a desire to see the +visitor and to find out the object of his visit. Hence the newcomers +will proceed to ask him every imaginable question that may suggest +itself and if any answer conveys information that has anything of the +wonderful in it for them, it gives rise to a thousand and one other +questions, the responses to which often tax a visitor's patience.</p> + +<p>Another part of the visit is the frank demand on the part of the +primitive people for any object of the visitor which they may take a +fancy to. They always understand, however, a quiet refusal, if it is +accompanied by an appropriate reason.</p> + +<p>It happens sometimes that the chief of the settlement will claim a +fee for transgression upon his territory, but he will usually accept a +small present in lieu thereof, or will forego any gift, if the matter is +argued, quietly and diplomatically. The Manóbo resents harsh words, +especially when used toward him in the presence of those who are his +nominal subjects. Personalities or threats in such a case often prove +fatal.</p> + +<p>It is not good etiquette to ask a Manóbo his name, especially if he +is a chief, until one has acquired somewhat of an acquaintance with him. +The information must be secured from a third party and in a quiet way. +Moreover, it is customary to address chiefs and other persons of +distinction by the names of their corresponding titles. Thus a warrior +chief is addressed <i>bagáni</i>, and not by his proper name.</p> + +<p>It is needless to say that no familiarity should be taken with the +person of another until acquaintance has been cultivated far enough to +permit it. Thus touching another on the arm to call his attention to +something may be resented and may result in an attempt to collect a +fine.</p> + +<p>The handling of arms requires a word. The lance must be stuck in the +ground, head up, at the foot of the house ladder; or, if it must be +brought into the house, as at night, the owner must take care that it +points at no one while being handled. If one desires to draw a bolo from +its sheath, he must draw it slowly, and if it is to be presented to +another, the blade must be kept facing the owner's body and the handle +presented to the other man. The same rule holds for the dagger.</p> + +<p>It will be noticed that as a general rule the men in a Manóbo +settlement go armed and keep their hands on their weapons, especially +during mealtime, at which time it is customary to eat with the left +hand, the right hand being reserved for the use of the weapon in an +emergency.</p> + +<p>There are a number of other rules of intercourse that serve to +safeguard life and to maintain proper respect on the part of each +individual for the person of his neighbor. These will be found scattered +throughout this paper.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2"></a> +<h2>PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE</h2> + +<a name="25"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER V</h3> +<h3>THE MANÓBO HOME</h3> + +<a name="251"></a> +<h4>IN GENERAL</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo, as a rule builds a house of no great pretensions, because +he always remembers that an evil combination of omens or a death in the +house or an attack by his enemies, may deprive him in the near future of +his home. His best structure is better than the low wall-less +Mañgguáñgan home but can not compare with the comparatively solid +structure of the Mandáyas of Kati'il and the Debabáons of the Sálug +country.</p> + +<p>He has no tribal halls, no assembly houses. In fact, with the +exception of a rude shack<sup>1</sup> on his farm, built to shelter +those who are guarding the crops against marauders (monkeys and birds), +he builds only one house, where he and usually several of his relatives +dwell until such time (usually after a year) as he finds it convenient +or necessary to abandon it.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pin-ái-ag</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="252"></a> +<h4>MOTIVES THAT DETERMINE THE SELECTION OF THE SITE</h4> +</center> + +<p>The motives that determine the selection of the site are twofold.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2521"></a> +<h5>RELIGIOUS MOTIVES</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is obvious that in such an important undertaking the Manóbo must +be guided by the omens and oracles that manifest to him the will of the +supernal powers. Hence, as he sallies forth to seek the site, he keeps +his ear alert for the turtledove's<sup>2</sup> prophetic cry. If this is +unfavorable, he returns home and resumes his search the following day. +It frequently happens that this omen may be unfavorable for two or three +successive days, but, however urgent the case may be, this bird's sacred +warning must on no account be disregarded, for it would mean failure, +disaster, or death, as the Manóbo can prove to you by a host of +instances that happened within his memory, or that of his relatives. +Once satisfied, however, with this first omen, he proceeds upon his +journey and selects, from material motives that will be mentioned later +on, a site for the new house, and returns to his people to inform them +of the outcome of his journey.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Li-mo-kon</i>.</p> + +<p>Now, the selection of the site is of such serious import to the +Manóbo that he must assure himself, by every means in his power, that it +is approved by the unseen powers, and for this purpose he has recourse +to the egg omen and the suspension oracle. The former I witnessed on +several occasions and in every case it proved auspicious. The +<i>bu-dá-kan</i> or vine omen is sometimes consulted in selecting a +house site, and the significance of the various configurations is the +same as that described under "Divination or Omens." I was told +that this latter omen is also taken <i>in the forest</i> before the +final decision as to the selection of the site is made.</p> + +<p>The occurrence of ominous dreams at this juncture, as also the +passing of a snake across the trail, are considered of evil import, but +the evil is neutralized by the fowl-waving ceremony that will be +described later.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2522"></a> +<h5>MATERIAL MOTIVES</h5> +</center> + +<p>When no further objection is shown by the "powers above" to +the selection of the home site, the Manóbo is guided by such motives as +fertility of soil, proximity of water, and fishing facilities, and, if +he is in a state of vigilance against his enemies, as in remote regions +he nearly always is, by desirability of the site for defense. In this +latter case he selects a high place difficult of access, frequently a +lofty mountain, and chooses the most strategic point upon it.</p> + +<center> +<a name="253"></a> +<h4>RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH THE ERECTION OF A HOUSE</h4> +</center> + +<p>An invocation to the special deities of the family is made by a +priest, usually a relative. After an offering of a betel nut has been +made to the local deities of this particular part of the forest, the +head of the family, assisted by such of his numerous relatives as are +able to help him, proceeds to clear the ground for the new building. +When a more influential Manóbo begins to erect a capacious house, +usually everyone in the vicinity--men, women, and children--attracted by +the prospective conviviality that is sure to accompany the work, throng +to lend a helping hand, so that in a few days the clearing is made, +cleaned and planted, and the frame of the house with the roof +completed.</p> + +<p>People belonging to the less influential class may take months to +complete the house, depending on the number of relatives who help them +and on the leisure that they have. It is of importance to note here that +the house must not be completed at once.<sup>3</sup></p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>It is believed that the thatch must be allowed to turn +yellow before the house is completed.</p> + +<p>When the first post is put into the ground, a sacrifice is frequently +made and a part of the victim's blood is poured upon the base of the +post. As soon as the roof and floor have been constructed, a formal +sacrifice of a chicken is made to the special divinities under whose +protection the family is thought to be. The chicken must be of the color +that is pleasing to these deities. An interesting feature of this +ceremony is that the center of the floor, the place intended for the +doorway, and one or more of the posts, are lustrated with the blood of +the victim.</p> + +<center> +<a name="254"></a> +<h4>STRUCTURE OF THE HOUSE</h4> + +<a name="2541"></a> +<h5>THE MATERIALS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The materials for the house are taken from the surrounding forest and +are generally of a light character. It is only in the erection of a +house<sup>4</sup> for defense that more substantial materials are +employed.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>I-li-hán</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2542"></a> +<h5>THE DIMENSIONS AND PLAN OF CONSTRUCTION</h5> +</center> + +<p>In height from the ground to the floor the house may vary from 1.50 +to 8 meters, though a structure of the latter height is infrequent. In +size it may be between 2 by 3 meters and 5 by 8 meters, but as a rule it +is nearer to the former than to the latter figures. Rectangular in form, +it is built upon light posts varying in number from 4 to 16, the 4 +corner ones being larger and extending up to support the roof. Four +horizontal pieces attached to these corner posts and, supported by +several of the small posts, form, together with a few joints, the +support for the floor. In order to give more rigidity to the building +and to render the floor stronger, the joints are supported by several +posts, these last being propped by braces set at an angle of about 45°. +In the case of a house built for defense, the number of supports and +crosspieces is such that the enemy would find it impossible to hack it +down.</p> + +<p>Houses built on trees were rare at the time of my stay among the +Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley. In the few cases which I saw, the tree was +cut off at a point about 2 meters above the divergence of the main +branches from the trunk. Then the house was built in the ordinary way by +erecting long auxiliary posts, the trunk of the tree and its main +branches forming the principal support. In Baglásan, upper Sálug River, +I saw a Debabáon house, belonging to Bagáni pinamailan Lantayúna, built +on a tree but without any auxiliary posts.</p> + +<p>No nails, and pegs only very occasionally are employed in fastening +together the various parts of the structure. Either rattan strips or +pieces of a peculiar vine<sup>5</sup> are used in lashing the beams and +crosspieces to the posts, whereas for the other fastenings, rattan +strips are universally employed.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Hag-nái-a (<i>Stenochlena</i> spp.).</p> + +<center> +<a name="2543"></a> +<h5>THE FLOOR</h5> +</center> + +<p>The floor consists of laths of bamboo, or of a variety of +palm<sup>6</sup> laid parallel and running along the length of the house +with more or less regular interstices. Almost universally one or both +sides of the floor, for a width of 50 centimeters to 1.5 meters, are +raised to a height varying from 10 to 50 centimeters above the main +floor. This raised portion serves for a sleeping place, but in the +poorer classes of houses the height of this platform is so slight that I +think that there exists or has existed some superstitious belief +connected with it, though I have been unable to elicit any positive +information on the point. In houses of the better class one occasionally +finds roughhewn boards used for the floor of these platforms, as also +for the walls.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>A-ná-nau. Palma brava. (<i>Livistonia</i> sp.).</p> + +<center> +<a name="2544"></a> +<h5>THE ROOF AND THE THATCH</h5> +</center> + +<p>The roof is of the gable style, but is four-sided, with two smoke +vents, as may be seen in Plates 4b and 6a. The four beams that form the +main support for the rafters are lashed to the posts of the house at a +height varying from 1.5 meters to 2 meters above the floor. Four +substantial rafters, resting upon the four beams just mentioned, run up +at an angle of 45° from the corner posts. Upon these rafters rests the +ridgepole. Numerous light rafters of wood or of bamboo extend from the +ridgepole in parallel rows at intervals of 30 to 40 centimeters. They +project about 50 centimeters beyond the side beams upon which they rest +and serve to support the roofing material.</p> + +<p>The thatch consists almost invariably of fronds of rattan gathered in +the adjoining forest. This thatch is made by bending back on the midrib +every alternate spike till all the spikes lie parallel. Another way is +to cut the midrib in the center at the small end and tear the frond into +two pieces. These half-fronds are neither so durable nor so serviceable +as if the midrib is left entire. Two, three, or four of these fronds, or +double that number of half-fronds, are then superimposed, and fastened +to the rafters with rattan in shingle fashion.</p> + +<p>In localities where sago palm is available an excellent thatch is +made in the ordinary Philippine fashion by sewing the spikes of the +frond to a slat of bamboo. It is claimed that this thatch will not last +much more than a year, as it is a breeding place for a multitude of +small cockroaches that seem to thrive upon it.</p> + +<p>In the mountainous districts, where up to a few years ago feuds were +rife, it was not uncommon to find houses roofed with big strips of bark, +or with shingles of flattened bamboo. This style of roofing was employed +as a precaution against the burning arrows used by the enemy during an +attack.</p> + +<p>There is always an extra layer of leaves over the ridgepole as a +protection against the rain. Occasionally a long strip or two of bark is +placed as a hood on the ridgepole to help prevent the entrance of the +rain during the northwest monsoon, when it comes down in indescribable +torrents.</p> + +<p>A glance at the illustrations will show better than words can +describe the peculiar smoke outlets invariably found in Manóbo houses. +They not only afford an exit for the smoke, and admit light, but also +permit, during storms, the entrance of an amount of rain that does not +conduce to comfort.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2545"></a> +<h5>THE WALLS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The walls are nearly always in the case of better class houses, light +poles of wood or of bamboo, laid horizontally one above the other and +tied to upright pieces placed at intervals for their support. In poorer +houses palm fronds are tied loosely to a few upright pieces. The eaves +project down almost as far as the top of the walls. The latter never +extend to the roof, but are usually of such a height that a person +sitting on the floor can see between the walls and the eaves the space +surrounding the house. It is rare to find boards used for the walls, +but, if used, they are roughhewn, and are laid horizontally and +edgewise, one above the other. They are held in place with rattan +strips.</p> + +<p>The space, then, between the top of the walls and the roof is open +all around the house and serves as one continuous window that affords +more ventilation than light. The purpose of this peculiar arrangement +seems to be for defense, for no one can approach the house from any side +without being seen, and, in time of attack, it affords the inmates of +the house an admirable vantage ground from which to ply their arrows.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2546"></a> +<h5>THE DOORWAY AND THE LADDER</h5> +</center> + +<p>There is no door in a Manóbo house. In the middle of one end of the +house a small opening is left scarcely wide enough for two persons to +enter at one time. A notched pole leads up to this opening. If the house +is high, a certain amount of maneuvering on the part of one not +accustomed to it, may be required in climbing the pole, for there is +seldon[sic] any rail to aid one and the notches are not of the deepest. +This is another of the Manóbo's devices against enemies, for on +occasions of attack the inmates of a house can dislodge by a slight +movement of this cylindrical ladder any foolhardy enemy who might +attempt, under protection of his shield, to make an ascent during a +fight.</p> + +<p>In the house of a chief or well-to-do Manóbo, one frequently finds a +crude ladder for the convenience of the family dogs.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2547"></a> +<h5>INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The internal arrangements of the house are very simple. The one +ceilingless square area between the roof and the floor constitutes the +house. There is no dining room, no kitchen, no bedroom, no toilet. Even +the little stalls erected by Mandáyas for the married couples are very +seldom to be found. The owner of the house occupies the part farthest +from the door, and nearest the fire, while visitors are relegated to the +part near the door.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2548"></a> +<h5>DECORATIONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>No paint is applied to the house and, with the exception of a rude +carving of the ridgepole into the suggestion of a human head with a +rudimentary body, there is no decoration in the interior. On the +outside, one frequently sees at the ends of the ridgepole, and set +upright at right angles to each other, two narrow, thin pieces of wood +about 1 meter long. Along the sides of these are cuttings which are +intended to represent the crested head of a fowl, as the name given to +them indicates.<sup>7</sup></p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Min-an-úk</i> from <i>mán-uk</i>, a fowl.</p> + +<center> +<a name="255"></a> +<h4>THE FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT OF THE HOUSE</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo house fittings are of the scantiest and most necessary +kind. The tenure of the house may be brief, depending, as it does, upon +a suspicion of danger or even on a dream. So the Manóbo does not indulge +in the luxury of chairs, tables, or similar articles. The upraised +portion of the floor, or the floor itself, serves him as a chair and a +bench. For a table he uses a small board such as is so universally used +throughout Mindanáo by the poorer classes. Yet many are the houses that +can not boast of even this simple equipment. He has no bedsteads, for +the bamboo floor with a grass mat thrown over it affords him a cool and +comfortable resting place. He has a fair abundance of mats, but they are +ordinarily short, being made according to the length of the grass he +happens to find. By day these mats are rolled up and laid aside on the +floor or upon the beams of the house. If left on the floor, they afford +the family dogs, who ensconce themselves therein, a convenient refuge +from flies.</p> + +<p>He dispenses with the use of pillows, unless the handiest piece of +wood or of bamboo can be called a pillow. Lacking that, he lays his head +upon the mat and enjoys as good a sleep, perhaps, as his more civilized +fellowmen.</p> + +<p>It is seldom, indeed, that he uses a mosquito bar, though wild +<i>abaká</i> is abundant and his wife is a weaver. The mosquito bars +which are in use are made out of <i>abaká</i> fiber. As the cloth for +them, made on the ordinary loom, is less than a meter wide, and as much +as 24 meters long, it must be cut up into strips nearly 2 meters long +and sewn together to form the mosquito bar. It must be made of an odd +number of pieces of cloth, for an even number is unlucky. A net made of +11 or 13 pieces is considered especially lucky. The use of the mosquito +bar is very common among the <i>conquistas</i> of the Lake region.</p> + +<p>Pictures and like ornaments are unknown, but in lieu of them may be +seen trophies of the chase, such as wild-boar jawbones, deer antlers, +and hornbill skulls and beaks. It is not infrequent to see the tail of +some large fish fastened to one of the larger beams, under the roof. +There is a special significance in the preservation of this trophy.</p> + +<p>There is one article, however, which the Manóbo prizes as a mark of +wealth and as a venerable relic. It is the sacred jar.<sup>8</sup> I +have been unable to obtain any information as to the origin of these +jars except that they were usually obtained as marriage fees and that +they were bought from the Banuáons. Be that as it may, they are a matter +of pride in Manóboland, and on every occasion, festive and religious, +they are set out, brimful of brew. Not every Manóbo is the proud +possessor of one of these, but he who has one is loath to part with it. +A glance at Plate 14 <i>k</i>, <i>l</i>, will give an idea of what these +jars look like. They are decorated, as a rule, in alto relievo with +figures of birds, snakes, etc., and to judge from their appearance are +of Chinese workmanship. When given as marriage payments or for other +purposes they are valued at about 4 pesos if they have no ears, but when +they have ears they are worth as many pesos minus 1 as they have +ears.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ba-hán-di</i>.</p> + +<p>Next to jars the Manóbo values plates and bowls, even those of the +cheapest kind, and it is with a gleam of satisfaction on his face that +the host sets out an array of old-fashioned plates for his guests. The +Manóbo of the middle Agúsan, unlike his Mandáya neighbor, is +particularly poor in plateware. I found houses that could not boast of a +single plate, but as a rule each house has about four plates, a bowl, +and a glass.</p> + +<p>Depending from the roof are to be seen baskets of various shapes +intended for a variety of uses, fish baskets, rice baskets of several +kinds, storage baskets, betel-nut baskets, pack baskets, some of +wickerwork and some of plaited rattan. Also, hanging from the rafters +are to be seen fish traps, wild chicken traps, religious objects such as +oblation trays, a guitar, or a bamboo harp, and if it is a priest's +house, a drum and gong.</p> + +<p>One sees almost invariably a nest or two up in a corner under the +roof. They are for the domestic hens and are ungainly things, made +ordinarily out of a piece of old matting. In these the hens lay their +eggs, after meandering around the rafters and disturbing the inmates of +the house with their cackling. After the eggs are laid, it is frequently +necessary to drive the hens from the house.</p> + +<p>The fireplace is another very important item in the house. It is +usually located on the side of the house away from the door and near the +wall. It consists of four roughhewn pieces of wood approximately 1 meter +long and about 10 centimeters high, set together on the floor and lashed +in the form of a rectangle. A piece of bark is placed on the floor +within this rectangle, and the inclosed space is filled with earth. A +half dozen stones form supports for the earthen jars. Above the +fireplace is a rough frame for firewood, of which there is usually a +plentiful supply. Here the wood is dried thoroughly before it is +used.</p> + +<p>In close proximity to the hearth and scattered around without any +regard for tidiness may be seen the rice winnow, the bamboo water tube, +the coconut-shell watercup, the rice paddles and ladles, leaves of +banana and other plants, and the whetstone, while on the fireplace are +seen a variety of earthen pots with their covers, and frequently an +imported iron pan for cooking.</p> + +<p>Tied up under the roof, but within reach, may be seen bows and +arrows, probably a fish spear, or it may be, a fish rod. Spears and +other weapons of defense which, when not in use, are unsheathed and put +into a rude wooden rack made for the purpose, while the sheaths are hung +up close by.</p> + +<p>It is not exceptional to find a cage with a turtledove<sup>9</sup> or +a variety of parrakeet[sic]<sup>10</sup> in it. The cage is usually hung +from the roof under the eaves outside the wall. The turtledove is kept +for religious purposes, whereas the parrakeet[sic] is kept as other +people keep a pet bird, though it is occasionally employed by the young +folks as a lure to attract its wild fellows to the bird line.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Li-mó-kon</i>. (<i>Phabitreron brevirostris</i> +Tweedale). Generally called fruit dove.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>ku-li-li-si</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="256"></a> +<h4>THE UNDERPART AND THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HOUSE</h4> +</center> + +<p>The space under the fireplace is usually not occupied because of the +water and refuse that fall from the kitchen, but to one side of it is +the inevitable pigpen, containing a pig or two. It is only the wealthier +Manóbos who can boast of more than a few, for the maintenance of many +would be a heavy drain on their limited food supply. These few pigs +subsist on such scraps and parings as may be thrown or allowed to fall +down to them.</p> + +<p>To one side of the pigpen, if there is room, is placed the rice +mortar, an article of indispensable necessity in every household. In it +is hulled with wooden pestles, and frequently in measured time, the +daily supply of rice.</p> + +<p>At the time when the house is constructed, the forest adjoining is +cleared, and <i>camotes</i>,<sup>11</sup> a little sugarcane, and a few +other things are planted. The house usually overlooks this clearing at +least on one side. On the other sides there is usually the grim, silent +forest. When the house is built with a view to defense, trees are felled +all around in such a way as to make a regular abatis. Ordinarily there +are at least two trails, one, a main trail, so tortuous and difficult, +in the generality of cases, that it would lead one to imagine that the +owner of the house had deliberately selected it for its difficulties, +the other, a trail leading to the watering place. In approaching the +house the visitor is obliged to climb over fallen logs, the passing of +which requires no little maneuvering on the part of a novice. Without a +guide it would be often difficult, if not impossible, to locate the +houses, even if one had been shown their location from a distance.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ipomoea batatas</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="257"></a> +<h4>ORDER AND CLEANLINESS OF THE HOUSE</h4> +</center> + +<p>As from one to four families may live in a single house, it is +needless to say that there is generally a decided appearance of +disorder, as well as a tumult that baffles description. In the only room +of the house are congregated the married couples, generally a few extra +relatives, their children, and their dogs. The Manóbos are naturally +very loud talkers, their children, especially the infants, are as noisy +as children the world over, and their dogs, which may number from 3 to +15, are so constituted that, when they are not fighting with one +another, they may at any moment, without apparent motive or provocation, +begin one grand dismal howl which, united to the crying of the babies +and to the loud tones of their elders, produces a pandemonium. It is at +meal times that the pandemonium waxes loudest, for at that time the +half-starved dogs, in their efforts to get a morsel to eat, provoke the +inmates to loud yells of "Sida, sida,"<sup>12</sup> and to other +more forcible actions.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup>An exclamation to drive away a dog.</p> + +<p>In a large house, with such a conglomeration of human beings, it is +obvious that an impression of confusion is made upon the visitor. The +performance of the various culinary operations by the women, the various +employments in which the men are engaged, making arrows, fish traps, +etc., the romping of the children, all these tend to heighten the +impression. But the Manóbo goes on with his work, tranquil in the midst +of it all, savoring his conversation with incessant quids of betel nut +or tobacco.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo has not yet come to a knowledge of the various microbes +and parasites that are liable to undermine the foundations of health, so +that the sanitary condition of his house is not such as would pass a +modern inspection. Both men and women are inveterate chewers of betel +nut and tobacco, and, instead of using a spittoon, they expectorate the +saliva through the interstices of the floor or anywhere that they may +find convenient, thereby tinging the floor and walls a bright red. As +the Manóbo broom is a most crude affair made out of a few twigs, it does +not remove all the remains of the meals as they lie spread over the +floor. The peelings of sugarcane, the skin of bananas and of other +fruits, the remains of rattan, and such other refuse as may be the +result of the various occupations that take place in the house are all +strewn around the floor and frequently are not removed for a +considerable length of time.</p> + +<p>In the preparation and cooking of food a considerable amount of water +fails necessairly[sic] under the house which, together with the excreta +of the inmates and the other refuse, animal and vegetable, produces a +somewhat unfavorable appearance and sometimes an unpleasant odor.</p> + +<p>There is no drainage, artificial or natural and no means are provided +for the removal of the ordure, unless it be the services of the +scavenger pigs, who busy themselves as soon as they become aware of the +presence of refuse. The effluvium, however, usually does not reach the +inmates unless the house is very low.</p> + +<p>As the smoke outlets are comparatively remote from the fireplace, it +is obvious that the smoke does not make a rapid exit, but wreathes up +among the beams and rafters thereby blackening them out of all semblance +to wood. The underside of the thatch, especially those portions above +the fire, receives a goodly coating of soot which, mixed with the greasy +emanations from the pots, assumes a lustrous black.</p> + +<p>Another matter that tends to give the house an air and feeling of +uncleanliness is the host of small insects, presumably a species of +cockroach, that infest the thatch, and, notwithstanding the volume of +smoke that at times almost suffocates the inmates, swarm down into the +baskets used for provisions and for other things. These multitudinous +insects seem to flourish on the rattan vine especially, and no means are +known whereby to exterminate them. Ants, especially the white ant, pay +frequent visits to the house, but the worst scourge of all is the +ravenous bedbug. This unpleasant insect is found under the joists just +beneath the floor laths, but in greatest numbers under those parts of +the floor that are continually used as sleeping places, and in the +hammocks. Occasionally an effort is made to scrape them out, but they +are so cunning in concealing themselves and breed with such rapidity +that efforts to get rid of them are unavailing.</p> + +<p>The presence of vermin on the bodies of the Manóbos is due to the +lack of soap and of washing facilities. But, if questioned, these +primitive people will inform you, that the vermin are natural growths or +excretions proceeding from the inside.<sup>13</sup> It is for this +reason that no shame is exhibited in removing publicly the pests from +the clothes or from the hair. Owing to the custom of the people of +huddling together during the night these insects are propagated from one +individual to another, so that it is seldom that the Manóbo is free from +them.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>I found this belief to be almost universal in eastern +Mindanáo.</p> + +<center> +<a name="26"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER VI</h3> +<h3>DRESS</h3> + +<a name="261"></a> +<h4>GENERAL REMARKS.</h4> + +<a name="2611"></a> +<h5>DELICACY IN EXPOSURE OF THE PERSON</h5> +</center> + +<p>Like all tribes of eastern Mindanáo, Manóbos, both men and women, +wear sufficient clothes to cover the private parts of the body. Children +up to the age of 5 or 6 years may go without clothes, but female +children commonly wear a triangular pubic shield<sup>1</sup> of coconut +shell, suspended by a waist string. Men, though they may denude +themselves completely when bathing, always conceal their pudenda from +one another's gaze.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pú-ki</i>.</p> + +<p>Married and elderly women may occasionally expose the upper part of +their persons, but unmarried girls seldom do so. No delicacy is felt in +exposing the breasts during the suckling of a babe.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2612"></a> +<h5>VARIETY IN QUANTITY AND QUALITY OF CLOTHES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The quantity and quality of clothes worn varies slightly in different +localities. The farther away from settlements the people live, the +poorer and less elaborate is the dress, due to their inability to obtain +the imported cloth and cotton yarn, for which they entertain a high +preference. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos have adopted a +certain amount of Mandáya culture, their apparel partakes of the more +gorgeous character of that of the Mandáya. In places where they are of +Mañgguáñgan descent, as is often the case on the upper Agúsan, on the +Mánat, on the upper Ihawán and tributaries, and on the upper Sálug, +their clothes resemble those of their poor progenitors. In the middle +Agúsan (including the Wá-wa, Kasilaían, lower Argáwan, lower Umaíam, +lower Ihawán, Híbung, and Simúlau Rivers) the dress may be called +characteristically Manóbo.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2613"></a> +<h5>THE USE OF BARK CLOTH</h5> +</center> + +<p>The use of bark cloth<sup>2</sup> in a region situated somewhere +between the headwaters of the Libagánon and the Sábud, a western +tributary of the Ihawán, was reported to me. My informants, both on the +Sálug River and on the Umaíam River, spoke of the people of that +locality as <i>true Manóbos</i>, very dark in color, and wearing bark +clothes. If this report is correct, and I am inclined to give credence +to it, it is probably the only case at the present time of the use of +bark cloth in Mindanáo, excepting perhaps among the Manánuas[sic].</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>A-ga-hán</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2614"></a> +<h5>DRESS AS AN INDICATION OF RANK</h5> +</center> + +<p>There are no characteristic dresses by which the rank or profession +of the wearer is indicated except that of the warrior chief. Female +priests very frequently may be distinguished by a prodigality of charms, +talismans, and girdle pendants, as also by a profuseness of embroidery +on the jacket, but such lavishness is not necessarily an infallible sign +of their rank as priestesses but rather of their wealth. Neither is it a +mark of their unmarried condition, for in Manóboland, as in other parts +of the world, the maiden loves to display her person to good advantage +and for that reason decks herself with all the finery of which she may +be the possessor.</p> + +<p>Slaves may be recognized by the wretchedness of their clothes.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2615"></a> +<h5>DRESS IN GENERAL</h5> +</center> + +<p>The man's dress invariably consists of long loose trousers or of +close-fitting breeches, and of a moderately tight-fitting, buttonless +jacket. These two articles of dress are supplemented by a bamboo hat, a +betel-nut knapsack, and by such adornments in the shape of beads, and +other things, as the man may have been able to acquire.</p> + +<p>The woman's dress consists almost invariably of a close-fitting, +buttonless jacket with red body and black sleeves. Her skirt is a double +sacklike garment made out of <i>abaká</i> fiber. A girdle of braided +human hair or of braided vegetable fiber holds this coarse dress in +place. A selection of beads, shells, and herbs hang from this girdle at +the right side. A comb in the hair, a pair of ear disks in the ears, a +few necklets, and frequently leglets, complete the apparel. The +children's clothing is a duplicate of that of their respective parents +on a smaller and less elaborate scale.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2616"></a> +<h5>PREFERENTIAL COLORS IN DRESS</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the matter of color a decided preference is shown for red, yellow, +white, and dark blue. This is not so exacting in the case of beads, +which are purchased indiscriminately, but even in these I am of the +opinion that if there were a choice in the supply, the above-mentioned +colors would be preferred.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo, then, is not encumbered with all the weight and variety +of modern modes and fashions. Shoes, slippers, and hose are not a part +of his apparel. Blankets and other articles for protection against cold +are not to be found in his wardrobe. In the house and out of the house, +by night and by day, in peace and in war, his dress is the same, one +suit for every day usage and one for festal occasions and for visits.</p> + +<center> +<a name="262"></a> +<h4>THE MAN'S DRESS</h4> + +<a name="2621"></a> +<h5>HATS AND HEADKERCHIEFS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The hat worn on the Ihawán, upper Agúsan, and upper Simúlau resembles +that worn by Mandáyas. It is made out of two pieces of +bamboo,<sup>3</sup> dried over the fire into the desired shape, and is +held together by two slender strips of rattan running around and +stitched to the edges of the headpiece proper. These pieces project +backward and overlap to form the tail of the hat. The upper surface of +the whole hat is then painted with beeswax. The sustaining pieces of +rattan around the rim and the under surface of the back part receive a +heavy coating of this same material mixed with pot black. Odd tracings +and dottings of beeswax and soot or of the juice of a certain +tree<sup>4</sup> serve to decorate the whole upper surface; small seed +beads, usually white, are often sewed around the rim in a single row and +at slight intervals, or are sewed on the top, especially around the +conical peak. Little tufts of cotton are sometimes dotted over the top, +and occasionally one finds the emerald green wings of a +beetle<sup>5</sup> placed in the seams on top. All of these devices +serve to enhance the beauty of the headpiece.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Caña bojo</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ka-yú-ti</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Called <i>dú-yau</i>.</p> + +<p>A notable feature of the hat is five or six tail plumes of a domestic +rooster. These are set upright in small holes in the back part of the +hat and are held in place by lumps of beeswax placed at the ends of the +quills, which protrude through the bamboo. It is needless to say that +the most gaudy plumes are selected for this purpose. They enhance in no +small degree the elegant appearance of the hat. These plumes curve very +gracefully indeed, and nod in unison with every movement of the +wearer.</p> + +<p>The hat is held on the head by two strings made either of braided +imported cotton of the typical colors, of <i>abaká</i> fiber of the same +colors, of vegetable fiber, or of slender slips of rattan. These two +strings, often strung with beads, are attached at both ends of the hat +and are sufficiently loose to permit the head of the wearer to be +inserted between them. A further adornment may consist of two or more +beaded pendants that may be tipped with tassels of imported cotton of +the preferential colors.</p> + +<p>The hat, on the whole, is serviceable, economical, and cool, and +serves to set off its wearer to good advantage and to protect his hair +from the rain. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the decorative +tracings and appanages on the hat have no other significance than that +of personal adornment.</p> + +<p>A second form of head covering, in use in the parts of the Agúsan +River Valley not mentioned above, as also among the Manóbos of the +Pacific coast,<sup>6</sup> is circular. It is made of the sago palm or +of bamboo. It varies in diameter between 25 and 35 centimeters and has +the shape of a low broad cone. The edges, like those of the hat already +described, are reinforced with rattan painted with a mixture of beeswax +and pot black for preserving the rattan against atmospheric influences. +No paint is applied to the sago sheath, but the beeswax is applied to +the bamboo as a preservative against cracking. Neither are any +decorative incisions or tracings used in this form of hat, it being +primarily and essentially for protection against sun and rain. Two +parallel strips of rattan fastened at the ends of a diagonal serve to +hold the hat in position on the head.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>The Manóbos of the Pacific coast inhabit the upper waters +of the Kantílan, Tándag, Tágo, Marihátag, Húbo, Bislig, and Liñgig +Rivers.</p> + +<p>A noteworthy feature of this hat is that within the area mentioned +above, it is frequently worn by women. I know of no other headdress that +is employed by the female members of the Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon +tribes.<sup>7</sup></p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>The Manóbos of the lower Agúsan, inhabiting the towns of +San Vicente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, and surrounding regions are +not referred to here. The Debabáons are looked upon as forming a +separate tribe till further investigation.</p> + +<p>Besides the headkerchief,<sup>8</sup> worn universally by warrior +chiefs<sup>9</sup> and recognized warriors<sup>10</sup> throughout all +tribes in eastern Mindanáo, a kerchief<sup>11</sup> bound round the head +is very often worn by Manóbos of the Argáwan and Umaíam Rivers.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Tá-bang</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Ba-gá-ni</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Man-ík-i-ad</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Pó-dung</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2622"></a> +<h5>THE JACKET</h5> +</center> + +<p>In general the jacket is close-fitting, square-cut, and closed. It +has long sleeves and a tongue-shaped opening for the head extending from +the neck downward in front. Ordinarily the jacket is scarcely long +enough to reach the top of the trousers. It is not rare to find a narrow +strip of cloth of a color different from the rest of the jacket inserted +between the sleeves and body of the garment or running down the waist +between the two pieces that form the body. This sidepiece in the jacket +of men and women serves to give the desired width to the garment and the +variation in color secured by it is regarded as an addition to the +general ornamental effect. The jacket is embroidered more or less +elaborately according to the skill of the embroiderer and the amount of +imported cotton yarn available. This embroidery is done on the back from +shoulder to shoulder in a band from 4 to 6 centimeters broad, and in +continuous narrow lines around the neck opening, along the seams between +the sleeves and body of the garment, on the lower parts of the sleeves, +around the waist at the bottom of the garment, and down the arm at the +joining of the sleeves; in a word, over all seams.</p> + +<p>In the central portion of the Agúsan Valley and on the Pacific coast, +the most common form of jacket is made of unstained <i>abaká</i> fiber +cut like the one just described. It has, however, inwoven in the cloth, +horizontal parallel lines of dark-blue yarn on the back and the upper +part of the front. These dark-blue bands are set at intervals from each +other and usually amount to from six to nine lines in number. Tufts of +cotton in a continuous recurrence of red, yellow, and dark blue, without +any interstices, cover all the seams. If there is any embroidery, it is +upon the lower part of the sleeves, on that part of the jacket that +covers the back of the neck, and along the seams between the sleeves and +the body of the jacket. The distribution of this style of garment is +very wide. I have seen it on the Tágo River (Pacific coast), on the +upper Umaíam, Argáwan, Kasilaían, and Simúlau Rivers.</p> + +<p>On the upper Agúsan, including the upper Bahaí-an, Ihawán, and Baóbo +Rivers, a style that resembles the Mandáya is most frequently to be +seen. The jacket is made of a gauze-like <i>abaká</i> cloth dyed black, +or preferably of black or blue imported cloth. One frequently finds, for +ornamental purposes, just above the wrists or between the sleeves and +the body of the jacket, or down the waist between the main pieces of the +garment, thin strips of white cloth inserted. Usually there is no +embroidery as such, the previously described alternating tufts of cotton +yarn covering all, or nearly all, the seams. When, however, it is +desired and it is feasible to adorn the garment with embroidery, the +back-of the jacket from shoulder to shoulder, the space along the +shoulder seams and the back and front of the sleeves are selected for +this prupose[sic]. Bands 5 to 7 centimeters in breadth of more or less +intricate pattern are embroidered in these places, with much patient +labor and no little skill. It is needless to say that the ordinary +colors, with a predominance of red, are used.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2623"></a> +<h5>THE LOWER GARMENT</h5> +</center> + +<p>The lower garment is of two kinds, one being a short, close-fitting +garment made out of either undyed <i>abaká</i> fiber with a woof of +native cotton or of imported blue cloth. This garment resembles closely +the ordinary bathing tights. It is the working breeches of the Manóbo +and makes no pretense of being ornamental. The white or undyed form is +the more common.</p> + +<p>The other kind of lower garment worn by the men may be called +trousers, though they reach only about halfway between the knees and the +ankles. They are square-legged and baggy, made of undyed <i>abaká</i> +fiber or of <i>abaká</i> fiber with a woof of cotton, both undyed. +Whenever it is obtainable, imported blue cloth is used. The two legs of +the trousers are each about 65 centimeters long by 24 centimeters broad +and are joined together by a triangular piece of cloth. These trousers +are worn on festive and other occasions that require a display of +personal dignity.</p> + +<p>The decoration of the trousers consists usually of fringes of +imported cotton attached to all the seams except those around the waist. +When it is considered desirable to make a more showy garment, embroidery +of cotton yarn is added to the ends of the legs and to the part that +covers the sides of the calves. The designs used depend on whether the +wearer is of the central or of the upper Agúsan group.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2624"></a> +<h5>THE GIRDLE</h5> +</center> + +<p>Around the waist of the garment is a hem through which passes a +drawstring or girdle usually of braided <i>abaká</i> fiber dyed in the +usual colors, with dependent extremities and tassels of imported cotton, +also in the preferential colors. On the upper Agúsan one finds at times +beads and even small bells added to the tassels. These are allowed to +hang down in front.</p> + +<p>The method of fastening the girdle is by the ordinary method of +tieing[sic], or by another simple method, which consists in attaching +near one end of the drawstring the operculum of a shell said to be found +in the forests. At the other end of the girdle is a loop large enough to +admit the operculum, which on being slipped into this loop retains the +garment in position.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2625"></a> +<h5>THE BETEL-NUT KNAPSACK<sup>12</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Pú-yó</i>.</p> + +<p>The knapsack is such an omnipresent, indispensable object that it may +be considered a part of Manóbo raiment. It is a rectangular bag, on an +average approximately 30 by 25 centimeters, with a drawstring for +closing it. This string is nearly always of multicolored braided +<i>abaká</i> fiber, and is a continuation of the strings by which the +knapsack is suspended on the back from the shoulders, so that when it is +carried in that position the mouth of it is always closed. The cloth of +which it is made is the usual undyed <i>abaká</i> cloth, though among +the upper Agúsan group one finds in use blue imported cloth or, perhaps +more frequently, Mandáya cloth,<sup>13</sup> imported especially for +knapsacks.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>Called <i>gú-au</i>.</p> + +<p>The decoration consists of embroidery, more or less extensive, of the +type that is characteristic of the wearer's group and which corresponds +to that of his dress, if the dress is decorated. Tassels of imported +cotton at the extremities of the drawstrings, and perhaps pendants of +small seeds, or beads, usually white, together with cotton fringes in +proper colors, enhance the beauty of the knapsack. As a rule, however, +among the Manóbos of regions remote from Christian settlements, one +finds little attempt at decoration, either of the dress or of the +knapsack. A few fringes of cotton yarn and a little ornamental +stitchwork are about the only display attempted. This lack of decoration +is due not only to the fact that they have little cotton yarn, but also +to lack of ability on the part of the women. The latter fact might lead +the observer to conclude that the art of embroidery and cloth decoration +originated outside the tribe.</p> + +<center> +<a name="263"></a> +<h4>THE WOMAN'S DRESS</h4> + +<a name="2631"></a> +<h5>THE JACKET</h5> +</center> + +<p>The great distinguishing mark of a woman's dress is the difference in +color between the body of the upper garment, which is almost invariably +red, and the sleeves, which must always be of a different color. Should +the body be made of black cloth, then the sleeves are always of red. And +if the sleeves are of black, blue, or white, then the body must be of +red.</p> + +<p>Another differentiating feature of the woman's jacket is that the +cuffs, if they may be so called, are generally of the color of the body +of the garment, and that the pieces often inserted between the main +parts of the body and extending vertically down the sides from the +armpits are of the same color, and, if possible, of the same material as +the upper parts of the sleeves. These two points, together with the more +extensive and elaborate embroidery, serve to distinguish the woman's +upper garment from the man's.</p> + +<p>In the regions which I visited the styles of jackets may be reduced +to two, the more elaborate types of which are as follows:</p> + +<a name="26311"></a> +<p><i>The upper Agúsan style</i>.--On the upper Agúsan, on the Ihawán +(excepting on its western tributaries), and on the Bahaían, the woman's +jacket partakes of the style and characteristics of that of the Mandáya. +In shape it is not different from that of the man, but is more +close-fitting, especially the sleeves, which may be compared to a long +cylinder. Lines of cotton yarn in alternating colors cover and adorn the +seams and the oval-shaped opening for the neck, but are not found on the +bottom of the jacket. Embroidery of skillful and intricate design, in +bands about 5 or 6 centimeters wide, adorns the garment on the back from +shoulder to shoulder and around the seam at which the sleeves are joined +to the body of the jacket.</p> + +<p>This garment is made out of either gauzelike <i>abaká</i> cloth of +native weaving, dyed either red or black, or it is of imported European +cloth obtained by barter. Sometimes it is a combination of the two, when +enough imported cloth has not been obtained.</p> + +<a name="26312"></a> +<p><i>The style of the central group</i>.--The main differences between +this style and that just described are that the latter is more loosely +cut in the body and sleeves, is more profusely embroidered, and has a +longitudinal cut in the cuffs for the admission of the hands. One finds, +too, but only very occasionally, a type of jacket in which the sleeves +are white and the body black.</p> + +<p>The embroidery may be so profuse that it covers not only the lower +halves of the sleeves and the back of the neck, but the whole front of +the garment.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2632"></a> +<h5>THE GIRDLE AND ITS PENDANTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The girdle may be a mere braided cord of <i>abaká</i> fiber often +mixed with strands of cotton yarn, but more commonly it is a series of +braided cords of <i>nito</i>,<sup>14</sup> or of human hair. The girdle +is made by braiding the <i>nito</i> or the hair into circular cords, +each about 45 centimeters in length and about 2 millimeters in width. +Anywhere from 10 to 20 of these braids are fastened together by +involving the ends in small pieces of cloth wrapped with cotton yarn of +the preferential colors.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Lygodium circinnatum</i> sp.</p> + +<p>To one end of this girdle is attached a numerous array of beads, +shells, and charms. To the other is attached a braided <i>abaká</i> +cord, also variegated with the proper colors, which enables the wearer +to fasten and tighten the girdle. One frequently sees white seed beads +in greater or less quantity strung on each cord of this form of belt.</p> + +<p>The pendants are a very noticeable feature of the girdle. Hung from +the right side they present to the eye anything but a pleasing effect. +Bundles of white scented grass, about 5 centimeters long by 1 centimeter +in diameter, that have dried to a semblance of hay, detract most from +the appearance of the wearer. The whole mass of pendants is a tangle of +divers objects, the quantity of which depends upon the good fortune of +the wearer. The following are the objects that may be found among these +pendants: Large hawk bells, seldom exceeding six in number and +ordinarily not more than three; bunches of odorous grass, amounting +sometimes to as much as eight in number; the red seed of the +<i>ma-gu-hai</i> tree; small shells, especially cowry shells, picked up, +it is said, in the forest; the pods of the <i>ta-bí-gi</i> tree, one or +more, used for carrying incense<sup>15</sup> for religious purposes; +odoriferous seeds and roots<sup>16</sup> cut up small and strung on +<i>abaká</i> filaments with such beads as the wearer may not desire to +use, because of their color or shape, for the ornamentation of other +parts of his body.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>Called <i>pa-lí-na</i>. It is obtained by tapping the +<i>ma-gu-baí</i> tree.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>The following are the native names of the roots and +plants seen by the writer: <i>ta-bó</i>, the seed of a plant which looks +like a sweet potato; <i>sá-i</i>, a helmet-shaped seed of a tree of the +same name; <i>kú-su</i>, the root of a leguminous plant; +<i>ma-gu-baí</i>, the bright red seed of a tree of the same name. It is +interesting to note that this same seed is used for the eyes of sacred +images. <i>Ka-bis-da'</i> and <i>ko-múd-la</i> are also made use of.</p> + +<p>The purpose of these various objects is, to all appearances, to +ornament the person and to impart a fragrance to the wearer. In this +last respect the redolent herbs and seeds admirably fulfill their +purpose. But many of these objects serve other ends, medicinal and +religious. I took no little pains in investigating this point, but the +replies to my inquiries were at times so indeterminate, at others so +varied, and so contradictory that I can not make any definite statement; +but I am strongly inclined to believe, for sundry reasons, that both +medicinal and magic powers are attributed to many of the +innocent-looking objects that go to make up the girdle pendants.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2633"></a> +<h5>THE SKIRT</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo woman is not encumbered with all the wearing apparel of +more cultured tribes. She vests herself with the simple sacklike skirt +of good strong <i>abaká</i> cloth, durable, and admirably suited to her +manner of life.</p> + +<p>As the cloth comes from the loom it is in one long rectangular piece +(3.6 meters by 90 centimeters more or less). It is cut in two and the +ends of each of the two pieces are sewed together, so that two +bottomless sacks are made. These two sacks are then joined together, +thus forming one long rectangular garment, which by night serves for +blanket, sheet, and frequently mosquito bar, and by day for a skirt. +When used as a skirt, it is folded over in such a way that it resembles +two sacks, one inside the other. As it is considerably larger than the +person of the wearer it must be drawn to one side, always the left, and +tucked in. The lower part of the garment on the left side bulges out so +far that it makes the woman's figure ungraceful in appearance.</p> + +<p>From the dimensions given above it follows that the dress does not +reach much below the knees, a salutary arrangement, indeed, for one +whose occupations lead her through the slush of forest trails and the +grime of farming life.</p> + +<p>There are two types of skirt in common use; first, the type that is +of purely Manóbo manufacture, and, second, the type that is imported +from the Mandáyas of southeastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>The purely Manóbo type is distinguished by its simplicity and absence +of elaborate design. Alternating bands of red and black, with dividing +lines of white, all running longitudinally along the warp, and inwoven, +are the only effort at beauty of design.</p> + +<p>The second form of skirt is that imported from the Mandáyas or +purchased, whenever obtainable, from Bisáya traders or, on the upper +Agúsan, from trafficking intermediaries. It is striking with what +appreciation the Manóbo regards this article. A Manóbo from the Argáwan +and Umaíam will travel over to Hinatuán, a journey of three or four +days, to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt cloth. He values it above the +costliest pieces of European fabric that he has seen. The Manóbo woman +upon seeing a fine specimen dances with joy, and is long and loud in her +praise of it. No value is too high for such a specimen and no sacrifice +too great to purchase it.</p> + +<p>The explanation of this high regard in which Mandáya cloth is held is +simple. The cloth is made, I was habitually assured by Manóbos, <i>by +enchantment</i>, under the direction of the priestesses in the lofty +mountain fastnesses of Mandáyaland.<sup>17</sup> No other explanation +will satisfy the credulous Manóbo. He can not possibly understand how +the fanciful and elegant designs on Mandáya cloth can be produced by +other than supernatural means.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup>I have covered nearly the whole of the Mandáya country +and can testify to the numerous religious practices and restrictions +connected with the fabrication of the cloth.</p> + +<p>The cloth as it comes from the loom is of practically the same size +as Manóbo cloth and it is made into the form of a skirt in identically +the same way. The only difference is that the Mandáya fabric is heavier +and has a beautiful inwoven pattern.</p> + +<p>A minute description of the patterns would be needlessly lengthy and +necessarily deficient. In general, it may be said that the designs are +executed in longitudinal panels, of which there are several lateral and +one central, all of which run parallel and warpwise. The main figures +are four, two grotesquely suggestive of a crocodile but more nearly +portraying a turtle, and two that delineate the fanciful figure of a +woman. The intermediate parts of the panels consist of reticulations +whose general design depends upon the skill and whim of the +weaver.<sup>18</sup></p> + +<p><sup>18</sup>The cloth is classified (1) according to the color of +the woof threads (<i>pu-gáu-a</i>) into <i>kan-aí-yum</i> (black) and +<i>lin-í-ba</i> (red); (2) according to the design on the central +panel--<i>ím-pis no laí-ag</i> if it is 25 centimeters wide, +<i>bin-a-ga-kís</i> if the central panel is no wider than the lateral +ones; (3) according to the use of narrow (<i>sin-ák-lit</i>) or of broad +(<i>pin-al-áw-an</i>) white stripes; (4) according to the locality in +which the cloth is manufactured, the most famous and most prized cloth +being called <i>ban-a-háw-an</i>, which proceeds from the Banaháwan +district in the Kasaúman River Valley in the southeastern part of +Mindanáo. The Mañg-á-gan type is highly esteemed for being very similar +in design and dye effects to the Banaháwan. It is made by the +<i>Tagabuztai</i> group of Mandáyas in the Karága River Valley.</p> + +<center> +<a name="27"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER VII</h3> +<h3>PERSONAL ADORNMENT</h3> + +<a name="271"></a> +<h4>GENERAL REMARKS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The adornment of the person is confined almost exclusively to women +so that the following observations apply principally to them. In the +discussion of bodily mutilations reference will be made to such +permanent adornment as tattooing, perforation and elongation of the ear +lobes, superciliary and axillary depilation, grinding of the teeth, and +the blackening of the teeth and lips--all of which, with the exception +of the elongation of the ear lobes, are common to both men and women.</p> + +<p>The finger nails of both sexes are sedulously clipped, not even +thumb-nails being allowed to grow long. This may be due to the fact that +these latter are not required for playing the guitar, nor for gambling +with cards, in which occupations they prove a valuable aid to the Bisáya +of the Agúsan Valley.</p> + +<center> +<a name="272"></a> +<h4>HAIR AND HEAD ADORNMENT</h4> + +<a name="2721"></a> +<h5>CARE AND ORNAMENTATION OF THE HEAD</h5> +</center> + +<p>With the exception of the Manóbos of the far upper reaches of the +Argáwan, Umaíam, and Sábud Rivers, whom I did not visit, and of Manóbos +who live in settlements and may have adopted the hairdressing methods of +Bisáyas, one mode of dressing the hair is almost invariably in use by +both men and women. The hair is parted in a straight line over the +cranium from ear to ear. The front division is then combed forward over +the forehead where it is banged square from ear to ear in the plane of +and parallel to the superciliary ridges. The back division is combed +back, and after being twisted into a compact mass, is tied in a chignon +upon the crown of the head. The knot is a single bow, which from our +standpoint is not very prepossessing.</p> + +<p>In men the chignon is usually lower, being about half way between the +crown and the nape of the neck.</p> + +<p>One occasionally sees two locks of hair left hanging down in front of +the ears to the level of the jaws. This fashion is not very prevalent +even on the upper Agúsan, and is probably adopted from the Mandáyas.</p> + +<p>No fillets, flowers, garlands nor any other ornamentation are ever +used on the hair. Coconut oil, if obtainable, is used, but the meat of +the coconut, rasped or chopped into small particles, is preferred, +whenever it can be obtained. As a wash for the hair, wild lemons, the +seed of an uncommon tree whose name has escaped my memory, and the bark +of a tree, are used sporadically. I can not laud the condition of the +hair. Notwithstanding the fact that a crude bamboo comb with close-set +teeth is made use of, the vermin are never eliminated.</p> + +<p>On occasions the hair of children is cut for the purpose of promoting +its growth, and the hair of female slaves is often cut as a punishment. +With these exceptions, the hair is never cut, being left with all the +profusion which nature gives it.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2722"></a> +<h5>COMBS</h5> +</center> + +<p>An ornamental comb is always worn by women. It consists of a segment +of bamboo, 7 or 8 centimeters long and 5 centimeters high, curved while +still green and made to retain its shape by a slip of bamboo fastened +into two holes on the concave side. The teeth are whittled out and the +upper part and sides are cut into the characteristic shape seen in Plate +9. On the front or convex side of the comb are ornamental incisions the +style and variety of which depend upon the caprice and adeptness of the +fashioner. Skeat and Blagden<sup>1</sup> quote an authority who asserts +that the tribes of the Malay Peninsula attribute magic properties to the +decorative incisions on their combs. Following out this idea, the writer +made numerous inquiries in the Agúsan Valley as to the existence of a +similar or of an analogous attribution but found none. According to all +reports these patterns are purely esthetic in their character, with no +magic or other attributes. The fact that among the Manóbos of the upper +Agúsan in the vicinity of Veruéla, one finds combs without incised work +and among the Manóbos of Argáwan, Umaíam, and Kasilaían one occasionally +sees combs with circular, square, and triangular pieces of +mother-of-pearl inlaid, is an indication of the absence of the aforesaid +belief. In fact, combs of the last-mentioned type seem to be more highly +prized than the plain incised bamboo ones, a fact due probably to the +scarcity of mother-of-pearl. Another point that goes to bear out the +above statement is the fact that no reluctance is displayed in parting +with a comb, no matter how intricate or unusual may be its incisions.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula.</p> + +<p>On the upper Agúsan it is not rare to find combs that have a band of +beaten silver with a fretwork pattern laid across the convex part above +the teeth. These combs, however, are imported from the Debabáons of +Moncáyo or from the composite group living farther up the river. The +writer knows of no Manóbo silversmith.</p> + +<p>No hairpins nor other means of fastening the hair are made use of, +neither are any dyes nor other materials used to alter its color.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2723"></a> +<h5>EAR DISKS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Another ornament found on the Manóbo woman's head is the ear disk. +This is a disk of wood<sup>2</sup> about 3 centimeters in diameter, and +6 millimeters wide, with a small groove around the edge in which rests +the edge of the ear perforation. When the wearer has been lucky enough +to get a thin lamina of silver or of gold<sup>3</sup> it is fastened on +the outside of the wooden disk by means of a few strands of imported +cotton yarn nearly always red. The yarn passes through a hole in the +lamina and in the disk, a little tuft being left over the hole. These +metal plates have usually stellate edges and are often decorated with a +simple chiseled pattern. They are rare except on the upper Agúsan where +there are Debabáon and Mandáya smiths. In lieu of gold and silver, a +lamina made out of beaten brass wire answers the purpose.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>Usually of <i>ku-li-pá-pa</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>Gold laminae are very rare and are seldom parted with. +They are highly valued heirlooms. The silver lamina is beaten out of a +piece of silver money.</p> + +<p>On the upper Agúsan both men and women suspend four strings of beads +from each ear, when the dignity of the occasion requires it. These +strings are about 30 centimeters long and have colored cotton tassels at +the ends. Both these tassels and the strings of beads are of the +preferred colors, red, white, black, and yellow. I am inclined to think +that this custom is also of Mandáya origin. Occasionally one or two +buttons<sup>4</sup> are worn in the ear lobes of men on the upper +Agúsan. This practice seems to have been adopted from the Mandáyas.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>Ordinary undershirt buttons.</p> + +<center> +<a name="273"></a> +<h4>NECK AND BREAST ORNAMENTS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The number of necklets and necklaces worn depends on the wealth of +the wearer or on her good fortune in having been able to secure a supply +of beads. The components of the necklace are principally beads with +alternating odoriferous seeds or pieces of seeds. Here and there a small +shell may be added, or a larger bead, or a crocodile tooth. The writer +has seen worn coils of beads with small shells, seeds, and crocodile +teeth, that must have weighed at least 2 kilograms. Such an array as +this is not worn every day but is reserved for occasions of religious or +secular festivity and for times when the possessor feels bound to make +an unusual display. The seeds worn are the same as those that form part +of the girdle--pendants, above described.</p> + +<p>It may not be out of place here to note the fondness displayed by the +feminine portion of the tribe for perfumes. This is characteristic of +all the peoples of eastern Mindanáo with whom I have been in contact. +Though medicinal and magic virtues are attributed, perhaps, to these +odorous seeds, yet their fragrance is also undoubtedly a determining +factor in the choice of them.</p> + +<p>In the color of the beads used the Manóbo is restricted by the +character of the supply, but it may be said that where he has his choice +he selects red, yellow, black, and white. He prefers the small seed +bead, but likes to have a few large beads to place at recurring +intervals.</p> + +<p>Necklets are occasionally worn. They consist of bands of beads, +arranged symmetrically according to color in geometrical figures--a +triangle of yellow beads, a rectangle of black ones, or other patterns. +This necklet is usually about 2 centimeters broad and long enough to fit +the neck tightly. It is fastened at the back by a button and usually has +a single string of beads depending from it and lying upon the back. Men +may wear this necklet, but its use by them is very infrequent. They, +however, occasionally wear a necklace from which to suspend the hair +eradicator. I observed this only on the upper Agúsan, and, as it is an +ordinary Mandáya practice I suppose that the custom is borrowed--another +indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the Manóbos of the +upper Agúsan. The eradicator is a small pair of tweezers made, +ordinarily, out of a piece of beaten brass wire bent double and having +inturned edges.</p> + +<p>The only breast ornament, besides tattooing on the skin and +embroidery on the jacket, is the silver plaque or disk worn nearly +always by unmarried women and frequently by others. The wearing of these +disks is a custom practiced only on the upper Agúsan, Ihawán, and +Simúlau Rivers, and is without doubt of Mandáya origin. The plaque is a +large thin sheet of beaten silver varying from 7 to 10 centimeters in +diameter. It is of Debabáon or of Mandáya workmanship. It has a pattern +of concentric circles and other symmetrical figures traced upon it, +together with a fretwork of small triangular holes. The more elaborate +ones display an amount of artistic skill that gives the +Mandáya<sup>5</sup> the high reputation that he has in eastern Mindanáo +as a man of superior attainments.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Mandáyaland produces nearly all the lances, spears, +bolos, daggers, and artistic cloth used by the Manóbos throughout +eastern Mindanáo. Outside of a few silversmiths among the Debabáons, and +a few among the hybrid group occupying the upper Agúsan from Gerona to +Tagaúnud, the Mandáya smiths are the only ones that are skilled in +silverwork.</p> + +<center> +<a name="274"></a> +<h4>ARM AND HAND ORNAMENTATION</h4> +</center> + +<p>Men wear on one or both upper arms black bands of braided +<i>nito</i>. These are about 1.5 centimeters in breadth and are braided +into one continuous piece of such a size as to fit the arm tightly. The +writer has seen many that fitted so closely that they caused sores. They +are, besides being distinctly ornamental, designed to serve another +purpose, for they are supposed to impart strength to the muscles.</p> + +<p>Men often wear, on one or both wrists, one or more vegetable +ligatures plaited in one continuous piece. These are of a jet black +glossy color when made of the <i>ág-sam</i><sup>6</sup> vine. They are +rectangular in cross section, being about 6 millimeters by 6 +millimeters. They must be moistened to make the filaments expand so that +the wearer can pass them over his hands on the wrist. On drying they +contract to the size of the wrist, Women often wear a few of these with +their forearm ornaments.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>Both <i>pug-nút</i> and <i>ág-sam</i> are species of +<i>nito</i> (<i>Lygodium</i> sp.).</p> + +<p>Crude rings, round or flat, more commonly beaten out of brass wire or +of copper money, but occasionally made of silver money and still less +occasionally of carabao horn, adorn in greater or less number the +fingers of both men and women.</p> + +<p>The forearm adornments of women are more numerous and elaborate than +those of men. Besides the vegetable circlets described above, segments +of the black coral plant,<sup>7</sup> cut into palm lengths and bent +into rings by heating, are worn on either or both arms, though, in case +of an insufficient supply, the left arm is adorned in preference to the +right. These marine ringlets are not solely for purposes of +ornamentation, for a magic influence is attributed to them, at least by +the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan. They are thought to contract and grip, +as it were, the wearer's arm on the approach and in the presence of +danger. Hence they are greatly prized but are comparatively rare. This +is due to the difficulty of obtaining the plant as it grows in deep +water where the danger from sharks deters the native divers.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>Called <i>sag-ai-ság-ai</i> in Manóbo and <i>baná-ug</i> +in Bisáya (<i>Antipatharia</i> sp.).</p> + +<p>The whorl of a sea shell,<sup>8</sup> ground and polished into white +heavy rings, whose cross section is an isosceles triangle, form a very +common forearm adornment for women on the upper Agúsan. Sometimes as +many as five of these are worn, ordinarily on the left arm. The weight +of a full equipment of shell bracelets may amount to at least a kilo. +The use of such cumbrous adornments is confined to festal occasions +except in the case of unmarried maidens, who nearly always wear them. +These shell bracelets with the black alternating rings of sea coral are +very becoming indeed, as they tend, by the contrast of jet black and +marble white, to set off the color of the skin to advantage.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>Tak-lo-bo (<i>Tridacna gigas</i>).</p> + +<p>It is noticeable that as one approaches the Mandáya country, the +similarity in dress and personal adornment to that of the Mandáyas +becomes more apparent. This is true on the upper Simúlau, Agúsan, and +Ihawán, another indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the +Manóbo. Hence in those regions one finds forms of bracelets that are +typical of Mandáya adornment. Thus bands of beaten brass wire, 1 +centimeter broad approximately, are seen occasionally. Also flat braided +bands of jungle fiber covered with white beads are sometimes used. On +one occasion the writer saw a hollow circular brass bangle into which a +piece of lead had been inserted, and which with every movement of the +arm produced a tinkling sound.</p> + +<p>In the central Agúsan region and among the Manóbos of the Pacific +coast, one finds the use of a small whorl of a sea shell<sup>9</sup> as +a Bracelet but its use is uncommon, especially on the Pacific side. This +is due to the fact that only an occasional shell has made its way into +the country. In these regions the Manóbo is particularly poor in arm +adornments.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>Called <i>lá-gang</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="275"></a> +<h4>KNEE AND ANKLE ADORNMENTS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Men, especially unmarried ones, often wear on one or both legs just +below the knee a ligature similar in every respect to that worn on the +upper arms. Its purpose, too, is twofold, to strengthen, and, at the +same time, to adorn the legs. On the upper Agúsan one sees beads sewn on +these bands.</p> + +<p>Women have similar ligatures on one or both legs just above the +ankles. They are worn for decorative purposes, but it is said by some +that they are a sign of virginity and that upon marriage it costs the +husband the value of one slave to remove them. But the fact that married +women occasionally wear them seems to contradict this statement.</p> + +<p>Women wear at festal periods and especially during dances a few +rings<sup>10</sup> of stout brass wire some 6 millimeters in diameter. +The rings are large enough to allow the foot to be passed through them, +hence they hang loosely at the ankles. In number they rarely exceed two +to each leg. During a dance they tintillate to the jingling of the hawk +bells that depend from the girdle and are considered highly +ornamental.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>Dú-tus.</p> + +<center> +<a name="276"></a> +<h4>BODY MUTILATIONS</h4> + +<a name="2761"></a> +<h5>GENERAL REMARKS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The purpose of most body mutilations among the Manóbos is +ornamentation. The one exception is circumcision which will be discussed +later.</p> + +<p>Scarification is nowhere practiced in eastern Mindanáo except among +the Mamánuas. In 1905 I came in contact with several Mamánuas of the +upper Tágo River (within the jurisdiction of Tándag, Province of +Surigáo) and noticed that they had cicatrices on the breast and arms. I +concluded that the scars were due to the practice of scarification. +Inquiries since that time made among both Manóbos and Bisáyas have +confirmed these conclusions. Head deformation is not practiced in +eastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>No painting of the body is resorted to other than the blackening of +the lips with soot. To effect this a pot is taken from the fireplace and +the bottom of it is dexterously passed across the lips, leaving a black +coating that, with the fluid from the chewing quid made up of tobacco, +lime, and <i>máu-mau</i> frequently becomes permanent till moistened by +drinking. It is a strange sight to see a handsome Manóbo belle, decked +out with beads and bells, or a dapper Manóbo dandy, take the +<i>olla</i>, and darken the lips.</p> + +<p>No religious or magic significance is attributed to any of the +following mutilations, nor are any religious or other celebrations +performed in connection with them.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2762"></a> +<h5>MUTILATION OF THE TEETH<sup>11</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Há-sa-to-únto</i>.</p> + +<p>As the age of puberty approaches, both boys and girls have their +teeth ground. The process is very simple but extremely painful, so much +so that the operation can not be completed at one sitting. I think, +however, that the painfulness of the process depends on the quality of +the stone used, for the Mandáyas of the upper Karága River claim that +there is a species of stone that does not cause much pain.</p> + +<p>A piece of wood is inserted between the teeth to keep them apart. The +operator, usually the father, then inserts a small flat piece of +sandstone, such as is used for sharpening bolos, into the mouth and with +a moderate motion grinds the upper and lower incisors to the gums. It is +only the difficulty of reaching the molars that saves them, as the +writer was informed. In all, 10 front teeth disappear, and a portion of +4 others. After filing, the teeth of the upper jaw appear convex and +those of the lower, concave.</p> + +<p>I estimate the minimum time necessary to grind the teeth to be from 3 +to 6 hours, spread over a period varying from 3 to 10 days.</p> + +<p>The patient displays more or less evidence of pain, according to his +powers of endurance but is continually exhorted to be patient so that +his mouth will not look like a dog's. This is the reason universally +asserted for their objection to white, sharp teeth: "They look like +a dog's."</p> + +<p>After each grinding, the subject experiences sensitiveness in the +gums and can not masticate hard food. When this sensitiveness is no +longer felt, usually the following day, the grinding is resumed.</p> + +<p>Blackening of the teeth is effected principally by the use of a plant +called <i>máu-mau</i> which, besides being used as a narcotic, has the +property of giving the teeth a rather black appearance. After being +chewed, it is rubbed across the teeth. The juice of the skin is +expressed into a quid of tobacco mixed with lime and pot black, the +whole forming the inseparable companion of the Manóbo man, woman, and +even child. It is a compound about the size of a small marble and is +carried, until it loses its strength and flavor, between the upper lip +and the upper gum, but projecting forward between the lips.</p> + +<p>It is to be noted here that the primary object in the use of this +combination is not the discoloration of the teeth. The compound is used +mainly for the stimulating effects it produces, the pot-black being +added as an ingredient in order to blacken the lips and so improve the +personal appearance of the user of it. The quid is frequently carried +behind the ear when circumstances require the use of the mouth for other +purposes.</p> + +<p>Another means that helps to stain the teeth is the constant use of +betel nut and betel leaf mixed with lime, and, in certain localities, +with tobacco.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2763"></a> +<h5>MUTILATION OF THE EAR LOBES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The practice of mutilating the ear lobes<sup>12</sup> is universal +and is not confined to either sex. It consists in piercing the ear lobes +in one, two, or three places. This is done usually at an early age, with +a needle. A thread of <i>abaká</i> fiber is then inserted and prevented +from coining out by putting a tiny pellet of beeswax at each end. As +soon as the wound heals, the perforation is enlarged in the case of a +woman in the following manner: Small pieces of the rib of the rattan +leaf are inserted at intervals of a couple of days until the hole is +opened enough to receive larger pieces. When it has expanded +sufficiently, a small spiral of grass, usually of +<i>pandanus</i><sup>13</sup> is inserted. This, by its natural tendency +to expand, increases the size of the aperture until a larger spiral can +be inserted.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Ti-dáng</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Bá-ui</i> (Bisáya, <i>ba-ló-oi</i>).</p> + +<p>The opening is considered of sufficient size and beauty when it is +about 2.5 centimeters in diameter. In addition to this large aperture, +which is located on the lower part of the lobulus, there may be two +other small perforations about 1.5 centimeters further up. These latter +serve both in men and women for the attachment of small buttons, while +the former is confined exclusively to women and serves for the insertion +of ornamental ear disks.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2764"></a> +<h5>DEPILATION</h5> +</center> + +<p>A beardless face is considered a thing of beauty, so that a +systematic and constant eradication of the face hair is carried on by +the Manóbo from the first moment that hair begins to appear upon his +face. For this purpose he often has a pair of tweezers,<sup>14</sup> +ordinarily made out of beaten brass wire, with which he systematically +plucks out such straggling hairs as he may find upon his upper lip and +on the chin, as well as the axillary hair. The pubic hair is not always +eradicated. A small knife<sup>15</sup> is frequently employed as a +razor, not only on the chin and upper lip but also for shaving the +eyebrows. The removal of the last mentioned is a universal practice, for +hair on the eyebrows is considered very ungraceful. Hence both sexes +shave the eyebrows, leaving only a pencil line, or, in some districts, +not even a trace of hair.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Pan-úm-pa'</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>Called <i>ba-di'</i> or <i>kám-pit</i>.</p> + +<p>The hair on other parts of the body is not abundant and it is not +customary to remove it.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2765"></a> +<h5>TATTOOING<sup>16</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>Pang-o-túb</i>.</p> + +<p>After making an infinity of inquiries, I learned that tattooing is +merely for the purpose of ornamentation. By a few I was given to +understand that under the Spanish regime, when killing and capturing was +rife, the tattooing was for the purpose of the identification of a +captive. It was customary to change the name of a captive, and as he was +sold and resold, the only way to identify him was by his tattoo +marks.</p> + +<p>Be that as it may, the practice seems to have at present no further +significance than that of ornamentation. No therapeutic nor magical nor +ceremonial effects are associated with it. Neither is it symbolic of +prowess, nor distinctive of family, place, nor person, for two persons +from different localities and groups may have the same designs.</p> + +<p>No particular age is required for the inception of the process, but +from my observation, corroborated by general testimony, I believe it is +performed usually from the age of puberty onwards.</p> + +<p>The operator is nearly always a woman, or a so-called +hermaphrodite,<sup>17</sup> who has acquired a certain amount of skill +in embroidering. These professionals are not numerous, due, possibly, to +the natural aversion felt by women for the sight of blood, as also to +the fact that no remuneration is made for their services, though this +last reason alone would not explain the paucity.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup>One meets occasionally among the peoples of eastern +Mindanáo certain individuals who are known by a special name and who are +reputed to be incapable of sexual intercourse. The individuals whom I +saw were most feminine in their ways, preferring to keep the company of +women and to indulge in womanly work rather than to associate with +men.</p> + +<p>The process is very simple. A pigment is prepared by holding a plate +or an <i>olla</i>, over a burning torch<sup>18</sup> made of resin until +enough soot has collected. Then without any previous drawing, the +operator punctures, to a depth of approximately 2 millimeters, the part +of the body that is to be tattooed. The blood that flows from these +punctures is wiped off, usually with a bunch of leaves, and a portion of +the soot from the resin is rubbed vigorously into the wounds with the +hand of the operator.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Saí-yung</i> (<i>Canarium villosum</i>).</p> + +<p>The process occupies a variable length of time, depending on the +skill of the operator and on the endurance and patience of the subject. +It is painful, but no such manifestations of pain are made as in teeth +grinding. The portion tattooed is sensitive for about 24 hours, but no +other evil consequences, such as festering, etc., follow as far as my +observations go.</p> + +<p>Without the aid of diagrams or pictures it is difficult to describe +in an intelligible and comprehensive manner the numerous designs that +are used in tattooing. Each locality may have its own distinct fashion, +differing from the fashion prevalent in another region. And as the +designs seem to be the result of individual whim and fancy it would be +an almost endless task to describe all of them in detail. Suffice it to +say in general that they follow in both nomenclature and in general +appearance the figures embroidered on jackets, with the important +addition of figures of a crocodile, and of stars and leaves, as is +indicated by the names.<sup>19</sup></p> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Bin-u-á-ja</i>, (from <i>bu-wá-ja</i>, crocodile), +<i>gin-í-bang</i> (from <i>gí-bang</i>, iguana) and <i>bin-úyo</i> (from +<i>bú-jo'</i>, the betel leaf).</p> + +<p>The figures are neither intricate nor grotesque, but simple and +plain, displaying a certain amount of artistic merit for so primitive +and so remote a people. On close inspection they show up in good clear +lines, but at a distance they appear as nothing but dim blue spots or +blotches. For durability they can not be surpassed. No means are known +whereby to eradicate them. I compared tattoo marks on old men with those +on young men and I could not discern any difference in the brightness +nor in the preservation of the design.</p> + +<p>In men the portions of the body tattooed are the whole chest, the +upper arms, the forearms, and the fingers. Women on the other hand, in +addition to tattooings on those parts, receive an elaborate design on +the calves, and sometimes on the whole leg.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2766"></a> +<h5>CIRCUMCISION<sup>20</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>Tú-li'</i>.</p> + +<p>Unlike the four mutilations already described, circumcision is not +for ornamental purposes. According to the Manóbo's way of thinking it +serves a more utilitarian purpose, for it is supposed to be essential to +the procreation of children. How such a belief first originated I have +been unable to learn, but nevertheless the belief is universal, strong, +and abiding. To be called uncircumcised is one of the greatest +reproaches that can be thrown at a Manóbo, and it is said that he would +stand no chance for marriage unless the operation had been performed; +the womenfolk would laugh and jeer at him. So it may be said that the +custom is obligatory.</p> + +<p>The operation is performed a year or two before puberty. No +ceremonies or feasts are held in connection with it. The father, or a +male relative of the child, takes the small knife (<i>ba-dí</i>) and +placing it lengthwise over the lower part of the prepuce, makes a slit +by hitting the back of the knife with a piece of wood or any convenient +object at hand. It thus appears that it is not circumcision in the full +meaning of the word but rather an incision. This operation is confined +to males and is the only sexual mutilation practiced.</p> + +<center> +<a name="28"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER VIII</h3> +<h3>ALIMENTATION</h3> + +<a name="281"></a> +<h4>FIRE AND ITS PRODUCTION</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo is unable to explain the nature of fire, but he has two +very primitive but effective ways of producing it, namely, the fire-saw, +and the flint and steel. Owing to the sale of Manila and Japanese +matches to such of the Manóbos as come in contact with traders or with +trading posts, the ancient methods of making fire are falling into +disuse.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2811"></a> +<h5>THE FIRE-SAW<sup>1</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Gut-gút-an</i>.</p> + +<p>This might be more properly called the friction method, for the fire +is obtained by rubbing edgewise one piece of bamboo at right angles to, +and over the back of, another.</p> + +<p>The "saw," as it is usually called, or upper piece, must be +long enough, say 30 centimeters, to enable one to hold it firmly with +both hands. The breadth is immaterial, provided it be broad enough to +resist the pressure. One edge must be cut sharp.</p> + +<p>The "horse," or lower piece, ought to be at least 10 +centimeters broad and of any length. It is essential that the under +surface be sufficiently convex to admit the free passage of air when the +bamboo is placed upon a solid resting place. In the center of this +bamboo is made a hole at least 1 millimeter in diameter. All is now +ready for the operation.</p> + +<p>The "horse" is set down upon some clean solid piece of wood +or stone with its inner or concave side downwards, in such a way that it +can not move. The "saw" is placed transversely across the +"horse," the sharp edge being right over the hole. Holding it +firmly with a hand at each end, it is worked steadily, rapidly and with +great pressure across the "horse," precisely as if it were +desired to saw it in two. After some 15 strokes, there appears a little +smoke, and the operator increases the rapidity of his movement, until he +thinks that there is sufficient fire underneath the bamboo. Then he +blows down through the hole in order to separate any such bamboo dust as +may still remain in or around it. He removes the "horse" +applying at once a little lint or other tinder to the glowing particles +of bamboo. He then transfers his fire to a piece of good dry wood, +preferably to an old firebrand, and in a few seconds has a permanent +fire.</p> + +<p>For the process it is essential that the bamboo selected be dry and +well seasoned, for otherwise the dust produced by the rubbing will not +ignite. There are a few varieties of wood that answer the same purpose, +but I am unable to give the names though I have seen them used.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2812"></a> +<h5>THE STEEL AND FLINT PROCESS<sup>2</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Ti'-ti</i>.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo method of making fire with flint and steel differs in no +wise from that used by our own forbears. The tinder used is a fluff +obtained from the sugar palm.<sup>3</sup> It is found around the frond +bases and after being thoroughly dried, is kept with the flint and steel +in a special bamboo or rattan receptacle.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Arenga saccharifera</i>. It is called <i>hi-juíp</i> +or <i>hi-diúp</i> in Manóbo.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2813"></a> +<h5>CONTINUATION OF THE FIRE</h5> +</center> + +<p>Once lighted, the fire in the house is kept up, ordinarily not for +any ceremonial reason, as far as I have been able to ascertain, but +because it is the custom. It is commonly used to furnish light and is +kept burning during the night for that purpose. In the mountainous +districts, where there is always the possibility of an attack, the fire +is sedulously maintained both for light and heat. On occasions fraught +with danger from malignant spirits, fire is kept burning for ceremonial +reasons as a safeguard against the stealthy approach of the spirits.</p> + +<p>Should the fire become extinguished, a fire brand is borrowed from +another house, if there is one in the vicinity, but, if there are no +neighbors recourse is had to one of the above-described methods.</p> + +<center> +<a name="282"></a> +<h4>LIGHTING</h4> +</center> + +<p>Fire is ordinarily the principal, and not infrequently the only +source of light. It is only in districts in close proximity to the +settlements of Christianized Manóbos that the luxury of coal oil is +enjoyed.</p> + +<p>The only source of light in the house, other than that from the fire, +is a species of resin which is collected from a tree that is found in +great abundance in eastern Mindanáo.<sup>4</sup> The method of obtaining +the resin is to make a good cut in the tree about 1 millimeter above the +ground and to catch the resin in a bark or leaf receptacle. This is +usually done overnight. Broken pieces of the resin are then placed in a +conical receptacle, made of green leaves, usually of the rattan, bound +with rattan strips or other vegetable fastening. When needed, the larger +end of this bundle of resin is lighted at the fire and the torch is set +upon the floor supported in a tilted position by the most convenient +object at hand, frequently the whetstone.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>Called <i>sai'-gung</i> or <i>saung</i>. (<i>Oanarium +villosum</i>).</p> + +<p>This torch is a good and economical illuminant. It has, however, two +defects: First, the ugly habit of spitting out occasional sparks, which +cause a somewhat painful sore if they happen to hit the flesh; and, +second, a tendency to extinguish itself at intervals on account of the +burnt residue that gradually covers the resin. The ash may be easily +removed with a stick and then the light blazes out at once, casting a +bright glare on the brown and naked figures of the inmates.</p> + +<p>When a light is needed for outdoor purposes, a piece of seasoned +bamboo, split at one end, or a firebrand of wood, is carried in lieu of +the resin. It is an invariable custom to carry a firebrand, while +outdoors at night, not only for the purpose of lighting the way but for +daunting the evil spirits that are thought to roam about in the gloom of +night.</p> + +<center> +<a name="283"></a> +<h4>CULINARY AND TABLE EQUIPMENT</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo is particularly poor in cooking utensils. With the +exception of a very occasional iron pot, and a much less frequent pan, +he has none of the kitchen apparatus of more civilized peoples.</p> + +<p>The earthen pot of his own manufacture is his mainstay. It resembles +the <i>ollas</i> or earthen pots used so universally throughout the +Philippines. In addition to this there is used, though very rarely among +the remote Manóbos, an imported cast-iron pan.<sup>5</sup> It is from 5 +centimeters to 10 centimeters in depth and from 25 centimeters to 40 +centimeters in diameter, concave, and of the poorest material. It is +used for general cooking, for dyeing, and for making a sugar-cane +beverage. As it is not provided with a cover, the leaves of the bamboo +are used to keep the soot and dirt out and to keep the heat in, +especially in steaming <i>camotes</i> and taro.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Called <i>ki-ú-ja</i>.</p> + +<p>When there are not enough pots for the cooking, as on some +exceptional occasion, green bamboo internodes with one end open are +brought into requisition. Bamboo of the variety known as <i>bo</i> or +<i>bóho</i>, is preferred, for it gives an extra delicate savor to the +contents, as I can testify. Even upon ordinary occasions, fish or meat +is sometimes cooked in bamboo for the same reason. The pieces of bamboo +are put into the fire in a slanting position, the open end being stopped +with leaves. They are turned around occasionally till they are burnt +nearly through. The contents are removed by splitting the charred joint +into strips. These strips are usually given to the expectant children +who scrape and lick them clean.</p> + +<p>I once saw the bark of a tree used for cooking rice, but without +success. I was assured that for cooking meat or fish it would answer +admirably.</p> + +<p>A ladle, with a handle of wood or bamboo and a head of coconut shell, +is about the only article that the Manóbo ordinarily has to serve the +purpose of spoons and forks. In the absence of the coconut ladle, he +employs the bottom of a bamboo internode to which has been left attached +a strip that serves as a handle. For stirring the rice he uses a little +paddle made out of a flat piece of wood, or if he has no paddle he uses +the handle of his coconut. A coconut shell is used for a water cup, +though, if he has an imported glass, he will offer it to visitors.</p> + +<p>No rags are employed in the cleaning of plates and other dishes. At +times a few leaves are required to clean out the iron pan, but for +plates and bowls and other utensils a little cold water and a little +rubbing with the hand are sufficient.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo uses no tablecloth nor has he any of the appurtenances +that equip a modern table, except plates, bowls, and, perhaps, a +glass.</p> + +<p>Of plates he frequently has too few for his family. Bowls are still +scarcer. Many and many are the houses which I have visited that could +not boast of a single bowl; the same may be said of glasses. This is due +to the exorbitant prices charged for them.</p> + +<p>As a substitute for plates, the Manóbo uses platters of bark from the +sago<sup>6</sup> and other palm trees. It may happen on the occasion of +some big festivity that he still finds himself short of plates and +platters, so he utilizes his low panlike weaving baskets by lining them +with banana or other leaves and putting them on the table loaded with +rice. Should all these not be sufficient for the number of his guests, +he spreads out a few banana leaves in the center of the table, or on the +floor, and lays the rice upon them.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Lúm-bia</i>.</p> + +<p>A piece of bamboo serves for cup and glass as auxiliary to, or a +substitute for, the coconut-shell cup mentioned above.</p> + +<center> +<a name="284"></a> +<h4>VARIOUS KINDS OF FOOD</h4> +</center> + +<p>The great staple of Manóboland is the <i>camote</i>.<sup>7</sup> +During harvest time and for several weeks ensuing rice may constitute +the bulk of his daily food, but after that he reserves for feasts, for +friends, and for the sick what he does not sell, or part with in payment +of debts. Should his <i>camote</i> crop fail he falls back upon the +sago<sup>8</sup> that abounds in the central Agúsan; or, when sago is +not available, he seeks the wild fishtail palm,<sup>9</sup> that affords +him as pleasant and nutritious a food as any sago palm that ever grew. +In the upper Agúsan the Manóbo plants a fair quantity of taro, and in +the middle Agúsan, a small amount of maize in season, or even some +beans,<sup>10</sup> so that it is seldom he has to have recourse to the +forest for his maintenance. But the mountain Manóbo is occasionally +compelled to draw his sustenance from the various palm trees and vines +that are found in such luxuriance throughout his forest domain. I have +seen poisonous tubers gathered in time of famine by the Manóbos of the +upper Wá-wa region and eaten, after they had been scraped on a prickly +rattan branch, and the poison had been removed by a series of washings +and dryings.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Ipomoea batatas</i> Poir.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Lúm-bia</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Bá-hi'</i> (<i>Caryota</i> sp.)</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>Called <i>bá-tung</i>.</p> + +<p>He nearly always has a little sugar cane on the farm but, when it is +not intended for making an inebriating drink, it is planted only in +sufficient quantity to furnish occasionally a few pieces to the members +of the household.</p> + +<p>Besides the above-mentioned plants, he has probably only a few banana +plants, a few ginger plants, some semiwild tomatoes, a little +mint<sup>11</sup> and, perchance, a few other plants intended for +seasoning. He is not accustomed to plant more than will supply the bare +necessities of life.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>Called <i>labwéna</i> probably from the Spanish <i>yerba +buena</i>.</p> + +<p>As a concomitant of his rice or <i>camotes</i>, he must have his +<i>is-da</i><sup>12</sup> which he procures from the forest<sup>13</sup> +or from the river.<sup>14</sup></p> + +<p><sup>12</sup>This word in its present usage corresponds to the +Spanish <i>vianda</i>, to the Bisáya <i>súdan</i>, and the Tagalog +<i>úlam</i>. Note that the generic word for <i>is-da</i>, +"fish," has received a still more general application among the +Manóbos and Bisáyas of the middle Agúsan. Originally, no doubt, it meant +simply "fish," but as the <i>háu-an</i> is almost the only fish +in the middle Agúsan that is caught with frequency and in numbers, the +generic term for fish was narrowed down to this one particular fish. +Thence the application of the word expanded and it now corresponds to +the Tagalog <i>úlam</i> and the Cebu-Bisáya <i>sú-dan</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>See under "Hunting."</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>See under "Fishing."</p> + +<p>It is not essential that the meat or fish should be fresh. I have +seen pig meat eaten after three days' decomposition. Neither is the +rawness an impediment, for it is customary in certain localities to eat +pork absolutely raw, for ceremonial reasons. Besides pork, venison, and +fish, an occasional wild chicken or other bird snared in the forest, or +a hornbill killed with an arrow, helps to keep his larder supplied.</p> + +<p>When no fish or meat has been procured, and this is more often the +rule than the exception, he may have found on his rambles some +mushroomlike fungi,<sup>15</sup> or even mushrooms,<sup>16</sup> or he +may have taken a notion to cut down some palm tree, and get a fine palm +<sup>17</sup> or rattan core <sup>18</sup> or even young bamboo +shoots.<sup>19</sup> While straying along the river bank he may pick +some fern tops of an edible variety.<sup>20</sup> Any of these things +affords as fair supplement to his rice, as butter does to bread. The +palm-tree cores are full of big luscious larvae.<sup>21</sup> He may +have a chance to kill an iguana<sup>22</sup> or monarch +lizard.<sup>23</sup> The killing of a monkey with his bow and arrow, or +in his traps, affords him a choice piece of meat. And when he has the +good fortune to kill a python, he has enough <i>ís-da</i> for himself, +his relatives, and his neighbors for at least one meal. Occasionally, +during the proper season, he locates a bees' nest and therefrom procures +an amount of honey, larvae, and beebread that proves an uncommon treat +for himself and his family. Again, on the river at certain periods he +has nothing else to do except to scoop into his dugout (if he has one) +the exhausted "water-skimmers,"<sup>24</sup> or while passing +near some sand bank to spy the spot where the water lizard buried her +delicious eggs. In the little side streams he may catch a few frogs and +go on his way rejoicing.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Ta-líng-a bá-tang</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>Líg-bus, sa-gíng-sá-ging</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Ó-bud</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Pá-san</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Da-búng</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>Pá-ko'</i> (<i>Asplenium esculentum</i>)</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup><i>A-bá-tud</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup><i>Gí-bang</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Ibíd</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup>These are a variety of insect called <i>dá-li</i>, of a +whitish color about 2 centimeters long, and having two threadlike +appendages extending from the posterior part. They are eaten raw, +usually with vinegar and salt. This insect is said to be, probably, one +of the Neuroptera or Pseudoneuroptera.</p> + +<p>With these random finds, with wild boar and deer that come from an +occasional chase, with such salted and dried fish, including jerked +crocodile, as he may purchase directly or indirectly from Bisáya traders +or from Christianized Manóbos, and with a casual pig or fowl killed on +ceremonial or festival occasions, he manages to keep his family fairly +well supplied with an accompaniment for the mess of rice or other staple +food.</p> + +<p>Salt, the native red pepper,<sup>25</sup> and at times ginger +constitute a very important part of the meal, if they are obtainable. +The first mentioned article is far from being abundant, especially in +certain localities, such as the Baóbo River and the upper parts of the +Ihawán, Umaíam, and Bahaían Rivers. In such places as these the writer +found such an intense craving for it that it was eaten ravenously and +declared to be "sweet."</p> + +<p>There is such an inordinate desire for salt, especially the rock salt +made out of salt water and ash lye, that the Manóbo will submit +sometimes to tyranny and to the most exorbitant rates in order to obtain +it. This craving for salt will explain the general preference that is +felt for salted food as against fresh meat. The small salted fish, +peddled in such quantities by Bisáya traders, are prized above the +choicest pieces of venison and jerked crocodile, presumably for the salt +that they contain. It may be wondered why the Manóbo does not salt his +own meat and fish, but this is explained by the fact that such an +operation is strictly tabooed.</p> + +<p>Red pepper is a <i>sine qua non</i>. It is eaten much as we eat salt, +and is said to impart courage. In the regions near the Mandáyas it is +put up in a special form,<sup>26</sup> this being nothing more than the +dried pepper pounded, mixed with salt, and preserved in bamboo joints in +a dry place, usually in the smoke above the hearth. In this condition it +acquires an extraordinary strength that makes the plain red pepper taste +mild. This is explained, perhaps, by the fact that in the pounding the +seeds of the pepper are triturated.</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup><i>Ka-tum-bä</i> (<i>Capsicum</i> sp.).</p> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>Dú-mang</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="285"></a> +<h4>THE PREPARATION AND COOKING OF FOOD</h4> + +<a name="2851"></a> +<h5>PREPARING THE FOOD</h5> +</center> + +<p>The remote preparation consists in getting a supply of sweet potatoes +or rice from the farm. This may be a mile or more from the house, so +that once a day at least the women, with baskets on their heads and +paddles in their hands, if they live on navigable water, leave for the +farm. In localities where an ambush is a possible contingency, a few men +with lance and shield, and hunting dogs accompany the women as a guard, +for the <i>camote</i> field is a favorite spot for the enemy to wreak +his vengeance, according to the recognized laws of Manóboland. The women +and girls dig up the <i>camotes</i> with a bolo or with a small pointed +stick, and get a little rice from the granary.<sup>27</sup> After +performing any necessary work such as weeding and planting, they return +and prepare the meal, the men taking no part except to clean and quarter +the game or other meat that may have been selected for it.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tam-bó-bung</i>.</p> + +<p>The preparation of pigs and fowls is such a frequent occurrence in +Manóboland, as also among Bisáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Mandáyas +of the Agúsan Valley, that it merits a detailed description.</p> + +<p>In preparing a pig, wild boar, or deer, a rough support, consisting +of four vertical pieces of wood and a few horizontal parallel pieces, is +erected outside the house, if the weather permits. A fire is built +beneath the frame and the whole animal, minus the entrails, is laid upon +it. Two men or more then set to work with pieces of wood, sharpened +lengthwise, and scrape off the hair as fast as it becomes well singed. +The operation lasts only about 15 minutes in the case of a large animal. +When the hair has been removed the carcass is given a washing more or +less thorough, according to the amount of water conveniently available, +and the quartering begins.</p> + +<p>The game is laid upon leaves; the four legs are removed in order; the +head is chopped off; the ribs and remaining parts are hacked crossbone. +During this operation the family dogs usually cause an infinite amount +of trouble by their incessant attempts to secure a piece of the meat.</p> + +<p>If the meat is for distribution, as it always is, except on occasions +of festivity or of sacrifice, it is scrupulously divided at this moment. +If it is for a feast, it is hacked up into small pieces and loaded into +earthen pots, iron pans, and bamboo joints. The dogs are then allowed to +lick the blood-stained leaves and to clean the floor.</p> + +<p>The preparation of a domestic fowl is also left to the men and +deserves a few words. When the fowl is not killed sacrificially, it is +burnt to death. Catching the chicken firmly by the feet and wings with +one hand and by the head and neck with the other, the owner singes it +over the fire till it shows no more signs of life. It may be thought +that this is a cruel way of killing an animal, for it kicks and twists +and flutters unless firmly held, but the Manóbo is not allowed by his +tribal institutions to kill the fowl as other peoples do. To cut off the +head is strictly tabooed, a cruel and unbecoming procedure, for there is +no one "to revenge the deed," he will tell you. So he chokes and +burns it to death. All signs of life being extinct, he pulls out a few +of the tail and wing feathers. I can give no reason for this procedure, +but as the custom is so universal, I think it has a peculiar +significance of its own.</p> + +<p>As the singeing proceeds, the feather ends are plucked out and a. +cursory washing given the fowl. The entrails, even the intestines with +the exception of the gall bladder, are removed and utilized. Finally the +head, the ends of the wings, and the lower parts of the legs are cut +off, and ordinarily are given to the children who have been anxiously +awaiting such delicacies.</p> + +<p>The pounding and winnowing of the rice is such a common and important +operation in the whole of eastern Mindanáo that it deserves special +mention.</p> + +<p>As the rice used by the mountain Manóbos is exclusively of their own +harvesting, it must be hulled, a process that is performed just before +every meal wherein it is used. The implements are a wooden mortar and a +few heavy wooden pestles. The mortar is a piece of wood of varying +dimensions, in the center of which is hollowed out, by burning and +cutting, a conical hole, whose depth averages 24 centimeters in height +and whose diameter is about 20 centimeters. One sees from time to time a +mortar with two holes, or one on which there is evidence of an attempt +at artistic effect by means of primitive carving, but, in the main, the +mortar is a rough-hewn log with a conical hole in it and with the upper +surface so cut that the paddy or rice will have a tendency to fall back +into the hole.</p> + +<p>The pestle is a pole, preferably and usually of heavy hardwood, about +1.5 meters long and 20 centimeters in circumference. It is a marked +exception to find pestles decorated in any way. On the Umaíam River I +saw one the end of which had been carved in open fretwork with a round +loose piece of wood within the fretwork, a device that was as useful as +it was ornamental, for the wooden ball by its rattling within the +fretwork cage served to animate the holder and her companions to +vigorous and constant strokes.</p> + +<p>The following is the process of hulling: The mortar is more than half +filled with unhulled rice. One or more women or girls grasp the pestles +in the middle with one hand. One begins by driving down her pestle with +force upon the paddy. Then another, and still another, if there be +three. It stands to reason that, since the hole in the mortar is small, +the most exact time must be kept, otherwise the pestles would interfere +with one another. The sound made by the falling pestles often resembles +that general but strange beat so prevalent in Manóbo drum rhythm. A +visitor who has once seen three Manóbo women dressed in gala attire, +with coils of beads and necklets, ply their pestles in response to the +animated tattoo on the drum will never forget the scene. The pestles are +tossed from one hand to the other to afford an instant's rest. They bob +up and down with indescribable rapidity and in perfect rhythm as if they +were being plied on some imaginary drum.</p> + +<p>In a few minutes, from 5 to 15, the hull is shattered from the rice +and one of the women bends down and with her hands removes the contents +of the mortar to the winnowing tray. After winnowing, they repeat the +process till all the husk has been separated from the grain. They then +pound a new supply until there is enough rice for the purpose in view. +The husk has been shattered from the grain as perfectly, though not as +quickly, as if it had been done by a machine.</p> + +<p>The winnowing tray is a round shallow tray, 40 centimeters in +diameter and usually of plaited rattan strips with a rim of thicker +rattan. It is held in both hands and by a series of shuffling motions, +which are better seen than described, accompained[sic] by a peculiar +movement of the thumb of the left hand, the chaff and the little broken +fragments of rice are thrown off into another receptacle for the family +pigs.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2852"></a> +<h5>COOKING THE FOOD</h5> +</center> + +<p>Rice is not usually washed before cooking. It is put into a homemade +earthen pot,<sup>28</sup> which is often lined with sugarcane leaves, +not only to prevent the rice from burning, but to impart to it a finer +flavor. It is covered with water, the rice being about 5 centimeters +below the surface of the water. The pot is set on a hot fire until the +water evaporates to the level of the surface of the rice, whereupon the +greater part of the fire is removed and the rice is allowed to steam +dry. These remarks also apply to the cooking of a variety of +millet,<sup>29</sup> which is sown sparingly with the rice.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup><i>Kó-don</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup><i>Daú-wa</i>.</p> + +<p>Another method of cooking rice, especially when on the trail, is in +green bamboo. Joints of green bamboo are filled with rice and water, or +rice is wrapped in rattan leaves and then packages are put into the +water. Rice cooked in this latter way will keep for three days.</p> + +<p>There are two orthodox methods of cooking fish and meat and no other +is admissible, under penalty of infringing a very important taboo. One +method consists of boiling them in water, with a little seasoning of red +pepper, ginger, and possibly lemon grass and one or two other +ingredients. The second method consists of broiling the pieces of meat +and fish in or over the fire. Meat and fish already cooked are thrown +into the fire in order to heat them. The fact that they may be burnt and +covered with ashes does not detract from the flavor. The most usual +method of broiling, however, is to put the meat on skewers of wood or +bamboo a few inches above the fire.</p> + +<p>When large game has been secured at such a distance from the house +that it must be cooked in the forest, it is cut into quarters, and +broiled over a heaping fire. This is the invariable method of cooking +the heads even of domestic pigs. Chicken heads, legs, and wing ends are +invariably broiled, while the intestines are wrapped up in leaves and +cooked better than might be supposed, though the flavor, to my taste, is +not the most delicate. They seem, however, to be a choice morsel to the +majority of my Manóbo friends. Monkeys, frogs, and the forest carrion +lizard are always broiled.</p> + +<p><i>Camotes</i> and taro are usually cooked unpeeled in the common +earthen pot. About a half a liter of water is used in an ordinary pot, +so that the process is practically one of steaming. If the pot has no +cover, or if the imported pan be used, leaves are employed to confine +the heat.</p> + +<p>A favorite dish of the Manóbo and an indispensable one of the Mandáya +is the famous <i>á-pai</i>.<sup>30</sup> This consists of taro tops +(stem and leaves) cut up fine and cooked with water, red pepper, mint, +semiwild tomatoes, and any other vegetable seasoning which may be on +hand. This makes a very palatable and wholesome dish.</p> + +<p><sup>30</sup>Mandáya, <i>ug-bús</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="286"></a> +<h4>FOOD RESTRICTIONS AND TABOOS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Certain birds such as the hornbill, wild chicken, varieties of wild +pigeons, and a few others, must not be divided and given to anyone else +before eating. They must be cooked by the broiling method <sup>31</sup> +and not in water. After cooking, these birds can not be partaken of by +anyone who is not a relative or a member of the household. Neither +should a part of a bird belonging to a stranger be accepted or partaken +of. The whole bird or nothing must be offered. An infringement of these +restrictions would lead, it is believed, to serious +results,<sup>32</sup> such as ill luck to the hunting dogs, tangling of +the snares, and other misfortunes.<sup>33</sup></p> + +<p><sup>31</sup><i>Dáng-dang</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>32</sup><i>Ma-ko-lí-hi</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>33</sup>In the upper Agúsan the partition of such small birds +would lead, I was told, to a dismemberment of the family.</p> + +<p>An unmarried man who has ever made indecent suggestions to a woman is +prohibited from eating wild-boar meat. The guilty one must free himself +from this restriction by making a small present to a priestess. A +violation of this taboo would be prejudicial to the success of the +hunting dogs.</p> + +<p>The use of lard in cooking is interdicted, but it may be eaten raw, +even when its smell is not the most wholesome.</p> + +<p>On a few occasions, I noticed that some individuals abstained from +rice or from chicken. I was unable to elicit any other reason for the +abstinence than the good pleasure of the persons concerned. As they +admitted that they had been accustomed to use these foods and would use +them again after certain periods, I suspect religious motives for the +abstinence.</p> + +<center> +<a name="287"></a> +<h4>MEALS</h4> + +<a name="2871"></a> +<h5>ORDINARY MEALS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Though it may be said that three meals a day are not the rule among +the Manóbos, yet they eat the equivalent of three or more, for between +pieces of sugarcane and munchings of wild fruit,<sup>34</sup> they keep +replenishing the inner man pretty constantly. They eat breakfast at +about 9 o'clock in the morning, dinner about 1 p. m., and supper at any +hour between 6 and 9 p. m.</p> + +<p><sup>34</sup>There are many wild fruits in the Agúsan Valley, the +most common of which are: The famous durian (<i>Durio zibethinus</i>), +the jackfruit, <i>lanka</i> (<i>Artocarpus integrifolia</i> l. f.), +<i>lanzones</i> (<i>Lansium domesticum</i> Jack.), <i>makópa</i> +(<i>Eugenia javanica</i> Lam.), <i>mámbug</i>, <i>támbis</i>, +<i>kandíis</i>, <i>kátom</i> (<i>Dillenia</i> sp.), and the fruit of the +rattan (<i>kápi</i>). Most of these are of a sour acid nature but for +this reason seem to be relished all the more.</p> + +<p>All being ready for the meal, the inmates of the house squat down +upon the floor, the husband with his wife and children apart, male +visitors and the unmarried portion of the house eating together. Slaves +eat when all have finished, and get what is left in the pots.</p> + +<p>Just before beginning to eat, the host and, in fact, everybody except +the women, tenders to visitors and others who have come in an invitation +to join in the meal and nobody will begin to eat till everybody else has +squatted down and is ready. Once the meal is begun, no one leaves, nor +is it good etiquette to call anyone from his meal.</p> + +<p>The hands are washed by pouring a little water upon them from a bowl, +tumbler, coconut shell, or piece of bamboo; the mouth is rinsed, the +water being ejected, frequently with force, through the interstices of +the floor. Then all begin to eat. It is the invariable rule for men to +eat with the left hand, and where others than relatives are present, to +wear a weapon of defense, the right hand resting upon it in anticipation +of a possible attack.</p> + +<p>The various articles of food have already been set on the floor in +the various receptacles heretofore described. Each one falls to with an +appetite that can hardly be described. One or more of the womenfolk keep +the wants of the diners supplied. The method of eating rice among the +mountain Manóbos differs from that prevalent among the Christian tribes. +A good-sized mass of rice is pressed together between the five fingers +of the left hand and pushed up into the palm where it is made into a +ball. Thence it is conveyed to the mouth. At intervals the rice (or +<i>camote</i>) is flavored with a little accompaniment of meat or fish, +and all is washed down with the soup of the meat or fish.</p> + +<p>The custom of sipping, with a sucking sound, the scalding soup from a +plate or bowl and of then passing it on to one's neighbor is almost +universal. Great predilection is shown for this soup, even though it be, +as happens in a great many instances, practically nothing but hot water. +In the upper Agúsan, the taro-top soup previously mentioned is the +ordinary soup and substitute for meat and fish.</p> + +<p>Another peculiar feature in eating is the method of cutting meat from +the bone. The carver, who is in a squatting position with his feet close +to the body, holds the bolo with the handle between the big first toe in +a vertical position, the back of it being toward him. He draws the meat +over the edge, thereby doing the carving in a quicker, more convenient, +and more effective manner than do a great many more civilized men.</p> + +<p>No one may retire from the meal without giving notice to his +neighbors. A violation of this custom constitutes a gross breach of +Manóbo etiquette. The reason for this custom is that the chances for a +sudden attack are thereby lessened.</p> + +<p>It is not polite to remain seated in the same place after a meal. If +the place can not be changed, it is necessary to rise and then sit down +again. I can give no explanation for the practice, unless it be a +precaution against treachery.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2872"></a> +<h5>FESTIVE MEALS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Festive meals are indulged in more especially on the occurrence of +the great religious and social celebrations that recur with such +frequency in the Manóbo world. The arrival of a visitor, or even an +unusual catch of fish, is also an occasion for such enjoyments. I have +had ample opportunities of witnessing them, because during a trading +expedition I was frequently honored with invitations, the reason for +which was, of course, to secure from me good bargains, or credit.</p> + +<p>Before the meal the house is a scene of indescribable animation. The +guests, together with the members of the household, rarely number less +than 20 and may reach 100 or more. The pig is cooked in bamboo joints, +earthern[sic] pots and iron pans, both in the host's house and, if +necessary, in neighboring houses. The same may be said of the rice and +<i>camotes</i>. If the host has enough drink, and if there is a little +meat or fish to serve as a lunch, he has the food brought out and orders +a part of the drink to be distributed to the guests according to their +importance. Joyous laughter and loud conversation, together with chewing +of tobacco and betel nut, fill up the interval before the meal.</p> + +<p>When all is ready, the available number of plates, bowls, glasses, +bark platters, and leaves are set out and the boiled meat is apportioned +in small pieces, with great exactitude as to size and quality, to the +several plates. The same thing is done for the broiled meat after it has +been hacked into suitable sizes. No one is forgotten, not even the +children of the guests, nor the slaves. The rice is then brought along +in bamboo joints, in pots, and even in baskets lined with leaves, and to +each person is assigned a heaping portion. When all has been impartially +and equally distributed, the guests are bidden to take their places on +the floor, each one at his appointed plate, for where visitors other +than relatives are present, no precaution is omitted to safeguard the +guests against trouble. Experience has proved that the festive board may +be tinged with blood before the end. This even distribution of the food +and the collocation of the guests often occupies the better part of an +hour. If these duties are not properly performed envious feelings and a +quarrel might ensue before the end of the meal. The guest of honor is +always given preference and the host may also especially favor others +whom he may have reason to honor but he always makes public the reason +for his partiality.</p> + +<p>All being seated the meal begins with a goodly quaff of homemade +brew. Then all begin to eat. As the feasters warm under the kindling +influence of the drink, they express their good will by giving material +tokens, each one to his friend or to one whose friendship he desires to +gain. These tokens consist of handfuls of meat--lean, fat, bone, +gristle, or anything--smeared with salt and pepper, and bestowed by one +friend into the mouth of another without any consideration of the +proportion existing between the size of the mouth and the size of the +gift. It is not good etiquette to refuse this gift or to remove it from +the mouth. This offering is followed probably by a bamboo jointful of +beverage which must be received in the same friendly spirit and is +gulped down with a mumbled expression corresponding to our "Here +goes." The recipient of these favors returns the courtesy in kind, +and so the meal goes on in mutual goodfellowship[sic] and congeniality +till the food has completely disappeared, for it is against the +conventionalities of Manóbodom to leave a scrap on the plate. Indeed the +Manóbo loves a good eater and drinker. It is an honor to gorge and a +glory to get drunk. Now it happens at times at a Manóbo banquet, as it +does in all drinking bouts the world over, that a quarrel ensues and +recourse is had to the ever present bolo to settle an argument that wild +shouts and frantic gestures can not decide. For this reason the Manóbo +eats with his left hand and rolls his eyes from side to side in constant +vigilance.</p> + +<p>These remarks do not apply to the women and children, who sit apart +in little groups of their own, and, while feasting one another in their +own gentle way, attend to the shouts for more food when they are heard +above the din of the revellers.</p> + +<p>During the course of a feast of this kind an observer is struck with +the hearty appetite exhibited by these primitive people. Man vies with +man in holding out. Friend honors friend with plenteous bestowals of +food and drink and the host strives to induce his guests to eat to their +utmost capacity. Rarely does one see a Manóbo troubled with nausea but, +if he is, he returns later to the feast, to finish his appointed +portion. I have seen this happen on occasions.</p> + +<center> +<a name="29"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER IX</h3> +<h3>NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS</h3> + +<a name="291"></a> +<h4>DRINKS USED BY THE MANÓBOS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Intoxicating drinks are of four kinds: Sugar-palm wine,<sup>1</sup> +<i>bá-hi</i> toddy,<sup>2</sup> sugarcane brew,<sup>3</sup> and +mead.<sup>4</sup></p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Tuba</i> or <i>sai-yan</i> or <i>san</i>, the sap of +the <i>hi-di-up</i> (<i>Arenga saccharifera</i>) commonly known in the +Philippines as <i>cabo negro</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>The fishtail palm (<i>Caryota</i> sp.). The extracted sap +is called <i>túng-gang</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ín-tus</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Bá-is</i> or <i>bi-aí-lis</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2911"></a> +<h5>SUGAR-PALM WINE</h5> +</center> + +<p>Sugar-palm wine is obtained by tapping the fruit stem of the cabo +negro palm. The process is very simple. At the time of efflorescence the +spadix is cut off and the pithy stem is tapped. This operation lasts +from 15 to 30 minutes each day and is continued for from 7 to 14 days. +After the tapping the stem must be bent into a downward position. This +is effected by inclining it downward every day, a piece of rattan or +vine being used to retain it in position. The gentlest of force must be +used in this operation, as a forcible strain will prevent the sap from +flowing. Once the sap begins to flow from the stem, it is caught in a +bamboo receptacle, the mouth of which must be carefully covered to +prevent the entrance of the myriads of insects that are attracted by the +odor and sweetness of the liquid. Day after day the end of the stem must +be pared as otherwise the sap would cease to exude. A tree will produce +daily anywhere from 10 to 30 liters according to the fertility of the +soil and the humidity of the atmosphere. The humidity determines the +duration of time that the tree produces toddy. This time varies from one +to three months.</p> + +<p>The sap has the color and transparency of water to which a little +milk has been added. When fresh, it is a sweet, refreshing laxative, but +the fermentation is so rapid that after a few hours it acquires the +inebriating qualities of ordinary coconut toddy. In order to promote +fermentation and to eliminate the laxative quality of the sap, the +bark<sup>5</sup> of a tree is added. On the third day acetification +begins to take place, unless a handful of the ordinary native red pepper +is thrown into the beverage, in which case the further fermentation is +withheld for a period of about four more days.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Called <i>la-gúd</i>.</p> + +<p>The palm from which this sap is obtained is found in great abundance +on the eastern<sup>6</sup> side of the lower and middle Agúsan Valley +and is universally tapped in this region. On the western side, however, +it is not found with such frequency. The Manóbo is therefore obliged to +seek other means of satisfying the craving which he, like a good many of +his fellowmen the world over, feels for a stimulant.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>In the vicinity of Tudela, Simúlau River, there are +groves of sugar-palm. I estimated that they contained 5,000 trees.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2912"></a> +<h5>BÁHI TODDY</h5> +</center> + +<p><i>Túng-gang</i> is the sap of the <i>báhi</i> palm. The method of +extraction is identical with that of the sugar-palm wine. It is neither +as pleasant nor as strong as the previously described drink, but it is +not by any manner of means unwholesome. It is employed as a beverage +only when no other is obtainable. I have been reliably informed that +sometimes the tree is cut down as a preliminary to the extraction of the +sap. Incisions are made in the trunk for the purpose of permitting the +flow of the sap.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2913"></a> +<h5>SUGARCANE BREW</h5> +</center> + +<p><i>In-tus</i> is a beverage made out of the juice of the sugarcane. +It is the most common and the most popular drink, so much so that it is +deemed worthy of being presented to the spirits on sacrificial and other +occasions.</p> + +<a name="29131"></a> +<p><i>Extraction of the juice</i>.--The sugarcane is first peeled and +then crushed, stalk by stalk, or piece by piece, under the li-gi-san. +This is a very primitive mill, consisting of a round, smooth, heavy log +usually of <i>palma brava</i><sup>7</sup> or of the fishtail palm, set +horizontally about 1 meter above the ground on two crude frames. It is +provided with a vertical handle, by means of which it can be rolled from +side to side over a fiat piece of wood. The cane is introduced gradually +between this latter piece and the log, which is kept in constant motion. +As soon as the whole or a part of a piece of cane has been crushed, it +is doubled up into a mass about 30 centimeters long and is again +crushed. By this method about 20 liters of juice are obtained in a +day.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>An-a-hau</i> (<i>Livistona</i> sp.).</p> + +<a name="29132"></a> +<p><i>Boiling</i>.--The iron cooking pan described in a previous chapter +is preferred for preparing the drink, unless an empty kerosene can has +been secured. In the absence of both, the ordinary pot answers the +purpose. In the center of the cooking utensil is placed a small cylinder +made of slats of bamboo to serve for gaging the amount of evaporation. +The boiling vessel is filled with small slices of the root of a +gingerlike plant<sup>8</sup> and sugarcane juice is added to fill the +interstices.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Lan-kwas</i> (<i>Cordeline terminalis</i> Willd.).</p> + +<p>The amount of boiling determines the quality of the resulting liquor. +If the sap is boiled down only one-fourth, the drink produced is of a +sweetish taste and of a whitish appearance and, in my estimation, is not +palatable. The more the sap is evaporated, the more it mellows and +browns. The Manóbos of the upper Agúsan make a better drink than those +of the lake region for the reason that they evaporate the juice +one-half, while those of the latter-mentioned district only give it a +cursory boiling. It is usual to employ a little gaging rod of bamboo for +measuring the amount of evaporation, this being done by inserting it +into the bamboo cylinder in the center of the pot, but an old hand at +brewing can gage by the smell.</p> + +<a name="29133"></a> +<p><i>Fermentation</i>.--After cooking, the decoction is unfit for +immediate use. It must be left to undergo fermentation for at least +three whole days. Five days are sufficient to render it fairly +drinkable. The longer the period of fermentation, the liner the quality +of the resulting liquor, <i>ceteris paribus</i>. When well-cooked brew +has been kept for a few months, it assumes a translucid amber color, +smells and tastes strongly of rum, and is highly intoxicating. The +liquor during fermentation must be kept in closed jars or earthen pots +in a cool moist place. If kept in bamboo joints, it will spoil.</p> + +<p>In general, the drink is more intoxicating than coconut toddy, but it +is wholesome, and its use is not attended by the after effects that are +the result of overindulgence in certain other alcoholic drinks like +<i>vino</i>. In this connection it may be well to remark that I have +never observed a case of delirium tremens nor of any of the other +serious consequences that in other parts of the world frequently afflict +the habitual drinker. The only ill effects I have seen are the +proverbial headache and thirst, but even these are very rare and usually +occur only after periods of long and uninterrupted indulgence. As a rule +such effects are at once dispelled by taking hot taro-top soup or by +munching sugarcane.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2914"></a> +<h5>MEAD</h5> +</center> + +<p>This is probably the finest beverage produced in Manóboland, but as +the honey season is short and as the honey is consumed, both in the +forest after taking the nest and in the house by the members of the +family, the drink is scarce.</p> + +<p>The preparation of the drink is identical with that of sugarcane +brew. The same ferment is used, the same method of cooking is employed, +and in general the same remarks apply, with the exception that in place +of the sugarcane juice, honey and water are used. The honey is mixed +with water in varying proportions. It is the proportion of water to +honey that determines the strength, quality, and flavor of the final +drink, A mixture of half and half is said to yield the best beverage. If +fermentation is allowed to continue for a few months, the resulting +liquor is of a clear crystalline color, and will compare both in flavor +and strength with those more up to date.</p> + +<center> +<a name="292"></a> +<h4>DRINKING</h4> + +<a name="2921"></a> +<h5>GENERAL REMARKS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Though the Manóbos invariably drink during religious feasts, yet +neither during the feast itself, nor in the preparation of the toddy, +have I ever observed any religious ceremony nor were any magic or other +preternatural means employed. It is true that when the crushing +appliance<sup>9</sup> is set up, the fowl-waving ceremony, followed by +the blood unction, is performed. I witnessed this ceremony myself in +several parts of the Agúsan River Valley. But such ceremonies are +customary on the erection of houses, smithies, and so forth, and bear no +relation to the actual production of the drink.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Li-gi-san</i>.</p> + +<p>During religious ceremonies a bowlful of the brew is set out with the +usual viands, such as meat and rice, for the <i>di-u-a-ia</i>, +<i>tag-la-nu-a</i> (lords of the hills and the valleys), and for other +spirits, for they, too, like to be regaled with the good things of this +world.</p> + +<p>Drink is taken on the occurrence of all the great religious and +social feasts and upon the arrival of a distinguished friend or +visitor--also when it is desired to make a good bargain or to secure any +other end by convivial means. The acquisition of an unusual amount of +fish or of meat is a common occasion for the making of the brew and +gives rise to the following practice:</p> + +<center> +<a name="2922"></a> +<h5>THE SUMSÚM-AN</h5> +</center> + +<p>The <i>sumsúm-an</i>, i. e., the eating of meat or fish with an +accompaniment of drink, a universal practice throughout the Agúsan +Valley, the Salúg Valley, and the whole Mandáya country, is a thing that +appeals especially to the true Mandáya, Manóbo, and Mañgguáñgan. When a +man of one of these tribes has secured a good catch of fish, or has +trapped a wild boar, he procures a supply of beverage and meets his +guests at the appointed place, usually his little farmhouse. As soon as +all are assembled, the fish or the meat is broiled on sticks of wood +over the fire. When it is cooked, the women lay it out and it is slashed +into pieces, usually by the host, and apportioned with great precision +as to weight, quality, amount of bone, and quantity of inept. During +this operation, a few bamboo jointfuls of brew are brought from some +hiding place and a relative of the householder sits down with one under +his arm. Before him are set such articles as glasses and bowls, if +obtainable, or in lieu thereof, small pieces of bamboo joints, each +holding about a tumblerful, and not very different in shape from +handleless German steins. These bamboo cups admirably fulfill the +purpose. The distributor of the liquor slices a little strip from under +the mouth of his bamboo deposit to prevent loss of the liquor during +pouring, then he inserts two fingers into the mouth of the bamboo and +makes an opening through the leaves for the drink, but not so large as +to give free exit to such insects as may have found their way into the +liquid. He then fills up the vessels at hand, taking care to give to +each an equal amount.</p> + +<p>It is to be noted that it is an inviolable custom that the host +drinks first. This is because of the widespread belief in secret +poisons. After drinking the host passes the cup to those whom he wishes +to honor, unless they are already provided, and using some expression +corresponding to our English "Here goes," the guest or guests +quaff the brew. The bowls or other vessels are returned to the +distributor, and the process is repeated until all have had a drink.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2923"></a> +<h5>DRINKING DURING RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL FEASTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>During religious and social feasts the drinking customs are as above +described, except that the beverage is set out in sacred jars, when on +hand, and with such an array of bowls as the host may possess. One of +these feasts, notably the marriage feast, may be attended by as many as +200 persons and last from 3 to 7 days and nights, so that to hear of 20 +jars or 100 bamboo<sup>10</sup> jointfuls of sugarcane brew being +consumed on the occasion of a great festival is not strange.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Sugúng</i>.</p> + +<p>The amount of drink used, both individually and collectively during +one of the feasts, gives one an idea of the great capacity which these +primitive peoples enjoy. The average white man in my opinion would be +deliriously drunk before the Mandáya or Manóbo would be feeling merry. +It is not according to tribal customs to refuse food and drink as long +as the host has them to set before his guest. On a few occasions I have +seen a tribesman rise, quietly empty the stomach, and calmly return to +the feast to finish his appointed portion and wash his hands and his +plate as an evidence of that fact.</p> + +<p>With regard to women and children, it may be said that they drink +little, not from any religious or moral principles, but simply because +they do not care to. The men, however, are inveterate drinkers. No +disgrace is attached to drunkenness. On the contrary to take the +allotted portion is considered a duty and a virtue.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2924"></a> +<h5>EVIL EFFECTS FROM DRINKING</h5> +</center> + +<p>It goes without saying that quarrels sometimes result from these +drinking bouts, though not oftener, I venture to say, than among more +highly cultured peoples in other parts of the world. The custom of +carrying weapons on all occasions where others than relatives are +present has a deterrent effect on quarreling, yet there are occasions +when daggers or bolos terminate an argument that wild shouts and frantic +gestures can not settle.</p> + +<p>With regard to the amount of drink consumed, I could as well venture +an approximation as to the number of stars in the firmament. This will +be readily understood when one is told, that according to the social +institutions of the Manóbos, it is considered no breach of manners to +ask a neighbor for any thing of his to which one may take a fancy. A +refusal on his part, unless couched in the most diplomatic terms, might +give rise to unneighborly feelings and prompt a reprisal in kind on some +other occasion. Hence drink is almost invariably kept deposited in the +grass outside of the settlement. When it is needed it is brought to the +appointed place secretly or at night, for were others than the invited +ones aware of the existence of drink in one's possession they, too, +would flock to the scene. In view of the secrecy maintained about the +possession of drink it is impossible to give an estimate of the amount +of liquor consumed in Manóboland. Suffice it to say that the Manóbo +drinks on every possible occasion and will travel many a mile to secure +a little of the flowing bowl.</p> + +<center> +<a name="293"></a> +<h4>TOBACCO PREPARATION AND USE</h4> +</center> + +<p>When the tobacco is ripe, it is gathered, cut fine with a sliver of +bamboo, and dried in the sun for a day or two. It is then frequently +pounded into bamboo internodes and laid away in a cool, dry place, often +in the rice granary, for fermentation. Before using the tobacco it is +customary to set it out in the grass for a night or two. This causes a +sweating and makes the tobacco fit for chewing.</p> + +<p>This is the only form in which tobacco is prepared among the mountain +Manóbos. The quantity of tobacco raised is insignificant, being a little +more than is sufficient for their personal use. As they dispose of a +great deal of it during harvest time, it not infrequently comes to pass +that there is a dearth long before the next crop.</p> + +<p>No harmful effects are attributed to the use of tobacco, though from +childhood to the grave it is made use of by men, women, and children.</p> + +<p>Only men and boys smoke. The pipe employed for this purpose is +commonly a little cone made out of a piece of imported tin or of a piece +of steel. The stem is a piece of small bamboo. One occasionally finds +wooden pipes, but they have probably been acquired from Christianized +Manóbos or from Bisáyas.</p> + +<p>The first-mentioned pipe holds about one thimbleful of tobacco. It is +usually lighted with a firebrand, unless it is used when the people are +on the trail; at such a time the flint, steel, and tinder are called +into requisition.</p> + +<p>There are two forms of tobacco chewing: First, the <i>bal-ut</i> +method. In this a mixture is made of minced tobacco, lime, the juice of +a vine,<sup>11</sup> and pot black. This combination, which in bulk may +be the size of a large marble, is carried between the upper lip and the +upper gums but resting upon the lower lip and projecting out of the +mouth, thereby keeping the lips apart. It is made use of principally for +its narcotic qualities, but at the same time it serves as an ornament +and tends to blacken the teeth. It is carried in the mouth until its +strength is exhausted. During meals it is placed behind the ear. When +tobacco is scarce, the same quid receives several additions of lime, pot +black, and vine juice, so that it may be used for a whole day. The women +are more accustomed than the men to the use of this <i>bal-ut</i>, for +the reason that the former do not smoke, and also because they usually +have hidden away a less limited supply of tobacco than the men. The +second method of using tobacco is known as the <i>la-gút</i>. This +consists of chewing a little pinch of tobacco in combination with betel +nut. Tobacco is seldom chewed alone.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Maú-mau</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="294"></a> +<h4>THE BETEL-NUT MASTICATORY</h4> + +<a name="2941"></a> +<h5>INGREDIENTS AND EFFECT OF THE QUID</h5> +</center> + +<p>The betel-nut quid is to the Manóbo more than the cigarette, cigar, +or pipe is to his more civilized fellow man. With him the use of it is a +universal, eternal habit. By day and by night, in the house and on the +trail, in health and in sickness, he turns for stimulation to the quid +of betel nut, betel leaf, and lime. A visitor comes to his house and the +first act of hospitality is the offering of the betel-nut quid. He meets +an acquaintance upon the trail, and he sits down and offers the soothing +chew. He is anxious that his omen be good and he lays a tribute of betel +nut upon the trail for the forest deity, and goes on, confident that his +desires will be fulfilled. And when he calls upon his gods, the first +and most essential offering must be the quid of betel nut, for the +fragrance of the nut and the redolence of the blossom are said to be the +chief delicacy of the spirits.</p> + +<p>The betel nut<sup>12</sup> is obtained from the palms found in the +forest. These palms were planted either by the Manóbos themselves or by +their ancestors. The nuts are found in scarcely sufficient quantity to +supply the demand. When they can not be obtained, other plants +<sup>13</sup> are used, but they are an inferior substitute. In taste +the betel nut is exceedingly astringent and can not be used except in +combination with the betel leaf and lime. As a rule the green and tender +nut is preferred by the mountain Manóbos, but the ripe nut seems to be +the choice of those who have come in contact with Christianized Manóbos +or with Bisáyas.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Areca betel</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Kan-ín-yag</i>, cinnamon, is one of the substitutes. +Also called <i>kanéla</i>.</p> + +<p>The betel leaf<sup>14</sup> is from a species of pepper, of which +there are innumerable species both domestic and wild. A domestic variety +is preferred but, since the supply is not always equal to the demand, as +in the case of the betel nut, the wild species afford a tolerable +substitute. The tender leaves are preferred as being less pungent. For +the same reason domestic species are used in preference to the wild +ones, these latter possessing a highly acrid taste.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Betel</i> sp.</p> + +<p>The lime is made from the shells of shellfish found in the rivers, +streams, and lakes. The shells are burnt in a very hot fire, usually of +bamboo strips, the fire being fanned continually. The shells are then +slaked with a sprinkling of water and the lime is ready for use.</p> + +<p>To prepare the quid, the betel nut, frequently stripped of its +fibrous rind, is cut into small slices. One slice is laid upon a piece +of betel leaf, and a little lime is shaken upon it from the lime tube. +The leaf is then wrapped around the nut and the lime, and the pellet is +ready for use. The amount of lime must be such that the saliva will turn +red, and depends upon the size of the betel nut and the betel leaf. An +excess of lime burns the integuments of the mouth and tongue, but this +is avoided by increasing immediately the amount of leaf. A little pinch +of tobacco, the stronger the better, completes the ordinary quid.</p> + +<p>There are sometimes added to this masticatory certain other aromatic +ingredients, such as cinnamon, lemon rind, and other things.</p> + +<p>The first and immediate effect of chewing this combination is to +promote salivation. Following this is the reddening of the saliva by the +chemical action of the lime upon the betel nut and the leaf. However, +the most important effect produced by the quid is the soothing sensation +that follows its use. In this respect it far exceeds tobacco chewing, +both in the Manóbos' opinion and in my own. The sensations which I +experienced on my first trials were a feeling of inflation of the head +and a transient sensation of weakness, accompanied by a cold sweat upon +the forehead. This was followed by a feeling of exhilaration and +quickened vitality. It may be said in general that betel-nut chewing +acts as an efficacious restorative, especially during a journey, and as +a harmless narcotic which it would be hard to replace. The addition of +tobacco intensifies this narcotic effect considerably, other additions +such as cinnamon serving only to soften the astringency and the piquancy +of the leaf and to impart an aroma to the quid.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2942"></a> +<h5>BETEL CHEWING ACCESSORIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo man carries on his back, in a little bag <sup>15</sup> of +<i>abaká</i> or other cloth, all the requisites for betel-nut chewing. +The woman deposits them in an open basket unless she is on a journey, in +which case she carries them in a little closed basket.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pú-yo</i>.</p> + +<p>The betel nut and the betel leaf are put into the bottom of the sack +for the purpose of concealment, for there is a continual clamor for one +or the other, and should it be known that a certain individual has a +supply, the Manóbos' social regulations would oblige him to part with it +upon request. Hence he keeps it out of view, and is always ready to +excuse himself, when asked for one or the other, on the ground that he +has no more.</p> + +<p>He keeps a few nuts and leaves for immediate use in a Moro brass +box,<sup>16</sup> if he is so fortunate as to possess one. Otherwise he +puts them in a cylindrical receptacle <sup>17</sup> usually made out of +a small bamboo internode, or in a little round receptacle <sup>18</sup> +of plaited rattan coated with the pulp of the seed of a +tree.<sup>19</sup> His tobacco for immediate use he keeps in another +similar receptacle, the main supply being hidden away in the bottom of +the knapsack.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Ta-bon-tábon</i> (<i>Parinarium mindanaense</i> +Perkins).</p> + +<p>The lime is invariably kept in a small internode <sup>20</sup> of +bamboo. This is open at one end and has a spherical plug of plaited +rattan inserted into the mouth for the purpose of preventing an excess +of lime from issuing. This spherical network resembles in miniature the +football seen so commonly throughout the Philippines. When it is desired +to add lime to the quid, the tube is taken in one hand and held in a +downward position with the thumb and little finger underneath it and the +other fingers above it. The first finger is then made to slide with +force from the middle finger down to the tube, thereby tapping out the +lime. This tapping motion is similar to that performed when winnowing +rice.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>Táng-tang</i>.</p> + +<p>The men use their bolos to cut up the betel nut, but the women have a +small knife <sup>21</sup> which also answers the purpose of a general +utility implement corresponding to our scissors.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup><i>Ba-di'</i> or <i>kam-pit</i>.</p> + +<p>When the chewer's teeth have deteriorated from age, the quid is +mashed in a small mortar made of hardwood, a piece of steel serving as a +pestle. In this way the betel nut and leaf are rendered sufficiently +soft for mastication.</p> + +<p>In conclusion, it may be said that though the habit seems a dirty +one, owing to the discoloration of the mouth and lips of the chewer and +to the ruby expectorations that tinge his surroundings, yet on the whole +it is a necessary and beneficial practice. From my observation and +experience, I believe that the habit eliminates toothache and other +disorders of the teeth. Christianized Manóbos and Bisáyas who have +relinquished the habit suffer from dental troubles, whereas the +inveterate chewer of the mountains is free from them. The Manóbo can not +endure the long and frequent hikes, nor carry the heavy loads that he +does, without this mild but efficacious restorative.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER X</h3> +<h3>MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE</h3> + +<a name="2A1"></a> +<h4>AGRICULTURE</h4> + +<a name="2A11"></a> +<h5>GENERAL REMARKS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Agriculture is in a very primitive condition. It is true that most of +the Christianized Manóbos living in the river settlements have a few +hundred <i>abaká</i> plants each, yet the care of them is left +practically to nature, their productivity depending upon the soil. But +the true mountaineer plants nothing except the bare necessities of +life--rice and <i>camotes</i>, some taro,<sup>1</sup> a little sugarcane +in season, a little patch of maize, and sometimes ginger and other +spices.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>In districts close to the Mandáya country the use of taro +is more common, but even in the upper Agúsan it is not a permanent crop. +The Mandáyas subsist to a great extent on it whenever the soil is +adapted to its growth. Taro is the <i>Colocasia antiquorum</i>.</p> + +<p>His system of agriculture is in perfect adaptation to his social and +political institutions. Living as he does in a state of eternal +vigilance, and knowing that the first death in the house or an unlucky +combination of omens or the menaces of his enemies may drive him from +his home and from his farm, he is content with a small clearing. He +builds no embankments, no irrigation ditches, no terraces. He has no +plows, nor draft animals. He selects a patch of the virgin forest every +year, and with the bolo and rude axe, clears and cultivates the land. +For a permanent crop he keeps his <i>camote</i> patch, on which he may +plant a few bananas and also invariably a sprinkling of sugarcane. +Scattered around this small farm may be found some native tomatoes, more +often planted by the birds than by the hand of man, a few ginger and +other plants that serve to season the food. A betel-nut palm is planted +occasionally, and some betel leaf, but with these exceptions no trees, +not even those whose fruit is dearly relished, are planted.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A12"></a> +<h5>THE TIME AND PLACE FOR PLANTING RICE</h5> +</center> + +<p>The time for planting is at hand when the voice of the bird +<i>kuaháu</i> first breaks from the forest and the leaves of +<i>lanípau</i> tree begin to fall.<sup>2</sup> Then the farmer hies to +the woods to select the site for the rice field, calling upon the omen +bird to direct him in his choice. Of course he is governed in his +selection by reasons of proximity to water, safety from floods, distance +from the settlement, etc., but the omen bird's cry must be favorable. +Having decided on the location he makes an offering of betel nut to the +<i>tagbánua</i> and to such other spirits as may dwell in the +neighborhood. This act of homage is performed in order to make friends +with these forest lords so that they may not be displeased on account of +the usurpation of a part of their domain. Then he selects a spot for the +house and clears it, if he has time, but if not, he cuts down a few +small trees as a public notice of his proprietorship. Special attention +is here called to the fact that the spot selected must be one of virgin +forest. The Manóbo never plants his rice in the same place during two +successive years, because it would not yield a plentiful harvest.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>Certain trees, such as the <i>ná-to'</i> and the +<i>ba-ró-bo'</i>, begin to fruit at this season, and are also signs of +the approach of the rice-planting season.</p> + +<p>The following day, or when all is ready, he and his household begin +the work by erecting a small shack sufficiently large to accommodate +them. In the middle of the farm<sup>3</sup> is erected a small platform +for the seed and, near the house, the usual offering house<sup>4</sup> +and other sacrificial perquisites. Then he is ready to perform the +rice-planting sacrifice.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>U-ma'</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A13"></a> +<h5>THE SOWING CEREMONY<sup>5</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>5</sup>The <i>täp-hag</i> sacrifice.</p> + +<p>Täphágan is a female <i>diuata</i> under whose special +superintendence are placed the rice crop and all that pertains to it. +She is thought to guard the crop against man and beast, even revealing, +it is said, to her chosen ones the names of all trespassers. In return +for this she must be frequently feasted from the beginning of the rice +season up to the harvest, for at that time her duties cease, and she +yields the field to Hakiádan.</p> + +<p>The officiant in the rice-planting ceremonies is either one or more +family priests. The victim is either a pig or a fowl, sacrificed in a +special manner. The invocations consist of the same interminable +supplications, promises, and repetitions that are characteristic of all +Manóbo prayers. One variation is observed during this ceremony. The +fowl, on being killed, is thrown on the ground and left to flutter +around, thereby, it is thought, removing from the soil with its blood +such evils as might harm the rice or lessen its production. If a pig, +however, has been killed the blood lustration is performed in the +ordinary way by smearing a near-by log, the priest bidding the +evil<sup>6</sup> of the earth begone. I have often been told that a +special ceremony is necessary at the time of rice planting. This +ceremony is called <i>hú-gad to sá-ya</i> or <i>hú-gad to sä</i> which +means "to cleanse the sin." I am inclined to think that this +rite is a purificatory one, as the name of it indicates. I suppose that +it is a secret expiation of such transgressions as might be punished by +a failure of the future crop.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ka-dú-ut</i>.</p> + +<p>As in all undertakings of import, the entrails of the victim are +carefully observed. Other forms of divination, especially the egg omen, +are employed to determine whether the supernal powers approve the site +or not.</p> + +<p>Among the offerings to Täphágan is a handful of unhulled rice taken +from the last harvesting and now set out in the religious shed. It is +customary during this feast to give a little rice to such animals and +insects as are liable to harm the crop later on. Among these may be +mentioned rats, ricebirds, crows, parrakeets[sic],<sup>7</sup> and ants. +A little rice is set out on a log for them and they are bidden welcome, +and requested not to commit any future depredations. Nor are the omen +birds, prophets of plentiful crops, and the <i>kuaháu</i>, harbinger and +companion of the rice crop, forgotten.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Abúkai</i>.</p> + +<p>During the growth of the rice the above practices are observed from +time to time. No special rule is observed, but it may be said, in +general, that the occurrence of ill omens, or the suspicion of danger, +urge the owner of the crop to feast Täphágan and thereby obtain immunity +from evil. The priest is the best judge as to the necessity of such +things.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A14"></a> +<h5>THE CLEARING OF THE LAND</h5> +</center> + +<p>The omens being favorable, the farmer, assisted by his relatives and +friends, begins the clearing without delay. It is essential that at +least a little work be done in order to clinch the bargain with the +powers above, for should a delay occur the omens might go awry and +necessitate a repetition of the ceremonies and even an abandonment of +the farm. I heard of several cases where prospective farms were +abandoned under these circumstances.</p> + +<p>The clearing, like all other agricultural operations, is done on the +mutual-help system,<sup>8</sup> that is, the farmer's relatives and +friends unite to help him clear the land, which favor he and his family +is expected to return in kind.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Pag-a-bai-yús-an</i>.</p> + +<p>The average clearing does not comprise more than a few acres, and is +completed ordinarily in from two to five days. The first step +<sup>9</sup> in the clearing process consists in cutting down the +underbrush and small trees. In this the men are assisted by the women +and children who gather these into heaps for burning. This may take only +a few days, if no inauspicious omens occur, but, according to my +observation, it is seldom that some omen or other does not interfere +with the work. Thus a dead animal, such as a wild boar, or snake, found +on the farm makes blood lustrations necessary. The rumbling of thunder +means a temporary discontinuance of the work, and often a purificatory +ceremony, of which I can give no details, becomes necessary and delays +the work.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>Called <i>gás</i> or <i>gái-as</i>.</p> + +<p>The next operation consists in the felling of trees.<sup>10</sup> For +this purpose, scaffolds, usually of bamboo, are erected around the tree +at a height several feet above the buttresses of the tree or at such a +point as is considered expedient. Trees are cut down high above the base +because the wood at the bottom of the tree is usually exceedingly tough. +Standing on his perch at a distance of about 8 feet from the ground, the +feller plies his native axe<sup>11</sup> until the tree yields and +crashes down in its fall such of its fellows as may stand in its way. It +may be observed here that the Manóbo as a rule is an expert at tree +felling and takes great pleasure in it. Practically all the felling and +clearing of Bisáya land in the Agúsan Valley is done by Manóbos of +Christian or of pagan persuasion and at a merely nominal cost.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Gú-ba</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Hu-wá-siu</i>.</p> + +<p>After the trees have been cut down, all branches and parts of the +tree that would be too much of an obstruction in the farm are +cut<sup>12</sup> and mounted into heaps for future burning.<sup>13</sup> +This burning, of course, can not take place till after the hot +weather,<sup>14</sup> which comes at this period and lasts about a +month. Unless the clearing was exceptionally free from heavy timber, the +ground remains encumbered with the larger trunks and branches, even +after the burning, but this is no impediment, for the rice and +<i>camotes</i> can be planted between the stumps.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Gú-ang</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Sáng-ag</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Gu-yá-bang</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A15"></a> +<h5>THE SOWING OF THE RICE AND ITS CULTURE</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is essential that the sowing take place between the time of the +burning and the next full moon. But the exact date varies according to +the locality. Thus, in Umaíam district, the time for sowing is said to +be the ninth day after the first waning moon that follows that spell of +hot weather, known as <i>guyábang</i>, whereas in the upper Agúsan 12 +nights are counted from the first new moon after the <i>guyábang</i> and +the sowing takes place the following day. It is thought that this +procedure will insure a plentiful crop.</p> + +<p>The method of sowing is simple. The owner of the farm takes a handful +of rice from the woven-grass<sup>15</sup> bag in the center of the +clearing and scatters it broadcast. Then the members of the family +complete the sowing. There seems to be a knack in so scattering the seed +that it may not cover the ground too closely. Once cast upon the +surface, the seed is covered<sup>16</sup> immediately so as to get it +under the ground and away from the ravages of vermin. This is done by +breaking the ground slightly with bolos.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Kam-bu-yaí</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>The process of covering the seed is called +<i>hi-la-bón</i>.</p> + +<p>As a protection against weeds, <i>camotes</i>, sugarcane, and even +maize are planted in places where the rice is not so close, and +especially where the weeds have sprung up. These latter must be removed +from time to time until the crop is sufficiently tall to shade the +ground. This and all subsequent work connected with the farm, except the +making of wild-boar traps and the caring for them, falls upon the women +and children.</p> + +<p>The growth of the rice is carefully observed, and the owner of the +farm must be ever ready to counteract evil indications and to feast +Täphágan upon their appearance. Thus finding a dead animal, such as a +large bird, lizard, or monkey, is considered of ill import and +lustration of blood must be resorted to. Again the appearance of certain +birds in the vicinity of the farm is looked upon as of evil omen, and it +becomes necessary to drive away the impending evil by proper ceremonial +means.</p> + +<p>Drought, though an uncommon occurrence, is especially feared. I once +witnessed a peculiar method of rain making. It was performed under the +auspices of Täphágan and in the following manner: The rain +makers<sup>17</sup> each secured a frond of some palm tree and went to +the bank of the stream near by. Here they beat their fronds upon the +surface of the water until the leaves were torn. Then each one stuck his +frond upon the bank in a vertical position and went his way, certain +that rain would follow.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Mig-pa-áyao</i>.</p> + +<p>There are, on the other hand, divers good omens and indications of a +plenteous harvest. The swarming of bees on the farm is one of these. So +is the continuous cry of <i>kuaháu</i>. There are many other omens both +good and evil that render the growing season one of constant question +and answer between nature and primitive man. As the time for the harvest +approaches, means must be taken to protect the crop against its enemies. +Traps and light fences are the principal defense against wild boar. +Scarecrows, consisting of pieces of palm frond, tin cans, and other +things, are suspended from long rattan cords that diverge in all +directions from the watch house <sup>18</sup> in the center of the +field. The waving of these rattan strips, when manipulated by the young +person on watch, accompanied by loud yells, serve to frighten away the +ricebirds,<sup>19</sup> parrakeets[sic], and monkeys. A little offering +of rice is frequently made by way of gaining the good will and speedy +departure of the latter.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Ban-taí-an</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Máya</i>.</p> + +<p>A final feast, similar to that described in the preceding pages, is +given to Täphágan by way of thanksgiving, when the crop is nearly ripe +for the harvest, and she then passes out of the Manóbo's memory for +another year.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A16"></a> +<h5>THE RICE HARVEST</h5> +</center> + +<p>The harvest time is the merriest of all the year. It ends, in most +cases, the long period of abstinence from rice, and many times +terminates a period of actual hunger. It is the season for the +celebration of marriages, with their attendant festivals; for hunting +and for fishing, especially with poison. And yet it is fraught with +religious fear and safeguarded by severe taboos and other restrictions +that make it to some extent a season of mystery. In many places it is a +time of vigilance against the attacks of the enemy.</p> + +<p>The first thing that must be done when the rice is ripe enough to +harvest is to close all trails leading to the house and farm. No one may +now, under penalty of a fine, enter the precincts, nor may any one but +an inmate of the household be present, for otherwise the crop might +never come to maturity.<sup>20</sup> Should any one trespass upon the +farm, it is imperative that work be discontinued until the following +day. This gives a good opportunity to collect the fine imposed on the +trespasser. I did not care to violate this taboo, and for this reason +can offer only second-hand information as to what takes place from the +time of the closing of the trails till the harvest feast.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>Makadúya</i> is the term used to express the evil +that might befall the crop.</p> + +<p>The owner makes solemn invocation to the omen bird and, if the omens +are satisfactory, proceeds to cut some of the ripe heads of rice in the +center of the farm. These are then put into a grass bag prepared +especially for this purpose. This bag is said to have bezoar +stones<sup>21</sup> placed in it in order that the rice may not only not +diminish but may even increase in quantity. For the six following days +the women and children reap a little every day and deposit the rice in +the above receptacle.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup><i>Mút-ja</i> or <i>mút-da</i>.</p> + +<p>The rice thus harvested is carefully preserved as seed for the +following year, though a little of it may be employed for ceremonial +purposes during the sowing and harvesting celebrations. The new rice +must on no account be eaten before the harvest feast is ready, and it +must not be given away, for that would certainly result in a mysterious +decrease.<sup>22</sup> In fine, it has such a sacred character that it +must be pounded at night and never in the presence of anyone who is not +a member of the household, for should anyone visit the house at this +time the rice would be found to have much chaff<sup>23</sup> in it.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup><i>Ka-gu-yú-dun</i>, i. e., literally, that it would be +pulled away.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Á-pa</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A17"></a> +<h5>THE HARVEST FEAST</h5> +</center> + +<p>The harvest feast must take place before the real work of harvesting +begins. It usually occurs on the seventh day after the closing of the +trails, if everything is in readiness. The importance of this feast is +such that he who can not kill a pig for the occasion has no title to +aristocracy in the tribe. All being ready, the trails are opened and the +drum and gong boom out to announce to relatives and friends that they +are welcome to the feast of Hakiádan, the goddess of grain.</p> + +<p>The ceremony differs but little from that to Täphágan, as described +on previous pages. The invocation to Hakiádan is most elaborate, lasting +for several hours in the few instances which I witnessed. It is taken up +by one priest after another and every inducement is offered to Hakiádan +to prevent the rice from being stolen, or destroyed by their enemies, +carried away by floods, wet by rain, raided by rats and ants, or stolen +by Dágau, that fickle mischievous spirit whose pleasure seems to be to +bring hunger <sup>24</sup> to humankind. The dead, whose final +feast<sup>25</sup> has not yet been celebrated, are given a betel-nut +offering and requested most devoutly not to tamper with the rice. Even +the greedy parrakeets[sic], the gregarious ricebirds, and other enemies +of the rice have portions of the first fruits set out for them in little +leaf packages. Hakiádan is asked to instruct these creatures to behave +themselves during this delicate season.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup><i>Ma-ka-bun-tas-úi</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup><i>Ka-ta-pús-an</i>.</p> + +<p>The pig is killed in the ordinary way, and the feast ends with the +usual revels. When the farmer is unable to procure a pig, a chicken is +substituted, specious excuses being made for the failure to provide a +larger victim.</p> + +<p>After the celebration the women and children of the household, +assisted by such of their friends and relatives, women and children, as +have agreed to harvest the rice, begin the work in real earnest. Each +one starts out with her basket hanging upon her back, supported by the +string which passes over her head. In her hand she carries the +harvesting knife, which is a clamshell set at right angles in a palm's +length of rattan, or in lieu of the shell a similarly shaped piece of +tin. With this she snips off a ripe ear with a few inches of the stalk +and throws it into her basket, which now hangs from her shoulder. When +her basket is full she returns to the place where a larger +basket<sup>26</sup> has been set and deposits her load in it. Thus the +process goes on for the few days (three to five) necessary to harvest +the crop.</p> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>Diwítan</i>.</p> + +<p>The men in the meantime make the granary <sup>27</sup> somewhere in +the clearing, usually in the center. It is ordinarily a crude structure +consisting of four small posts, upon which rests a roof of rattan leaf +thatch. Intermediate between the roof and the ground is a floor either +of bamboo slats or of bark, upon which are set the cylindrical bark or +grass receptacles for the rice. Sometimes wooden disks or inverted cones +of bamboo slatwork are attached to the posts of the rice granary to +prevent the entrance of rats and mice.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tam-bó-bung</i>.</p> + +<p>The rice in the larger baskets is brought to the granary and in the +course of a few days is put on coarse mats of grass and threshed with +hands and feet. It is then spread out thinly on these same mats and +dried in the sun for one day. After it is dried it is cleaned of chaff +by being tossed into the air from the winnowing tray. It is then ready +for permanent deposit in the granary, to be disposed of later either by +sale or by home consumption.</p> + +<p>A field 1 hectare in area will yield, at a low estimate, 25 sacks, +but where the soil is particularly well adapted for rice culture, as it +is on the upper parts of nearly every river in the Agúsan Valley, 50 +sacks are not considered an extraordinary yield.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A18"></a> +<h5>THE CULTURE OF OTHER CROPS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The rice straw that stands upon the field is burnt down, and sweet +potatoes, some maize, a score or more of sugarcane plants, a patch of +taro, and sometimes a few banana plants are put in at intervals after +the harvest entertainments. The time selected for the planting of +sugarcane and bananas is around noon. It is thought that, if planted +then, they will grow taller and bigger than if planted at any other +hour. Taro and corn, on the contrary, must be planted during the morning +hours, probably for some reason analogous to the above. If the rumbling +of thunder is heard during the planting of these crops, it is an +intimation that the planting should be discontinued till the following +day, or, in case of urgency, till proper omens be taken to ascertain the +attitude of the powers above.</p> + +<p>Fruit trees of divers kinds are found scattered throughout the broad +expanse of forest that covers eastern Mindanáo, but they are not of +man's sowing nor does the Manóbo ever lay claim to them. He takes the +fruit, frequently branch and all, eats it, throws the seed away and goes +his way rejoicing.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A2"></a> +<h4>HUNTING</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbos are excellent hunters, keen, clever, determined, and +enduring, but by no means incessant. In fact, it is only under the +stress of hunger or when a few of them rally together that they start +off with hunting spears and dogs. Occasionally one meets a professional +who takes pride in the business, as may be observed by the trophies of +wild-boar tusks and jaws hung in his house.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A21"></a> +<h5>HUNTING WITH DOGS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The dogs used are of the usual type seen throughout the Philippines, +except that only the better and pluckier or luckier ones are chosen for +hunting. These are recognized by the size and relative position of the +nipples on the breast. It is said that from these and other marks the +fate of the dog can be foreseen. I was frequently instructed in these +signs, but found it impossible to master them for the simple reason that +no two experts seemed to agree. Thus in one case, where I consulted +those versed in this matter, they respectively informed me that a +certain dog would be mangled <sup>28</sup> by a wild boar, swallowed by +an alligator,<sup>29</sup> and devoured by a cobra, and advised me not +to purchase it. Good hunting dogs are often valued as highly as a human +life (30 pesos) and sometimes more so. I have seen dogs that seldom +returned without having run down a deer or wild boar.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup><i>Pan-ii-gón-on</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup><i>Si-bad-ón-on to bu-a-ja</i> (<i>budáa</i>).</p> + +<p>The ordinary Manóbo house has at least a few dogs, and these are +allowed the liberty of the house. They share the family mats, and +sometimes have a special ladder provided for their ascent and descent. +Their food at the best is somewhat scanty. They have names such as +"Diguim,"<sup>30</sup> "Sápas,"<sup>31</sup> and are +addressed by their masters with the greatest familiarity. A dog, +however, that howls in its sleep, is thought to forebode the death of +its master or of some inmate of the house. It must be sold, else the +owner or one of his family might die. Dogs are supposed to be messengers +of the blood spirits <sup>32</sup> and to be under the protection of the +god of hunting,<sup>33</sup> for whom the following ceremony must be +made by the hunter if he desires continued success in the chase and the +safety of his dogs from the perils thereof.</p> + +<p><sup>30</sup>"Black."</p> + +<p><sup>31</sup>"Cotton."</p> + +<p><sup>32</sup><i>Tagbú-sau</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>33</sup><i>Sugúdun</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A22"></a> +<h5>OFFERING TO SUGÚDUN, THE SPIRIT OF HUNTERS</h5> +</center> + +<p>A triangular tray of <i>bayug</i> or of <i>ilang-ilang</i> wood +decorated with palm fronds is made and suspended from the rafters of the +house. The owner of the dogs then calls upon Sugúdun, offers him a quid +of betel nut, and promises to kill a fowl if only he will be so kind as +to assist in getting a wild boar or a deer the following day. The fowl +must be a male and of a red color. This invocation occupies the better +part of an hour, and, when the hunter is satisfied that he has convinced +Sugúdun of the necessity and expediency of being propitious, he slays +the red fowl in his honor. The blood is caught in a sacred saucer +<sup>34</sup> and placed upon the oblation tray<sup>35</sup> for the +special entertainment of the hunting deity. In one case I saw the blood +anointment<sup>36</sup> made on the principal dog in order to remove +from him some evil influence that he was thought to possess. After the +fowl is cooked, a piece of the meat, a little cooked rice, and a few +eggs are put upon the sacrificial tray and left there.</p> + +<p><sup>34</sup><i>Apú-gan</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>35</sup><i>Su-gú-gan</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>36</sup><i>Lím-pas</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A23"></a> +<h5>THE HUNT</h5> +</center> + +<p>On one of the ensuing days, provided he has observed no ill omen, the +hunter starts off, usually with one or more companions, for the selected +hunting grounds. As the forests of the Agúsan Valley teem with wild boar +and deer, the hunters usually do not have to travel far before the dogs +get on the scent. This they announce by their continuous yelping. The +hunt then begins. The game strives to elude its pursuers by constantly +doubling on its path, so that the hunters do not have such a long run as +might be imagined. They never cease to encourage their dogs with a +peculiar monotonous cry that resembles a long-drawn <i>u</i> sound. The +dogs keep on the heels of their prey and worry and harass it with +repeated snaps and bites till it finally comes to bay with its back to a +tree. The hunters at once become aware of this by the change in the cry +of the dogs, and, accordingly, hasten their steps. Upon arriving at the +scene, they cautiously steal up behind the game and put it to death with +their spears.</p> + +<p>Accidents are uncommon during the hunt, but I have seen several in +which both men and dogs were mangled by some fierce wild boar that on +being wounded had proved a dangerous enemy.</p> + +<p>Where several hunters have participated in the hunt, the game is +divided in the forest according to the number of dogs engaged. If the +hunters are relatives of the same household, as generally happens, the +distribution is made after they reach home. The game is carried back by +one of the party, and, if there are other relatives in the settlement, +they, too, receive a share. Thus a wild boar or a deer is sufficient for +just about one meal.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A24"></a> +<h5>HUNTING TABOOS AND BELIEFS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The following taboos in connection with hunting are of interest:</p> + +<blockquote><p>(1) The mention of such things as are displeasing to the +local forest deities must be positively avoided, such as the mention of +salt, of fish that are not found in the region, and of the name of the +quarry.</p> + +<p>(2) The meat must not be cooked with lard, garlic, or in any other +way except in the orthodox Manóbo manner of broiling it, or cooking it +in water.</p> + +<p>(3) The meat must not be salted and dried.</p> + +<p>(4) The game must not be skinned, but singed, for the former act +would be one of rashness that would incur divine displeasure and result +in lack of success on the part of the dogs during all ensuing hunts.</p> + +<p>(5) The bones of the game must not be rapped on the floor to remove +the marrow. They must be broken with a bolo.</p> + +<p>(6) During the process of boiling the water in which the meat has +been placed must be allowed to run over.</p> + +<p>(7) The bones of the game must not be thrown into water. Such an act +would, it is thought, bring sickness on the transgressor or on a member +of his family.</p> + +<p>(8) An unmarried man, who has had clandestine relations with a woman, +may not partake of the meat before he has made an expiatory offering to +the owner of the dogs. This offering need not be of any great value and +is usually given in an informal way. The infringement of this taboo is +said to be attended with the same baneful effects on the hunting dogs as +that mentioned above.</p> + +<p>(9) For the same reason a married man must make a compensatory +offering of some little thing to his wife in case he has been unfaithful +to her. However, the majority of those whom I questioned knew of no such +counteracting practice.</p></blockquote> + +<p>A consideration of the above restrictions will explain the reluctance +that the Manóbo feels in dividing his game with those who are not of his +persuasion. He is afraid that the meat may be cooked in lard or that +some other regulation may be broken, thereby bringing down upon himself +the displeasure of the spirit owner of the game and upon his dogs ill +luck or total lack of success in future hunts.</p> + +<p>There are various traditional accounts of people who have been +charmed <sup>37</sup> by deer and never heard of again. It seems that, +at first, they were approached by a circling herd of deer, which they +did not fear and allowed to come close. But among the deer was a +transformed <i>búsau</i> or demon that advanced and devoured the +solitary hunter. It is said that a dog will not follow a deer of this +description.<sup>38</sup></p> + +<p><sup>37</sup><i>Pag-u-sa-hán</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>38</sup>Called <i>ma-paí-yag</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A25"></a> +<h5>OTHER METHODS OF OBTAINING GAME</h5> +</center> + +<p>The ordinary bow is used but the arrow frequently varies from the +regular fighting arrow in being heavier, thicker, and not provided with +feathering. An arrow with a forked point is occasionally used for small +birds, while for hornbills sharp spikes of <i>palma brava</i> are used +at times to perforate their tough skins. Dart arrows are favorite for +monkeys. The blowpipe (<i>sum-pí-tan</i>)<sup>39</sup> is not used. +Little game is obtained by the bow and arrow, except when the hunter +builds a shelter in a fruit tree and picks off, unseen, such birds as +come to feast themselves.</p> + +<p><sup>39</sup>I found a long slender blowpipe all over Mandáyaland +used for shooting birds, but it is not a very successful weapon, nor is +it used in fighting.</p> + +<p>"Birdlime," made out of the viscid sap of certain trees, is +occasionally used to capture small birds.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A3"></a> +<h4>TRAPPING</h4> + +<a name="2A31"></a> +<h5>TRAPPING CEREMONIES AND TABOOS</h5> +</center> + +<p>As on all occasions, the invocation to the turtledove, the +consultation of its cry, and the betel-nut offering to the forest +deities of the locality are performed at the outset by the prospective +trapper. The omission of the last ceremony might expose him to the +danger of being speared by his own trap.</p> + +<p>I observed in several districts the use of an ordinary toy +magnet,<sup>40</sup> as a charm <sup>41</sup> to insure success in +trapping, but I suspect that belief in the efficacy of the magnet was +inspired by some inventive trader who wanted to dispose of his magnets +with more dispatch and at a bigger gain. The use, however, of magic +herbs <sup>42</sup> is said to have been learned from the Mamánuas and +is resorted to in the eastern parts of the middle and lower Agúsan. I +was afforded no information either as to the names or the nature of the +herbs used. They are carried around the neck carefully concealed.</p> + +<p><sup>40</sup><i>Bá-to báni</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>41</sup><i>Súm-pa'</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>42</sup><i>Sin-lá-ub</i>.</p> + +<p>The male priests and the warrior priests invoke their respective +tutelaries before a trapping expedition and the +<i>manikiad</i><sup>43</sup> calls upon the emissary<sup>44</sup> of the +war deities. The trapper sets a sign +<sup>45</sup>near his house upon his departure. This consists of a bunch +of grass or twigs ti'ed to a stick, and is an intimation to passers-by +of his absence and of the reason for it. He then sets out for his +trapping grounds, but if on the route he meets anyone he must return to +the house at least temporarily,<sup>46</sup> for otherwise he would +catch nothing in the traps.</p> + +<p><sup>43</sup>A title conferred upon a man who has one or two deaths +to his credit. The number depends upon the locality.</p> + +<p><sup>44</sup>This class of spirits is called <i>pan-aí-yang</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>45</sup><i>Ba-li-úg</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>46</sup>Manóbos claim that the violation of this taboo would +bring about a condition that is expressed by the word +<i>ma-ka-dú-ya</i>; I can not state definitely what this condition is. I +never have had a satisfactory explanation.</p> + +<p>In his absence the following are a few of the taboos that must be +observed:</p> + +<p>(1) The trapper's wife must neither do work nor leave the house until +his return, or, in case of protracted absence, until sunset.</p> + +<p>(2) No one, not even a dog, may enter the trapper's home unless the +visitor leaves, or unless there is left for him 011 his departure, an +object of personal use, such as his bolo. This is intended as a deposit +and will be returned. The dog must be tied till sunset or a similar +deposit made for it.</p> + +<p>(3) The mention of the words pig and deer must be sedulously avoided, +and no one must refer to the purpose of the hunter unless it be in a +periphrastic way.</p> + +<p>I observed on several trapping expeditions in which I took part, that +the trapper built a little offering house <sup>47</sup> near his shelter +house, and at first was very regular in his offerings and prayers to the +spirit lord of the forest. His religious fervor, however, decreased in +direct proportion to the bountifulness with which heaven rewarded his +prayers. When he found game becoming scarce, he decided that probably +the local forest spirit was displeased, and tried his luck in other +parts.</p> + +<p><sup>47</sup><i>Baí-yui-baí-yui</i>, literally, a little house.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A32"></a> +<h5>THE BAMBOO SPEAR TRAP <sup>48</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>48</sup><i>Ba-tik</i>.</p> + +<p>A common method of trapping among the Manóbos, more especially +practiced during the rainy season, is by the use of the bamboo spear +trap that is in very common use throughout the Philippine Islands. +Without entering into details, it may be described as a trap in which a +spring of bent wood, upon being released, drives a bamboo spear that has +been attached to it into the side of a passing pig or deer. The whole +apparatus is laid horizontally about 1 foot above the ground, and is +carefully concealed. It is a simple contrivance, speedily and cheaply +made, and in the rainy season very successful. Accidents to human beings +from these traps are rare, due to the keen sight and forest instinct +with which the Manóbo is endowed. As the pig or deer passes along the +trail, it releases the spring and is speared in the side. It is seldom +that a wild boar dies on the spot or in the vicinity. It usually has to +be tracked for hours and sometimes is never found.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A33"></a> +<h5>OTHER VARIETIES OF TRAPS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Bamboo caltrops are sharp bamboo slats<sup>49</sup> between 2 and 3 +feet long set in the ground, usually at an angle of about 45° in places +where the wild boar have to make a descent. It is not a very successful +contrivance, as these animals are endowed with such extraordinary sight +and scent.</p> + +<p><sup>49</sup><i>Pa-dúg-pa</i>.</p> + +<p>The <i>pa-yu-pa-yu</i> trap consists of a set of bamboo slats as +described above, set on each side of a pig trail, and of a good-sized +log held in a slanting position by a trigger. When released by the boar, +the log falls down behind him, and, by the sudden noise, frightens him +and causes him to jump into the bamboo spikes.</p> + +<p>The pitfall<sup>50</sup> is little used. It consists of a hole large +enough for a wild boar or deer, carefully covered so as to deceive the +animal. The bottom bristles with sharp bamboo stakes.</p> + +<p><sup>50</sup><i>Tu-kí-bung</i>.</p> + +<p>The monkey spring trap<sup>51</sup> is on the style of the bamboo +spear trap described above but is much smaller, being set on the branch +of a tree without any attempt at concealment. The poor, simple-minded +monkey, on catching sight of the bait, walks up innocently, seizes it, +and is wounded by the spear. He does not travel far after that, for +monkeys succumb quickly to a wound.</p> + +<p><sup>51</sup><i>Pú-kis</i>.</p> + +<p>An ordinary noose trap <sup>52</sup> consists of a string with a +piece of wood bent back and held in position by a trigger. When the +trigger is released, the bent piece of wood draws up the noose tight on +the bird's leg. It is used for catching wild pigeons, jungle fowl, and +other birds.</p> + +<p><sup>52</sup><i>Lít'-ag</i>.</p> + +<p>The circle of nooses <sup>53</sup> is a series of rattan nooses +placed around a decoy cock. This bird, by his lusty crowing, challenges +his wild fellows to fight. When the fight begins the champion of the +woods soon finds his feet enmeshed in the nooses, and within a short +time his whole body safely lodged in the trapper's carrying basket.</p> + +<p><sup>53</sup><i>Ka-lí-as</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A4"></a> +<h4>FISHING</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo fishes more than he hunts, yet he can by no manner of +means be said to be an incessant fisherman. The following are the +methods commonly employed for catching fish.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A41"></a> +<h5>SHOOTING WITH BOW AND ARROW</h5> +</center> + +<p>In shooting fish an arrow<sup>54</sup> that has a detachable head is +used. The fisherman conceals himself in a tree or on the bank of a +stream or lake, and upon spying the fish lets fly a two-pronged arrow +which has a steel or iron point.</p> + +<p><sup>54</sup><i>Bág'-ai</i>.</p> + +<p>This method is in universal use in the lake region of the Agúsan +Valley and in rivers which are too deep for other methods, especially +during floods, when the fish roam around over the inundated land. It is +ordinarily not attended with great success, three or four fish being an +average day's catch. The common catfish, called <i>dalág</i> in Manila, +is the ordinary victim, other species being rare victims to the +arrow.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A42"></a> +<h5>FISHING WITH HOOK AND LINE</h5> +</center> + +<p>The hook<sup>55</sup> is a stout one and is made out of the iron +handle of the ordinary kerosene can or out of a piece of brass wire of +similar size. It is attached to a substantial <i>abaká</i> +cord,<sup>56</sup> 45 meters long, more or less. A piece of lead or a +stone for sinker and a suitable bait complete the outfit. The fish +caught with this apparatus are the swordfish<sup>57</sup> and the +sawfish. The fisherman seats himself in his boat or on a sand bank, and +with the line tied to his foot or to his arm awaits a bite. He +immediately pulls in his victim, never giving him a chance to tire +himself out as our fishermen do; Of course the fish is always pulled +upstream.</p> + +<p><sup>55</sup><i>Kaúad</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>56</sup><i>Ha-pón</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>57</sup><i>Ta-gá-han</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A43"></a> +<h5>FISH POISONING<sup>58</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>58</sup><i>Pag-tu-bá-han</i>.</p> + +<p>Poisoning is a common and successful method of fishing, practiced +more frequently on the upper reaches of a river. There are four methods, +all of which I have witnessed frequently throughout Manóboland.</p> + +<a name="2A431"></a> +<p><i>The túba<sup>59</sup> method</i>.--A quantity of <i>túba</i> +varying from one-half to two sacksful is put into a dugout and brought +to the spot selected. Everybody comes provided with a fish spear, +fishing bow, bolo, boat or raft, and conical traps<sup>60</sup> made for +the occasion. The <i>túba</i> is then pounded as it lies in the boat, a +little water being added. This process occupies the greater part of an +hour, and is a very animated one, everybody being in high hopes of a +grand feast. Where there are no boats, the <i>túba</i> is pounded in the +rice mortars and brought in bamboo joints to the selected spot.</p> + +<p><sup>59</sup><i>Túba</i> is the Croton Tiglium or croton-oil tree.</p> + +<p><sup>60</sup><i>Sán-au</i>.</p> + +<p>At a point possibly a mile or more down the stream from the place in +which it is decided to cast the poison, the women and girls, aided by a +few men, fix their conical traps across the stream so that no large fish +may escape. When all is ready the <i>túba</i> is thrown into the river, +and everyone dashes downstream with loud exclamations, some in boats, +some on rafts, or; where the water is shallow, wading or jumping from +rock to rock.</p> + +<p>It is some 15 minutes before the poison begins to take effect and +then the women and children at the traps may have a busy time removing +the fish in order to keep their traps free for the entrance of more. +During this time the men and boys scurry around jabbing, hitting, +missing, and rushing from side to side with mad shouts of joy and +exultation, sometimes two or three after some fine big dazed fish of +extra size. Thus they may continue for a few hours if the river is a +good sized one and the fish plentiful, for at the beginning a great +number of fish probably dart up side creeks, thus escaping from the +effects of the poison, and when all the fish in the main stream have +fallen a prey, these lurkers must be sought out.</p> + +<p><i>Túba</i> has a deleterious effect on man, producing colic and +diarrhea, if taken in fairly strong solution. Yet the fish that die from +the effects of it are perfectly harmless in that respect. The famous +<i>ís-da</i> of the Agúsan Valley is the only fish that does not succumb +to the effects of this poison.</p> + +<a name="2A432"></a> +<p>The <i>túbli</i> method.--The root of the <i>túbli</i> plant is used +for poisoning. It is a quicker-acting poison and more universal than the +preceding, in the sense that nothing, not even shellfish, escapes its +baneful effects. As the plant has to be cultivated, it is obvious that +it is not obtainable in large quantities, and for this reason is not +used as a rule on the main streams, the quantity available not being +sufficient to have an effect. It is used in the same manner as +<i>túba</i>.</p> + +<a name="2A433"></a> +<p>The <i>lágtañg method</i>.--The <i>lágtañg</i> is the seed of a tree +that is not found in the middle and upper Agúsan Valley. I never +witnessed the use of this poison on a large scale, due undoubtedly to +the absence of it in the middle and upper Agúsan. The following was the +procedure followed in using it as witnessed by me.</p> + +<p>A few handfuls of the seeds are toasted in a frying pan and then +pounded in a rice mortar. Then ordinary earthworms, or even the +intestines of a bird, are cut into small bits and mixed with the poison. +A deep quiet pool in a river or a likely place in a lake is selected and +the mixture of worms and <i>lágtañg</i> dropped into the water at the +edge of the pool. In less than five minutes the minnows and small fish +rise to the surface, and begin to circle around giddily. These are +followed by the larger ones but it is not an easy undertaking to catch +them till they have exhausted themselves in their giddy circles or die +in the tall <i>runo</i> grass that grows along the banks.</p> + +<p>This poison affects only such fish as eat the worms. People who eat +fish caught in this way seem to suffer no ill effects.</p> + +<p>There are other vegetable poisons used in killing fish, but I +remember only the name of the tree called <i>tigaú</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A44"></a> +<h5>DRY SEASON LAKE FISHING<sup>61</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>61</sup><i>Língig</i>.</p> + +<p>The mass of lakes and channels in the central Agúsan dries up into +mere pools once a year, or once in a few years, and affords an admirable +opportunity for fishing on a large scale. Thousands of people from as +far south as Lankiláan, and from as far north as Guadalupe, from Los +Arcos on the east and from Walo on the west, troop to the lake region in +their boats. They bring with them their entire families, a supply of +salt, a little rice, if they have it, or the usual substitute (sago and +bananas), their earthen pots and pans, and their bolos. Upon arriving at +a suitable place, they erect a rude shack and start to work. Wading into +the mud and water now half-boiling under a torrid sun, they slash at +every fish that by his hurried dash makes known his presence. After the +fish have been chased in this manner for some time, some of them bury +themselves in the mud, whence they are easily removed with the hand. In +this manner a few men may secure hundreds of fish in a few hours, but +these are only of two species.<sup>62</sup> Other varieties of fish do +not remain in places that dry up to mere ponds. The <i>haú-an</i> are +known to leave the torrid water by wriggling up on land and making their +way to other water. The fish after being caught are taken to the +temporary shack and placed in water<sup>63</sup> until such time as the +owners are ready for the cleaning and salting operations.</p> + +<p><sup>62</sup>The <i>ís-da</i> or <i>haú-an</i> and +<i>pu-yo'-pu-yo</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>63</sup>It is believed that the flesh of fish will harden if +they are left in water after being caught.</p> + +<p>The heads, except such few as are used for the family meals, are +discarded, but the roe and the intestines are carefully preserved as a +delicacy. The body is so cut that it can be spread out into one thin +piece and then salted, usually in a rather stingy way, about 3.5 liters +of salt being used for as many as 90 fish. The fish are then set up on +an elevated bamboo frame and left to dry for a whole day or more, +according to the strength of the sun.</p> + +<p>Though the fishing season is one of the merriest of the year, yet it +is a time of work and of stench. It is no unusual thing for the whole +family to work till the late hours of the night in order to prevent the +fish from putrefying. The odor that prevails where thousands of fish +heads--that have not been consumed by the crocodiles that infest the +main channels--are rotting under a blazing sun is left to the reader's +imagination. The season may last as much as one month and one family may +have thousands of dried fish.<sup>64</sup> Ordinarily the lack of salt +makes it impossible for any of the Manóbos, except those of the better +class, to remain long, unless they choose to work for the Bisáyas.</p> + +<p><sup>64</sup><i>Dá-ing</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2A45"></a> +<h5>FISHING WITH NETS, TRAPS, AND TORCHES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Fishing with nets is not practiced except by a few Manóbos on the +seacoast or by the Christianized Manóbos who have learned the practice +from Bisáyas, though I have seen cast nets used on the upper Tágo, upper +Simúlao, and upper Agúsan.</p> + +<p>The <i>búbo</i> is a cigar-shaped trap made of slats of rattan, from +0.5 to 1 meter in length. The swifter the current, the smaller the trap +used. The large end has a cone with its apex pointing inward. It is made +of bamboo slats which are left unfastened at the apex of the cone so +that the fish may enter but not get out. This trap is set with its mouth +facing either up or down stream.</p> + +<p>Another form of this trap<sup>65</sup> is cylindrical and not conical +like the <i>búbo</i>. It is set in swamps with an evil-smelling bait and +quickly becomes filled with a very savory mudfish.<sup>66</sup></p> + +<p><sup>65</sup><i>Bág-yas</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>66</sup><i>Pán-tat</i>.</p> + +<p>The <i>hí-pon</i>, <i>u-yáp</i>, and <i>u-yáp tá-na</i> are varieties +of small fish that at fixed intervals make their way up the Agúsan to a +distance of from 20 to 30 miles in innumerable quantities. It is said +that they arrive at the expected date and hour. They are scooped into +dugouts with scoop nets in immense quantities and salted for sale. This +method of fishing is confined practically to Bisáyas, but a goodly +number of Christianized Manóbos who live in the vicinity of Butuán take +part in it.</p> + +<p>A fairly common method of fishing among the Christianized Manóbos, as +also among the pagan Manóbos who do not live in too warlike a country, +is by the use of a spear and torch. Going along the banks of the stream, +the fisherman lures the fish with the light and secures them with a jab +of his three-pronged spear. In this way he may secure enough for a meal +or two. Where the water is deep enough, this method of fishing is +attended with great danger from crocodiles, especially in the lake +region where they abound in numbers beyond conception.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XI</h3> +<h3>WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS</h3> + +<a name="2B1"></a> +<h4>INTRODUCTORY REMARKS</h4> +</center> + +<p>There is no knowledge of a former use of stone implements in +Manóboland. During my peregrinations throughout eastern Mindanáo I saw +no stone implements except the ordinary whetstone, so universally used +for sharpening steel weapons and knives, the cooking stones upon which +the pots are placed, and the flint used in the production of fire. It is +true that there is a common rumor as to the existence of stone missiles +hurled in wrath by Anítan<sup>1</sup> at irreverent mortals, but I have +never seen these tokens of divine anger.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>One of the powerful spirits of the sky world.</p> + +<p>Weapons and implements will be subdivided, the former into offensive +and defensive weapons, and the latter into agricultural, hunting, and +fishing implements.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B2"></a> +<h4>OFFENSIVE WEAPONS</h4> + +<a name="2B21"></a> +<h5>THE BOW AND ARROW</h5> +</center> + +<p>As the use of the bow and arrow in the Philippines is generally +considered by ethnologists to indicate Negrito influence, the subject +requires more than passing notice, especially as the geographical +distribution of this primitive weapon extends to not only every +non-Christian tribe and group east of the central Cordillera of +Mindanáo, except perhaps the Banuáons,<sup>2</sup> but, according to +various rumors, to the Manóbos occupying the central portion of Mindanáo +in the subprovince of Bukídnon.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>I am very much inclined to think that it exists among +them as well.</p> + +<p>The bow is a piece of <i>palma brava</i>,<sup>3</sup> or less +frequently of bamboo<sup>4</sup> varying in length between 1.2 and 2 +meters and in thickness between 7 and 12 millimeters. In the center it +is about 30 millimeters broad and gradually tapers to a breadth of about +12 millimeters at each end. Except on the upper Agúsan<sup>5</sup> no +means are taken to strengthen this stock by winding rattan around it, +unless the bamboo or wood shows indications of splitting, in which case +a girdle of plaited rattan obviates the danger. No attempt at +ornamentation is made except the smoothing and polishing of the wood. In +the case of bamboo stocks, the projecting pieces of the joints are not +removed on the proximal side of the bow. At about 2 or 3 centimeters +from the extremities, two notches are made to hold the string. At the +extremity, which we will call the upper one, from its being held up +during use, one often sees a few concentric incised circles in one of +which is set a little ring of steel, iron, or brass wire. The object of +this is to increase the twang of the bow upon the release of the +arrow.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>An-á-hau</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>Of the species called <i>pa-túng</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Mandáya and Mañgguáñgan bows are smaller and neater than +Manóbo bows. They are made commonly of a piece of betel-nut palm and +have graceful lashings of rattan strips on the stock for the purpose of +imparting strength thereto.</p> + +<p>The bowstring is nearly always a strip of rattan about 3 millimeters +broad. This is attached to the lower end of the stock by a simple series +of loops. To the upper extremity it is attached by a loop that slips +along the stock into the upper notch when the bow is strung for +shooting. It is needless to remark that the bowstring is about 2 or 3 +centimeters shorter than the stock, which in the moment of stringing +must be bent to enable the upper extremity of the string to reach the +upper notch and thereby acquire a sufficient tension to propel the +arrow.</p> + +<p>Arrows are of several kinds according to the purpose for which they +are used, such as hunting, fishing, and fighting. Those intended for +hunting and fishing will be described in their proper places. The +following description applies exclusively to the offensive arrow used in +fighting.</p> + +<p>The shaft of this arrow consists of a reed of bamboo<sup>6</sup> +about 8 millimeters in diameter and somewhat over a meter long, with a +bamboo head. The head is a sliver of bamboo<sup>7</sup> varying in +length from 20 to 36 centimeters. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos +seem to have assimilated much from the Mandáyas, both the head and the +shaft of the arrow are much shorter, much neater, and, in general, much +handier. The arrowhead is broadest at about two-thirds of its distance +from the point. From this broad part, or shoulder, as we might call it, +the head tapers to a sharp point at one end and to such a size at the +other that it can be inserted into the natural socket of the shaft. In +this socket it is retained by a lashing of fine rattan, which serves at +once to retain it in place and to prevent the frail bamboo shaft from +splitting. A coating of <i>tabon-tábon</i><sup>8</sup> seed pulp over +the lashing prevents it from loosening or slipping and at the same time +preserves it from atmospheric action. Occasionally one sees arrowheads +with square shoulders that act as barbs. I have never seen steel +arrowheads in use among Manóbos, though it is certain that they are used +by Mañgguáñgans between the Agúsan and the Sálug.<sup>9</sup> It is not +unlikely, moreover, that they are used by the people of the Ihawán and +Baóbo Rivers.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>Of the species known as <i>la-hí'</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Da-mu-án</i> species.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Parinarium mindanaense</i> (<i>Rosaceae</i>).</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>I purchased for the Bureau of Science Museum a unique +specimen which, besides having a steel head, is provided with an ugly +spur. The owner claimed that it was one of the arrows that had been shot +at him and the party that accompanied him by the people of a Mañgguáñgan +settlement. I was one of his party.</p> + +<p>A very important feature from an ethnological standpoint is the +feathering of the arrow. The object of this is to steady the arrow in +its flight and thereby prevent windage. The method of feathering is as +follows: The quills of the wing feathers of a hornbill, or sometimes of +a fish eagle, are parted down the middle. Then three, or sometimes only +two, of these parted quills with their adhering vanes are placed +longitudinally at equal distances along the arrow shaft so that their +extremities are about 6 centimeters from the butt of the shaft and their +webs stand straight out from the surface of the reed, forming equal +obtuse angles to one another. These vanes are retained in this position +by windings of very light, flexible rattan at their extremities. As a +security against slipping or change of relative position, a coating of +the above-mentioned fruit pulp, often mixed with pot black, is applied. +The final preparation of the arrow consists in chopping off with a bolo +or small knife the outer edges of the vanes. This is done in a slightly +slanting direction within about 1 centimeter of the butt end of the +vanes, at which point they are cut in a direction transverse to the +length of the arrow shaft.</p> + +<p>The feathering of the arrow is always done with precision, as the +accuracy of its flight, the uniformity of its rotation, the length of +its trajectory, and the consequent penetrative power are known to depend +upon proper care in this respect.</p> + +<p>Unlike other bowmen, the Manóbo makes a notch in the butt end of his +arrow, but as far as my observations go, there are never any decorative +incisions and tracings on Manóbo arrows.<sup>10</sup></p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>Among the Mandáyas arrow shafts frequently have +ornamental wavy lines and concentric circles incised along the length of +the shaft, but this decoration has been observed among no other tribe +that I know of in eastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>There seem to be no special arrow makers. Nearly every adult Manóbo, +who has not relinquished the use of the bow and arrow, with no other +tool than his bolo and perhaps a small knife, can complete a bow and a +bunch of arrows in a relatively short time.</p> + +<p>In stringing the bow it is grasped by the center of the stock with +the left hand and the top, where the loose loop of the bowstring is +placed, is held with the right hand. The bottom of the bow rests upon +the ground and is supported by the right foot. The right hand then, by a +movement toward the person, bends the stock sufficiently to allow the +loop of the bowstring to reach and slip into its notch, the left hand +and foot retaining the bow in a bent position. The bowman then grasps +the central part of the stock between the thumb and the four fingers of +the left hand and seizing the feathered part of the arrow between the +first and middle fingers of the right, he places the end of it at right +angles to, and in contact with, the center, or thereabouts, of the +string. The part of the arrow in front of the feathering rests upon the +thumb and middle finger and under the index finger of the left hand. +Raising up the bow and holding it inclined at an angle of about 20° from +the vertical, the top being toward the right, the string, with the arrow +butt always pressed against it, is drawn back sufficiently (about 30 +centimeters) to give the requisite tension. The string is then allowed +to fly back, while at the same time the bowman releases his hold upon +the arrow butt, and thus the arrow speeds on its way. When ready to be +released the end of the arrow points to the bowman's right shoulder.</p> + +<p>The greatest range of a good arrow is about 75 meters. Its effective +range, however, is only about one-third of that.</p> + +<p>I can not laud the expertness of the Manóbo as a bowman. Here and +there one meets a really good shot, but the average man can not score 50 +per cent at close range.</p> + +<p>No quivers worthy of the name are used. When a war raid is +undertaken, the arrows are placed in a bamboo internode, which is +carried in a horizontal position at the bowman's side. Arrows are never +poisoned. The bamboo of which the spearhead is made seems to have a +somewhat poisonous effect as a wound caused by it is very painful and +hard to cure.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B22"></a> +<h5>THE BOLO AND ITS SHEATH</h5> +</center> + +<p>The next important offensive weapon used by the Manóbo is the bolo. +It is his inseparable companion by day and, in regions where the +influence of civil or military authority is not strongly felt, also by +night.</p> + +<p>As there are but two Manóbo blacksmiths that I know of, all bolos +used are imported, either from the Mandáyas or from the Banuáons, though +one sees from time to time a weapon that has made its way from the +Bagóbos. The prevailing bolo is of Mandáya workmanship and merits a more +detailed description.</p> + +<p>It is a substantial steel blade varying in length from 30 to 45 +centimeters. At its juncture with the handle it is about as broad as the +handle but narrows gradually on top, and less so on the lower edge, to a +breadth of 25 millimeters<sup>11</sup> at a point one-sixth of the +length of the blade from the handle. At this point the back of the bolo +changes its direction, running off at an angle to its previous direction +of 15°. The lower part or edge of the weapon gradually bellies out until +the blade, at a point one-fourth of its entire length from the tip +attains its maximum breadth (7 to 10 centimeters) whence it curves like +the segment of a circle to the point of the weapon.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>Figures given are approximate only. They vary in +different bolos.</p> + +<p>The type of bolo that is considered more pretentious, and that is +more common on the upper Agúsan, has a thin straight back<sup>12</sup> +up to within 6 or 7 centimeters from the handle, at which point the +direction of the back is slightly changed. In other respects this bolo +is similar to the one described above.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup>Hence it is called <i>li-kúd-li-kud</i>.</p> + +<p>At the narrowest part of the bolo and on the underside there is +occasionally a serrated decoration in the steel, the significance of +which I do not know.</p> + +<p>The handle is occasionally of ebony, but more commonly of some other +wood. The grasp for the hand is cylindrical. The handle is often bound +with a braid of rattan, or a band or two of steel or of brass, to +prevent splitting, or less commonly with silver bands for ornament's +sake. Curving downward beyond the grasp is a carved ornamentation that +suggests remotely the head of a bird with an upturned curving bill. This +is one continuous piece with the grasp. It is rare to find brass +ferrules and hand guards at the juncture of the blade with the +handle.</p> + +<p>The sheath, which is of Manóbo production, consists of two pieces of +thin light wood a little broader than the bolo. It is almost rectangular +in form for a distance equal to the length of the blade, and then the +edges become gradually narrower up to a point that is about 3 +centimeters from the end; at this point they expand into a small square +with incurving sides.</p> + +<p>The two pieces are held together closely by bands of rattan coiled +around them at equal intervals. A coating of beeswax serves to preserve +the wood and at the same time to impart a finished appearance to the +sheath. Frequently pot black is mixed with the beeswax, and on the upper +and central parts, and on the ends and edges, symmetrical bands of this +black paint are applied according to the fancy of the wearer. Other +decorations of beads, cotton tassels, and strips of a yellow parasitic +plant, are not at all infrequent.</p> + +<p>The girdle, which is nearly always of braided <i>abaká</i> fiber, +frequently multicolored, and which holds the weapon to the left side of +the wearer, passes through a hole on the outer side of the sheath. This +hole is made through the central embossed part of the outer piece of +the sheath.</p> + +<p>A noteworthy feature of the sheath is that it is so made that by +pushing the handle to the lower side of the aperture of the sheath, the +weapon remains locked and can not fall out or be withdrawn until the +handle is pushed back to the upper side of the aperture.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B23"></a> +<h5>A MAGIC TEST FOR THE EFFICIENCY OF A BOLO</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is very interesting to observe the method pursued in determining +the value of the bolo. A piece of rattan the length of the weapon is cut +into small pieces, each one, excepting perhaps the last, exactly as long +as the maximum width of the bolo. These pieces are then placed in the +following positions and in the order indicated by the number. (See fig. +1.) It is obvious that, as a rule, there is one piece of rattan that is +not as long as the others. This piece is always set down last, and its +position is the determining factor of the test.</p> + +<a name="F1"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/FIGURE01.JPG" alt="FIGURE 1"> + +<p>In Figure 1 <i>a</i> all the pieces of rattan happen to be equal, +there being no short piece. Moreover, there are enough pieces to +complete the figure. This combination is not inauspicious in so far as +it does not augur evil, but it is thought to be a sure indication of a +failure to kill.<sup>13</sup></p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>This combination is called <i>lí-mut</i>.</p> + +<p>In Figure 1 <i>b</i> all the pieces are of equal length, but there +are not enough to complete the figure as in figure 1 <i>a</i>. This is a +doubtful con-figuration. On the one hand the weapon may or may not kill, +on the other it will prove efficient to the owner in matters not +connected with fighting.</p> + +<p>In Figure 1 <i>c</i> we have only four pieces of rattan, three of +which are equal to the maximum width of the bolo and one of which is +short. This is a good combination. It indicates that in a fight the +enemy will suffer loss.<sup>14</sup></p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>This formation is called <i>sá-kab</i>.</p> + +<p>In Figure 1 <i>d</i> we have the best conformation possible. The fact +that the short section falls, as it were, inside, indicates that a short +fight and speedy death may be expected. The owner of a weapon that +passes this test is reluctant to part with it unless very advantageous +offers are made to him.</p> + +<p>A form of divination in which a suspended bolo, especially a +consecrated one, takes the part of the <i>deus ex machina</i> is +described in the chapter on divination.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B24"></a> +<h5>THE LANCE</h5> +</center> + +<p>The lance, like the bolo, is imported. It is of two kinds: (1) The +Mandáya lance, which is found everywhere except on the lower Agúsan and +on the upper reaches of the Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían, and in the +eastern Cordillera; (2) a lance, probably of Moro production, which is +said to come from the Pulángi River, and which is used in the regions +just mentioned where the Mandáya lance is not considered lucky or +effective. In general, lances consist of a steel head and a long shaft, +usually of <i>palma brava</i>, but rarely of some other +species.<sup>15</sup> The head is firmly attached to the shaft with a +viscous substance.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>Wood of the tree <i>ku-li-pá-pa</i> is used +occasionally.</p> + +<p>The lance is the inseparable companion of the Manóbo in his travels +through dangerous places, of which there are not a few in remote +regions. When he arrives at a house he sticks the lance in the ground, +head up, near the ladder. In traveling he carries it upon his right +shoulder, head forward, in a horizontal position and is ever ready to +throw it if he fears an ambush. I have frequently startled my Manóbo +friends while they were engaged in some occupation, such as fishing, +just to study their demeanor. The result was always the same--a quick +turn and an attitude of offense, with lance poised and defiant eye.</p> + +<p>The lance is held during the poise in the upturned right hand under +the thumb and over the first and second fingers. The arm is extended in +a slight curve just in front of the line of the shoulders. In making a +thrust, the lance is darted parallel to the line of the shoulders and on +a level with them, the left side of the person being presented to the +adversary. The lance is not thrown, but is nearly always retained in the +hand.</p> + +<p>The Mandáya lance merits most attention, as it is more generally +used, and is usually of better mechanical and ornamental workmanship. +The shaft is a piece of either <i>palma brava</i> or of <i>kulipápa</i> +palm, varying from 1.8 to 2.4 meters in length. It has a uniform +diameter of about 16 millimeters for a distance equal to one-half of its +length from, the head; the other half tapers very gradually to about +one-half of its original thickness, ending in a fairly sharp point, +which may be capped with a conical piece of tin or of steel to protect +the wood against injury from stones.</p> + +<p>The head is a long, slender, pointed blade. From the shoulders, which +are from 4 to 7 centimeters apart, it may taper uniformly to a point; +much more commonly, however, it tapers gradually to within about 25 +millimeters of the extremity. Here its width is about 25 millimeters. At +this point the edges converge at an angle of 45° to the axis, until they +meet, forming the point of the lance. From the shoulders of the blade +the edges likewise slant inward to the neck at an angle of 45°. The neck +is a solid cylindrical piece, about 3 centimeters in length, nearly +always ornamented with embossed work, and ends in a rod or in a conical +socket about 7 centimeters long. It is very common to see ornamental +chisel work along the axis near the neck. The general outline of the +engraving is that of the spearhead in miniature, within which there are +often little leaflike puncturings.</p> + +<p>When the lance head has a socket it is attached to the shaft with a +resinous substance similar to that used for bolos. When the lance head +ends in a solid cylindrical piece and must be inserted in the hollow +shaft, the end of the shaft is reinforced with a Moro brass ferrule, if +the possessor of the lance has been so lucky as to have acquired one, or +with coils of <i>abaká</i> fiber over which has been wound <i>abaká</i> +cloth stuck with the above mentioned resin.</p> + +<p>Lances of the better style have ornamental rings of beaten silver, +sometimes amounting to as many as 15, placed at equal distances along +the shaft for a distance of as much as 30 centimeters from the juncture +of the head and the shaft.</p> + +<p>A lance of another style is common among the highland Manóbos of the +central Cordillera, and is not infrequently found among the Manóbos of +Kantílan and Tágo. Though not so striking in dimensions and in general +appearance, it is preferred by the Manóbo, because it is said to cause a +more severe wound and because it is less liable to have the head +detached when driven through the floor or wall of a house. Its head is +much narrower at its broadest part than the one just described, is not +so long, and nearly always tapers to a point. It is without any +shoulders. It never has the conical steel socket that the Mandáya lance +sometimes has, is always straight edged, and is set into the shaft in +identically the same manner as the socketless Mandáya weapon. Another +point of distinction is the decorative scallop that runs parallel to the +edges of the head on each side. There is very seldom any decorative work +within the periphery of these scallops.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B25"></a> +<h5>THE DAGGER AND ITS SHEATH</h5> +</center> + +<p>A weapon, whose distribution among Manóbos is limited almost +exclusively to Manóbos south of the 8° of latitude, is the Mandáya +dagger, of Mandáya workmanship, and indicative of Mandáya +influence.<sup>16</sup></p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>It is the Mandáya tribal weapon that never leaves its +wearer's side by night or by day, on the trail or in the house, whenever +there is apprehension of danger.</p> + +<p>Its component parts are a thin laminated piece of steel from 15 to 25 +centimeters long with a thin, tapering rod somewhat shorter, projecting +in the line of the axis, and a hilt of <i>banáti</i> through which the +projection of the blade passes. It is carried in a sheath which is held +at the wearer's right side by a girdle.</p> + +<p>The blade is two-edged, widening from a sharp point to two shoulders +from 3 to 4 centimeters apart, whence the edges incurve gradually and +finally end in two projecting spurs 3 or 4 centimeters apart. The rod +for the reception of the hilt extends from this point along the line of +the axis for a distance of from 6 to 8 centimeters.</p> + +<p>From time to time one finds a blade that is inlaid with tiny pieces +of brass or silver, but there is never any other kind of +ornamentation.</p> + +<p>The handle is of a type that is unique, as far as I know, in the +Philippine Islands. In using the dagger the body of the hilt is seized +in the right hand, the index finger is inserted between one horn of the +crescent and the central steel tang, and the thumb between the latter +and the other point of the crescent, while the other three fingers hold +the weapon within the palm. This method seems clumsy, but nevertheless +it is the orthodox way of holding it. Fastened to the right side of the +wearer in a more or less horizontal position and with the handle +projecting forward, it is always at the owner's disposal for prompt and +deadly action, especially so as only a mere thread or two of +<i>abaká</i> fiber running from the handle to the under part of the +sheath retains the weapon in its sheath.</p> + +<p>The handle is usually strengthened at the neck with plaited rings of +<i>nito</i> fiber and may have ornamental silver work, both at that +point and on the horns, or even at times on the whole outer surface of +it.</p> + +<p>The sheath consists of two pieces of wood of an elongated rectangular +shape, spreading out at the extremity. Strips of rattan wound at +intervals hold the two pieces together and a paint of blended beeswax +and pot black is ordinarily employed to give a finish to it. But +occasionally one sees bands of beaten silver at the head of the sheath, +and, less frequently, a profusion of beautiful, artistic silverwork set +over the whole sheath.<sup>17</sup></p> + +<p><sup>17</sup>The steelwork and silverwork are nearly always the +production of Mandáya smiths living in and beyond the southeastern +Cordillera, though on the Agúsan there are a few silversmiths.</p> + +<p>Manóbos in general, with the exception of those who live on the upper +Agúsan, take but little care of their weapons, except to sharpen them. +In this respect they are very unlike the Mandáyas and the Debabáons, who +are most conscientious and incessant in the care of their bolos, lances, +and daggers. They keep these weapons burnished by rubbing them on a +board that has been covered with the dust from a pulverized plate, or if +they have rusted, by filing them with an imported file. A final touch is +given to them by rubbing them with the leaves of what we might call the +sandpaper plant.<sup>18</sup> Once burnished they are protected from +rust by applications of hog fat, a little piece of which is suspended +from the roof whenever a pig is killed. Another point of difference +between the Manóbos, not including those of the upper Agúsan, and the +above-mentioned peoples is the infrequency with which the former make +use of racks for their fighting weapons. The Mandáyas and the Debabáons +very commonly have ornamental racks in which they keep their weapons.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Ficus fiskei</i> and <i>Ficus fiskei adorata</i> +(<i>moracae</i>).</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B3"></a> +<h4>DEFENSIVE WEAPONS</h4> + +<a name="2B31"></a> +<h5>THE SHIELD</h5> +</center> + +<p>Two varieties of shield are in use, the Mandáya and the Manóbo. The +diffusion of the former is limited to the district south of the 8° +latitude, not including the Ihawán and Baóbo River district; the latter, +to the rest of the Agúsan Valley with the exception of the portion where +Banuáon influence is prevalent,<sup>19</sup> such as the upper Agúsan +and rivers to the north of it, which are the western tributaries of the +Agúsan. In general, shields are made of <i>kalántas</i><sup>20</sup> +wood, varying from 90 to 100 centimeters in length. In the center is a +projecting knob resembling a low truncated cone about 4 centimeters high +and varying in width at the base from 8 to 15 centimeters, and at the +truncation from 7 to 8.5 centimeters. The inside of this knob is +hollowed out in such a way that a longitudinal piece is left on the +inside of it for holding the shield. The upper end has a transverse +piece of the same material as the rest of the shield dovetailed into the +main body, the object being to prevent the body of the shield, whose +grain runs longitudinally, from splitting as a result of a blow.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup>The Banuáon types of shield seen by the writer were +circular in form, concave on the proximal side, and made of plaited +rattan painted with <i>tabon-tábon</i> pulp.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>La-níp-ga</i>.</p> + +<p>As a further protection against splitting, two strips of <i>palma +brava</i> or of bamboo in upper Agúsan types, and in other types three +strips as wide as the shield itself are set horizontally on each side, +facing each other, and are held in position by sewings of rattan slips +passing through perforations in the wood.</p> + +<p>The ornamentation of all shields consists of a coating of beeswax, +and of thin scallops painted with beeswax and pot black, passing in a +single series around the shield and near its edge, and in a double +series longitudinally down the center.</p> + +<p>The operculum,<sup>21</sup> of a seashell, or very occasionally some +bright object, may set off the knob. Not infrequently tufts of human +hair secured in some war raid are stuck into holes at distances of about +3 centimeters on both sides of the shield, and are considered highly +ornamental and indicative of the valor of the owner of the shield. One +might be inclined to think that the employment of human hair is a relic +of head-hunting, but I was unable to find a single tradition of its +practice in eastern Mindanáo and I doubt if such ever existed.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup>Called <i>pas-lí-tan</i>.</p> + +<p>The typical Manóbo shield has a straight top about 35 centimeters +broad. From the corners the sides gradually curve inward for a distance +(measured upon the central longitudinal line of the shield) of about 25 +centimeters, at which point they curve out to the original width at a +distance of about 10 centimeters farther on, where the strengthening +strips are fastened on both the inner and outer surfaces. Thence the +sides curve in to form the second segment, in the center of which is +situated the knob, and at the end of which are placed two more +sustaining crosspieces. Beyond this section, the sides gently curve to +the bottom of the shield, which is about 25 centimeters broad and +practically straight.</p> + +<p>The Mandáya type, as adopted from the Mandáyas by the Agusánon +Manóbos<sup>22</sup> differs from the Manóbo shield in being generally +narrower--about 17 centimeters at the top and about 22 centimeters in +the central section. From the top, where the transverse protective piece +is placed the sides slope out gently to the first sustaining crosspiece +placed at a distance from the end of about one-fourth of the entire +length of the shield; thence they run parallel for a distance equal to +one-half of the shield length, forming to the eye an elongated +rectangle, in the center of which is the knob. The remaining quarter of +the shield is hyperbolic in form with a small lozenge-shaped protrusion +at the focus. The upper edge of the shield is not quite straight, an +ornamental effect being produced by slight curves. In the center of the +upper edge is a very small projection or sometimes a round incision, +that might serve as an eyehole.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup>Also by the Mañgguáñgans and by the Debabáon and Mansáka +groups. The Manóbos and other peoples of the upper Agúsan call +themselves Agusánon.</p> + +<p>Another difference in this type of shield is the addition of +ornamental toothlike tracings. These serrations are done with beeswax +and pot black, and are ordinarily set in groups of four at right angles +to and along the central and the lateral scallops.</p> + +<p>The last distinction is the more noticeable longitudinal bend which +the Mandáya type has as compared with the Manóbo style, the top and the +bottom being inflected uniformly inward at an angle of about 15° to the +vertical.</p> + +<p>Among the Mandáyas it is interesting to note that a broad shield is +looked down upon as indicative of cowardice, and that a narrow shield is +considered evidence of valor in its owner.</p> + +<p>In using the shield it is held in the left hand by the grasp that is +located in the inner part of the hollow knob in the center. It is always +held in an upright position, the transverse piece being on top, at the +left side of the warrior, who never presents the front of his person to +the enemy. To protect the feet and legs he must crouch down.</p> + +<p>I was a constant witness of mimic encounters, and occasionally of +what appeared to be the preliminaries to more serious affairs, and can +bear witness to the skill displayed in the manipulation of the shield. +The rapidity with which the warrior can move about, now advancing, now +retreating, now thrusting, now parrying, and all the time concealing the +whole of his person except a part of the head and one eye, is a +marvel.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B32"></a> +<h5>ARMOR</h5> +</center> + +<p>Another article used for defensive purposes is the <i>abaká</i> +armor.<sup>23</sup> Whenever the warrior has been able to procure a +piece of Mandáya skirt fabric, he sews it into an ordinary coat with +sleeves and, in lieu of imported buttons, uses little slivers of bamboo +or wood to keep it closed. When, however, the Mandáya cloth is not to be +had, his female relatives braid for him a number of multicolored cords +of <i>abaká</i> fiber, 6 millimeters broad, which are sewn together in +the form of an American or European coat and answer the purpose perhaps +better than the Mandáya cloth.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Lim botung</i>.</p> + +<p>This armor is intended to resist arrows, and is said to be efficient +when the wearer is at long range. At short range, however, it helps only +to lessen the penetration, as I had occasion to observe after an attack +on the upper Agúsan, in which one of my warrior friends was wounded on +the shoulder by an arrow. A band of Debabáons went to make a +demonstration at the house of one of their enemies on the River Nábuk. +The particular warrior chief referred to, desiring to initiate his young +son into the art of warfare, carried him on his back to the scene of the +demonstration. After surrounding the house, the attacking party broke +out into the war cry and challenged their foes to a hand-to-hand combat. +The surrounded party replied with a shower of arrows, one of which +struck the chief on the shoulder. As he explained to me, he was so +solicitous about guarding his child that he exposed his person and +received the arrow in his shoulder. The point, he said penetrated to a +depth of about 3 centimeters.</p> + +<p>I once saw another form of protective clothing on the River Argáwan. +It was a very long strip of cotton cloth which, it was said, was used +for wrapping around and around the body before an attack. This article, +as I later ascertained, was of Banuáon manufacture and +use.<sup>24</sup></p> + +<p><sup>24</sup>As a further protection in war there is used, it is +said, a conical piece of wood on which the hair is bound up. I never saw +this device in use and doubt if it is employed commonly by Manóbos. It +was reported to me as also being of Banuáon origin and make. </p> + +<center> +<a name="2B33"></a> +<h5>TRAPS AND CALTROPS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The dwellings of Manóbos who live in actual fear of attack are always +surrounded by traps and by bamboo caltrops of one or two varieties. +These form an efficient and common means of defense.</p> + +<p>The trap is of the type described in the chapter on hunting. When +this trap is used as a means of defense, the spear is set at such a +height that it will wound a human being between the shoulders and the +thigh. The traps are set in varying numbers in the immediate vicinity of +the house, though if an attack is considered imminent they are set on +the trails leading to the house and some distance away. They may be so +set that they will not strike the one who releases them but the first or +second person following him. It is always prudent for a white man in a +hostile country to so safeguard himself and his men that no one will be +injured by these traps.</p> + +<p>The bamboo caltrops referred to are slivers of sharpened bamboo, +about 60 centimeters long, set in the ground at an angle of 45°, and at +some point where the enemy has to descend to a lower level. A favorite +spot is behind a log or at the descent to a stream. They are carefully +concealed and, to a white man not aware of the use of such traps, a +dangerous device.</p> + +<p>Another form of caltrops very common indeed, and very treacherous in +its character, consists of small spikes made of slivers of bamboo, about +18 centimeters long, or of pointed pieces of hardwood. These are set in +goodly numbers in the trails that lead from the adjoining forest to the +house. The peculiar danger of these is that they protrude only about 2 +or 3 centimeters above the ground, the soil being loosened around them +so that the pressure of the wayfarer's foot presses down the loose soil, +thereby giving the treacherous spike an opportunity to pierce the foot +to a considerable depth.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B4"></a> +<h4>AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Implements of husbandry are few and far between. As there are no +draft animals in Manóboland, no plows, harrows, or other implements +which require animals are made use of.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B41"></a> +<h5>THE AX</h5> +</center> + +<p>For felling the larger trees a simple steel ax is used. It is set in +a hole in a hardwood handle, usually of guava wood, and is retained in +place by a couple of plaits of rattan. The edge of the ax is only 6 or 7 +centimeters long and yet it is surprising what the average Manóbo man +can accomplish with this insignificant-looking implement. Mounted upon +his frail scaffold he attacks the mighty trees of his forest home and +with unerring blow brings them down in a surprisingly short time.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B42"></a> +<h5>THE BOLO</h5> +</center> + +<p>For cutting off the branches, the bolo, which may be at the same time +his weapon for attack or defense, is used. The work bolo is in no wise +distinguished from the fighting weapon except that the former has a +broad straight back. It is more usual to find a bolo of Bisáya +manufacture in use by Manóbos of the lower Agúsan. These bolos come from +Bohol or from Cebu and, being comparatively cheap and answering the +purpose equally well, are readily purchased.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B43"></a> +<h5>THE RICE HEADER</h5> +</center> + +<p>During the harvest time the rice heads are cut with a header made of +a small piece of rattan or wood about 1.5 centimeters in diameter and +between 4 and 6 centimeters long. In the center of this and at right +angles to it is lashed a piece of tin or one of the valves of a common +shellfish.<sup>25</sup></p> + +<p><sup>25</sup><i>Bi-bi</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B5"></a> +<h4>FISHING IMPLEMENTS</h4> + +<a name="2B51"></a> +<h5>THE FISHING BOW AND ARROW</h5> +</center> + +<p>The bow and arrow are used for fishing, wherever the Agúsan peoples, +Christian and non-Christian, have access to the lakes and pools that +abound in the central Agúsan.</p> + +<p>The bow used in fishing and its accessories in nowise differs from +the more serious article intended for warfare, except that, due to its +more frequent use, it may be more dilapidated in appearance.</p> + +<p>Fishing arrows, however, are different from those used in fighting. +The shaft of the former is a piece of bamboo,<sup>26</sup> varying in +length from 1.2 to 1.5 meters and in maximum diameter from 7 to 12.5 +millimeters.</p> + +<p><sup>26</sup>Of the variety called <i>lá-hi</i> or +<i>da-ga-sá'</i>.</p> + +<p>The head is a 2-pronged piece of iron or steel about 17 centimeters +long, with barbs on the inner side of each prong, equidistant from the +extremity and facing each other. These two prongs unite to form a solid +neck that runs into the natural hole in the shaft, a ferrule of brass, +or more frequently a winding of rattan coated with <i>tabon-tábon</i> +seed pulp, serving to prevent the splitting of the frail bamboo tube. +The head is attached to the shaft by a substantial string of +<i>abaká</i> fiber, about 1.5 meters long, which is wound about the +shaft, but which is unwound by the fish in its frantic efforts to +escape, leaving him with the arrowhead in his body, and with the shaft +breaking the water and indicating to the fisherman the whereabouts of +his victim. On the far upper Agúsan the arrowhead is not of the +2-pronged type but is a thin, laminated steel point that expands +gradually to form the two lateral barbs. It is of Mandáya manufacture +and origin.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B52"></a> +<h5>THE FISH SPEAR</h5> +</center> + +<p>The fish spear,<sup>27</sup> except on the far upper Agúsan, consists +of a long bamboo shaft from 1.5 to 2.25 meters in length with a heavy +3-pronged barbed head set into a node at its larger end and with +strengthening girdles of rattan strips serving to reinforce it. The iron +head is of Bisáya or of Christian Manóbo workmanship. On the upper +Agúsan the head is 2-pronged and the shaft is frequently somewhat longer +than that of the spear used on the lower river. In other respects it is +identical.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup><i>Sá-pang</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B53"></a> +<h5>FISHHOOKS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Large hooks are much more commonly used than small ones. Both are +made out of either brass wire or of iron, the latter often from the +handle of a kerosene can, and in general they resemble ordinary +fishhooks such as are made in civilized countries. The method of using +the hook has been described already under "Fishing."</p> + +<p>For crocodiles a peculiar hook is used. It consists of a piece of +<i>palma brava</i>, sharpened at one end, and provided with a spur +projecting backward at an angle of about 30°. To this piece of wood is +attached a stout rope of <i>abaká</i> fiber, which in its turn is tied +to a piece of stout bamboo about 1.8 meters long. The bamboo is then set +firmly in the ground, and the bait is allowed to hang within about 60 +centimeters of the water. The hungry crocodile, lured by the odor, +springs at the bait, and gets the hook between his jaws. It is seldom +that by dint of frantic pulling and wriggling he does not free the +bamboo and rush off to one of his favorite haunts, where, by the +presence of the bamboo float above him, he is discovered and +dispatched.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B6"></a> +<h4>HUNTING IMPLEMENTS</h4> + +<a name="2B61"></a> +<h5>THE SPEAR</h5> +</center> + +<p>The chief weapon used in the chase is the spear. It consists of a +stout, wooden shaft between 2.1 and 2.4 meters long, which is set into +the hollow conical socket of a spearhead. The blade in general +appearance resembles the more serious weapon of war, but it is only +about 10 or 12 centimeters long and makes no pretense to beauty, being +fashioned solely for utilitarian purposes. As a necessary accessory to +the spear the inseparable bolo is carried.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B62"></a> +<h5>THE BOW AND ARROW</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the chapter on hunting reference has been made already to the +hunting bow and arrow. It is an ordinary bow, but the arrow differs in +not being feathered and finished like the arrow intended for human +game.</p> + +<p>A very effective and easily made arrow consists of a piece of bamboo +about 85 centimeters long and 3 to 4 millimeters in diameter, with a +sharp tapering point. In lieu of feathering, four or five tufts near one +extremity, set at a distance of about 2.5 centimeters from each other, +are made by scraping the surface so as to form little tufts of shavings. +This style of dart arrow is used principally for monkeys, but a supply +is always on hand for warlike purposes, when the more finished and +efficient arrows become exhausted.</p> + +<p>Another difference in the hunting arrow is the 2-pronged bamboo head +formed either by splitting a regular bamboo arrow or, more commonly, by +lashing together two arrows. I saw on a few occasions <i>palma brava</i> +spike heads used by the Manóbos of the far upper Agúsan. These latter +forms are used exclusively for hornbills whose tough hide and abundant +plumage require something stronger than the ordinary arrow.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2B63"></a> +<h5>THE BLOWGUN</h5> +</center> + +<p>The blowgun<sup>28</sup> is used sporadically and perfunctorily on +the far upper Agúsan, but I have never seen it anywhere else among +Manóbos.<sup>29</sup> It is used for shooting small birds, chickens, and +mice. It is made of an internode of a variety of bamboo<sup>30</sup> +about 1.2 meters long and 12.5 millimeters in diameter, to which is +joined another internode about 20 centimeters long and of slightly +larger diameter. This forms the mouthpiece. I have never seen any +'decorative work on a blowpipe. The dart is a thin tapering piece of +bamboo about 35 centimeters long and 1.5 millimeters in diameter at the +butt. Enough cotton to fill the bore of the gun is fastened at the butt +end of the dart. It is discharged by the breath. The point is never +poisoned, nor is there any tradition as to the former use of poison on +these darts.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup><i>Sum-pí-tan</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup>Its use by the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorígau, and +Karága Rivers is very common, but so far as I know it is neither a +defensive nor an offensive weapon.</p> + +<p><sup>30</sup><i>La-hi'</i>.</p> + +<p>The blowgun, when in use, is held to the mouth with the right hand. +The maximum range is about 20 meters. I have seen very small birds +killed at a distance of about 8 meters.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XII</h3> +<h3>INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES</h3> + +<a name="2C1"></a> +<h4>DIVISION OF LABOR</h4> +</center> + +<p>It is to be expected that among a people whose women have been +obtained practically by purchase the burden of work will fall on the +woman. The Manóbo man, however, at times performs an amount of heavy, +hard work that makes the division somewhat equitable.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C11"></a> +<h5>MALE ACTIVITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>House building, hunting, fishing, and trapping fall to the lot of the +man. When the rice-planting season is at hand, he fells the trees and +does the heavier work of clearing. An occasional war raid or an +occasional visit to some distant settlement for trading purposes may +impose upon him a few days of hard travel. Outside of these occupations +his work is comparatively light. He attends to his weapons, makes such +objects of wood or of bamboo as may be needed, and decorates them after +his style. He splits the rattan and does nearly all the plait work in +basket making. All the necessary implements for fishing, hunting, and +trapping are made by him, with the exception of steel weapons. He strips +the <i>abaká</i> for the family clothes and procures the dye plants. In +certain districts he is the miner and in others he is the boat builder, +and in all districts he conducts trading transactions.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C12"></a> +<h5>FEMALE ACTIVITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo woman certainly has her share of work. She does all the +dyeing, weaving, and tailoring, besides attending to the various +household duties of providing fuel, food, and water. These latter +occupations impose upon her at least one trip daily to the <i>camote</i> +field, and several to the watering place, which in the mountainous +districts is ordinarily at a considerable distance down steep and rugged +trails. She attends to the children and cares for the sick, and day +after day dries, pounds, winnows and cooks the rice. When her helpmate +has felled the trees for the new farm, she does the looping, lighter +clearing, burning, sowing, weeding, tilling, and harvesting. In her +spare moments she makes mats, rice bags, and earthen vessels, braids an +occasional armlet, does the beadwork, and a thousand and one little +things according to the exigency of the moment or the requirements of +her spouse.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C2"></a> +<h4>MALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL</h4> +</center> + +<p>The various operations of fishing, hunting, trapping, house building, +agriculture, and trading have been already described so that there +remain to be considered only boat building, mining, and plait work.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C21"></a> +<h5>BOAT BUILDING</h5> +</center> + +<p>The art of boat building is known only to Manóbos who have been in +contact with Banuáons, so that one would be led to think that the art is +of Banuáon origin. It is confined practically to the Kasilaían, Líbang, +Maásam, Óhut, and Wá-wa Rivers, though one finds a boat builder here and +there on the Híbung River and on the Simúlau River, but only an +occasional one, if any, on the Argáwan, Umaíam, Ihawán, and upper +Agúsan.</p> + +<p>The boat is a dugout usually made of <i>magasinó'</i>, +<i>kalántas</i>, or some light durable wood. The tree is selected, hewed +down with the simple ax, and by dint of hard chopping hollowed out and +shaped. In this way are made nearly all the skiffs, canoes, and boats +that ply up the network of rivers in the Agúsan Valley. It is not +uncommon to see a <i>banca</i>, or large boat, 10 meters long by 1 meter +beam.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C22"></a> +<h5>MINING</h5> +</center> + +<p>Mining is confined to the Híbung River and its tributaries, to the +Wá-wa River, and to the Taligamán district, a few hours' walk to the +southeast of Butuán. It is a desultory occupation followed more at the +request of Bisáya traders, or in fulfillment of a contract, than out of +any desire for gold.</p> + +<p>The time selected is usually after a flood. The gold is washed out +with a circular, hollow, wooden pan.<sup>1</sup> The operation has an +established religious procedure which, must be followed if one wishes to +be successful in the acquisition of the gold. The theory is as follows: +The gold is the property of a gold spirit, whose place in the Manóbo +pantheon I can not state. To enter upon his domains and to remove the +ore which is his without feasting him and making him a present of a +living victim for a future repast would provoke his wrath and result in +failure to obtain the object of the search. Hence the leader of the +miners upon arrival at the mining ground turns loose a white fowl and +kills a white pig in honor of the gold spirit. He also presents to the +spirit leaf packages of boiled native rice. The mining operations then +begin, but the peculiar feature of the whole procedure is that the rice +packages are purchased from the leader at the rate of 1 +<i>ku-len-tás-on</i><sup>2</sup> for two packages. Noise and merriment +are interdicted during the mining operations as being displeasing to the +gold spirit, but if, upon infringement of this taboo, further oblations +of rice are made to him he resumes his good humor and permits the gold +to be found.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Bi-ling-án</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Ku-len-tás-on</i> are said to weigh one-half of the +gold piece that was in circulation in the Philippine Islands, in +pre-American days, and which was valued at 12.5 cents United States +currency.</p> + +<p>I found these beliefs to be held as far over as the upper Tágo River, +on the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C23"></a> +<h5>PLAITING AND OTHER ACTIVITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The plaiting and braiding of such objects as arm and leg ligatures +out of <i>nito</i> or other vegetable fiber nearly always falls to the +lot of the women. The plaiting of baskets out of rattan, as well as the +making of fish traps and pack baskets, is generally a male +occupation.</p> + +<p>The process of basket making is fairly simple. A more or less +cylindrical, solid piece of wood with flat bottom and top forms the mold +upon which the strips of rattan are interlaced. A circular band of +bamboo strengthens the upper rim, a coating of the pulp of the seed of +the <i>tabon-tábon</i> fills up the crevices and makes the basket almost +perfectly water-tight.</p> + +<p>Pack baskets that are used for carrying game and for general utility +on long voyages are of the open wickerwork description.</p> + +<p>I know of only two Manóbo blacksmiths in the whole of Manóboland. +They learned the trade from Bisáyas and produce bolos much like the +Bisáya or Bohol type seen in the Agúsan Valley. Here and there one meets +a Manóbo who understands how to beat out a fish spear or a fishhook, or +to make a crude pipe, but, with these exceptions, the Manóbo knows +nothing of steel or iron work.</p> + +<p>As to the decoration, it is manifest from what has been said that he +can do simple but creditable work. The ornaments on bamboo tubes, combs, +baskets, and certain other things are evidences of his skill. So are the +tattoo and embroidery designs described in a previous chapter.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C3"></a> +<h4>FEMALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL</h4> + +<a name="2C31"></a> +<h5>WEAVING AND ITS ACCESSORY PROCESSES</h5> +</center> + +<p><i>Abaká</i> fiber is stripped by men and delivered to the womenfolk. +The women pound it for a long time in a wooden mortar to soften it, then +patiently tie strand to strand, placing it carefully in small hollow +baskets, where it is free from danger of entangling. Sand is often +sprinkled on it as a further means of preventing tangling.</p> + +<p>Cotton yarn is prepared from the native plant by means of a very +primitive spindle, which consists of a small rod of wood at the end of +which is a top-shaped piece of the same material which serves to sustain +the necessary rotation. A tuft of cotton is attached to the end of this +bar, and, as the top rotates the thread is twisted. When the thread is +sufficiently long it is wound around the handle and the operation is. +repeated. By this slow and tedious process a sufficient amount of yarn +is spun for the requirements of the spinner.</p> + +<p>The dyeing process consists in boiling the <i>abaká</i> yarn with +finely chopped pieces of various woods.<sup>3</sup> In order to produce +a permanent dye, the process of boiling must be repeated more than once +with new dyeing material. As the boiling apparatus consists nearly +always of small earthen pots and the boiling is continually interrupted +by culinary operations, it is obvious that the process is an +inordinately slow and unsatisfactory one. I am of the opinion that to +produce a fast red dye on sufficient yarn for about seven skirts, the +boiling occupies the better part of two wrecks.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Si-ká-lig</i> root for red effects, pieces of +<i>kanai-yum</i> tree for black and pieces of <i>du-au</i> for yellow +effects.</p> + +<p>Cotton yarn is never dyed. Whenever colors are desired, imported +cotton must be obtained through Christian or Christianized +intermediaries.</p> + +<p>The weaving is performed on a simple, portable loom, consisting of +two internodes of bamboo, one at the back part and one at the front +part. The warp threads pass serially around these two pieces of bamboo +and between the slits of a primitive comb situated within arm reach of +the posterior bamboo internode. The comb consists of an oblong rectangle +about 80 by 5 centimeters, having a series of little reeds set parallel +at a distance of 1.5 millimeters from each other. Through these +interstices pass the warp threads. Just beyond this comb and farther +away from the weaver is a hardwood rood[sic], as wide as the weft, +around which are single loops of <i>abaká</i> or other fiber. Through +these loops pass alternately the warp threads in such a way that when +the batten is inserted the upper and lower alternate warp threads are +reversed, thereby holding the weft threads in the position to which they +have been driven by the batten.</p> + +<p>The weft thread is wound upon a bobbin made out of a slender piece of +rattan which has two slits at each end, through which the weft thread +passes. The bobbin is driven through by the hand from side to side and +between the upper and the lower warp threads. The heavy, hardwood, flat, +polished batten is then worked by the hand, driving the weft thread into +juxtaposition with the part of the fabric finished already. The weaver +then inserts the batten between the warp threads at the point where they +alternately pass up and down through the previously mentioned loops on +the distal side of the comb, and between it and the rod that holds the +loops. By pulling the comb back to the finished part of the fabric, the +warp threads are reversed and the last weft thread is securely held in +place. Thus the process is repeated over and over again until the fabric +is finished.</p> + +<p>The setting up of a piece of skirt cloth would occupy some two whole +days of uninterrupted work and the weaving some three days, but as +multitudinous household duties call the woman away constantly, she +spends the better part of at least two weeks on one piece, this period +not including the preparation of the yarn by tying and dyeing.</p> + +<p>In weaving the woman sits upon the floor and keeps the warp threads +stretched by a rope that passes round her back from each extremity of +the yarn beam. When not in use, the web and the finished fabric are +folded up around the beam.</p> + +<p>The products of the Manóbo loom are not as numerous and artistic as +those of the Mandáyas. The cloth produced is of four kinds: (1) The +ordinary skirt or mosquito-bar cloth made out of <i>abaká</i> fiber and +having white and black longitudinal warp stripes, alternating with the +stripes of the red background; (2) a closely woven but thin cloth of +<i>abaká</i> having sometimes, as in the case of men's jackets, straight +weft stripes of imported blue cotton; (3) a cloth of the same material, +but so thin as to be diaphanous, and not adorned with any stripes; (4) a +cloth for trousers made out of an <i>abaká</i> warp and a native cotton +woof.</p> + +<p>In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the elaborate and +beautiful effects produced by the Mandáyas on <i>abaká</i> cloth. The +Manóbo woman has no knowledge of the process by which such effects are +obtained.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to note that the two yarn beams are cut in such a +manner as to emit a booming sound at each stroke of the batten. I have +seen an additional internode attached to the end yarn beam in a vertical +position, with a view to increasing the resonance. The object of these +sounders is to call attention to the industry and assiduity of the +weaver.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C32"></a> +<h5>POTTERY</h5> +</center> + +<p>The whole pottery industry consists in the making of rude earthen +pots out of clay. It is confined to places near which the proper clay is +found. A piece of clay is kneaded and mixed with fine sand till it +attains the proper consistency. A piece is then laid over a round stone +and beaten gently till it becomes sufficiently dry and rigid to serve +for a bottom to which clay is added strip by strip, at first thick but +gradually thinned with the fingers, until the pot is completed. It is in +the union of these strips that defects are liable to occur. Hence the +best workers patiently sit for hours beating their pots with a little +wooden mallet. The pots are then put into a hot fire and burnt several +times till they become sufficiently brittle to resist the fire, but the +manufacturers seem to lack a proper test, because the cracking of a new +pot is an ordinary occurrence.</p> + +<p>The pot is spherical in shape with a wide mouth and a neck which, by +its incurving, makes it possible to hang it up by means of a piece of +rattan when it is not in use. There may be a few indentations running +around the neck for the purpose of decoration. It is customary to +provide the pot with a crude cover, also made of sand and clay.</p> + +<center> +<a name="2C33"></a> +<h5>TAILORING AND MAT MAKING</h5> +</center> + +<p>Tailoring is such a simple affair in Manóboland that it hardly +deserves mention. Whenever an imported needle of European or American +make is not to be had, a piece of brass wire is filed down and an eye +made in it. With the simple utensil and with a thread of <i>abaká</i> +fiber, the garment is sewn with a kind of a transverse cross-stitch. +When imported cotton is on hand, nearly all seams are covered with +either a continuous fringe of cotton in alternate colors or with neat +wavy stitches, all of which serve both to conceal the seams and to +embellish the garment.</p> + +<p>In making a garment the piece of cloth is folded into a rectangle +which forms the body of the garment. A piece large enough to make the +sleeves remains. No piece is thrown away, there being no superfluous +clippings. All cutting is done with a bolo.<sup>4</sup></p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the +method of embroidery and to the various designs in common use.</p> + +<p>Mats and bags are made out of <i>pandanus</i>. The same methods so +commonly used throughout the Philippine Islands are employed by the +Manóbos.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3"></a> +<h2>PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE</h2> + +<a name="3D"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XIII</h3> +<h3>DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS</h3> + +<a name="3D1"></a> +<h4>ARRANGING THE MARRIAGE</h4> +</center> + +<p>Manóbo marriages, in general, may be said to be unions of convenience +sought with a view to extending the circle of relatives in such +directions as may result in an increase of power, prestige, protection, +and sundry other material advantages. An instance passed under my notice +in 1909 in which the daughter of a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief was +captured in marriage for the purpose of securing his aid against the +captor's enemies. The captor was a Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan of the upper +Agúsan.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D11"></a> +<h5>SELECTION OF THE BRIDE</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the selection of his future wife, the Manóbo consults his own +tastes as far as he can, but he is influenced to a great extent by the +opinion of his parents and near relatives, all of whom ordinarily look +to the advantages to be derived from connection with powerful members of +the tribe. Hence rank and birth are nearly always a determining factor, +and where the wishes of the man's elders are in opposition to his own +natural choice, he yields and is contented to take the helpmate chosen +for him.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D12"></a> +<h5>COURTSHIP AND ANTENUPTIAL RELATIONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Sometimes the young man is bidden to take up his residence in the +girl's house, observe her general character and especially her +diligence, find out if she has been bespoken, gain the good will of her +father and relatives, and report to his people.</p> + +<p>No communication of any kind takes place between him and his +prospective wife. When the subject is broached to the girl, she simply +bids him see her relatives. I have known of cases among the upper Agúsan +Manóbos where improper suggestions to the girl were at once reported by +her to her parents, and the author of them was at once brought to order +with a fine, the equivalent of P15 or P30. One white man is reported to +have met his death at the hand of a Manóbo for a mistake of this kind +many years ago. In deepest Manóboland, when the offense passes, however +slightly, the boundaries of suggestion, it becomes the source of many a +deadly feud. Happily, however, such cases are extremely rare.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D13"></a> +<h5>BEGGING FOR THE HAND OF THE GIRL</h5> +</center> + +<p>Three, four, or five of the nearest male relatives of the man, after +procuring a little beverage, repair early some evening to the house of +the nearest relative of the girl. After they have partaken of the +inevitable betel-nut quid, and have offered a drink of sugarcane brew or +other beverage to the household, and have discussed a few topics of +daily life--it may be about the last wild boar killed, or the capture of +a polecat in the snares<sup>1</sup>--the prologue begins. This lasts +from one to two days, including often the better part of the nights. +Each of the visitors comes in his turn and rattles off, with many a +significant haw and cough, in good Manóbo style a series of periphrastic +platitudes and examples that apparently give no clue to the object of +their visit. The owner of the house and father, let us say, of the girl +quickly understands the situation and then assumes a most indifferent +air. The visitor who has taken up the discourse continues, with never a +care for the various household sounds, such as the chopping of wood, or +the yelping of dogs; and not even the announcement of supper, and the +partaking thereof, can stay his eloquence. The householder at times +emits a sleepy grunt of approval, relapses apparently into a drowse, and +after several hours, rolls into his mat and feigns sleep. At this +juncture one of the visitors hastens down the notched pole and gets the +silver-ferruled lance or silver-sheathed knife that has been left +concealed near the house. The spokesman of the visitors then offers it +to the father of the hoped-for bride on condition that he rise and +listen, for they have come with an object in view--to beg for the hand +of his daughter. It is then his turn to begin a painfully drawn-out +discourse, to which the visitors assent periodically with many an humble +and submissive "<i>ho</i>" and "<i>ha</i>," "<i>bai +da man</i>" (yes, indeed), and so forth. He strains and racks his +brains to think of every imaginable reason against the marriage, and +finally, after he has exhausted every resource, he bids his visitors go +home and come back on such a day, because he has to consult his +relatives; but he can not get them to stir until he gives them a +counterpresent, which he claims is of much more value than their present +to him.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Lítag</i>.</p> + +<p>On the appointed day the young man's relatives again proceed to the +same house, but in this case reinforced by all the relatives within +reach, each one carrying his present.</p> + +<p>Upon the arrival the same performance is repeated and the same +tactics pursued as before, except that this time the visitors kill their +fatted pig and set it out, inviting the householder and all his +relatives to partake, but, lo and behold! no one will eat. No amount of +persuasion will induce them--they have eaten already--they are all +sick--they do not like to be invited to eat by their visitors, it being +against all the rules of hospitality, etc. To all of these objections +the visitors by turn answer, offsetting one reason by another and all +the while trying to put the other people into good humor and soften +their hearts. But no, the owner of the house and his party refuse, and +all this while the fatted pig lies in big black chunks on the floor, +surrounded by rice in platters, baskets, and leaves. At this point a few +of the visitors again hasten down the notched pole, and gather up out of +the grass or underbrush in the adjacent jungle the concealed presents. +The arrival of the presents is a grand moment for the father and +relatives of the young man. Even the future bride, who up to this time +has coyly hidden away in a corner, can not help stealing a few peeps at +the display of spears, bolos, daggers, plates, and jars.</p> + +<p>Picking them up one by one the owner descants on their beauty, their +value (naming an outrageous sum), and his relatives express their sorrow +at parting with them. "But," he goes on to say, "it matters +not, provided that you see our good will and will join us in this +banquet." Whereupon he distributes among his guests according to the +order of their standing the array of presents, after which all squat +down and begin to eat, the visitors giving an extra dose of wassail to +their friends in order that under its warming influence they may soften +and yield.</p> + +<p>During the course of the meal, the discussion is continued and every +appeal made to motives of friendship and self-interest, but in vain--the +other side shows no signs of yielding; they say that they can not yet +make a fixed contract, that the girl is too young, or that she does not +want the suitor; and so the hosts are bade to have patience and to go +their way. But now that they have spent an amount varying from P30 to +P50 they are not minded to lose it, but will persist in their suit for +years. I have heard of marriage transactions that covered 10 years and +have personal knowledge of numerous cases that have extended over 6.</p> + +<p>The case of a Manóbo in Pilar, upper Agúsan, will illustrate the +point. His father, during the interregnum of 1898, first made the +proposal for the hand of the girl. It was refused until toward the end +of 1904 the parents finally yielded, but on condition that 10 slaves be +paid. A few months subsequently, after a course of hard haggling and +cunning bargaining, the contract was modified to four slaves plus the +equivalent of the value of six. Three slaves were delivered after a raid +on a Mañgguáñgan settlement on the middle Sálug (about April, 1905). The +6 "thirties,"<sup>2</sup> or P180, were paid in lances, knives, +and other things before the demise of the father toward the latter part +of 1905, so that one slave still remained to be delivered. On my last +visit to Pilar (February, 1910) the poor fiancé was still doing chores +around his mother-in-law's house, and the slave was still unpaid. If he +can not procure that slave it will probably cost him, in other effects, +several times the value of the slave.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Kat-lo-án</i>, meaning 30, is a monetary unit, +representing the value of a good slave.</p> + +<p>Proceedings of the kind described before are repeated at frequent +intervals for a number of years, but with this exception, that on the +ensuing visits presents of no great value are bestowed on the father of +the expected bride--a bunch of bananas, a piece of venison, or a few +chickens, or some such offering are made, with a reiteration of the +petition. A capacious porker with a bounteous supply of sugar-cane brew +in big bamboo internodes is brought along occasionally to break down the +obdurateness of the householder's heart, until one fine day, under the +benign influence of "the cup that cheers," he yields, but +intimating that his petitioners can never afford the marriage +payments.<sup>3</sup> He will then probably recount the purchase price +of this own wife, always with exaggerations; descant on the qualities of +his daughter, her strength, her beauty, her diligence, her probable +fecundity; and deplore the grievous loss to be sustained by her +departure from her parents' side. Whereupon the visitors respond that +they are willing to substitute a number of slaves to make up for the +loss of the daughter, but that in any case she will not leave the +paternal home and that the bridegroom will take up his residence there +and help his father-in-law in all things; and so the matter is discussed +and the payment of a certain number of slaves is determined in the +following manner:</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D14"></a> +<h5>DETERMINATION OF THE MARRIAGE PAYMENT</h5> +</center> + +<p>Determination of the marriage payment is the very soul of the whole +marriage proceeding. Years and years of service on the part of the +would-be husband, presents innumerable on the part of his relatives, and +feigned indifference or opposition on the other side have led up to this +moment. For the sake of clearness, let us call the father or nearest +male relative of the future bride A and the father or nearest male +relative of the bridegroom, B.</p> + +<p>A, aided by all the cunning of his relatives, lays down as a +condition, let us say, seven slaves and one female relative of B, who is +to be a substitute for his daughter. To this B rejoins that it is a high +price and impossible of fulfillment, that he is not a warrior chief, nor +a <i>datu</i>, nor such a wealthy person as A, and that he can never +satisfy such a demand, giving a thousand and one reasons, such as +sickness or debt. A responds and belittles him for being so deficient in +resources, asks if B wants to get a wife for his son gratuitously, and +tells him to go home and buy a slave girl for him. He yells indignation +at the top of his voice, probably with his hand on his bolo, in a very +menacing way.</p> + +<p>B and his party, seeing that it is unavailing, go home, consult over +the matter, and during the course of a year or two take every possible +means to procure the necessary slaves. They may be successful in +securing one or more, let us say two, and at the same time may manage to +get together, say, 5 lances, 6 bolos, 2 jars, 30 plates, and 5 pigs; and +so one fine day they start off to A's for another trial.</p> + +<p>B proceeds to make A feel merry before he reports his failure to +comply with the demand. This report is usually a tissue of the most +atrocious "oriental diplomacies" that the human mind can +concoct. A listens to this prologue, interlarded as it always is with +ejaculations of corroboration from B's party. Then A begins: It is an +outrage, he will have none of the pigs; the idea of selling his daughter +for a bunch of pigs! He gets up and says he will first kill the pigs and +then the owner, but his relatives make a pretense at restraining him. +After a few hours of this simulation, by which he has induced B to make +many gifts, he softens, but as the demand was not complied with to the +letter, the payment must be increased, he says, by 4 more pigs, a piece +of Chinese cloth, 8 Mandáya skirts, and 2 jars. At this point his +relatives interfere. His sister wants three pigs and four skirts. She +was midwife at the birth of the girl in question and, due to her contact +with the unclean blood, was approached by a foul spirit and fell sick. +Surely she deserves a big payment--1 female slave, 2 pigs, 2 shell +bracelets, and a piece of turkey red cloth. And the third cousin claims +that she nursed the child, the future bride, two months during the +illness of its mother, and demands two Mandáya skirts. And so the +haggling is continued, A and his party doling out the marriage effects +as sparingly as possible, taking care to make presents to the more +vehement and unyielding parties on the other side.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ábat</i>.</p> + +<p>This operation always lasts a few days, during which B keeps his +prospective relatives in high glee with pork and potations, until A +consents.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D15"></a> +<h5>THE MARRIAGE FEAST AND PAYMENT</h5> +</center> + +<p>The marriage feast almost invariably takes place during the harvest, +for the simple reason that food is more abundant and also because the +harvest days are the gladdest of all the year. When the time for the +marriage is close at hand the father-in-law makes an announcement to +friends and neighbors, sending out messengers and leaving at each house +a rattan strip<sup>4</sup> to indicate the number of days to elapse +before the marriage. If his own house is not sufficiently large for the +expected attendance, he changes to another and awaits the eventful +day.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ba-lén-tus</i>.</p> + +<p>The whole country flocks to the house at the appointed time, the +relatives of the bridegroom being loaded down with the marriage +presents, which are all carefully concealed in baskets, leaf wraps, +etc., and are deposited secretly in the woods adjoining the house. Of +course the omen bird must be consulted. On this occasion above all +others it is essential that the omens be favorable, as there are no +means, so I have been informed, to counteract an inauspicious marriage +omen. While preparations are being made for the banquet by the +bridegroom's party, the interminable parley<sup>5</sup> is continued. +The bride's father and relatives make their last efforts for securing +all they can in worldly effects. They almost repent of the bargain--it +was too cheap--think of the price paid for the bride's mother--the +expenses incurred during a long illness of the bride in her infancy--and +compare the modicum demanded for her marriage; it is outrageous! no, the +marriage can not go on, the girl is not in good health, and the ordeal +might increase her ailment. Every sort of trick is resorted to in order +that the other side may be more generous in the bestowal of gifts. The +discussion is thus one big tissue of simulation, and is carried on in +succession by the elders on each side. The bridegroom's father keeps +offering betel nut and brew to his new +"cofather-in-law"<sup>6</sup> and selects a favorable moment to +make him a big present, possibly of an old heirloom, a jar, or a +venerable old spear, the value of which he estimates at P50, although it +may be worth only P8.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup><i>Bi-sä</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Bá'-i</i>.</p> + +<p>The meal is finally spread out on the floor. The roasted part of the +pig has been hacked into small chunks and is piled up on plates, leaves, +bark platters, and shallow baskets. The boiled portion remains in +charred bamboo internodes placed close at hand. The rice is loaded on +plates, or placed in large baskets lined with leaves, and the beverage +is put in the ancient family jars, or is left in long bamboos: The host, +in this case the bridegroom's father or nearest male relative, assisted +by a few others, distributes the meat, carefully selecting the pieces +according to weight, size, and quality, so that no one can complain of +not having had as good a share as his neighbor. Such toothsome parts as +the brains, heart, and liver are divided among the relatives who enjoy +greater prestige, the tougher and more gizzly[sic] pieces falling to the +lot of the people of lesser importance. This operation takes up the +better part of an hour. It is needless to say that a hubbub of voices +helps to give animation to the occasion. The Manóbo speaks in no angelic +whisper on ordinary occasions, but at a solemn time like this his vocal +chords twang with all the intensity of which they are capable.</p> + +<p>Finally all squat down on the floor, armed with the inseparable bolo +if suspicious visitors are present. Hands are washed by pouring a little +water out of a bowl, tumbler, or bamboo joint; the mouth is rinsed, and +the meal is begun. With their right hands on their bolos, if they have +not ungirded[sic] them, they lay their left hands over their portions of +rice, knead handfuls of it into a compact mass, and raising their hands +to their mouths ram it in with the palms.</p> + +<p>The two "cofathers-in-law" pay special attention to each +other, each trying to get the other intoxicated, and each feeding the +other with chunks of fat and other things. This custom is called +<i>daiyápan</i> and is universal among the non-Christian tribes of the +Agúsan Valley. It is a mark of esteem and the highest token of +hospitality. A few pieces of fat and bone are scooped up, dipped in a +mixture of red pepper, salt, and water and thrust, nolens volens, into +the mouth of the good fellow whom it is desired to honor. And it is not +good etiquette to remove it. It must be gorged at once and the fortunate +man must proceed to reciprocate in the same way. The brew is distributed +in tumblerfuls or in bamboo joints holding about a tumblerful each. To +refuse the allotted portion would degrade one in the eyes of everyone, +for here it is a sin to be sober and a virtue to get drunk. Gluttony +finds no place in a Manóbo dictionary--one is merely full,<sup>7</sup> +but always ready to go on; friend divides his rice with friend, when he +sees that the latter's supply is getting low, and his own is immediately +replenished by one of the womenfolk, or slaves that attend to the +culinary work. Nor must one finish before anybody else. It is not +polite. Nothing must be left on the plate, a fact that each one makes +clear by washing the plate clean with water.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Mahántoi</i>.</p> + +<p>The pandemonium increases in direct proportion as the brew +diminishes. One's neighbor may be yelling to somebody else at the other +end of the house while the latter is trying at the top of his voice to +reach the fellow that sits far away from him. Goodnatured, though rather +inelegant, jokes and jests are howled at the bride, who coyly conceals +herself behind a neighbor, and at the bridegroom, who does not seem at +all abashed. The women, who eat all together near the hearth, carry on +the same operations but in their own more gentle way, never falling +under the influence of the liquor. The meal is usually finished in about +three hours, when the pig and rice are exhausted.</p> + +<p>After a chew of betel nut, comes the supreme moment for +payment,<sup>8</sup> ushered in by many a "<i>ho</i>" and +"<i>ha</i>" with another discussion. The tenor of this is that +the father of the bridegroom is not as well provided with +goods<sup>9</sup> as he had desired to be, owing, let us say, to a +failure to obtain certain effects he had ordered from so-and-so, +together with numerous other pretexts and excuses that on the face of +them are untrue. Pointing out his slaves, he descants on them; and goes +on to explain how much trouble he had to get them; he could not value +them for less than P80 apiece. Or, if they are captives, he describes +the fatigues of his march and the imminent danger to which he was +exposed during the attack, together with such other reasons, mostly +fictitious, as would tend to enhance their value and thereby avoid +subsequent haggling. He then delivers the other goods +demanded.<sup>10</sup> Where two slaves had been asked he gives two +kinds of goods,<sup>11</sup> say a lance and a bolo, whereupon there is +invariably a howl of dissatisfaction, according to custom. But things +are settled nicely either by granting a few plates or some such thing +for a solace, or by playing on the good will or simplicity of the person +who objected. The distribution is not completed in one day. Usually +about one-third of the entire amount of goods is held over with a view +to observing if there is anyone who is not quite pleased with his +portion, and also for the purpose of keeping up their hopes.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Á-bat</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Máng-gad</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>By his cofather-in-law and relatives.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Da-dú-a no baíyo no máng-gad</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D16"></a> +<h5>THE RECIPROCATORY PAYMENT AND BANQUET</h5> +</center> + +<p>The following day, or whenever the payment has been completed, begins +the reciprocatory payment<sup>12</sup> in which the bride's relatives +return to those of the bridegroom a certain amount of goods varying in +value, but approximately one-half of what has been paid as the marriage +portion. As a soother, they also kill a pig and right earnestly set +about putting their new circle of relatives in good humor. It may be +noted that the duration of these feasts depends on the rapidity with +which the pig is dispatched. I have known a marriage feast to cover a +period of seven days, though it may be said that it is generally +terminated the second day, at least in the case of less well-to-do +Manóbos.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Sú-bak</i>.</p> + +<p>The reciprocatory payment being successfully carried through, it now +remains for the bridegroom's relatives to give the farewell feast and +carry off the bride. But it often happens that the girl's relatives have +ascertained that there are still a number of goods in the possession of +their new relatives and it is considered proper to secure them.</p> + +<p>A few hours before departure the bride is decked out with all +available ornaments. Bead necklaces, with pendants of crocodile teeth +and strips of mother-of-pearl; bracelets of seashell,<sup>13</sup> +large, white and heavy; bracelets of vegetable fiber and of sea wood; a +comb inlaid with mother-of-pearl, and adorned with beads and tassels of +cotton; leglets of plaited jungle fiber--all these constitute her +finery. During the process of dressing, the bride's female relatives +usually weep, while the more distant ones set up a howl, often, I think, +of ficticious[sic] grief, in which the children, babies, and dogs may +join. At this juncture the female relatives of the bridegroom intercede +and endeavor to assuage their grief. It is only after numerous presents +have been given them that they become resigned, but at the last moment, +when the bride is about to be led away, they surround her and hold her +and perhaps repeat the wail till they receive more material consolation. +This necessitates another supply of presents. Then the children have to +be appeased. Finally the girl is led down the pole, but as her father +may have espied, let us say, a fine dagger, or a lance that struck his +fancy, nothing will satisfy him except to order them all back and tell +his cofather-in-law that he must needs have the lance or dagger, giving +some sly reason, as, for instance, that his wife had an ominous dream +last night. In one marriage feast that I witnessed, after all the +bridegroom's people had left the house, the bride's father told his son +to beat the dog. Whereupon he ordered the party back and told his +cofather-in-law that it was passing strange that the dog should have +howled just as they left the house and that he should leave his lance +and bolo as an offering to one of the family deities. It was done +accordingly and in all good nature. Then they started off again, but +were recalled because the old fox happened to remember that his +cofather-in-law had on several occasions during the early marriage +proceedings displeased him, and so it became necessary to atone for the +sin<sup>14</sup> by another gift. Finally they got a start, filched of +all they had. It happens frequently that the marriage suitors are +deprived even of their personal weapons and of part of their clothes. It +may be remarked that the bestowal of a person's upper garment is +considered an act of deep friendship, and is of fairly frequent +occurrence.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Tak-ló-bo</i> (<i>Tridacna gigas</i>).</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Húgad to saí-ya</i>. This is another instance of that +peculiar belief in an atonement rite of which I can give no details.</p> + +<p>The above is a description of the upper class marriage feast, but +that of the poorer class is carried on in much the same style, except +that the proceedings are much briefer. The bride's father and people on +the one hand strive by might and main to get the highest payment +obtainable, while the bridegroom's folk exert themselves to hold the +price down. Whatever is given in payment is overvalued--it is a +keepsake, an heirloom, would never be given away under any other +circumstances--in fact, may result in evil to the giver. On the other +hand everything that is received is depreciated--it is old, or of no use +to the receiver. An old trick is to return it, whereupon a little +additional gift is made for a consolation. But even then it is never +admitted that the gift is received for its intrinsic value, but rather +out of good will.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D2"></a> +<h4>MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE CONTRACTS</h4> + +<a name="3D21"></a> +<h5>THE MARRIAGE RITE</h5> +</center> + +<p>We will now follow the bride to her father-in-law's house and witness +the religious ceremony by which the hymeneal tie is indissolubly +knitted. It is essential that the omen bird should be favorable on the +trip to the bridegroom's house, otherwise the party must return. Usually +the parting injunction of the bride's father to his cofather-in-law +warns him to watch for the omen bird.</p> + +<p>A pig is killed as soon as possible and set out in the usual style at +the house of the bridegroom. The bride and bridegroom sit side by side +on an ordinary grass mat. No special decorations have been made; no +bridal chamber has been prepared, except sometimes a rude stall of +slatted bamboo or of bark.</p> + +<p>When the meal is ready, the bridegroom takes a handful of rice from +his plate and offers it to the bride while she also gives a similar +portion to him. Then he passes his rice from hand to hand behind his +back seven times, after which he says in a loud voice: "We are now +married; let our fame ascend."<sup>15</sup> The bride imitates him. +Whereupon loud howls of assent proclaim the consummation of the marriage +contract.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Kanámi no miño nakalíbto ang bántug námi</i>.</p> + +<p>The meal goes on in the same riotous style as described before. I +seldom witnessed a marriage during which the bridegroom did not become +rather hilarious toward the end of the meal, but never displayed +anything but feelings of delicacy and respect toward the bride. +Instructions of a kind that would be considered highly indecent, +according to our standards of morality, are howled out in the most +candid way, so that this ordeal proves embarrassing for the bride. She +eats hastily and retires to her female friends in the cooking portion of +the house. I have seen several cases where the girl, being a mere child, +continued to weep during the whole proceeding.</p> + +<p>The feast being concluded a female priest takes the betel-nut omen. +Seven quids of betel nuts are placed by one of the family priestesses +upon a sacred dish.<sup>16</sup> She then sets it upon the head of the +bridegroom and falls into an ecstatic condition, steadying the plate +with her hand. Should one of the betel-nut slices become separated from +its betel leaf, the omen is considered unpropitious and is followed +immediately by the prophylactic rite--the fowl-waving ceremony.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>A-púg'-an</i>.</p> + +<p>The matter of overcoming the delicacy of the newly married maiden is +not infrequently attended with considerable difficulty. It is +accomplished, however, by means of an elderly relative of the girl, who +occupies night after night the mat between the newly married couple, +until such time as she thinks that her ward has become well enough +acquainted with her husband so that she will not run away. The +go-between returns the following day and claims her guerdon. Several +cases passed under my observation, in which the husband was unable to +use his marital rights for weeks owing to the timorousness and +bashfulness of his youthful spouse. In no case was anything but patience +and gentleness displayed by the husband.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D22"></a> +<h5>MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE</h5> +</center> + +<p>The custom of wife capture is fairly frequent, especially in the +upper Agúsan where the Manóbo is within the Mandáya culture area. During +my last visit to the upper Agúsan (September, 1909, to February, 1910) +three cases occurred, and I had the pleasure of taking part in the +settlement of one of them.</p> + +<p>The capture is effected by a band of some four to eight friends of +the party interested. They repair to the vicinity of the <i>camote</i> +patch, which is almost invariably situated at some distance from the +house of its owner. Here a watch is kept until the intended captive, in +company probably with a few of her own tribe, appears upon the scene. +Probably it has been already ascertained that the male relatives have +gone on a hunting or fishing expedition, but to make assurance doubly +sure one or two of the party advance toward the women unarmed and make +inquiries hi an offhand way. If the absence of the male relatives is +confirmed, they thereupon seize the girl, and their companions rush out +in full panoply from their hiding places and carry off the fair prize. +By the time the girl's relatives become aware of the occurrence, the +captors have eluded all chance of discovery and the captive has probably +resigned herself to her fate, if she had not already consented by +connivance.</p> + +<p>With regard to wife capture it may be remarked that it is generally +resorted to under the advice and protection of some more powerful and +affluent personage. If undertaken on one's own initiative it might be +risky, and certainly always is a highly expensive affair. Even when +carried out with the connivance of a <i>datu</i> or a warrior chief, it +has on occasions proved fatal, so I was assured.</p> + +<p>The case referred to was that of the son of an influential Manóbo of +the Nábuk River, in the upper Agúsan Valley. His son had a few months +before my arrival lost his first wife in a raid made by a neighboring +settlement. He determined to avoid the prolixities and delay of the +ordinary matrimonial course, and, accordingly, captured the daughter of +a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief who lived near Pilar. I was in Compostela at +the time and on hearing that an expedition<sup>17</sup> to recapture the +girl or to collect the marriage payment would take place, I asked that I +might be allowed to accompany the party.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Duk-i-ús</i>. (Mandáya, <i>dúk-lus</i>).</p> + +<p>We arrived at the house of the <i>datu</i> and found everything and +everybody prepared for war. This <i>datu</i> informed me that he +anticipated trouble, as the Mañgguáñgan was of a different breed, being +at times altogether unamenable to reason. During the rest of that day +nothing occurred, but no one ventured out of the clearing without a +strong guard, and during the night the strictest watch was maintained. +The <i>datu</i> said that among Manóbos and Mandáyas a wife capture was +easy of arrangement and was never attended with any trouble, provided +they had the wherewithal to pay the marriage price, but that the +Mañgguáñgan was an unruly character and in a fit of rage or drunkenness +was liable to commit acts of atrocity even against his nearest +relatives. He cited the case of a Mañgguáñgan from Sálug who discovered +the whereabouts of his son-in-law and of the captured bride and killed +them without further ado.</p> + +<p>About 2 a. m. we were disturbed from our slumbers by one of the +watchers who had heard a distinct crackling in the adjoining forest. +This report brought everybody to his feet and provoked a chorus of yells +of intimidation, that never ceased till sunrise.</p> + +<p>About 6 a. m. we espied forms in the forest, approaching from all +sides. When they, some 60 altogether, had taken up their positions on +the edge of the clearing wherein stood the house, they sounded their +weird and wild war whoop,<sup>18</sup> and four warriors, headed by the +warrior chief referred to, and armed with all the accouterments of war, +rushed forward toward the house, yelling, prancing around, defying, +challenging, and cursing. The warrior chief speared one of the two large +pigs under the house and proceeded, aided by his three companions to cut +down the house posts, never ceasing to yell in the most stentorian voice +I ever heard. At this juncture the <i>datu</i> let down with a long +strip of rattan a silver-banded lance, a silver-sheathed war knife, and +a silver-sheathed Mandáya dagger. As everybody was howling, it was +difficult to follow the tenor of conversation, but I observed that the +warrior chief accepted the gift though he did not apparently relax his +fury. He jumped around, menacing, and animating his companions to fire +the house. The <i>datu</i> kept letting down presents of lances, Mandáya +cloth, pigs, and other things until everyone of the assailants had +received a token of his good will. Their fury very visibly diminished, +and the <i>datu</i> was finally able to hold a colloquy with his new +cofather-in-law, in which he persuaded him to come up into the house and +hold a conference<sup>19</sup> over the matter. The latter, after +numerous reiterations that he would never enter the house except to chop +heads off, finally ascended the notched pole, followed by his braves. We +of the house retired to the further half, all armed, while the newcomers +squatted in that portion of the house near the ladder. Then began the +conference which lasted till breakfast was ready. It resembled in all +respects the usual marriage haggling, except that the warrior chief +asseverated persistently that the act of the <i>datu's</i> son was +deception and robbery, and that only blood would atone for it. His +companions howled assent and clutching their bolos, half rose as if to +begin a massacre. They were invited to sit down and regale themselves, +but that only made them howl all the more. Finally the <i>datu</i> +ordered out a stack of weapons and other presents, and made another +allotment to the visitors, in due proportion to relationship. This had a +soothing effect and induced them to drink copious draughts of sugarcane +brew, which kept on soothing them more and more as the end of the meal +approached. During all this time special attention was paid to the +warrior chief, so that before long he was feeling so happy that he +ordered his followers to remove all weapons from their persons, and +began to feed huge chunks of half-raw hog meat into the mouth of the +<i>datu</i> according to the immemorial custom.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Pa-nad-jáu-an</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Bisa</i>.</p> + +<p>After the feast I returned to the Agúsan but learned later that +everything had been settled amicably, the <i>datu</i> having provided a +superabundance of wordly[sic] effects, in payment for the captured +woman. Among them were two slaves valued at P30 apiece.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D23"></a> +<h5>PRENATAL MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND CHILD MARRIAGE</h5> +</center> + +<p>Prenatal marriage contracts have been made in the upper Agúsan, +especially when it was desired to secure the friendship of some more +powerful chieftain. I was informed by a <i>bagáni</i> of the upper Sálug +that it is not an uncommon thing for two warrior chiefs or other +powerful men to make such contracts in order to cement the friendship +between themselves and between their respective clans. He cited several +instances, in some of which the sex of the child proved an impediment to +the carrying out of the prenatal marriage contract. Child marriages, +however, are not uncommon. I know of two cases in Compostela, in one of +which the boy husband was minor, the girl having already attained the +age of puberty at the time of the marriage. In the other case both were +mere children. It is needless to say that cohabitation was not permitted +in the latter case. The marriage payment had been made in the usual way +and the bride delivered over to her father-in-law.</p> + +<p>According to my observation, the young man is married somewhere +between the ages of 17 and 20, and the woman from 13 to 16. The effect +of these early marriages is very apparent in the physical appearance of +the wife after a few years of married life. On account of the onerous +duties that fall to the lot of the woman, only a staunch constitution +can maintain unblemished the bloom of youthful beauty. I am of the +opinion that the average woman reaches her prime at about 25 years of +age.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D24"></a> +<h5>POLYGAMY AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>It may be said that the Manóbo is in practice a monogamist, but +polygamy is permitted with the consent of the first wife and, in cases +that I have known, by her direction and even according to her selection. +She finds her work too burdensome and directs her husband to get another +helpmate. As a rule, however, it is only a warrior chief who has more +than one wife, as he is in a better position to procure the wherewithal +to pay the purchase price, namely, slaves. I am acquainted with a number +of warrior chiefs, both Manóbo and Mandáya, who have as many as four +wives, all dwelling in the same house, each having her little +stall<sup>20</sup> and living in perfect peace and happiness with her +sister wives. There appear to be no jealousy and no family broils, the +wish of the first wife being paramount in all things.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>Sin-á-bung</i>.</p> + +<p>I found the abhorrence to polyandry so great and so universal that +all tribes that I came in contact with throughout eastern Mindanáo +branded the practice as swinish.</p> + +<p>Concubinage is unknown. In a country where a woman is worth a small +fortune to her relatives, and where she can not offer her love according +to her own choice, but must follow her relatives' desires,<sup>21</sup> +it is not likely that she would be delivered over temporarily to even a +warrior chief, nor is she likely to be repudiated except for strong +reasons. Hence divorce is never allowed, as far as my observation and +knowledge go, being considered an infringement of tribal customs that +would provoke divine wrath and bring disaster on the settlement.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup>I heard of a case in Guadalupe in which the girl, not +being allowed to marry the man of her choice, took <i>tuble</i> poison +and ended her life.</p> + +<p>Among the non-Christianized Manóbos I never heard of a case of +prostitution. The mere suggestion of it would probably result in a fine. +Fornication, however, probably takes place, but only very rarely and +under very abnormal circumstances, as when the sexual temperament of the +girl and a very favorable opportunity encourage the transgression. I +know of cases where Manóbo maidens actually recounted to their relatives +improper suggestions on the part of Bisáyas, and in every case these +relatives, with wild yells, and with menacing movements of bolo and +spear, collected a sufficient compensation to atone for the imprudence. +In one instance I paid the fine imposed upon a half-blind paddler of +mine for a very innocent joke that was not appreciated by the relatives +of a certain woman.</p> + +<p>When, however, the Manóbo is removed from the stern influences of his +pagan institutions he goes the way of all flesh, as may be observed by a +study of conditions in <i>conquista</i> towns.</p> + +<p>I heard of a few cases of adultery among Christianized Manóbos but, +though the guilty wife was reported to have received a heavy punishment +in the form of a good beating, she was not divorced.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D25"></a> +<h5>ENDOGAMY AND CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES</h5> +</center> + +<p>I found no vestige of endogamy nor of the totem system that is such a +remarkable and widespread feature of Polynesian, Melanesian, and cognate +peoples in Oceania. Neither is there any theoretical endogamic +institution which obliges a Manóbo to marry within his tribe, but, in +practice, such is his custom.</p> + +<p>The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity. Consanguineous +marriages are everywhere regarded as baneful. It is a universal belief +that unless such marriages are consummated under the special auspices of +the goddesses Ináyao and Tagabáyao, they result in physical evil to both +the parents and the children.</p> + +<p>The following are the persons between whom marriage is forbidden:</p> + +<blockquote><p>(1) All carnal relatives closer than first cousin.</p> + +<p>(2) First, second, and third cousins, unless the proper ceremonies to +Tagabáyao and Ináyao have been performed, various omens very carefully +taken, and, after marriage, the yearly offering of a pig or chicken made +in order to avoid the ill effects that might follow the marriage.</p> + +<p>(3) Stepmothers and stepfathers.</p> + +<p>(4) Mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law.</p> + +<p>(5) Daughters-in-law and sons-in-law.</p> + +<p>(6) Captives and their captors. This marriage is believed to bar the +way to warriorship and to otherwise result in evil.<sup>22</sup> +Captives may, however, be married by others than those who captured +them.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup><i>Ma-lí-hi</i>.</p> + +<p>(7) Slaves; marriages among them are not tabooed absolutely, but they +are regarded as something unbecoming, and the person who marries a slave +girl is spoken of as <i>áyo-áyo</i> (no good).</p></blockquote> + +<p>Marriage with a sister-in-law is fairly common, and may take place +during the wife's lifetime, usually at her instigation, but never +without her consent.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D26"></a> +<h5>INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER MARRIAGES</h5> +</center> + +<p>It may be remarked that in the case of marriages between cousins +within the forbidden degrees, the actual marriage payment is much less, +as the matter is considered a family affair, but on the whole such a +marriage is a most expensive affair. In the first place, before the +marriage, the priest instructs the prospective husband to dedicate a +number of objects to Tagabáyao, the goddess of consanguineous love. This +presupposes a sacrificial ceremony in which, as in one case which I +witnessed, a white pig was killed, and a lance valued at P15, a bolo +valued at P10, a dagger valued at P10, and sundry other objects were +formally consecrated to Tagabáyao. The consecration was followed by a +sacrifice to Tagabáyao, after which the marriage payment was made. Then +came a similar series of offerings to Ináyao, goddess of the +thunderbolt, that she might not harm the newly married. I was told that +year after year the newly married cousins had to repeat this ceremony, +and thereby keep in Ináyao's good graces.</p> + +<p>Intermarriage with a member of another tribe occurs occasionally but +is not looked upon with favor owing to the differences of religious +belief as also to the fact that it might not be possible for the husband +to take away his wife. In the cases that have come under my notice of +marriages between Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans, Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas, +and Mandáyas and Manóbos, the man almost invariably married a girl +belonging to what was considered a higher tribe; for instance, Manóbo +man to a Mandáya girl, or a Mañgguáñgan man to a Mandáya girl. The +reason assigned was in nearly every case the assurance that the girl +would not be taken from the paternal roof, and that a bigger marriage +price would be forthcoming.</p> + +<p>Gratuitous marriages occur rarely. In the few cases that passed under +my observation, all the expenses of the wedding feast were borne by the +bride's relatives, and the bridegroom took up his residence with his +father-in-law, and virtually entered a state of slavery. His children +also become the property of the father-in-law.</p> + +<p>It is not intended to give the impression that the recipient of a +gratuitous wife has to perform the duties of an ordinary slave. On the +contrary, he is treated as one of his wife's family and is expected, in +view of the favor that he has received and the debt that he has +incurred, to help his father-in-law when called upon. If he should +happen on a definite occasion to prove recalcitrant, he is gently +reminded of his debt and of the sacredness with which a good Manóbo pays +it, and so he goes off on his errand and the matter is concluded.</p> + +<p>Remarriage takes place frequently, owing to the fact that a widow +does not command so high a price as a maiden and that she has something +to say in the selection of her new husband. She can not, however, be +married if a funeral feast<sup>23</sup> for a near relative of the +family is still unfulfilled.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>.</p> + +<p>There is absolutely no trace of a levirate system by which the +nearest male kinsman must marry his deceased brother's widow. On the +contrary, a marriage with any relative's widow is absolutely tabooed, +and this taboo, as far as my observations warrant the assertion, is +never violated.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D3"></a> +<h4>MARRIED LIFE AND THE POSITION OF THE WIFE</h4> +</center> + +<p>Married life appears to be one of mutual good understanding and +kindliness. The husband addresses his wife as <i>búdyag</i> (wife) and +leaves to her the management of the establishment in everything except +such little business transactions as may have to be carried on. The wife +gets the wood and water every day, toiling up and down the steep +mountain sides. She goes off to the farm once or twice a day and returns +with her basket of <i>camotes</i>. In the meantime the husband whittles +out his bolo sheath or his lance shaft, or occasionally goes off on a +fishing expedition or a hunt, if the omens are good. Every once in +awhile, especially during the winter months, he sets up his wild boar +traps, and they may keep him busy about two days a week. Then comes the +news of a wedding feast, two days' journey hence, and off he goes for +perhaps a week, or there may be a big question to settle in another part +of the country and he must attend the discussion because there is a +relative of his involved; anyhow, it will end up with a big pig and +plenty of brew. So he goes away and has a roaring time, and comes back +after a week with a nice piece of pork and some betel nuts for his wife +and tells her all about the doings. She bears it all, makes her comments +on it, and then goes to get the <i>camotes</i> for dinner, with never a +complaint as to her hard work. It is the custom of the tribe, and the +institution of the great men of bygone days, that the woman should toil +and slave.</p> + +<p>I have known of very few domestic broils and have never known of a +case of ill treatment, except when in a drunken fit the husband wreaked +his wrath on his wife.</p> + +<p>Faithfulness to the marriage tie is a remarkable trait in Manóboland, +due to the stringent code of morals upheld by the spear and the bolo. +The few cases of adultery related to me among the non-Christian Manóbos +were mere memories. I heard of one case of fornication just before +leaving the upper Agúsan. It was narrated to me by a warrior chief of +the upper Kati'il. His fourth wife, a relative of the <i>datu</i> who +figured in the case of wife capture described in this chapter, had in +the days of her maidenhood secretly fallen from grace, which fact she +revealed to her warrior husband, together with the name of the offender. +The warrior chief thereupon made a two-day march to Compostela and +located the house of his enemy, publicly vowing speedy vengeance. I +visited the latter's house a few days after and found it in a state of +defense, a large clearing having been made, with a mass of felled trees, +underbrush, and bamboo pegs all around. This man was a Manóbo of the +Debabáon group who had spent many years under the tuition of the older +Christians of the Agúsan Valley.</p> + +<p>Rape, incest, and other such abominations are practically unheard +of.</p> + +<p>From what has been stated frequently throughout this monograph, it +may be seen that the position of the woman is merely that of a chattel. +In moments of anger, which are not frequent, the husband or the +father-in-law addresses the object of his wrath as <i>binótuñg</i>, that +is, purchased one, chattel. A woman, the Manóbo will tell you, has no +<i>tribunal</i>, or <i>tilibuná</i>;<sup>24</sup> she was born to be the +bearer of children and the planter of <i>camotes</i>. She can not carry +a shield nor thrust a spear.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup>The meaning is that she has not enough brains to take +part in the discussions held in the town halls, called in Spanish +"tribunal," and erected by the Spaniards in the various +Christianized settlements for the arbitration of judicial and +administrative matters pertaining to the settlement.</p> + +<p>Following out these views to their legitimate conclusions, and both +experience and observation verify them, it is obvious that there is no +evidence of the matriarchate system in Manóbo-land. The husband is the +lord of his household, of his wife, and of his children, and I do not +hesitate to say, probably would abandon or kill either, if the urgency +of a definite occasion required it.<sup>25</sup></p> + +<p><sup>25</sup>Maliñgáan of the upper Simúlau, to prevent his wife and +children from falling into the hands of the Spanish forces, slew them +and himself in full view of the soldiery. I found this incident related +in one of the Jesuit letters, to which reference has been made +already.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3D4"></a> +<h4>RESIDENCE OF THE SON-IN-LAW AND THE BROTHER-IN-LAW SYSTEM</h4> +</center> + +<p>After a few months, dependent on the term determined upon in the +marriage contract, the young husband returns to his father-in-law's +house, to whose family he is now considered to belong, and takes up his +permanent residence there. His respect for both his father-in-law and +mother-in-law is such that he will not mention them by name. He always +addresses them as father-in-law and mother-in-law, respectively. He aids +his father-in-law in everything as a son. Every year for 12 years during +the harvest time he is expected to kill a pig for him. Of course, +occasions arise on which he is called upon by his own relatives and has +to leave his father-in-law. Sometimes it happens that he does not +return, but in such cases he is expected to act in a diplomatic way, and +leave something, say a big pig, as a substitute for his person.</p> + +<p>Brothers-in-law, and their name is legion, for the term includes all +who have married any relative however distant, are expected to aid the +relatives of their wives, especially in warfare. And it is my +observation that at least such of them as are married to nearer +relatives of a given individual, do effectively help him when he really +needs either financial or other assistance.</p> + +<p>The brothers-in-law of a warrior chief nearly always live with him or +in his immediate vicinity. This custom is maintained, no doubt, both for +the protection and for the prestige thereby acquired.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XIV</h3> +<h3>DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD</h3> + +<a name="3E1"></a> +<h4>DESIRE FOR PROGENY</h4> +</center> + +<p>The desire to fulfill the end of marriage is so strong that it may be +said that there is almost rivalry and envy between the young men. Many a +time I have heard the remark made that so and so is <i>a-yo-á-yo</i>--a +sorry specimen of humanity--because he had no children. If you ask a +Manóbo how many children he has he will seldom forget to tell you not +only the number that died, but also the number of times that his wife +suffered miscarriage, owing to a faulty selection of food, or to the +noxious influence of some evil spirits, or to the violation of certain +taboos, or to some other cause.</p> + +<p>And thus it is that when the first evidences of motherhood manifest +themselves, the husband procures a <i>white</i> or <i>black</i> chicken +and after inviting a few friends, holds an informal party in honor of +the occasion. I know of one case in which the ritual waving +ceremony<sup>1</sup> took place on pregnancy, but it was performed, so +the husband told me, because of a conjunction of ill omens, and not +because such a ceremony was customary.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Kú-yab to má-nuk</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E2"></a> +<h4>BIRTH AND PREGNANCY TABOOS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The precautions taken by both husband and wife during pregnancy, as +also on the approach of parturition, are evidence of the sacredness with +which they guard the dearest hope of their married lives.</p> + +<p>The following pregnancy and birth taboos, verified by the writer, +hold with little variation in every part of the Agúsan Valley, and +several of them are still adhered to by the Bisáyas of that +region.<sup>2</sup></p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>I find that some of these taboos are observed by the +uneducated Tagalogs of Manila and by the peasants of Tayábas +Province.</p> + +<p>The general idea prevailing in the observation of these taboos is one +of sympathy by which a certain action, productive of a certain physical +effect in one subject may produce by some sympathetic correlation an +analogous effect in another. An instance will make this clear. To wear a +necklace is an action in itself perfectly innocuous and even beneficial, +in so far as it enhances the person of the wearer, but for the Manóbo +man and wife such a proceeding at this particular time would produce, by +some species of mystic correlation, a binding effect on the child in the +hour of parturition, and must accordingly be eschewed.</p> + +<p>These taboos are in force from the time when the young wife announces +her condition until the end of that trying period that follows +conception.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E21"></a> +<h5>TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE HUSBAND</h5> +</center> + +<p>1. He must avoid all untoward acts, such as quarreling and +haggling.</p> + +<p>2. His demeanor must be quiet; he must avoid noisy and impetuous +actions, such as taking part in the capture of a domestic pig.</p> + +<p>3. He must avoid all heavy work, such as the felling of trees, making +of canoes, or erection of house posts.</p> + +<p>4. He must not engage in any work connected with rattan, such as +tying or splicing.</p> + +<p>5. He must in no case use resin<sup>3</sup> for the purpose of +sticking handles or shafts on weapons.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Sái-yung</i> or <i>saung</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E22"></a> +<h5>TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE WIFE</h5> +</center> + +<p>1. She must not do any heavy work nor carry anything on her head.</p> + +<p>2. She must not sit on a corner of the hearth frame.</p> + +<p>3. While in a sitting posture she must leave one knee uncovered.</p> + +<p>4. She must be careful in the selection of her food for a period that +seems to depend, according to my observation, on individual whim.</p> + +<p>Hence after the inception of pregnancy a woman becomes almost +fastidious in the choice of her food. Her every whim must be catered to. +No general rule can be given, but her general preference is for +vegetable food, especially the core of the various wild palm +trees,<sup>4</sup> plantains, and when obtainable, young coconuts. Acid +fruits, such as the various species of lemons or the fruits of rattan +vines, seem to be her special predilection.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ó-bud</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E23"></a> +<h5>TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY BOTH HUSBAND AND WIFE</h5> +</center> + +<p>1. They must not thrust their hands through the floor nor through an +opening in the walls of the house.</p> + +<p>2. Anything taken by them from the fire must not be returned by them, +but by a third party.</p> + +<p>3. They must not return after having once started to descend the +house ladder until they have reached the ground.</p> + +<p>4. They must not sit at the entrance to the house in such a way as to +impede free en trance or exit.</p> + +<p>5. They must be careful that the firewood is not unusually speckled +or dirty, as the child that is to come might be lacking in due +comeliness. I have seen many a husband assiduously peeling off the bark +from the more-ugly-looking firewood.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E24"></a> +<h5>TABOOS ENJOINED ON VISITORS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Visitors also are cautioned and expected to observe the third and +fourth taboos mentioned under the last section.<sup>5</sup></p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>The taboo that forbids a visitor to sit at the door of +the house is observed by the lower classes of Manila. Also the taboo +that forbids quarreling.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E3"></a> +<h4>ABORTION</h4> +</center> + +<p>Infanticide is never practiced; on the contrary, every means, +natural, magic, and religious, are taken to safeguard the life of the +babe. Abortion, however, occurs.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E31"></a> +<h5>ARTIFICIAL ABORTION</h5> +</center> + +<p>Artifical[sic] abortion is unknown among the pagan Manóbos, but the +Christianized members of the tribe who have come under the influence of +culture of a different stamp, have acquired a knowledge of its practice +for the purpose of concealing their condition and of thereby avoiding +subsequent shame and trouble. For this purpose various vegetable +products are used, such as the sap of the red dyewood,<sup>6</sup> the +core of a wild palm,<sup>7</sup> the sap of black dyewood,<sup>8</sup> +and the juice of mint.<sup>9</sup> I was told that these are very +effective and, as a rule, not attended with evil consequences to the +health of the woman.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Si-ká-lig</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>Called <i>báñg-a</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Tá-gum</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>La-bwé-na</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E32"></a> +<h5>INVOLUNTARY ABORTION</h5> +</center> + +<p>Involuntary abortion, however, is a matter of frequent, occurrence. +It would be hard to form an approximate estimate, but, from the opinions +expressed by several warrior chiefs and headmen, I believe that it +occurs not infrequently. No explanation as to its cause was obtained. +The fetus is usually buried without any ceremony under the house. In the +upper Agúsan, the Manóbo follows a Mandáya custom by erecting over the +grave, which is always under the house, an inverted cone of bamboo +slatwork, about 30 centimeters high and 60 centimeters in diameter. The +usual feelings of fright are not displayed on these occasions as on the +death of one that has died an ordinary death, for the child has not yet +been consociated with its two soul companions. Neither is the house +abandoned, as would ordinarily be done on the death of an older +person.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E4"></a> +<h4>THE APPROACH OF PARTURITION</h4> + +<a name="3E41"></a> +<h5>THE MIDWIFE<sup>10</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Pa-na-gám-hon</i>.</p> + +<p>About the seventh month when the expectant mother feels the +quickening impulse of life within her, she selects a midwife and +undergoes almost daily at her hands a massage, without which it is +thought she would be in danger of a painful delivery. As far as I could +learn, the method followed is such as to keep the creature in a vertical +position within the womb, with the head downward. The massage is said to +take place at the beginning of a lunar month. The midwife is eminently +the most important personage in all that concerns birth. She is not +necessarily a priestess, but is usually a relative of the prospective +mother. She is always a woman of advanced age who has had abundant +experience, and "has never lost a case." She is reputed to be +versed in many secret medicines and devices necessary for the cure of +any ailment proceeding from natural causes and connected with +childbirth. I always found the midwife very reluctant to disclose the +secrets of her profession.</p> + +<p>When the woman announces the maternal pains, the midwife goes at once +to the house, taking with her various herbs and other things, all +carefully concealed on her person. She is not alone on such occasions, +but is usually accompanied, if not preceded, by the greater portion of +the female population in the community. Few of the male portion, and +none of the bachelors, attend, but they keep themselves informed of the +progress of the patient by frequent yells of inquiry from the +neighboring houses.</p> + +<p>The midwife bids the patient lie upon her back and, aided by a few +relatives of the parturient, proceeds to administer one of the most +ferocious massages imaginable. I witnessed one case in which the mother +was tightly bound with swathing clothes and the husband called upon to +exert his strength in an endeavor to force delivery.</p> + +<p>As soon as it becomes apparent that the patient is in great pain, the +midwife, and perhaps others expert in such matters, resort to means +which are designed to produce an easy and speedy delivery.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E42"></a> +<h5>PRENATAL MAGIC AIDS<sup>11</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ta-gi-á-mo</i>.</p> + +<p>During several childbirths which I attended in various parts of the +valley, I observed the use of the following aids to delivery:</p> + +<blockquote><p>1. A piece of rattan<sup>12</sup> is taken by one of the +women present and, after being slightly burnt, is extinguished by the +midwife and held close to the person<sup>13</sup> of the parturient. +With her hands the midwife then wafts the smoke over the patient, +muttering at the same time a formula.</p> + +<p>The explanation of this procedure, as given to me in all cases, was +the following: The rattan is symbolic of the various fleshy bonds with +which the child is confined within the mother and as the rattan, wound +round and round the various portions of the house, is an impediment to +the removal of the piece which it retains, a piece of it is burnt in +order that by some mystic power the puerperal bonds may be undone. +During the burning the child is exhorted not to resemble the tardy +rattan but to come forth free and untrammeled from its mortal +tenement.</p> + +<p>This charm, it was explained to me, counteracts the violations of the +taboos whereby husband or wife, or both, are enjoined not to wear +necklaces or bodily bindings, and not to work in rattan and resin, or to +carry anything on the head. Should the burning of a piece of rattan be +omitted, it is believed that the umbilical cord<sup>14</sup> would be +found to have actually become tangled around the neck or body of the +child during the act of delivery, thereby increasing the difficulty and +the danger.</p> + +<p>2. The burning of a small piece of the house ladder<sup>15</sup> and +the subsequent fumigation of the person of the parturient are practiced +in identically the same manner as the above, and are thought to +neutralize the evil effects that might result from the transgressions, +even involuntary, of those taboos which forbid that anyone should sit at +the door of a pregnant woman's house, or return to the house after +having begun his descent down the house pole or ladder.</p> + +<p>3. A third magic means, helpful in birth, is the consuming of a +portion of the hearth frame followed, as described above, by a +fumigation of a part of the patient's person. The particular effect of +this charm is to counteract the evil influences which might otherwise +result to the child from the nonobservance of the various other taboos +mentioned previously.</p> + +<p>4. Finally, various herbs, of which I did not learn the names because +of secretiveness on the part of the women, are put on a plate or on +anything that is convenient, and burned. On one occasion I observed that +the leaves<sup>16</sup> used to cover sweetpotatoes and other vegetables +during the process of steaming were employed, and on another I procured +a piece of grass that had fallen from the plate and later on I +ascertained it to be the leaf of a variety of bamboo. I was unable to +learn the purpose of this charm, the replies being contradictory or +variable in different localities.</p> + +<p>The midwife applies numerous other medicinal herbs and has various +other secret expedients of which I have been utterly unable to learn the +nature. In one case a midwife claimed to have a bezoar +stone<sup>17</sup> found in the body of an eel. This could not be seen, +for it was wrapped in cloth. When the patient gave signs of suffering, +she would dip this stone in water and rub it over the woman's +abdomen.</p></blockquote> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Lá-gus</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>Vulva.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Pó-sud</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pá-sung</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>Tú-yus</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Mút-ya</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E43"></a> +<h5>PRENATAL RELIGIOUS AIDS</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is very rarely, indeed, that any serious difficulty is encountered +in childbirth, but I have been informed that difficulties are +occasionally met with. In such cases, when all human resources fail, the +matter is said to be left in the hands of the family priestesses and the +usual religious invocation and rites are performed. In every case one or +more priestesses are present, and take the usual precautions, such as +the placing of lemon and <i>sasá</i> reed under the house, against the +approach of evil spirits.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E5"></a> +<h4>ACCOUCHEMENT AND ENSUING EVENTS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The midwife and her companions continue to assist the patient until +the moment of delivery, which takes place ordinarily within from four to +six hours after the first pangs of childbirth have been felt. The +umbilical cord is immediately cut with a sliver<sup>18</sup> of bamboo, +and the mother is made to sit up at once in order to prevent a reflux of +the afterbirth into the womb. At least such is the reason assigned for +this last practice.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Ba-lís</i>.</p> + +<p>The child is immediately washed with water and some medicine +sprinkled over its navel.<sup>19</sup> It is then returned to its +mother. Should the birth have occurred during the period between new and +full moon, it is said that the child will have good luck<sup>20</sup> +during life.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup>I was informed on one occasion that the medicine used +was pulverized coconut shell, but this point needs further inquiry.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>Paí-ad</i>.</p> + +<p>I desire to call special attention here to the fact that should the +mother be in such a condition that she is unable to nourish her babe, it +is not given to another woman for nurture, but is sustained temporarily +on soup, rice water, and sugarcane juice. I have heard of several cases +in which the child succumbed for want of natural nourishment. One case +that occurred in San Luis on the middle Agúsan, I verified beyond a +doubt. Father Pastells, S. J.,<sup>21</sup> states that if the child can +not be suckled, it is buried alive, its mouth being sometimes filled +with ashes. I, however, have never heard of such a practice.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesus, 8, 1879.</p> + +<p>The reason for allowing no woman other than the mother to nourish the +child is that, if the child were nourished by another woman, it would +die. In this connection it may be well to state that infant mortality is +high. I do not hesitate to say that it is not less than 25 per cent and +may be 33.5 per cent.</p> + +<p>The afterbirth, together with the umbilical cord, is nearly always +buried under the house. I was told that it is sometimes wrapped up and +hung from the beams that are just under the hearth. No reason is given +for the selection of this particular place, except that "no one +passes there."</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E6"></a> +<h4>POSTNATAL CUSTOMS</h4> +</center> + +<p>As a rule parturition is not attended with much weakness nor with any +danger. In fact, the mother usually can move around the house on the day +following the birth or even on the same day. After two or three days she +purifies herself by an informal bath, which is taken more for sanitary +than for ceremonial reasons, as far as I have been able to ascertain.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E61"></a> +<h5>TABOOS</h5> +</center> + +<p>For a period of a week, more or less, the mother must refrain from +the use of all food except the following: The core of the wild palm +tree, native rice, fresh fish, and chicken. The chicken must be of a +certain color; in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley it must be either +black or white, and the leg must be dark in color.</p> + +<p>Bathing is interdicted for two or three days according to the custom +of the locality.</p> + +<p>After bathing, the new mother and her husband leave the house in +order that the little one may have good luck, and also that they +themselves may be removed from the malign influence of the malevolent +spirits that are inevitably present on the occasion of a birth.</p> + +<p>The birth festivity is not a very solemn nor magnificent affair. The +midwife and a few friends, perhaps a dozen in all, are invited. It is at +the end of this repast that some little remuneration is made to the +midwife and to the priestess for their services. Among the pagan Manóbos +there seems to be no fixed rule as to the amount to be given to the +midwife, but among the <i>conquistas</i> or Christianized tribes, there +prevails the customary price of P1.50 for the first birth, P1.00 for the +second, and P0.50 for the third and all successive ones.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E62"></a> +<h5>THE BIRTH CEREMONY<sup>22</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>22</sup><i>Tag-un-ún to bá-ta</i>.</p> + +<p>When the child is born it is supposed not yet to have received the +two spirit companions<sup>23</sup> that are to accompany it during its +earthly pilgrimage. Whence proceed these spirit-companions, or what is +their nature, I have not been able to learn to my satisfaction. +<i>Mandáit</i>, the tutelary god of the little ones, after being invoked +and appeased with offerings, is supposed to select two spirit companions +out of the multitudinous beings that hover over human haunts. These +spirits then become guardians, as it were, of the child, and do not +separate themselves from him till one of them becomes the prey of some +foul demon.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Um-a-gád</i>, from <i>á-gad</i>, to accompany.</p> + +<p>These spirit companions are said to be invisible, and in physical +appearance like their corporal companion,<sup>24</sup> whose every +action they are supposed to imitate. As was explained to me, when we sit +down, our spirit companions also sit down, and when we dress, they also +prepare themselves, and when we go forth they accompany us. When the +mother leaves the house with her babe, she adjures the spirits to follow +and to guard their ward. Of the effect and purpose of this consociation +no very definite explanation has so far been given to me.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup>In stature they are described as being somewhat +smaller.</p> + +<p>The rites of the birth ceremony are observed usually within a month +after the birth. There seems to be no stated time, but according to my +observation and information they take place on the first symptoms of +sickness, or of unusual restlessness on the part of the child. It is +firmly believed and openly avowed that these symptoms are due to the +machinations of Mandáit, who is desirous of being regaled with a fowl, +for he, like all his fellow spirits, is an epicure and likes the good +things of this world.</p> + +<p>The ceremony begins with an invocation to Mandáit. A tiny canoe, more +or less perfect in design and equipment, according to the caprice and +skill of the fashioner, is made, and is hung up in the house after +sunset. The nearer relatives assemble and a priest, preferably a +relative, takes the chicken that has already been dedicated<sup>25</sup> +to Mandáit, and waves it over the babe and around the house, in order to +ward off all such bad influences and harmful spirits as might be +flitting around, for in the Manóbo's mind, there are not a few of these +demons waiting to devour the expected spirit companions.</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup><i>Sin-ug-bá-han</i>.</p> + +<p>The chicken is killed and the head, legs, and wings offered to +Mandáit. To these delicacies are added little leaf packages of cooked +maize<sup>26</sup> or native rice.<sup>27</sup> The priest, on these +occasions invariably a woman, goes through her invocations while the +offerings are being placed on the ceremonial boat. She burns +incense<sup>28</sup> whose fragrance is said to be especially acceptable +to Mandáit. By the direction of the smoke, she ascertains the position +of Mandáit and of her own guardian or familiar spirit, and turning to +him, welcomes him. She falls into the usual state of tremor during which +Mandáit is supposed to partake spiritually of the repast set out for +him.</p> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>Búd-bud</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup><i>Ba-kí</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup><i>Pa-lí-na</i>, the gum of the <i>ma-gu-bái</i> +tree.</p> + +<p>This ceremony being concluded, the fowl is partaken of, and a little +sugarcane beverage<sup>29</sup> is drunk, if it can be obtained. After +the meal, the priestess recounts in the old archaic language of song the +chronicles of bygone days. This is taken up by such other makers of +Manóbo monody as may be present. If the child proves to be restless, it +is lulled to sleep with the weird staccato of the bamboo +guitar.<sup>30</sup> During the course of the night the two souls are +supposed to enter into mystic consociation with the babe, and +thenceforth to be its companions.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ín-tus</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>30</sup><i>Tan-kó</i>.</p> + +<p>The following morning the priestess removes the little leaf packages +and, placing them on a rice winnow, tosses them into the air. The +children present at once grab for the packages. The ceremonial canoe, +however, with the offering of fowl, must be left suspended +indefinitely.</p> + +<p>In the lower half of the Agúsan Valley from San Luis to the mouth of +the Agúsan, a tray of bamboo trelliswork is used for the offering to +Mandáit instead of the sacrificial canoe described above. Otherwise the +ritual is identical.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E63"></a> +<h5>THE NAMING AND CARE OF THE CHILD</h5> +</center> + +<p>The child receives, without any ceremony or formality, a name that +seems to depend on the caprice of the parents. It is usually that of +some famed ancestor, or of some well-known Manóbo but at other times it +may depend on some happening at the birth. Thus the writer knows of +Manóbos who bore the names Bágio (Typhoon), Línug (earthquake), Bádau +(dagger), Bíhag (captive), Áñglañg (slave), Ká-ug (maggot).</p> + +<p>The child is treated by the parents and by the other relatives with +the greatest tenderness. He is petted and pampered from his very +youngest days, and punishment of any kind is seldom administered. A +hammock made out of a hemp skirt or a little bamboo frame, suspended by +a string from a bamboo pole in the fishing-rod style, is often provided +for his resting place. He is tenderly set in one of these by day, and +the usual little maternal devices are used to keep him from crying and +to put him to sleep.</p> + +<p>When the little fellow is somewhat bigger and stronger, he is carried +about with his legs straddled across his mother's hip, or allowed to +crawl around the floor. If the mother has to absent herself and there is +no one to watch him, he is simply tied to the floor and left to his own +thoughts. He is not weaned till the advent of another child, or till he +of his own accord relinquishes the breast. His dress is of the simplest +in most cases.</p> + +<p>As soon as the male child reaches the age of 7 to 8 years, and is +able to run around, he not infrequently accompanies his father or any +other male relative on a fishing or on a hunting expedition, often +carrying the betel-nut bag or some other object at times almost too +heavy for his tender years. While at home he is often in an emergency +sent out to do little chores. He is bidden to run out and get some betel +leaf or some firewood from the surrounding forest, or again is sent +for a little water. Such errands, however, are the exception. He has +most of his time to himself, and passes it in merry rompings with his +little brothers and cousins. If he lives near the river he spends a few +hours a day in the water, bathing, splashing his playmates, and catching +frogs and other edibles. A favorite pastime of his is to make a +diminutive bow and ply his arrows at some old stump or some unlucky +lizard or other living thing that he may have espied. If monkeys, crows, +or other bold marauders are overnumerous, he probably has to sit out in +the rude watch-house in the little clearing and keep the scarecrows +moving, or by shouts and other means drive off the uninvited pests.</p> + +<p>He soon learns to smoke tobacco, to chew betel nut, and even to take +a drink of the brew that is being passed around, and thus he grows up to +be, at the age of 14 or 15, a little full-fledged man with his teeth +blackened, his lips stained, and his bolo at his side.</p> + +<p>He enters youth without any special ceremony. It is true that as the +boy grows to puberty his teeth are ground and blackened and he is +tatooed[sic] and circumcised. Such operations might be considered as an +initiation into manhood or at least as a survival of a custom that is so +much in vogue in certain parts of Oceania. In other words, the youth +begins to tattoo and to assume other ornamentation in order that he may +attract the attention of the female portion of the tribe.</p> + +<p>It is needless to say that he receives no schooling. In fact, the +average Manóbo who has not come in contact with civilization would not +know what to think of a pencil. On one occasion I accidentally allowed +some Manóbos to see my pencil. The sight of it aroused an animated +discussion as to the nature of the tree that yielded such peculiar wood. +All the schooling which the Manóbo boy gets is from the forest and the +streams. From them he learns to trap the timid deer and to catch the +wily fish. In them he acquires a quick step, a sharp eye, and a keen +ear. In the ways of nature he is a scholar, because the first moment +that he can clamber down the notched pole he betakes himself to the +surrounding forest and schools himself in all her ways and moods.</p> + +<p>As soon as the boy reaches the age at which he feels that he is a +man, he ceases to be under paternal restraint, which even up to that age +has been more or less lax. At this period he assumes as much +independence as his father, but will obey any behest without +understanding the propriety or the necessity of complying. As a general +rule, filial relations are most cordial, and great respect is +entertained for both parents, but it may be said that male children +respect and love the father, while girls love their mother.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E7"></a> +<h4>BIRTH ANOMALIES</h4> + +<a name="3E71"></a> +<h5>MONSTROSITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Monstrosities are extremely rare. I met only one case, that of a +child with an abnormally large head.<sup>31</sup> Idiocy also is very +uncommon, only one case having come under my observation.</p> + +<p><sup>31</sup>Bása, Simúlao River, middle Agúsan.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E72"></a> +<h5>ALBINISM</h5> +</center> + +<p>Albinism also is very infrequent. An albino is considered to be the +child of an evil spirit in so far as one of those relentless demons is +supposed to have exercised a malign influence on the mother. It is +believed that an albino can pay nightly visits to the haunt of its demon +sire. Among the Mandáyas on the upper Kati'il River, I saw some 12 cases +of albinism in a settlement of about 500 Mandáyas. No explanation was +obtained as I did not think it prudent at the time to ask for one.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3E73"></a> +<h5>HERMAPHRODITISM</h5> +</center> + +<p>Hermaphrodites,<sup>32</sup> in a secondary sense, are found +occasionally. I am personally acquainted with five. In every case they +were womanly in their ways, showing a preference for sewing, and other +occupations of women, and frequenting the company of women more than +that of men.</p> + +<p><sup>32</sup><i>Bán-tut</i> (Mandáya <i>bi-dó</i>).</p> + +<p>In one case at San Isidro, Simúlao River, an hermaphrodite, a fine +specimen of manhood to all appearances, was dressed as a woman. In +another case a Mandáya hermaphrodite of the Báklug River, a few miles +south of Compostela, was married. I was informed on all hands that the +marriage was for the purpose of securing the alliance of the +hermaphrodite's relatives against certain hereditary enemies and that +probably there would be no issue. I hope to get further information on +this point at a future date.</p> + +<p>On the Lamíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían River, there lived +a woman who presented all the outward characteristics of a man. Her +voice was deep and resonant, her countenance of a male type. She +constantly carried a bolo, by day and by night, and in manual labor, +such as building houses, was the equal of any man in the settlement. She +had never married and had always rejected overtures toward marriage.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XV</h3> +<h3>DOMESTIC LIFE--MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH</h3> + +<a name="3F1"></a> +<h4>MEDICINE AND DISEASE</h4> +</center> + +<p>The subject of Manóbo medicine may be divided into three parts, +according to the causes that are supposed to produce the malady or +according to the means that are used to cure it. These classes will be +described as natural, magic, and religious.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F11"></a> +<h5>NATURAL MEDICINES AND DISEASES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Natural remedies in the form of roots and herbs are used for the +ordinary bodily ailments that afflict the Manóbo. The following are the +more common forms of sickness: Fever,<sup>1</sup> +tuberculosis,<sup>2</sup> pain in the diaphragm,<sup>3</sup> pains in +the stomach and abdomen,<sup>4</sup> pains in the chest,<sup>5</sup> +pain in the head,<sup>6</sup> colds,<sup>7</sup> chronic cough (probably +bronchitis),<sup>8</sup> pernicious malaria,<sup>9</sup> ordinary +malaria or chills and fever,<sup>10</sup> cutaneous +diseases,<sup>11</sup> intestinal worms,<sup>12</sup> and some few +others.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Híñg-yau</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Súg-pa</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ka-bú-hi</i>, or <i>gi-húb</i>, probably a reversal of +the diaphragm.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Pús-on</i> and <i>go-túk</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup><i>Da-gá-ha</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ó-yo</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>U-bó</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Pás-mo</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Pid-pid</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Ó-yud</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ká-do</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Bí-tuk</i>.</p> + +<p>The natural remedies used in the cure of the above-mentioned diseases +are not very numerous, but they are applied as a rule externally. In +each settlement there are always a few who have gained a reputation +above others for their knowledge of these medicines, but their +proficiency is not high as may be judged by the degree of their success +and by the opinion of many of their fellow tribesmen.</p> + +<p>For wounds, tobacco juice and the black residue found in a tobacco +pipe are considered an effective ointment. Saliva mixed with betel nut +is used for the same purpose, and also for pains in the stomach. For +other pains the leaves of various trees, according to the knowledge or +faith of each individual, are applied. For pains in the stomach the gall +of a certain snake<sup>13</sup> is said to be efficacious. It is mixed +with a little water and applied externally, or it may be taken +internally, provided it be mixed with a little powder from a piece of +pulverized plate.<sup>14</sup></p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Ba-ku-sán</i>. The gall of this snake is reported as +being a panacea used by the Mamánuas.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Píñg-gan</i>, an imported plate of very inferior +make.</p> + +<p>The perfume of certain resins and especially that of the +<i>manumbá</i> tree are considered medicinal in some cases.</p> + +<p>The root of a tree called <i>lú-na</i> when left to steep in water, +is said to be a very potent remedy for pains in the stomach. The seed of +the <i>sá-i</i> grass is also used for the same purpose, and is said to +be a prophylactic against stomach troubles.</p> + +<p>No amount of persuasion will overcome the Manóbos' suspicions of +European medicine till the administrator of it follows the old saying of +"Physician, heal thyself," and takes the first dose. In any case +it is not prudent to offer it except after long acquaintance, for should +any change for the worse occur in the patient's condition after taking +the foreign medicine he might imitate people of greater intellectual +caliber, and say, as he probably would, "Post hoc, ergo propter +hoc," and the ensuing events might be sudden and unexpected.</p> + +<p>On one occasion I administered a small dose of quinine to a child +that was suffering from fever. It died the following day. The father, +who had requested me to give the child some medicine, through the medium +of a Mañgguáñgan, sent me a few days later a present of a chicken and +about two glassfuls of sugarcane brew, and would not accept a +reciprocatory gift of beads and jingle bells that I sent him. The +chicken and the beverage were partaken of in due time, each of my +servants drinking about half a glass of the liquor. The following +morning at about 4 o'clock I awoke with a sense of impending death. The +servants were called and they, too, complained of an uneasy feeling and +one of them suggested that we might have been poisoned. A dose of +ipecacuanha saved our lives, and at about 9 o'clock I proceeded to look +for the bearer of the gift, but was unable to locate him, as he had gone +to his forest home. A diplomatic investigation revealed the fact that he +was an expert in poisons and that the poison administered to me in the +liquor was probably the root of the <i>túbli</i> vine that is also used +for poisoning fish.</p> + +<p>Fragrant flowers and redolent seeds and herbs are thought to be very +efficacious for the relief of headaches, fainting spells, and for the +peculiar diaphragm trouble referred to before. The resin of the +<i>magubái</i> tree, which also is used as incense in ceremonial rites, +is considered very potent. I have frequently seen patients held over the +smoke till I thought that death by suffocation would result.</p> + +<p>In fine, it may be said that the Manóbos' knowledge of medicinal +plants is very limited, and his application of them equally so, for as +soon as he thinks that the condition of the patient has changed for the +worse the malady is at once attributed to preternatural causes, and +corresponding remedies are resorted to.</p> + +<p>On casual observation it might appear that the sick are neglected, +but this is not the case. The relatives, especially the womenfolk, +display the tenderest solicitude toward them and keep them provided with +an abundance of food. The lack of blankets leaves the patient exposed to +the inequalities of temperature and explains, no doubt, the frequent +occurrence of colds, of rheumatism, and sometimes of tuberculosis. This +also may account for the high death rate among children.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F12"></a> +<h5>MAGIC AILMENTS AND MEANS OF PRODUCING THEM</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is a common thing to hear that a <i>kometán</i> was the cause of a +person's death. This may be defined as a secret method by which death is +superinduced in a certain person by means either supposedly magic in +character or so secret in administration that they may be looked upon as +magic. Thus (to give an example of a purely magical sickness), it is +thought that by making a wooden mannikin to represent the victim and by +mistreating it the person whom it represents will immediately fall sick +and die unless countervailing methods are employed to neutralize the +effects of the charm. I heard of a case in the lower Agúsan near +Esperanza where a wooden figure was made to represent the person of a +thief. The figure was cruelly tortured by sticking a bolo into its head, +and when sufficient punishment had been administered to cause its death, +had it been a thing of life, it was buried amid much wailing. I was +assured that the party whom it represented was taken with a lingering +disease shortly afterwards and finally died.</p> + +<p>The belief in the <i>kometán</i> or secret means of superinducing +sickness is widespread, but it is difficult to obtain reliable data on +the subject because, for obvious reasons, no one will admit that he is +acquainted with the secret nor will he affirm that anyone else is unless +it be a person so far away that there is no danger of future +complications by reason of the imputation.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F13"></a> +<h5>THE COMPOSITION OF A FEW "KOMETÁN"</h5> +</center> + +<p>1. The fine flossy spiculæ of a species of bamboo<sup>15</sup> placed +in the food or in the drink is supposed to cause a slow, lingering +sickness that ends in death.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Caña bojo</i>, or bamboo of the genus +<i>Schizostachyum</i>.</p> + +<p>2. A piece of a dead man's bone pulverized and put into the food, +even into the betel-nut quid, is said to have the same effect but in a +more expeditious way, as it superinduces death within a few months.</p> + +<p>3. Another reported <i>kometán</i> consists of the blood of a woman +dried in the sun and exposed to the light of the moon. This is mixed +with human hair cut very fine. Administered in the food, it produces a +slow lingering disease that leads to the grave. It is said that after +death the hair reappears resting upon the lips and nostrils.</p> + +<p>4. Human hair mixed with bits of fingernails and powdered glass is +said to be especially virulent. The secret of compounding it is known +only to a few. I was informed that the knowledge of this secret +composition was acquired from Bisáyas.<sup>16</sup></p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>It is called <i>pa-ágai</i>.</p> + +<p>It is generally believed that the war chiefs are provided with +antidotes<sup>17</sup> against the <i>kometán</i>. In fact, several +assured me that they possessed them, but they were unwilling to enter +into any details. I once saw a little bottleful of strange-looking herbs +and water sold for P2.50. It was said to be an antidote against the +particular species of <i>kometán</i>, which, on being placed in the +path, would affect the one for whom it was intended when he passed the +spot.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Súm-pa</i>.</p> + +<p>A piece of lodestone,<sup>18</sup> or even an ordinary toy magnet, is +thought, in certain localities, to act as a safeguard against divers +kinds of evil charms.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Bá-to bá-ni</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F14"></a> +<h5>OTHER MAGIC MEANS</h5> +</center> + +<p>I found a prevalent belief in the existence of an +<i>aphrodisiac</i><sup>19</sup> which is said to consist of wax made by +a small insect called <i>kí-ut</i>, and of the ashes of various trees. +The secret of compounding it is known to very few. There is a persistent +rumor that this was first learned from the Mamánuas,<sup>20</sup> who +are supposed to be very proficient in the making and use of it even to +this day. If a little of the composition is put on the dress of a woman, +or, better still, if a little packet of it is attached to her girdle +charms she will become attached to the man who placed it there and will +aid him, as far as it can be done, in his suit for her hand.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup>Called <i>hu-pai</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup>It is strange that the more advanced tribes in eastern +Mindanáo attribute a knowledge of magic methods to inferior ones. I have +been informed that both Mamánuas and Mañgguáñgans are more expert in the +manufacture and administration of charms than other tribes.</p> + +<p>There is also a charm which is said to produce an aversion or dislike +between those who had formerly been friends.</p> + +<p>Bezoar stones are hard substances, of a dark color, and vary in size +from a pea to a chestnut. They are said to be found in various trees and +plants,<sup>21</sup> and animals and fishes such as the monkey and +eel.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup>Such as the <i>a-nís-lag</i>, the <i>tú-ba</i>, the +<i>túb-li</i>.</p> + +<p>Their properties are both medicinal and magic. Thus the bezoar stones +from three different plants are supposed to be efficacious in the hour +of birth, but, at the same time, in all the doings of life they give the +fortunate possessor success over his rival. Hence they are called +<i>pandáug</i>, that is, they will enable one to get ahead of or beat +another. There is a bezoar stone from the <i>banti</i> tree that gets +its owner to a place more quickly than his rival.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F15"></a> +<h5>BODILY AILMENTS PROCEEDING FROM SUPERNATURAL CAUSES</h5> +</center> + +<a name="3F151"></a> +<p><i>Sickness due to capture of the soul by an inimical +spirit</i>.--When a malady is of such a nature that it can not be +diagnosed, or of so serious a character that fear is entertained for the +recovery of the patient, it is ascribed to the maleficence of evil +spirits, and supernatural means are resorted to in order to save the +captured soul from their spirit clutches. For this purpose the priest +intercedes with his divine tutelars, and prevails upon them, by +offerings and promises, to rescue the captive. If the ailment is +attributed to the war divinities, then the warrior chief becomes the +officiant and, after appeasing the angry spirit with a blood offering, +secures the release of the unfortunate soul.</p> + +<a name="3F152"></a> +<p><i>Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea +demons</i>.--Epidemics of cholera and smallpox are thought to be due +directly to evil spirits who bring the diseases from their faraway sea +haunts.</p> + +<p>It is said that friendly deities and war spirits of the settlement +announce from the lofty mountain heights the approach of these +pestiferous demons. Thus, I was assured by many in the Kasilaían River +district, that Mount Tatamba on a tributary of the Lamiñga River gave +out a loud booming noise before the epidemic of 1903-4. The same is said +of Mount <i>Mag-diuáta</i> by the Súlibao people. Be that as it may, +those who live along the main rivers scurry away on the approach of +contagion into the depths of the forest or upon the heights of the +mountains, and do not return until they feel assured that all danger is +past. I was a personal witness of this among the upper Agúsan Manóbos, +where I found a settlement, more than one year after the appearance of a +contagious disease, still ensconced in the heart of the forest a few +miles away from all water.<sup>22</sup></p> + +<p><sup>22</sup>The inhabitants lived on the water that exuded from a +tree known as <i>ba-sí-kung</i>.</p> + +<p>The reason given for avoiding the larger watercourses during +epidemics is that streams are thought to be the high roads for the sea +demons when they come upon their work of destruction. There were never +wanting some in each settlement who had seen these demons under some +monstrous form or other.</p> + +<a name="3F153"></a> +<p><i>Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases</i>.--Besides +such offerings as may be made to them during the regular ritual, there +is a special method of propitiating these plague bearers and thereby of +inducing them to betake themselves whither they hailed.</p> + +<p>A raftlet<sup>23</sup> is made of bamboo, with a platform of the same +material raised several inches above the surface of the craft. This is +adorned with palm fronds arched over it. Upon it is firmly lashed a +young pig or a large fowl, of a white color, and by its side are placed +various other offerings of betel nut, rice, or eggs, according to the +bounty and good will of the priest and of the settlement. When all is +ready, it is taken to the water's edge about sunset, for that is the +hour when the mightiest of the demons begin their destructive march. +Here the priest makes an address to the demon of the epidemic, +descanting on the value of the offerings, the scarcity of victims at +that particular time, the reasons for mutual friendship between him (the +demon) and the settlement. The demon is then requested to accept these +tokens of good will and to go his seaward way. The disease itself, +though never mentioned by name, is requested in the same manner to take +passage upon the raft and to accompany its master downstream. The raft +is then launched into the water and allowed to follow the will of the +current. No one may even touch it or approach it on its downward course, +for it has become foul by contact with its pestilential +owners.<sup>24</sup></p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Gá-kit</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup>Bisáyas have no scruples in appropriating the fat fowls +and pigs thus found floating to doom.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F2"></a> +<h4>SICKNESS AND DEATH</h4> + +<a name="3F21"></a> +<h5>THE THEORY OF DEATH</h5> +</center> + +<p>Except in the case of a warrior chief, or a priest, or one who has +met his end at the hands of an enemy, death is ordinarily attributed to +the maleficence of the inimical spirits. The latter are believed to be +relentless, insatiable demons "seeking whom they may devour." In +some mysterious manner they are said to waylay a poor defenseless soul, +and ruthlessly hold it in captivity till such time as it suits their +whims, when they actually devour it. Notwithstanding the numerous +explanations given to me throughout the Agúsan Valley, I have never been +able to satisfy myself as to the various circumstances of time, place, +and manner in which the capture and consumption of the soul takes place. +Suffice it to say, however, that in its essential points this is the +universal belief: One of the soul companions is seized, and the owner +falls sick. Every available means is tried to effect a cure. When +everything fails the priest declares that the ailment is due, not to any +natural infirmity, but to the capture or wounding of one of the souls of +the patient by inimical spirits. Sacrifices are ordered, during which +usually a large number (from four to eight) of priests of both sexes +invoke their various divinities and beseech them to rescue the spirit +companion of the patient. During these ceremonies the priests describe +minutely how the capture was effected. In lengthy chants they set forth +the efforts of their deities to find the missing soul; they describe how +they travel to the ends of the sky, seeking the cruel captors and vowing +vengence[sic] upon their heads. They are said to make use of an +<i>espiho</i><sup>25</sup> to discover the whereabouts of the enemy and +of the captive. The recapture of the soul and frequently the mighty +encounter between the good and bad spirits is chanted out at length by +the priests. I was told that in some cases the rescued soul is taken to +the home of the deities and there consoled with feast and dance and song +before its return to its earthly companion.</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup>This <i>es-pi-ho</i> (from Spanish <i>espejo</i>, a +looking-glass) is some kind of a wonderful telescope by which objects +can be described at the farther extremities of the firmament. No lurking +place is so remote or so secret as to be hidden from its marvelous +power.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F22"></a> +<h5>FEAR OF THE DEAD AND OF THE DEATH SPIRITS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The utter fear, not only of the malignant spirits but also of the +person of the dead and of his soul, is one of the most peculiar features +of Manóbo culture. In the death chamber and hovering around the resting +place of the dead there is a certain noxious influence<sup>26</sup> by +the infection of which one is liable to become an object of attraction +to the dark-visaged, hungry, soul ghouls that, lured by the odor, stalk +to the death house and await an opportunity to secure a victim.</p> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>Bá-ho</i>.</p> + +<p>Then, again, the envious spirits of the dead are feared, for they, in +their eagerness to participate in the farewell and final death feast, +avail themselves of every occasion to injure the living in some +mysterious but material way. Sickness, especially one in which the only +symptoms are emaciation and debility, are attributed to their noxious +influence. Failure of the crops, bodily accidents, want of success in +important undertakings--these and a thousand and one other things--are +attributed to a lack of proper attention to the envious dead. "You +have been affected by an <i>umagad</i>,"<sup>27</sup> is a common +saying to express the peculiar effect that the departed may cause on the +living. To avert this unkindly feeling and thereby prevent the evil +consequences of it, it is not an infrequent thing to see propitiatory +offerings made to the departed in the shape of betel nut, chickens, and +other things. In one instance the father of a child that had died, +presumptively from eating new rice, imposed upon himself an abstinence +from that article for a period of several months.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup><i>In-um-a-gád ka</i>.</p> + +<p>As another evidence of fear of the departed souls may be cited the +unwillingness of the Manóbo to use anything that belonged to the dead, +such as clothes. An exception, however, is made in the case of weapons +and other heirlooms,<sup>28</sup> all of which have been consecrated and +are supposed not to retain the odor or evil influence of death.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup><i>Án-ka</i>.</p> + +<p>Offerings made to the dead to appease their ill will are not partaken +of by the living. They are supposed to produce baneful +effects.<sup>29</sup> Hence they are carefully removed to the outside of +the house after the departed visitor is supposed to have regaled +himself. This applies to betel-nut offerings, and to such offerings as +chickens and pigs that in cases of unusual pestering on the part of the +dead may be set out with a view to propitiating them.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ka-dú-ut</i>.</p> + +<p>One or more priests are present invariably in the death chamber. The +female priests take up their position near the corpse, and by the use of +lemons, pieces of the <i>sa-sá</i> reed, and other things, said to be +feared by the demons, protect themselves and those present. Hence, +during the average "wake" the womenfolk huddle around the +priestesses with many a startled glance. On one occasion I saw a male +priest take up his stand at the door, lance poised, ready to dispatch +such spirits as might dare to intrude into the death chamber. Drums and +gongs are beaten throughout the night, not merely as a distraction for +their grief but as a menace to the ever-present demons.</p> + +<p>An acquaintance of mine in San Luis, middle Agúsan, is reported to +have wounded seven evil spirits in one evening on the occasion of a +death. I was assured by many in the town that they had seen the gory +lance after each encounter.</p> + +<p>Several other precautions besides those mentioned above are taken to +secure immunity from the stealthy attacks of the demons. A fire is kept +burning under the house, and the usual magic impediments, such as +<i>sa-sá</i> reed, lemons, and a piece of iron, are placed underneath +the floor as menace to these insatiate spirits. Moreover, the food while +still in the process of cooking is never left unguarded, lest some +malicious spirit should slyly insert therein poison wherewith to kill +his intended victim or to spirit away an unwary soul.</p> + +<p>For several days both before and after the death, supper is almost +invariably partaken of before sunset, as this is the hour when the most +mighty of the demons are supposed to go forth on their career of +devastation. If, however, it should be necessary to take supper after +sunset, it is the invariable custom to put a mat on the floor and +thereby foil the stealthy spirits in their endeavors to slip some +baneful influence<sup>30</sup> into the plates from below.</p> + +<p><sup>30</sup>This custom is prevalent among many of the Bisáyas of +eastern Mindanáo and may perhaps explain the origin of the peculiar low +table used by them.</p> + +<p>After the burial it is almost an invariable rule for the inmates of a +house to abandon it. This remark, however, does not hold good in the +case of the decease of priests, warrior chiefs, and children, nor in the +case of those who have been slain in war. Should a stranger, or one who +is not a relative of the inmates, die in the house, it is an established +custom to collect the value of the house from the relatives of the +deceased. Father Pastells in one of the "Cartas de los PP. de la +Compañía de Jesús" cites an incident that happened to him in the +house of Selúñgan on the upper Sálug in the year 1878. It seems that one +of Pastells' followers died and that Selúñgan desired to collect the +value of the house. I know of one case where the fine was actually +collected. I was asked by a warrior chief on the upper Tágo, who would +pay for the house in the case of my death.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F23"></a> +<h5>INCIDENTS ACCOMPANYING DEATHS</h5> +</center> + +<p>When death ensues, the relatives burst forth into loud wails of +grief. In one death scene that I witnessed the wife of the deceased fell +down on the floor, and in the wildness of her grief kept striking her +head against the <i>palma brava</i> slats until she rendered herself +unconscious. Upon returning to herself, she violently embraced the +corpse of her deceased husband, bidding him return. Then she broke out +into loud imprecations against her tutelary deities upbraiding them for +their ingratitude in not having saved her husband's soul from the +clutches of its enemies. She bade them be off, would have no more to do +with them, and finally ended up by bidding them go on the war trail and +destroy the foul spirits that deprived her of her husband.</p> + +<p>In nearly every death scene that I witnessed this last procedure was +the ordinary one, and I may say that it is quite characteristic of the +Manóbo.</p> + +<p>On several occasions I witnessed some fierce displays of fury, to +which the mourners were driven by their poignant grief for some beloved +relative. In one instance the father of the deceased, drawing his bolo, +started to hack down one of the house posts, and in another the son, +after a frantic outburst of grief, seizing his shield and lance, +declared that he would ease his sorrow in the joy of victory over his +enemies and actually had to be detained by his relatives.</p> + +<p>The grief and fury felt on these occasions will readily explain the +frequency of war raids after the occurrence of a death. This was +explained to me by Líno of the upper Sálug, probably the greatest +warrior of eastern Mindanáo, in the following manner: "After the +decease of a near relative, our enemies will rejoice and may, as is done +with frequency, proclaim their joy. We do not feel in good humor anyhow, +so, if it can be arranged speedily, we start off to assuage the sorrow +of our friends and our relatives with the palms of triumph."</p> + +<p>This statement of Líno may explain the origin of the taboo that is +observed throughout the Agúsan Valley. The taboo referred to prohibits +anyone except a near relative from visiting the house of the deceased +for seven days after the death. It is suggested that this custom was +instituted to prevent the enemy from learning whether an expedition was +being set afoot. To enforce compliance with this custom, the trails +leading to the house are closed by putting a few branches across them at +a short distance from the house. It is not infrequent to find a broken +jar suspended (or placed) at these points, symbolic, probably, of the +cruel fate that may overtake the transgressor. Infringements of this +taboo are punished with a fine that varies from P5 to P15.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F24"></a> +<h5>PREPARATION OF THE CORPSE</h5> +</center> + +<p>After the first paroxysm of grief has subsided, the body of the +deceased is washed, the greatest delicacy in exposing the person being +shown, and it is then attired in the finest garments obtainable. No +personal ornaments, such as necklaces and bracelets, are removed. Charms +and talismans, however, are removed, being considered heirlooms. The +corpse is then laid on its back, with the hands lying at the side, in +the rude coffin.</p> + +<p>There is a tradition that, in the olden days, the bolo of the +deceased used to be buried with him but I never saw this done. The bolo, +however, was placed by his side in a few cases that I witnessed. Among +the mountain Manóbos there exists the custom of winding strands of +colored cotton on the fingers and feet of young girls and maidens after +death. I witnessed this in the upper Agúsan, and, in answer to my +inquiry, was informed that such was the custom of the Agusánon +people.</p> + +<p>The coffin is a hexagonal receptacle hewn out of a log,<sup>31</sup> +and provided with a truncated prism lid of the same wood. It frequently +has a few ornamental tracings of soot or other pigment, and where +European cloth is procurable a few pieces may be employed as a wrapping. +The corpse is wrapped in a mat and laid in the coffin, the head being +placed upon a rude pillow of wood. The coffin is then firmly lashed with +rattan and is not removed till the hour for interment. Frequently +lemons, <i>sá-i</i> grass, and various other redolent herbs are placed +on or near it with a view, I was told, to repressing the odor of the +dead. It is probable, however, that they are thought to have magic or +other virtues. They certainly are objects of fear to the death +demons.</p> + +<p><sup>31</sup><i>A-yu-yao</i>, said to be very durable, being found in +perfect preservation after two years; <i>kibidid</i> or +<i>ilang-ilang</i> are also used.</p> + +<p>The wailing, weird and wild, of the women was violent in nearly every +case I witnessed, especially when the corpse was taken out of the house +on its way to the burial place. The grief displayed by the male +relatives is not so intense but I noticed frequently that even they +broke into tears. I may add here that I was often informed that the +absence of the outward signs of grief is an infallible evidence of a +speedy death, and that it is considered unlucky to allow one's tears to +fall on the corpse.</p> + +<p>Before describing the burial, I desire to mention a peculiar +proceeding which I observed on one occasion.<sup>32</sup> Before the +corpse had been placed in the coffin, one of those present, seizing a +dog, placed it transversely on the breast of the deceased for a few +seconds. I was told that the object of the action was to remove the +dog's bad luck<sup>33</sup> by putting him in the above-mentioned +position, as he had for some time been rather unlucky in the chase. This +proceeding was verified by subsequent inquiries in other settlements, +and the custom and its explanation were found to be identical with the +above mentioned.</p> + +<p><sup>32</sup>San Luis, 1906.</p> + +<p><sup>33</sup><i>Pá-yad</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F25"></a> +<h5>THE FUNERAL</h5> +</center> + +<p>As a rule the burial takes place the morning after the death, unless +the death occurred during the night, in which case it takes place the +following afternoon. Decomposition is never allowed to set in.</p> + +<p>When all is ready, a last tribute and farewell are paid to the +deceased. The family priest sets an offering of betel nut near the +coffin, beseeching the dead one to depart in peace and bear no ill will +to the living. He promises at the same time that the mortuary +feast<sup>34</sup> will be prepared with all possible speed. The +deceased is addressed, usually by several relatives and friends who wish +him well in his new home and repeat the invitation to come to the death +feast and bring grandfather and grandmother and all other relatives that +had preceded him to the land of Ibú.</p> + +<p><sup>34</sup><i>Ka-ta-pús-an</i>.</p> + +<p>Then, amid great wailing, the coffin is borne away hastily. Only men +assist at the burial, and as a rule a male priest, sometimes several, +accompany the funeral party in order to assist them against the evil +ones that throng to the grave. The priests take up their positions, as I +witnessed on several occasions, at strategic points behind trees, with +balanced lance and not infrequently with shield. I have seen others +provided with <i>sa-sá</i> reed in anticipation of wounding some +over-bold spirits.</p> + +<p>I observed a very peculiar custom on several occasions. On the way to +the grave the men indulged in wild shouts. No other explanation was +offered except that such was the custom. It was suggested, however, that +it is a means of driving off the demons who may have got the scent of +death, or, again, it may be to warn travelers that there is a funeral, +thus enabling them to avoid meeting it, as this is said to be most +unlucky.</p> + +<p>I have heard of the dead being buried under the house. However, the +practice is infrequent and is usually followed at the request of the +dying one. It is needless to add that the house and neighboring crops +are abandoned. When possible a high piece of ground is selected in the +very heart of the forest and a small clearing is made. The work at the +grave is apportioned without much parleying, some of the men devoting +themselves to making the customary roof<sup>35</sup> to be placed over +the grave, while others do the excavating. Sometimes a fence is erected +around the burying ground. The work always proceeds in absolute silence, +and a fire is always kept burning as a menace to the evil spirits. When +all is ready, the coffin is laid in its resting place and covered in all +haste. Here it may be remarked with regard to the orientation of the +corpse, that men are buried with their feet toward the east and women +with their feet toward the west. Then the little roof is set upon four +supports about 45 centimeters above the grave. One of those present, +sometimes a priest, lays a plate with seven offerings of betel nut upon +the grave. Then an earthen pot<sup>36</sup> with its collation of boiled +rice<sup>37</sup> and with a hole broken in the bottom of it is hung up +under the roof.</p> + +<p><sup>35</sup><i>Bin-aí-iu</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>36</sup><i>Kó-don</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>37</sup>Imported rice can not be used.</p> + +<p>As explained to me, rice is intended as a last refection for the +departed one before he sets out on his journey to the land of Ibú. The +hole that is invariably made in the bottom is intended, so I was told by +many, to facilitate the consumption of the rice. The family heirlooms +are occasionally brought to the grave but are not left there.</p> + +<p>There is a common tradition to the effect that the ancient mode of +sepulture was a more pompous and solemn affair than the present one. I +was told that the deceased was buried with all his personal arms, except +his lance and shield, which were laid over his grave. Sacred +jars<sup>38</sup> were also left. I never have been able to get +sufficient information as to the exact whereabouts of the old burial +grounds. The cave of Tinágo near Taganáan, about 12 miles south of +Surigáo, is easily accessible. The Bisáyas of the town state that it was +a burial place for the ancient Bisáyas, but Montano, who procured some +skulls from this cave, pronounced it to be a Manóbo cemetery. The fact +is, however, that up to this day the townspeople repair to the cave on +occasions and invoke their ancestors. I was told of one gambler who used +to go there and burn a candle in order to increase his luck.</p> + +<p><sup>38</sup><i>Ba-hán-di</i>.</p> + +<p>The mourners carefully efface the footprints that have been made by +them on the loose clay around the grave and, scurrying away sadly and +silently, leave the dead one in the company of the spirits of darkness. +Henceforth this, the resting place of one who was beloved in life, +possibly of a loving wife, or of a darling child, will be eschewed as a +place of terror where stalk with silent footfall and dark-visaged face +the foul and insatiate soul ghouls.</p> + +<p>On arriving at the house whence they started, the funeral party +invariably find a vessel, usually a coconut-shell cup, containing a +mixture of water and herbs,<sup>39</sup> placed at the door of the +house. Each one in turn wets his hands and purifies himself by rubbing +the water on some portion of his body. I never saw this process omitted. +The explanation afforded me was that the water had a +purificatory<sup>40</sup> effect in removing the evil influence to which +they had become susceptible by contact with the dead. After the burial, +a little repast is set out by way of compensation for those who assisted +at the burial, and then begins the time of mourning which ends only with +the mortuary feast.</p> + +<p><sup>39</sup>I was told that <i>u-li-ú-li</i> grass is always used as +an ingredient.</p> + +<p><sup>40</sup><i>Pan-dí-has</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F26"></a> +<h5>CERTAIN MOURNING TABOOS ARE OBSERVED</h5> +</center> + +<blockquote><p>(1) Black must be worn by the nearest relatives.</p> + +<p>(2) For seven days the wife and nearest relatives must remain +confined to the house.</p> + +<p>(3) The house must be abandoned or the inmates must change their +sleeping quarters to another part of the house.</p> + +<p>(4) No marriage can be celebrated by any of the carnal relatives +until the death feast has been celebrated.</p> + +<p>(5) The deceased must not be mentioned by name, but spoken of as +"my father" or "my cousin" or other relative. This taboo +holds indefinitely.</p> + +<p>(6) No work must be undertaken nor business of any importance +transacted, by the nearer relatives, for seven days.</p> + +<p>(7) No one other than a near relative may visit the house for seven +days after the decease.</p></blockquote> + +<center> +<a name="3F27"></a> +<h5>DEATH AND BURIAL OF ONE KILLED BY AN ENEMY, OF A WARRIOR CHIEF, AND +OF A PRIEST</h5> +</center> + +<p>As one killed by an enemy is thought to have suffered no ill through +the machinations of the evil ones, his death is considered a glorious +one, and he is buried fearlessly. It sometimes happens that, due to the +distance between the place where he was killed and his home, it is found +impossible to convey his body to the settlement. He is, accordingly, +buried in some convenient spot in the forest without further ceremony. +No mortuary feast is held for him because he is supposed to enter the +abode of his chief's war deity and there to await the coming of his +chief.</p> + +<p>I never witnessed the death of a warrior chief, but I made numerous +inquiries from which I gleaned the following particulars: The death and +burial of a warrior chief seems not to differ from that of an ordinary +person except in the greater pomp displayed and in the absence of fear. +The tutelary war deities, either one or several, of the warrior chief +are present and the evil spirits are said to maintain a respectful +distance. The war chief's spirit companions or souls, which it is +maintained are susceptible to injury at the hands of demons, are present +and accompany him to the home of his tutelar deities, as do also +Mandaláñgan or Mandayáñgan, the great ancestral hero of Manóboland.</p> + +<p>The war chief has no special burial ground, nor any special mode of +sepulture, though I heard on the upper part of the Tágo River, in the +eastern part on Mindanáo, that a certain Ónkui, an acquaintance of mine, +had been buried in a dugout placed on the summit of a mountain. This +report appears from further investigation to be true. I have heard of a +similar practice at the headwaters of the Ihawán River.</p> + +<p>There is no material difference between the mortuary customs at the +death of a priest and those practiced at that of a warrior chief. The +tutelar deities of the priest are all present, together with all their +relatives and friends of the unseen world. His seven spirit companions +or souls are also present, so that little or no fear of the uncanny +demons is exhibited by the mourners.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F28"></a> +<h5>THE AFTER WORLD</h5> +</center> + +<p>The land of Ibú is described as being somewhere down below the +pillars of the earth. It is said to resemble, in all particulars, this +world of ours. Lofty mountains, lakes, rivers, and plains, such as are +seen in the Agúsan Valley, exist there. About halfway between this world +and the big country of Ibú, mistress of the lower world, is a large +river described to me as being as big as the Agúsan, but with red water. +Here lives Manduyápit, the ferryman. From Manduyápit's to Ibú's is said +to be a journey of seven days along a good broad trail. Americans, +Spaniards, and peoples of other nations do not pass on the Manóbo's +trail because each is said to have its own, and the country of Ibú is +said to be divided into districts, one for each nation.</p> + +<p>Hence, when the soul or spirit companion of the deceased finds that +it is all alone, its fellow spirit having been ruthlessly seized and +devoured, it begins its long journey to Ibú's. One week's travel brings +it to the great red river. Here it is ferried across gratuitously by +Manduyápit, and begins the second half of its journey. On arriving at +Ibú's it naturally seeks the spirits of its relatives, preferably its +nearest relative, and takes up its abode with them. If Manduyápit, for +one reason or another, should refuse to ferry it across, it returns to +its starting place and plagues its former friends for aid. The priest is +made aware of this and interprets to the relatives of the returning one +the reason for its failure to pass the great red river.</p> + +<p>If the souls of the deceased should desire to pay a visit to their +living relatives, they invoke the family deities and are borne back to +the world on the wings of the wind, without having to undergo the +fatigues of the 14 days' journey.</p> + +<p>Ibú's great settlement is no gloomy Hades, nor, on the other hand, is +it a paradise of celestial joy. It is simply a continuation of the +present life, except that all care and worry and trouble are ended. The +spirits of deceased earthly relatives take up their abode in one house +and pass a quiet existence under the mild sway of Ibú. There they eat, +work, and even marry. Occasionally, with the aid of the family deities +with whom they can commune, they pay a brief visit to the home of their +living relatives and then return to the tranquil realms of Ibú as +fleetly as they came.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3F29"></a> +<h5>THE DEATH FEAST<sup>41</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>41</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>, meaning end, termination.</p> + +<p>The death feast is the most important of all Manóbo feasts, for it +marks the ending of all relations between the living and their departed +relatives. Until its celebration the immediate relatives of the deceased +are said to fare poorly. In some mysterious way the departed are said to +harm them until they have received this final fete. Hence, the nearest +relative sets himself to work with all dispatch to provide the necessary +pigs, beverage, and rice for the feast. It is a common belief that +unless this celebration is as sumptuous as possible, ill luck may still +pursue them. This will explain the long delay so frequently observed +before the celebration of this festivity. I know of several such feasts +which were not held until nearly a year after the decease, the delay +being due to inability to secure sufficient edibles for the death +revels. The importance and magnitude of this feast will be readily +understood when one bears in mind the fact that, when given by a +well-to-do Manóbo, it is attended by everybody in the vicinity, and +lasts frequently for a period of seven days. It happens occasionally +that, in the interim between the death of one member of a family and the +death feast, another member of the same family goes his mortal way. In +such a case only one feast is held for the two departed ones.</p> + +<p>The religious character of the feast deserves special mention. The +dinner being prepared, an ordinary winnow is set out in the middle of +the floor and on it are placed cooked rice and, when obtainable, +bananas. Around the winnowing tray are set all the requisites for a +plenteous meal. Then the relatives sit around on the floor in a circle +and each one lays on the tray his offering of betel nut to the deceased. +The family priests act as interpreters and intermediaries. The deceased +are then addressed, care being taken never to mention their names. They +are called, father, brother, etc., by relatives, and by those who are +not relatives, father of so-and-so, or sister of so-and-so, mentioning +the name of the corresponding living relative. The near relatives then +give salutary advice to the dead one as to the future dealings between +the latter and the living. They are begged to have a little patience, +are reminded that only a few years hence all will be united in the land +of Ibú, and are requested to accept this final feast as a farewell until +that time. "You shall go your way and molest us not. Let this feast +be a token of good will and a final farewell till we meet you in the +realms of Ibú." Such, in brief, is the strain of discourse +consisting of exhortations, advice, supplication, and valediction[sic], +that lasts several hours.</p> + +<p>Finally a handful of rice is formed by the oldest relative into an +image suggestive of a human figure and the deceased are invited to +approach and to partake of the viands. The relatives pass the rice +mannikin around, each one taking a bite or two out of it. While this is +being done, the dead are invited to eat heartily, the living relatives +exhorting the dead ones; one urging them to take more soup, another to +increase their meat, another to take more bananas, and all reminding the +deceased diners of the great expense incurred in connection with this +banquet. The priests describe the actions of the mystic diners and the +hearty appetite with which they partake of the fragrance of the viands, +after their long journey from Ibúland.</p> + +<p>During the mystic meal no one dares to approach the rice winnow, but +when the meal is finished, those who carried the deceased to his last +resting place approach the winnow and, raising it up in their hands, +with an upward movement conjointly toss the victuals into the air, +retreating instantly to avoid the food in its fall, for should a +particle of it touch their persons it is considered a prognostication of +speedy death. The origin and significance of this peculiar custom, which +I witnessed on many occasions, have never been explained to me. Inquiry +elicited no further information than that it was the custom.</p> + +<p>Such is the repast of the dead and the ending of all relations +between them and the living. Henceforth they are not feasted, as they +have no more claim on the hospitality of the living. In all the greater +religious celebrations, however, they are present and receive an +offering of betel nut, which is placed at the doorway for them but they +are not invited to the feast.</p> + +<p>The secular and social part of the feast in no wise differ from any +other celebration, except that those who buried the deceased have marked +attention paid them. There are the same motley group of primitive men +and women, the same impartial distribution of the food, the same wild +shouts of merriment, the same rivalry to finish each one his allotted +portion, the same generous reciprocation of food and drink, and, +finally, the same condition of inebriation that on many such occasions +has abruptly terminated the feast by a fatal quarrel.<sup>42</sup></p> + +<p><sup>42</sup>An instance of a killing had taken place a short time +before my visit in 1909 to the Manóbos of the Binuñgñgaan River, upper +Agúsan.</p> + +<p>The rest of the day, and probably a goodly portion of the night, are +spent in dancing to the tattooing of the drum and the clanging of the +gong, interrupted at times by long tribal chants of the priests and +others versed in chronicles of Manóboland.</p> + +<p>If the death revels continue more than one day, the second day is a +repetition of the first with the exception that only the betel-nut +offering is made to the dead. As the celebration of this mortuary feast +is the termination of the anxious period of mourning, and the release +from the subtle secret importunateness of the dead, everybody with his +wife and children flocks to the scene. No relative of the departed one +may be absent for that would leave him still exposed to the strange +waywardness of the envious dead.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XVI</h3> +<h3>SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS</h3> + +<a name="3G1"></a> +<h4>INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC</h4> + +<a name="3G11"></a> +<h5>THE DRUM</h5> +</center> + +<p>The drum is the instrument of universal use in Manóboland. Wherever +one travels, by day or by night, its measured booming may be heard. It +is made out of a piece of a palm tree, by removing the core and bark. It +is ordinarily about 25 centimeters high by 20 centimeters in diameter. +The top and bottom consist, in nearly every case, of a piece of +deerskin,<sup>1</sup> from which the fur has been scraped, a little +fringe of it, however, being left around the edges to prevent the hide +from slipping when stretched. The stretching is effected by means of +rattan rings or girdles, very often covered with cloth, and just large +enough to fit the cylindrical body of the drum. A few blows with a piece +of wood forces these girdles down the sides of the drum, thereby +stretching the heads perfectly tight so as to give the drum the proper +tone. After a certain amount of heating over the fire the drum is ready +for use. No attempts at ornamentation are made, the heavy ends of the +hide being left protruding in an ungainly way.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>Monkey and lizard skins are made use of in rare +instances, and I have heard it said that the skin of a dog makes a very +fine drumhead.</p> + +<p>The drum is played at either end, and in certain tunes at both ends. +The left hand serves to bring out the notes corresponding to our bass. +The drum is tapped, with more or less force and rapidity, on an upturned +head with the left hand, while the right hand with a piece of wood, +preferably a little slat of bamboo, raps out the after beat. Manóbo men, +women, and children can play the drum and mention the names of from 20 +to 50 rhythms, each one of which is to their trained ears so different +that it can be recognized at once. The rhythms are varied by the number +of beats of the right hand to one of the left, and by the different +degrees of speed with which the tune is played. The general beat may be +compared to the dactyl of ancient Greek and Roman versification. The +left hand plays the long syllable, if we may so speak, while the right +plays the two short ones. The combinations, however, are as intricate as +the versification just referred to.</p> + +<p>As the nomenclature<sup>2</sup> used in speaking of the tunes +indicates, the various forms of drum music are based on imitations of +animals and birds, or are adapted to certain occasions, such as the war +roll signaling for help.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>The following are some of the names of drum-tunes: +<i>Sin-ak-aí-sá-kai</i> (significant of the movement of a raft or +canoe); <i>kum-bá-kum-bá to u-sá</i> (imitative of the sporting of a +deer); <i>kin-am-pi-lán</i> (indicative of the flourishing of the Moro +weapon called <i>kampilan)</i>; <i>Min-an-dá-ya</i>, an adaptation from +the Mandáyas; <i>bo-túñg-bó-tuñg</i>, <i>ka-ta-hud-án</i>, +<i>ya-mút-yá-mut</i>, <i>pa-di-dít</i>, <i>pin-án-dan</i>, +<i>pa-tug-da-dúk tí-bañg</i>, <i>min-añg-gu-áñg-an</i>, +<i>tin-úm-pi</i>, <i>ma-sañg-aú-it</i>, <i>to-mán-do</i>, +<i>in-ág-kui</i>, <i>pa-dú-au</i>, <i>bin-ág-bad</i>, <i>pai-úm-bug</i>, +<i>pa-dúg-kug</i>, <i>tum-bá-lig</i>, <i>mañg-úd</i>.</p> + +<p>To one who hears Manóbo drum music for the first time, it sounds dull +and monotonous, but as the ear grows accustomed to the roll the compass +can be detected and the skill of the drummer becomes apparent. Now loud +and then soft, now fast and then slow, the tune is rattled off in +perfect measure and with inspiring verve. As one travels through the +crocodile-infested lake region in the middle Agúsan on a calm night, the +Manóbo drums may be heard tattooing from distant settlements. They +produce a solemn but weird impression on the listener.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G12"></a> +<h5>THE GONG</h5> +</center> + +<p>The gong<sup>3</sup> is of the small imported type and is purchased +from Bisáya traders. As these gongs, when new, have several ornamental +triangular figures on the front, the Manóbo is taught to value them at +as many pesos minus one as the gong has figures. This gives a gong that +cost originally about 2 pesos a value of 4 or 5 pesos.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>A-guñg</i>.</p> + +<p>As a musical instrument it is played in combination with the drum. +Suspended from something or held up in the hand, it is beaten on the +knob with a piece of wood. The general time kept is the same as that +kept by the left hand of the drummer. Its constant clanging serves to +heighten the animation of the dance.</p> + +<p>Both the drum and gong have a certain religious character. They are +used in all greater religious celebrations and seem to be a part of the +paraphernalia of the priest, for they are nearly always kept in his +house.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G13"></a> +<h5>FLUTES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The flute, unlike the drum and gong, has no religious idea whatsoever +associated with it. It is played at the caprice of the tribesman, to +while away a weary hour, to amuse the baby, or to entertain a +visitor.</p> + +<p>The melody produced by it is soft and low, plaintive and melancholy, +resembling in general features Chinese music, with its ever recurring +and prolonged trill, its sudden rises and falls, and its abrupt +endings.</p> + +<p>Flutes are not used by women, and not all men have attained a +knowledge of them. Here and there one meets a man who is an expert and +who is glad to display his skill.</p> + +<p>The tunes are said to be suggestive of birds' and animals' +cries<sup>4</sup> and seem to be the product of each.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>The more common pieces are: <i>Sin-a-gáu to bu-á-da</i> +(the roaring of the crocodile), <i>bu-a-bú-a to á-mo</i> (the monkey +scare), and the <i>din-a-go-yu-án</i>.</p> + +<p>Flutes are made from the internodes of a variety of bamboo and are of +four kinds, depending on the number and position of the fingerholes.</p> + +<a name="3G131"></a> +<p><i>The paúndag flute</i>.<sup>5</sup>--The <i>paúndag</i> is the +commonest form. The joints of the bamboo are cut off and the +circumference of the resulting internode is measured accurately with a +piece of <i>abaká</i> or other fiber. With this for a measure, 16 marks +or rings are cut on the segment and at each end beyond the first and +last mark, a distance equal to one-half the circumference is marked off, +the remainder of the segment being then cut off square at each end. At +the eighth mark a hole about 8 millimeters in diameter is cut or burned +in the bamboo. The same is done, but on the opposite side, at the ninth, +eleventh, twelfth, and fourteenth marks, respectively. The ends are then +cut in much the same shape as an ordinary whistle, and the flute, a +segment of bamboo about 1 meter long, is ready for use.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Called also <i>pan-dag</i>.</p> + +<p>While being played, it is held in a vertical position, the side with +the one fingerhole being toward the body of the player. The end with the +first mark, that which is farther away from the fingerholes, is placed +just under the upper lip. The thumb and middle finger of the right hand +control the openings at the eighth and ninth marks, while those at the +eleventh and twelfth are covered by the first and middle fingers of the +left hand, respectively, the hole at the fourteenth mark being +uncovered.</p> + +<p>The blowing is performed without effort in the gentlest way possible, +as a very slight increase in the force of the breath raises the tone +about two octaves.</p> + +<a name="3G132"></a> +<p><i>The to-áli flute</i>.--The <i>to-áli</i> is an abbreviated form of +the flute just described and is made in a similar way, except that only +10 divisions are made, and that on one side two holes are made at the +fifth and seventh marks, and on the other at the fourth and sixth +openings, respectively. There is no fifth fingerhole. This form of flute +is played like the <i>paúndag</i> flute, except that the thumb and +middle fingers of the right hand cover the fifth and sixth openings, +respectively, while the thumb and fourth finger of the left hand control +the seventh and eighth openings.</p> + +<p>In pitch this form of flute is considerably higher than the previous +one but in other respects the music is similar.</p> + +<a name="3G133"></a> +<p><i>The lántui flute</i>,<sup>6</sup>--A flute known as <i>lántui</i> +is in existence, but I am not acquainted with the details of it.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>Called also <i>yántui</i>.</p> + +<a name="3G134"></a> +<p><i>The sá-bai flute</i>.--The <i>sá-bai</i> flute differs from the +three already mentioned in being a direct flute. The joint at one end of +the bamboo is cut off. Seven circumference lengths are then marked off, +beginning at the remaining joint, and holes are made at the first (that +is, the point), fifth, sixth, and seventh divisions, one or more holes +being added in the center between the sixth and seventh divisions. For a +mouthpiece, a segment of bamboo about 2 centimeters long is placed over +the jointed end of the flute at the first division but in such a way as +not to cover completely the opening at that point.</p> + +<p>The sound is produced by the breath passing through the opening last +mentioned and <i>striking the edge of the aperture</i> that it partially +covers.</p> + +<p>When played, this form of flute is held in a horizontal position. The +point is inserted into the mouth and the three consecutive holes at +divisions Nos. 5, 5.5, and 6 are covered by the first, second, and third +fingers, respectively, of the right hand.</p> + +<p>In pitch this instrument is lower than the other three but in the +quality of the music it in no wise differs from them.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G14"></a> +<h5>GUITARS</h5> +</center> + +<a name="3G141"></a> +<p><i>The vine-string guitar</i>.--There are two kinds of vine-string +guitars, differing only in size and name, as far as I know, so that a +description of the smaller one<sup>7</sup> will answer for the +larger.<sup>8</sup></p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Kúd-luñg</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Bin-i-já-an</i>.</p> + +<p>It varies in length from 1.5 meters to 2 meters.<sup>9</sup> The +combined neck and finger board and the hollow boat-shaped sounding box +are of one piece. The other part of the guitar is a thin strip of wood +with a lozenge-shaped hole in the center, that fits with great accuracy +on the bottom of the sounding box. The head is always a scroll, rudely +carved into a remote suggestion of a rooster's head, as the name +indicates,<sup>10</sup> and two holes are pierced in it for the +insertion of the tuning pegs. Along the neck are from 9 to 12 little +wooden frets, fastened to the finger board with beeswax. I can give no +information as to the rule by which the interfret distances are +determined.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>Ordinarily the <i>bán-ti</i> or the <i>sa-gu-bád-bad</i> +wood is used.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Min-an-úk</i>, from <i>manuk</i>, a fowl.</p> + +<p>The strings are two in number and extend from the tuning pegs through +two holes in the neck and over the finger board and the sounding box to +an elevated piece left on the sounding piece. An interesting feature of +these strings is that they are the central part or core of a small +vine<sup>11</sup> and give out rather sweet tones, though not so loud as +catgut.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Bís-lig</i>.</p> + +<p>Projecting from the end of the sounding box, and forming one +continuous piece with it, is an ornamental piece carved into a semblance +of the favorite fowl head.</p> + +<p>The guitar is held like guitars the world over, and the playing is +performed by twanging the strings with a little plectrum of bamboo or +wood.<sup>12</sup></p> + +<p><sup>12</sup>As to the tuning and modulating of the instrument I can +give no information. The matter requires further study.</p> + +<p>The quality of the music is soft and melancholy, wholly in minor keys +and of no great range, probably not exceeding one octave. As far as I +can judge it bears a resemblance to Chinese music. Various tunes are +played on both forms of guitar according to the caprice and skill of the +performer.<sup>13</sup></p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>The following are the names of some of the melodies: +<i>Di-u-wá-ta ko</i> (Oh, my familiar spirit), <i>a-yáu-u-yáu-á</i> +(don't, oh, don't), <i>to-láñg-it</i> (the sky), <i>i-ka-nuñg-úd</i>, +<i>ta-ta-lí-buñg</i>, <i>pan-in-ó-ug</i>, <i>mi-a-pí tin-ig-bás-ai</i>, +<i>du-yúg-dú-yug</i>, <i>ta-ga-lín-dug</i>, <i>tiñg-ga-sau</i>, +<i>ma-sú-gud</i>, <i>pa-má-bá to ba-ku-ta</i>, <i>da-gí-tan</i>.</p> + +<p>There are no special occasions for playing this guitar. It is not +played by women nor is it used as an accompaniment for singing. The +performer takes up the instrument as the whim prompts him and in the +semidarkness plays his rude, melancholy tune.</p> + +<a name="3G142"></a> +<p><i>The bamboo string guitar</i>.<sup>14</sup>--The bamboo guitar is +made of an internode of one of the larger varieties of +bamboo.<sup>15</sup> Five small cylindrical strips are cut along the +surface and small wedges of wood are inserted under them at the ends to +stretch them and retain them in an elevated position. These strips +extend from joint to joint. There are usually two bass strings on one +side and three treble strings on the other. Between these treble bass +strings is a longitudinal slit in the bamboo joint intended to increase +the resonance of the instrument. The strings are at intervals of about 3 +centimeters. Two holes are made in the joint walls, the purpose of which +is to increase the volume of sound.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Tan-kó</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pa-túñg</i>, <i>da-nu-án</i>, <i>kai-yaú-an</i>.</p> + +<p>The tuning is regulated by the size of the little wedges which impart +greater or lesser tension as desired. I understand neither the theory +nor the practice of tuning this guitar.</p> + +<p>While being played the guitar is held in both hands. The first finger +and thumb of the right hand manipulate the bass strings, while the three +treble strings are controlled by the other hand.</p> + +<p>The weird staccato music produced by this instrument is +indescribable. One must hear it and hear it repeatedly in order to +appreciate its fantastic melodies.</p> + +<p>Both men and women make use of it for secular and, I am inclined to +think, for religious motives. During the famous +<i>túñgud</i><sup>16</sup> movement (1908-1910) it was used universally +in the religious houses, but I was unable to obtain definite information +as to its sacred character. In the postnatal ceremony that has been +described under "Birth" I observed the use of the instrument on +several occasions, but could obtain no further information except that +the strains of this primitive guitar are pleasing to Mandáit, the +tutelary spirit of infants. This point merits further +investigation.<sup>17</sup></p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>A religious movement that sprang up in 1908 and spread +itself all over the southeastern quarter of Mindanáo. (See Chapter +XXIX.)</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup>The following are the names of some of the tunes played +on the above guitar: <i>ma-sú-gud</i>, <i>tám-bid</i>, +<i>gam-aú-gá-mau</i>, <i>pa-ma-yá-bui</i>, <i>tig-ba-bau</i>.</p> + +<a name="3G143"></a> +<p><i>The takúmbo</i>.--Though classed here as guitar, the +<i>takúmbo</i> hardly deserves the name. It is a bamboo joint which has +one joint wall opened. At the other end beyond the second joint it is so +cut as to resemble a miter. Two strings, uplifted from the surface about +4 centimeters apart, and held in an elevated position and at their +requisite tension by little wooden wedges placed underneath, form the +strings. A lozenge-shaped hole in the center between the strings +increases the resonance. The instrument is played by beating the strings +with little sticks preferably of bamboo. Two persons may play at one +time.</p> + +<p>The time observed is the drum rhythm. The sound produced is very +faint and unimpressive, and the instrument is of very sporadic +occurrence.</p> + +<p>The fact that one end is carved in the form of a miter tends to +confirm my supposition that this is a purely religious instrument. The +carving is supposed to represent the mouth of a +crocodile.<sup>18</sup></p> + +<p><sup>18</sup>This figure is called <i>bin-u-á-da</i>, or +<i>bin-u-wá-ya</i> from <i>bu-á-ya</i>, crocodile.</p> + +<p>I was given to understand that this instrument is used in the +immolation to the blood-deities in case of hemorrhage and such other +illnesses as are accompanied by fluxes of blood. It is said that the +instrument is set in a vertical position, the miterlike cutting being +upward, and that a part of the victim's blood is placed upon the node as +if it were a little saucer. The instrument is then played. I never +witnessed the ceremony, nor heard the instrument played, and am not +prepared to give credence to the above story till further investigation +corroborates it.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G15"></a> +<h5>THE VIOLIN<sup>19</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Kó-gut</i>.</p> + +<p>I neither saw nor heard this instrument, but my inquiries +substantiate the existence of it. The body is said to be of coconut +shell with the husk removed. The bow is made of bamboo bent into the +form of a defensive bow, to the ends of which are attached several +threads of <i>abaká</i> fiber that serve as the bowstring. The strings +of the violin are two in number and are made of <i>abaká</i> fiber.</p> + +<p>The violin is said to be played as our violins are by drawing the bow +across the strings. It is not played by women, according to reports, nor +are there any stated times and reasons, religious or otherwise, for its +use.<sup>20</sup></p> + +<p><sup>20</sup>The names of some of the tunes played are: +<i>Pan-un-gá-kit</i>, <i>lin-íg-tui ka-bú-ka</i>, <i>ba-yú-bas</i>, +<i>pan-ig-á-bon to ka-bí</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G16"></a> +<h5>THE JEW'S-HARP<sup>21</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>21</sup><i>Kubíñg</i>.</p> + +<p>Another instrument which is found occasionally in Manóboland, is a +species of jew's-harp, made out of bamboo. It is a frail instrument made +more for a toy than for its musical qualities. It is ordinarily about 26 +centimeters long, and consists of a slender piece of bamboo from the +central part of which a small tongue about 6 centimeters long is cut. +The tongue remains attached at one end, the tip of it being toward the +middle of the instrument. On the the reverse side there is a small +cavity in the body of the instrument intended to allow sufficient room +for the tongue of the harp to move while being played.</p> + +<p>The instrument is played by putting the mouth to the above-mentioned +cavity and by blowing as we do in an ordinary jew's-harp. The tongue is +made to vibrate by tapping with the finger a needlelike spur that is +left at the end of the instrument. This vibration, in conjunction with +variations of the mouth cavity of the performer, produces tones which +are not unlike those of an ordinary jew's-harp but which are not so loud +nor so harmonious.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G17"></a> +<h5>THE STAMPER AND THE HORN<sup>22</sup> OF BAMBOO</h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>22</sup><i>Tam-bú-li</i>.</p> + +<p>On the upper Agúsan I witnessed the use of bamboo stampers. They +consist of large bamboo joints with one partition wall removed. They are +stamped on the floor in rhythm with the drum and gong during a dance, +the open end being held up. The use of these stampers by Manóbos is +rare, the custom being confined almost exclusively to Mañgguáñgans of +the upper Agúsan and upper Sálug Valleys.</p> + +<p>Another instrument, but one which can hardly be called musical, is +the bamboo horn used for signaling and calling purposes. It consists of +an internode of bamboo with one partition wall removed. An opening large +enough for the mouth is made on the side of the bamboo near the other +node. In using it the mouth is applied to this aperture and a good pair +of lungs can produce a loud booming blast. After the occurrence of a +death, especially if the deceased has been slain, it is customary to use +this instrument as a means of announcing the death to near-by +settlements, thereby putting them on their guard against any of the +slain one's relatives who might be impelled to take immediate vengeance +on the first human being he met.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G18"></a> +<h5>SOUNDERS</h5> +</center> + +<p>A method of signaling, much in use among the mixed +Manóbo-Mañgguáñgans of the upper Agúsan, consists in beating on the +butresses[sic]<sup>23</sup> of trees. It is surprising how far the +resultant sound travels in the silence and solitude of the forest.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Da-líd</i>.</p> + +<p>In connection with musical instruments it may not be out of place to +mention the bamboo sounders<sup>24</sup> attached to looms. They are +internodes of bamboo with apertures in the joint wall and a longitudinal +slit extending almost from node to node. One of these always constitutes +the yarn beam of the loom.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup><i>Ka-gú</i>.</p> + +<p>These internodes, besides serving to support the fabric during the +process of weaving, denote by their resonance that the weaver is busy at +work. The movement of the batten in driving home the weft produces a +sound that, owing to the resonance of the bamboo yarn beam may be heard +for several hundred meters.</p> + +<p>When the Manóbo maiden is especially desirous of calling attention +'to her assiduity and perseverance, she has an extra internode placed in +an upright position against the yarn beam just described. This doubles +the volume of sound and serves to intimate to visiting young men that +she would be an industrious wife.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G2"></a> +<h4>VOCAL MUSIC</h4> +</center> + +<p>Singing is as common among the Manóbos as among their countrymen of +the Christian tribes. The fond mother croons her babe to sleep with a +lullaby. In festive hours the song is the vehicle of praise, of joke, of +taunt, and of challenge, and in religious celebrations it is the medium +through which the priests address their deities.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G21"></a> +<h5>THE LANGUAGE OF SONG</h5> +</center> + +<p>The language used in singing is so different from the common +vernacular that Bisáyas and Christianized Manóbos who speak and +understand perfectly the ordinary dialect of conversation find the +language of song unintelligible. I have had several songs dictated to me +and found the song words to be plainly archaic. This observation applies +also to the song-dialect of Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons and Mandáyas.</p> + +<p>As interpreted to me on many occasions, songs are improvisations spun +out with endless repetitions of the same ideas in different words. To +give an instance, a mountain might be described in the song as a +"beauteous hill," a "fair mount," a "lovely +eminence," a "beautiful elevation," all depending on the +facility with which the maker<sup>25</sup> can use the language. This +feature of the song serves to explain its inordinate length, for a song +may occupy the greater part of a night, apparently without tiring the +audience by its verbose periphrases and its exuberant figures.</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup><i>Pán-dui</i>, a smith or maker.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G22"></a> +<h5>THE SUBJECT MATTER OF SONGS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The subjects of songs are as varied as those of other nations, but +legendary songs, in which the valiant deeds of departed warriors are +recounted, seem to be the favorite. As far as I know, the songs are +always extemporaneous and not composed of any set form of words and +verses.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G23"></a> +<h5>THE MUSIC AND THE METHOD OF SINGING</h5> +</center> + +<p>One must hear the song in order to get an idea of it. In general it +is a declamatory solo. The staccatolike way in which the words are sung, +the abrupt endings, and the long slurs covering as much as an octave +remind one somewhat of Chinese singing. The singer's voice frequently +ascends to its highest natural tone and, after dwelling there for from +three to six seconds, suddenly slurs down an octave, where it remains +playing around three or four consecutive semitones.</p> + +<p>There is no choral singing and no accompaniment. No time is observed, +the song having wholly the character of a recitation. Neither are there +any attempts at rhyming nor at versification. Recurring intervals are +the rule.</p> + +<p>The music is, in general, of minor tonality and, unless the subject +of the song is fighting or doing some other thing that demands loudness, +rapidity, and animation, it is of a weird, melancholy character. When, +however, the subject of the song requires anything of the +<i>spiritoso</i> or <i>veloce</i>, the strain is sung with verve and +even furore. It seems to be good etiquette to cover the mouth with the +hand when the singer, desiring to add special vigor to the strain, rises +to his highest natural pitch and dwells there with an almost deafening +prolonged yell.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G24"></a> +<h5>CEREMONIAL SONGS<sup>26</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>Túd-um</i>.</p> + +<p>Sacred songs, as distinguished from secular songs for festive and +other occasions, are sung only by the priests and by warrior chiefs. +They are supposed to be taught by a special divinity.<sup>27</sup> The +remarks that apply to music and singing in general apply to these +religious songs. The only difference is that sacred singing is the +medium by which the spirits are invoked, supplicated, and propitiated, +and by which the doings of the supernatural world are communicated to +Manóbodom. These ceremonial chants are performed not only during +religious celebrations but more commonly at night. The greater part of +the night is often worn away with a protracted diffuse narration in +which is described, with grandiloquent circumlocution and copious +imagery, the doings of the unseen world.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tu-tu-dú-mon no diu-wá-ta</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G3"></a> +<h4>DANCING</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo dance is somewhat on the style of an Irish jig or a Scotch +hornpipe. It is indulged in on nearly all occasions of social and +ceremonial celebrations. Though it may be performed at any time of the +day if there is a call for it, yet it usually takes place in the evening +or at night, and especially after a drinking bout, when the feasters are +feeling extra cheerful in their cups. There are no special dance houses +in Manóboland, the ordinary dwelling place of the host serving the +purpose. Whenever the floor is in poor condition (and that is often the +case) a mat or two may be spread upon it for the safety of the dancer. +This may be done out of respect also.</p> + +<p>Though dances are held the year round during all great rejoicings and +during the greater sacrificial celebrations, it is during the harvesting +season that they are given with greatest frequency.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G31"></a> +<h5>THE ORDINARY SOCIAL DANCE</h5> +</center> + +<p>By the social dance is meant the dance which takes place on an +occasion of rejoicing and which is indulged in by men, women, and +children, one at a time. It is exceptional that two or more persons +dance simultaneously. A striking peculiarity in dancing is the wearing +of a woman's skirt by males during the dance. No reason is assigned for +the practice except the force of custom. It is customary, also, to array +the dancer in all the available wealth of Manóboland--waist jacket, hat, +necklaces, girdle, hawk bells, and, in case of a female, with brass +anklets. Two kerchiefs, held by the corner, one in each hand, complete +the array. No flowers nor leaves are used in the decoration of the +person during dancing.</p> + +<p>The drum, and when it is available, the gong are the only musical +accompaniments to the dancing. When these are lacking an old tin can, if +such a thing by some good luck has made its way into the house, answers +the purpose of a musical instrument. Even the floor is sometimes beaten +to produce an accompaniment for the dance. On the upper Agúsan bamboo +stampers are occasionally used, in imitation of Mañgguáñgan custom, to +impart more animation to the dance.</p> + +<p>The dance is never accompanied by vocal music unless the constant +scream of approbation and encouragement from the spectators be included +under that term.</p> + +<p>The time to which the dancing is performed is the same as that +described under "the drum" at the beginning of this chapter. It +corresponds somewhat to that of our waltz when played presto, although +the movements of the feet do not correspond to those of that dance.</p> + +<p>The dancer names the rhythm he desires and it is the rule, rather +than the exception, that several starts are made, and several drummers +tried before a good dancer feels satisfied with the method of playing. +This is an indication of the excellent ear which the Manóbo has +developed for this apparently rude and primitive form of music.</p> + +<p>The women in dancing are more gentle in their manner than the men; +they make fewer bending motions and do not posture so much. In other +respects the dancing of the men and women is identical.</p> + +<p>The step may be called dactyllic<sup>28</sup> in that a long or +accented beat is struck with one foot and, in immediate succession, two +quick short steps are taken with the other. This is varied at recurring +intervals by omitting the two short steps, especially in mimetic or +dramatic dances when the dancer desires to return to the center or to +execute some extra evolution.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup>A term borrowed from Latin and Greek versification.</p> + +<p>To give a satisfactory description of the attitude and movements of +the dancer is impossible, as the skill and grace of the dance consists +essentially in postures and gestures, and each individual has his own +variations and combination. In fact no two men dance alike, though the +women are much alike in their style of dancing, due to the fact that +they bend the body and gesticulate comparatively little and that they +display less force and exertion. Suffice it to say that the dancer moves +his feet in perfect time to the rhythm of the drum and gong, at the same +time keeping the arms, hands, fingers, head, and shoulders in constant +movement. Now one hand is laid upon the hip while the other is extended +upward and at an oblique angle from the shoulder. Again both hands are +placed upon the hips and the dancer trips around a few times when +suddenly turning, he retires hastily, but in perfect time, with both +arms extended upwards and at an angle from the shoulders, the two +kerchiefs waving all the time to the movements of the body. During all +his movements the arms, hands, and fingers are twisted and turned with +graceful and varied, but measured, modulation. Now he raises one +shoulder and then another. Now he gazes up with a look of defiance upon +his countenance, as if at some imaginary foe, and then down, as if in +quest of something. At one time he stops and gently moves his feet to +the rhythm of the music for several seconds, at another he circles +around with uplifted arms and flying kerchiefs, and scurries to the +other end of the dancing space, as if pursued by some foeman. At this +point he may circle around again and, the music of the drum and gong +surging loud, stamp defiance as if at an imaginary enemy, in measured +beat and with quick, wild movements of the legs and the whole body.</p> + +<p>And thus the dance goes on, now slow, now fast, now stately, now +grotesque, the feet pounding the floor in regular and exact time to the +music, and every part of the body moving, according to the whim of the +dancer, with graceful and expressive modulation.</p> + +<p>The whole dance requires great exertion, as is evidenced by the +perspiration that appears upon the dancer's body after a few minutes. +For this reason, a dancer rarely continues for more than ten minutes. He +names his successor by dancing up to him, and putting the kerchiefs on +his shoulders. The appointee nearly always excuses himself on the plea +that he does not know how to dance, that his foot is sore, or with some +other excuse, but finally yields to the screams of request and +exhortation from the encircling spectators.</p> + +<p>One who has witnessed a Manóbo dance at night by the flare of fire +and torch will not forget the scene. Squatted around in the semidarkness +are the russet figures of the merry, primitive spectators, lit up by the +flickering glare of the unsteady light, the children usually naked, and +the men having frequently bared the upper parts of their bodies. In the +center circles the dancer with his wealth of ornaments, advancing, +retreating, and posturing. The drum booms, the gong clangs, and the +dancer pounds the floor in rhythm. The jingle bells and the wire anklets +of the dancer tinkle. The spectators scream in exultation, +encouragement, and approval. The dogs add to the pandemonium by an +occasional canine chorus of their own, which coupled with the crying of +the babies and several other incidental sounds, serves to enhance the +rejoicing and to add eclat to the celebration.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G32"></a> +<h5>THE RELIGIOUS DANCE</h5> +</center> + +<p>Unlike the secular dance just described, the sacred dance is +performed exclusively by the male and female priests and by the warrior +chiefs of the tribes. It may be performed either in the house or out on +the ground, according to the place selected for the sacrifice. In the +case of the sacrifice of a pig, the dance and its accompanying rites are +always performed out of doors near the house of one of the priests.</p> + +<p>The dress of the priests is always as elaborate as possible, as in +ordinary festive dancing. Their various portable charms and talismans +are always worn around the neck and, instead of kerchiefs being held in +the hands, palm fronds<sup>29</sup> are used, one in each hand.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ma-yún-hau</i>.</p> + +<p>The music is similar to that described for the ordinary dance, and +the step and movements are identical except that the dance is more +moderate, there being no attempt at grotesque or fantastic movements. As +it is usually performed before an altar, a mat is spread upon the floor, +so that the dancing range is limited. In general, the sacred dance +presents, in its simplicity and its lack of violent contortions, rapid +motions, and gestures, an element of respect and religious quietude that +is not observed in secular dancing. The encircling spectators do not +indulge in such unseemly acclamations, though it may be remarked that +they assume no posture indicative of religious worship, for they +continue to talk among themselves and to indulge in the ordinary +occupation of betel-nut chewing, leaving the performance of the dance +and the attendant ceremonies to the priests, whose profession it is to +attend to such matters.</p> + +<p>The dance is performed either consecutively or simultaneously by the +priests but is interrupted occasionally by other rites proper to the +ceremony.<sup>30</sup></p> + +<p><sup>30</sup>See Chapter XXVI.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3G33"></a> +<h5>MIMETIC DANCES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Mimetic dances in no wise differ from the ordinary festal dancing +except that they are a pantomimic representation, by gestures, by +postures, and by mimicry of some feature of Manóbo life. So far as I +know these dances are never performed by women.</p> + +<p>Mimetic dances are very popular in Manóboland, and visitors whom it +is desired to honor, are often treated, without solicitation on their +part, to a series of these performances. They often contain an element +of what we would call lasciviousness, but to the Manóbo they merely +represent ordinary natural acts. The following are some of the mimetic +dances which I have witnessed.</p> + +<a name="3G341"></a> +<p><i>The bathing dance</i>.--The dancer gyrates and pirouettes in the +ordinary style for several minutes when, by a bending movement, he +intimates the picking up of some heavy object. He simulates placing this +on his shoulder and then imitates a woman's walk, indicating thereby +that he is a woman and that he is going either to get water or take a +bath. All this, as well as subsequent representations, are performed in +perfect time to the music. By a slow movement and with many a backward +glance to see whether he is being watched, he reaches the end of the +dancing place which evidently represents the stream for he goes through +a pantomimic drinking. He then cautiously and after repeated backward +glances, divests himself of all his clothes, and begins the bathing +operations. He is frequently interrupted, and upon the supposed +appearance of a person presumably a male, he indicates that he has to +resume his skirt. The operation of washing the hair and other parts of +the body are portrayed with appropriate gestures and movements, as are +also the resuming of his dress and the return to the house with a bamboo +tubeful of water.</p> + +<a name="3G342"></a> +<p><i>The dagger or sword dance</i>.--This dance is performed only by +men, two of whom may take part in it at the same time. It consists in +portraying a quarrel between them, the weapon used being either the +Mandáya dagger, as on the upper Agúsan, or the ordinary war bolo, as in +the central and lower Agúsan. Appropriate flourishes, parries, lunges, +foils, advances, and retreats, all extremely graceful and skillful, are +depicted just as if a real encounter were taking place.</p> + +<a name="3G343"></a> +<p><i>The apian dance</i>.--This is a dramatic representation of the +robbing of a bee's nest. The gathering of the materials and the +formation of them into a firebrand, the lighting of it, and the ascent +of the tree, are all danced out to perfection. A striking part of the +pantomine is the apparently fierce stinging the robber undergoes, +especially on certain parts of his body.<sup>31</sup></p> + +<p><sup>31</sup>The pubic region is referred to.</p> + +<p>This part of the performance always draws screams of laughter from +the spectators. The whole ends with a vivid but very comic +representation of the avid consumption of the honey and beebread.</p> + +<a name="3G344"></a> +<p><i>The depilation dance</i>.--This is an illustration, by dancing +movements, of the eradication of hair especially in the pubic region. +The dancer, indicating by continual glances that he is afraid of being +seen, simulates the depilation of the pubic hair. The pain thereby +inflicted he manifests by the most comic contortions of his +face.<sup>32</sup></p> + +<p><sup>32</sup>Though depilation of the pubic region is represented in +dancing, I do not know positively that it takes place in reality.</p> + +<a name="3G345"></a> +<p><i>The sexual dance</i>.--This is a dramatic representation of sexual +intercourse on the part of one who apparently has made no overtures or +any previous arrangements with the object of his desire. He is supposed +to enter the house and approach the recumbent object of his love (in +this case represented by a piece of wood or of bamboo) in a timorous, +stealthy way. A hand to the ear intimates that he thinks he hears some +one approaching. He therefore retires a little distance, and after +reassuring himself that all is well, proceeds to attain his object. It +is only after protracted circling, approaching, and retiring, that he +simulates the attainment of his desire. No indications of bashfulness +nor delicacy are exhibited, by the female spectators.<sup>33</sup></p> + +<p><sup>33</sup>I have been informed that sexual relations between a hen +and a rooster form the main feature of another mimetic dance.</p> + +<a name="3G346"></a> +<p><i>The war dance</i>.--The war dance is performed outside of the +house on the ground by one man alone or by two men simultaneously. The +dancer is attired in full festive array with hat and red turban, and is +armed with lance, war bolo, and shield.</p> + +<p>The accompaniment to the dance is the drum, but both the rhythm +executed on it and the step performed by the dancer baffled description. +Suffice it to say that the music is a continuous roll tattooed by two +expert players, one at each end of the drum. The dancer keeps his feet +moving with the greatest conceivable velocity in perfect unison to the +rhythm which gives one the general impression of a rapid two-step. The +movement of the feet reminds one of the movements made by a rooster or a +turkey cock at times. The nodding of the head of the dancer is also +similar to that of a game-cock before a fight.</p> + +<p>As the dance is supposed to represent an encounter and harid-to-hand +fight, all the movements of advancing and retreating, thrusting and +parrying are displayed. The combatants move around in circles, now +approaching, now receding, always under the protection of the shield. +They gaze savagely at each other, now over the shield, now at the side, +constantly sticking out their tongues at each other much as a snake +does. At times they place a heel in the ground with upraised foot, and +with the knee placed against the shield, and lance poised horizontally +above the shoulder, make rapid darts at each other. Every once in a +while they kneel down on one leg behind their shields and with rapid +movements of the head and spear look defiance at each other. During all +the movements of the dance the spear is held horizontally and is thrust +forward rapidly. The shoulders are constantly moved up and down, and the +shield follows this movement, all being in perfect time to the rapid +roll of the drum.</p> + +<p>The dance ordinarily does not last more than five minutes as the +extreme exertion and rapidity of movement soon tire the dancer. It is a +magnificent display of warlike skill and of physical agility and +endurance.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XVII</h3> +<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL</h3> + +<a name="3H1"></a> +<h4>CLANS</h4> + +<a name="3H11"></a> +<h5>TERRITORIES OF THE CLANS AND NUMBER OF PEOPLE COMPOSING THEM</h5> +</center> + +<p>Manóboland, with the exception of such settlements as have been +formed by non-Christian Manóbos in the vicinity of Christian +<i>settlements</i> and usually situated at the head of navigation on the +tributaries of the Agúsan, is divided into districts, well defined, and, +in case of hostility, jealously and vigilantly guarded. These +territorial divisions vary in extent from a few square miles to immense +tracts of forest and are usually bounded by rivers and streams or by +mountains and other natural landmarks. Each of these districts is +occupied by a clan that consists of a nominal superior with his family, +sons-in-law, and such other of his relatives as may have decided to live +within the district. They may number only 20 souls and again they may +reach a few hundred.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H12"></a> +<h5>INTERCLAN RELATIONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the main it may be said that in time of peace the members of the +various clans live on good terms, visiting one another and claiming +relationship with one another, but peace in Manóboland was formerly very +transitory. A drunken brawl might stir up bad blood and every clan and +every individual would make ready for a fight.</p> + +<p>The Agúsan Valley was styled by Montano, the French traveler, "Le +pais de terreur," and from the accounts given to me it must have +deserved the name. A perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la +Compañia de Jesus," which set forth the religious conquest of the +Agúsan Valley, begun about 1875, will give an idea of the continuous +raids and ambuscades that interfered to no inconsiderable extent with +the work of Christian conquest undertaken by the missionaries. Upon my +arrival in the Agúsan in 1905 such rivers as the Ihawán, the Baóbo, the +upper Umaíam, the upper Argáwan, and all tributaries of the upper +Agúsan, were seldom visited by any but members of the clan to whose +territorial jurisdiction these rivers and the adjoining districts +belonged. The establishment of a special form of government on the lower +and middle Agúsan, now known as the subprovince of Butuán, did wonders +toward repressing the interclan raids, but on the upper Agúsan they +continued at least until my departure in 1910, though not to such an +extent as in previous years.</p> + +<p>For example, in February, 1910, the settlements of Dugmánon and +Moncáyo were in open hostility. I traveled both by land and water with +members of the two unfriendly clans. In traveling by water it was +necessary to proceed in midstream with shields protecting the occupants +of the canoe against the arrows of their enemies. On the trail it was +imperative to travel in bodies with a warrior on each side of the trail +to guard against ambush.</p> + +<p>This feud arose out of a mere bagatelle, followed by the seizure of a +pig, and up to the time I left the region had given rise to four deaths. +I made every effort to adjudicate the case, but as each clan seemed +unwilling to yield, failed to bring the parties together.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H2"></a> +<h4>THE CHIEF AND HIS POWER</h4> + +<a name="3H21"></a> +<h5>THE SOURCE OF THE CHIEF'S AUTHORITY</h5> +</center> + +<p>It may be said in general that the chief is a man who, by his fluency +of speech and by his penetration and sagacity in unraveling the +intricate points of a dispute, by his personal prowess, combined with +sagacity and fair dealing, has won influence. Personal prowess appeals +to the Manóbo, so that in time of hostility the warrior chief is looked +up to more than any man who in time of peace might have enjoyed more +influence and prestige.</p> + +<p>It must be borne in mind that the whole political organization of +Manóboland, including the system of government, social control, and +administration of justice, is essentially patriarchal, so that the +chieftainship is really only a nominal one. The very entity of a clan +springs from the kinship of its individual members, and, as in a family, +the stronger or abler brother might be selected on a given occasion to +represent, defend, or otherwise uphold the family, so in a Manóbo clan +or sect the stronger or the wiser member is recognized as chief. +However, he can not lay claim to any legal authority nor use any +coercion unless it is sanctioned by the more influential members of the +clan, is approved by public opinion, and is in conformity with customary +law and tribal practices, for there is no people that I know of that is +so tenacious and so jealous of ancient usages as the Manóbos of eastern +Mindanáo.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H22"></a> +<h5>EQUALITY AMONG THE PEOPLE</h5> +</center> + +<p>Besides the titles applied to warrior chiefs and to priests, there is +no title that is in common use to express the influence and authority +wielded by any individual. It is not infrequent to hear of so-and-so +being spoken of as a <i>datu</i> by the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley, +but the title is not used by Manóbos, but only by the Banuáon group +inhabiting the northwestern part of the valley or by Bisáyas when they +desire to cajole their Manóbo friends. The term <i>kuláno</i> is +sometimes used by the Bisáyas, but as far as my knowledge goes is not +used by Manóbos. It is in all probability a form of the word +<i>kuláno</i> that is applied, I think, to Bukídnon chiefs in the +subprovince of Bukídnon. The fact that no titles appear to exist for +influential men except that of warrior chief and of priest is an +indication of the inferiority of the Manóbo to the Mandáya in tribal +organization.<sup>1</sup></p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>In Mandáya a very influential chief is styled +<i>á-ri-á-ri</i>, a kind of petty king, and the elder of a settlement or +even of an individual house has a special name, significative of +influence and of respect, to wit, <i>ma-tá-duñg</i>.</p> + +<p>There is no hereditary chieftainship, though a warrior chief makes +earnest endeavors to instill the spirit of valor into his first born +male child from the time he attains the use of reason. No insignia are +worn except by the warrior chief and the recognized warrior<sup>2</sup> +to denote the influence that they exert in the tribe or in the clan. +Perfect equality is conspicuous in nearly all things. The chief or the +warrior chief sallies forth, often in company with his slaves, and takes +part in fishing and in hunting expeditions. On the trail he may carry +his own share of the burden if he has been unable to induce others to +take it. I have had warrior chiefs, priests, and other influential +people many a time act as my carriers, but, of course, out of courtesy +and respect, had to allow them more in the way of recompense than was +given to those of lesser importance. The chief has no subordinate +officers, no heralds, and no assembly house. He lives in his own house +and when any trouble arises he settles it, in company with other +influential men, either at his own house or at any other house to which +it may have been deemed expedient to repair. Hence we may say that +little or no formal demonstration of respect is shown a chief. He is a +Manóbo of more than usual ability, of strong character, quick to +discover the intricacies of an involved question, facile of tongue, +loved for his hospitality and generous nature, more frequently better +provided with worldly goods than his fellow clansmen, and as a rule with +a reputation for fair dealing. Such are, in general, the sources of the +respect that gives him a moral weight in the arbitration of clan +troubles or even of tribal concerns when no hostility reigns.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Ma-ni-ki-ád</i>.</p> + +<p>I have never heard among the Manóbos of any special celebration in +which a chief, other than a warrior chief, is formally recognized. He +seems to grow gradually into recognition, just as one brother of a +family may, after years of demonstrated ability, be looked up to by the +rest of the family.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H23"></a> +<h5>RESPECT FOR ABILITY AND OLD AGE</h5> +</center> + +<p>Although the chiefs almost invariably look upon other men of the +tribe as their equals and show no affectation because of their position, +yet by those who come in contact with them a certain amount of respect +is shown. This is especially true in the great social and religious +gatherings and on the visit of a chief to another house. Here he gets an +extra supply of pork and of brew and of everything that is being +distributed.</p> + +<p>From what has been said in a previous part of this monograph it is +obvious that women play no part in the control of public affairs. There +are no female chiefs. Women are domestic chattels relegated to the house +and to the farm. There is a common saying that women have no +tribunal--that is, are not fitted to take part in public +discussions--the reference being to the town hall of the Spanish regime. +Yet I know of one woman, Sinápi by name, who travels around like a chief +and through her influence arbitrates questions that the more influential +men of the region are unable to settle. She lives on the Simúlao River, +just above the settlement of San Isidro, and is without doubt the +individual of most influence on the upper Simúlao and Bahaían. In the +Jesuit letters mention is made of one Pínkai who had great weight among +her fellow tribesmen of the Argáwan River.</p> + +<p><i>Ceteris peribus</i>, the word and authority of the old are +respected more than those of others, probably because the former have +more numerous relatives, including often their great-grandsons and +great-granddaughters, as well as the indefinite number of relatives by +marriage that have joined the family since their first sons or their +first daughters married. When, however, they reach the age at which they +can no longer travel around and take part in the numerous imbroglios and +disputes that arise their influence is much less. This, it seems, is one +of the great differences between the social system of the Mandáyas and +that of the Manóbos and will explain the greater constancy and stability +of the Mandáya character as compared with that of the Manóbo.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H3"></a> +<h4>THE WARRIOR CHIEF<sup>3</sup></h4> +</center> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ba-gá-ni</i> from <i>ba-rá-ni</i> (Malay), valiant.</p> + +<p>The sword in Manóboland, as in all other parts of the world, is the +final arbiter when conciliation fails. Hence the prominent part played +by the warrior chief in time of war and frequently in time of peace. For +this reason it becomes necessary to discuss at more length the powers, +prerogatives, and character of the warrior chief.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H31"></a> +<h5>GENERAL CHARACTER</h5> +</center> + +<p>The general character of the warrior chief is, among all the tribes +of the Agúsan Valley, that of a warrior who has to his credit an average +of five deaths. As such deaths are attributed primarily to the special +protection of divinities, called <i>Tagbúsau</i>, who delight in the +shedding of blood, the chief is regarded in the light of a priest in all +that concerns war in somewhat the same way as the <i>bailán</i> or +ordinary priest, under the protection of his familiars of tutelary +spirits, is expected to officiate in all ordinary religious matters. To +the priestly office of the warrior chief is added that of magician to +the extent that he can safeguard himself and his friends with magic +means against the evil designs of his enemies. Finally, in a country +where there is no supremely constituted authority with sufficient force +to remedy grievances, but only personal valor and the lance and the bolo +to appeal to, it may be expected that in the majority of cases the +warrior will assume a fourth prerogative, namely, that of chief. Thus +the warrior chief will be considered heir in his warlike character of +warrior, in his magic character as medicine man, and finally in his +political character as chief.</p> + +<p>The Christian conquest of the Agúsan Valley, begun in 1877, and the +establishment of a special form of government therein in 1907, have +contributed in no small measure to diminish the number of feuds and +bloody reprisals that had given the Agúsan Valley its reputation as +"the country of terror," and as a consequence leave little +opportunity for the recognition of new warriors. Thus it is that at the +present day the ancient system is fast fading away, and it is only a +matter of years before the warrior chief will be a thing of the past.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H32"></a> +<h5>INSIGNIA AND PROWESS OF THE WARRIOR CHIEF</h5> +</center> + +<p>As a person of recognized prowess, the warrior chief is naturally the +leader in all warlike expeditions, and in time of peace he is looked up +to as the future defender of the settlement in which he resides.</p> + +<p>Red is the distinguishing mark of the war chief's dress, which +ordinarily consists of a red headkerchief with embroidery of white, +blue, and yellow cotton at the corners, of a red jacket with similar +embroidery on the shoulders and around the back, and of long trousers, +sometimes red. His bolo is usually larger and more costly than those +carried by ordinary men and is generally of Mandáya origin. His spear, +too, is apt to be an expensive one, while his shield not infrequently is +tufted with human hair. When leading his band of braves to the attack or +during a sacrifice to his protector, the Tagbúsau, he wears his +charm-collar<sup>4</sup> with its magic herbs.<sup>5</sup> On the +warpath he binds his hair knot securely and envelops it with a rough +hewn hemisphere of wood. His influence in arranging all the details of +the plan of attack is strong, but during the attack itself he has little +control over his followers.<sup>6</sup> This might be expected from the +spirit of independence which the Manóbo displays even in the ordinary +affairs of life when not influenced by religious or other motives.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ta-li-hán</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>These collars are often as thick as a man's arm in the +center, tapering down to the ends. They are about 75 centimeters long, +made out of cloth, and contain in sections charms made of trees, plants, +herbs, and bezoar and other magic stones, all thought to have divers +mystic powers.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>So I have been assured by many great warriors.</p> + +<p>In personal valor the warrior chief invariably surpasses his fellows. +There are many who will fight face to face, especially in the upper +Sálug, Baóbo, Ihawán, and Agúsan regions. Líno and his brother, the late +Gúnlas, both of the upper Sálug, are two of the numerous examples that +might be adduced. It is true that they take no inordinate risks before +an attack, and especially where firearms are opposed to them, yet during +an attack they become desperate and will take any risk.</p> + +<p>The warrior has often been branded as a traitor, a coward, and +butcher, but such an opinion, I unhesitatingly assert, is based on +ignorance and prejudice.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H33"></a> +<h5>THE WARRIOR'S TITLE TO RECOGNITION</h5> +</center> + +<p>When one of the braves who accompany an expedition has killed one or +two men in fair fight he acquires the title of <i>manikiád</i> and is +entitled to wear a headkerchief striped with red and yellow. His prowess +is acknowledged, and he is considered to be so favored by the powers +above that he is looked upon as a prospective <i>bagáni</i> or warrior +chief. If during ensuing expeditions, or by ambushes, he increases to +five<sup>7</sup> the number of people whom he has killed, his position +as a full-fledged warrior is recognized, but he does not become a +warrior chief until such time as the spirits of the gods of war become +manifested in him. He is then said to be possessed,<sup>8</sup> as it +were, and it requires only a banquet to the neighboring <i>datus</i> and +warrior chiefs to confirm his title. These peculiar operations of divine +influence consist of manifestations of indescribable violence during the +attack, of eating the heart and liver of a slain enemy, and of various +other exhibitions.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>The number of killings required for promotion to the rank +of <i>bagáni</i>, or recognized warrior, varies according to the +locality.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Tag-bu-sau-án</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H34"></a> +<h5>VARIOUS DEGREES OF WARRIOR CHIEFSHIP</h5> +</center> + +<p>The rank of a warrior chief depends on the number of deaths which he +may have to his credit. There is apparently no fixed rule in this +matter, the custom of one region demanding five deaths for a certain +rank while that of another locality may require eight or only two deaths +for a similar one. From all reports made to me in nearly every district +in the middle and upper Agúsan it appears that the number of deaths +requisite in the olden days for the various degrees of warrior chiefship +was much higher than it is at present, due no doubt to the greater +frequency with which people were killed in those times. For this reason +the more recent warrior chiefs are spoken of by the older warriors as +worthless.<sup>9</sup></p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>A-yo-á-yo</i>.</p> + +<p>The following are the titles recognized by the Manóbos of the Agúsan +valley: (1) <i>hanágan</i>; (2) <i>tinabudán</i>;<sup>10</sup> (3) +<i>kinaboan</i>; (4) <i>lúto</i> or <i>linambúsan</i>; (5) +<i>lunúgum</i>; (6) <i>lípus</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Tinabudán</i>, i. e., wrapped, the full expression +being "<i>tinabudán to tabañg</i>," i. e., wrapped with a red +handkerchief.</p> + +<p>The first title, <i>hanágan</i>, is given to one who has killed five +or more people but has not yet been admitted to the full favor of a +<i>tagbúsau</i> or blood spirit. The second title, <i>tinabudán</i>, is +given to a warrior who has made it evident that he has divine favor and +protection, made manifest in the consumption of the heart and the liver, +and who falls into a condition similar to that of the priest while in an +ecstasy. The insignia of this degree consists of a red kerchief worn +wrapped around the hair knot at the back of the head.</p> + +<p>The third degree, <i>kinaboan</i>, as the word itself +indicates,<sup>11</sup> entitles the bearer to add to his apparel a red +jacket. Accounts are so various that the exact time when this title is +conferred can not be definitely stated. Thus in Umaíam I was given to +understand that 25 deaths were a sine qua non, whereas on the Kasilaían +River 6, and on the Sálug 7 deaths were reported as sufficient.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>From <i>ká-bo</i>, a jacket.</p> + +<p>The fourth title, <i>lúto</i>, by its derivation means +"cooked," "done," "finished," so that on +attaining this degree a warrior is complete, at least as far as his +raiment is concerned, for he adds a pair of red trousers. Though the +number of deaths requisite for the attainment of this degree is +variously stated as being from 50 to 100, yet I suggest 15 as being, on +the average, nearer the truth. The next degree, <i>lunúgum</i>, as the +word indicates, entitles the bearer to dress himself all in black. It is +a title acquired fortuitously, being given to one who during an attack +happened <i>to lance unknowingly a dead man in the house of the +enemy</i>. I can offer no further information on the point, except that +the recipient of this title must have been already a recognized warrior. +It seems probable that when a man commits such an act on a dead man he +is believed to be especially favored by the war gods.</p> + +<p>The warrior chief who acquires the last title, <i>lípus</i>, is +supposed to have innumerable deaths to his credit, but I venture to put +50 as a safe standard of eligibility to this title. Fifty deaths +extending over a period of many years, and recounted with such additions +as a little vanity and a wine-flushed head might suggest, might easily +be converted into infinity. I know of no living warrior chief who bears +the title of <i>lípus</i>. Twenty-five deaths is the largest number +reached by any warrior with whom I am acquainted. The famous Líno of +Sálug and his brother the defunct Gúnlas, reached this rank.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H4"></a> +<h4>THE WARRIOR CHIEF IN HIS CAPACITY AS CHIEF</h4> +</center> + +<p>It may be said that in nearly every case the warrior chief is the +chief of the clan or settlement. As a man of proved prowess, of +sufficient age, and with a good family following he is nearly always +recognized as the only one competent to deal with all cases that may +come up between his retainers and those of some other chief. Thus it may +be said that the Manóbo political system is a patriarchal one in which +an elder member of a family, through the respect due to his personal +prowess, age, and following, and not through any legal or hereditary +sanction adjudges such matters of dispute as inevitably arise between +his followers and those of some one else. The system is based on custom +and is carried out in a spirit of great fairness and equality.</p> + +<p>The territory over which the warrior chief extends his sway is +recognized as being the collective ancestral property of the settlement. +In time of war no one except a relative is permitted to enter it under +the penalty of death, but in time of peace it lies open to all friendly +fellow tribesmen. Such matters, however, as fish poisoning<sup>12</sup> +and hunting by aliens are always interdicted.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Pag-tu-bá-han</i>.</p> + +<p>Over this territory, usually occupying miles and miles of virgin +forest, lofty mountain, and fair valley, are scattered the dependents +and relatives of the warrior. It is only in times of trouble or of +expected attack that they build high houses for purposes of defense in +closer proximity to the chief. These settlements number between 20 and +200 souls, the former number being nearer the average than the +latter.</p> + +<p>The attitude of the followers toward their chief is in time of peace +one of kinship feeling or one of indifference. He has practically no +authority until called upon in time of trouble to lend the weight of his +influence and the fame of his prowess. He collects no tribute and +receives no services. In every respect he does as his lowest retainer +does, hunts, fishes, etc., except that he travels more to visit friendly +neighboring chiefs, who always receive him as a guest of honor and feast +him when they have the wherewithal.</p> + +<p>Various grades of chiefs are occasionally reported, such as +<i>kuyáno</i>,<sup>13</sup> <i>masikámpo</i>,<sup>14</sup> and +<i>dátu</i> but such grades do not exist. These names have probably been +conferred by mercenary Bisáyas for commercial reasons and are not +assumed by Manóbos even for purposes of ostentation.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Kuláno</i>, a title applied, I think, to Moros of the +Rio Grande of Mindanáo, and used, I have heard, by the Banuáons.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Maestre de Campo</i>--i. e., field marshal--was a +title given by the Spaniards to faithful Bukídnon chiefs.</p> + +<p>The warrior chief is in almost every case the person of greatest +influence and authority, both by reason of his position in the family +and because of the prestige of his valor. In a country where the bolo +and lance are final arbiters when all else has failed the warrior must +of necessity be chief or be a person of very marked influence. If he is +not recognized as such, he generally removes himself with as many as +will or must follow to another locality, and there he becomes chief.</p> + +<p>Nothing said here is intended to apply to the political organization +of the Christianized Manóbos, or <i>conquistas</i> into settlements +under the special government of the Agúsan Province. My remarks are +confined exclusively to the pagan people.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3H5"></a> +<h4>THE WARRIOR CHIEF AS PRIEST AND MEDICINE MAN</h4> +</center> + +<p>The reader is referred to the second part of Chapter XXIV, Part IV, +for a detailed account of the functions and prerogatives of the warrior +chief in his capacity as priest. For the present we will pass on to +consider him in his role of medicine man, summarizing briefly his magic +methods for the cure of various ailments ascribed to supernatural +agency.</p> + +<p>As to the warrior's knowledge and powers in both capacities, I have +always found the many warrior chiefs with whom I have come in contact +very reticent and have accordingly been unable to secure detailed +information on this subject. It is beyond a doubt, however, that great +powers are attributed to them both in causing and curing certain +ailments.</p> + +<p>It may be said that any disease attributed to the displeasure of the +blood spirits falls within their jurisdiction as priests and may be +cured by a sacrifice or by other ceremonial methods. As a general rule +they are supposed to have a knowledge of various magic and medicinal +herbs. They are always the possessors of necklaces,<sup>15</sup> to +which are attributed such powers as those of imparting invisibility and +invulnerability. These peculiar charms, as well as numerous herbs, +roots, and other things possessing magic power for good and for evil, +are often bound up in the charm collars and can not be seen. Nothing +will prevail upon the owner to declare even their names. After opening +the breast of the slain enemies they dip these mystic collars in the +blood and thereby, through the instrumentality of their blood spirits, +impart to the collars greater potency.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Ta-li-hán</i>.</p> + +<p>Hemorrhages and all wounds or other troubles in which a flux of blood +appears are thought to emanate from the desire of the familiars of the +warrior priests for blood. Hence he is called upon to make intercession +and to propitiate<sup>16</sup> these bloodthirsty spirits with the +sacrifice of a pig or fowl. After the pig has been killed, a little of +the blood is caught in a split bamboo receptacle,<sup>17</sup> which is +then hung up in the house with the blood left in it for the regalement +of these insatiate spirits.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>Dá-yo to tag-búsau</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Bin-u-ká</i>.</p> + +<p>Besides curative means the warrior medicine man is said to have +secret means of causing bodily harm to those against whom he feels a +grievance. These means are called <i>kometán</i> and have been described +in Chapter XV. It is true that others are reputed to have these secret +magic means, but none except the warrior priest will make open +confession of their reputed powers.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XVIII</h3> +<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, COURSE, AND +TERMINATION</h3> + +<a name="3I1"></a> +<h4>MILITARY AFFAIRS IN GENERAL</h4> +</center> + +<p>There exists no military organization in Manóboland, no standing +army, no reviews, no conscription. The whole male circle of relatives +and such others as desire to take part, either for friendship's sake or +for the glory and spoil, form the war party. There is no punishment for +failure to join an expedition but as blood is thicker than water, the +nearer male relatives always take part and there are never wanting +others who either bear a grudge against the author of the grievance or +go for the emolument that they may receive or even for the sport and the +spoil of it. It is customary to bring along such male slaves as may be +depended upon to render faithful and efficient work. It is only fear of +incurring enmity that holds back the majority of those who do not take +part. I here desire, to impress upon my readers one important point in +the Manóbo's idea of war, and it is this: <i>That no blame is laid upon +nor resentment harbored toward anyone who joins an expedition as a paid +warrior</i>.<sup>1</sup> I have ascertained beyond reasonable doubt, +after continual questioning on my part and open unsolicited avowals on +the part of others, that warrior chiefs are frequently paid to redress a +wrong in which they have no personal concern.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Sin-nó-ho</i>.</p> + +<p>In the case of ordinary tribesmen, I know that where personal +feelings and the hope of material advantages are not an inducement to +partake in the expedition, they are frequently tempted with an offer of +some such thing as a fine bolo or a lance, to lend their services to the +leader of the war party. It is needless to say that only close ties of +friendship or relationship to the enemy prevent the offer from being +accepted, <i>especially as the acceptance of it relieves the Manóbo from +all responsibility for such deaths as may accrue to his credit during +the prospective encounter</i>. When, however, previous feuds, or other +unfriendly antecedents existed between the warrior and his opponent, the +acceptance of a remuneration for his participation in the fray would not +shield him from the dire vengeance that would, sooner or later, surely +follow.</p> + +<p>For a description of the weapons used and of the manner of using +them, the reader is referred to Chapter XI.</p> + +<p>In the description of the Manóbo house (Chapter V), reference was +made to the high houses erected for defense when an unusual attack is +expected. Tree houses, at the time I left the valley, were very few and +far between, even in the eastern Cordillera and at the headwaters of the +Tágo River.</p> + +<p>Besides building high houses and resorting to devices referred to in +Chapter V, the Manóbos occasionally slash down the surrounding forest in +such a way as to form a veritable abatis of timber.</p> + +<p>In one place I saw a very unique and effective form of defense. A +fence surrounded the house. To gain access to the latter it was +necessary to ascend a notched pole about 2 meters high and then to pass +along two horizontal bamboo poles about 10 meters long. Numerous deadly +bamboo caltrops bristled out of the ground underneath the precarious +bamboo bridge that led to a platform whence the house could be reached +only by climbing the usual notched pole. Whosoever ventured to cross +this perilous bridge, would certainly meet death from one source or +another, either from the hurtling shower of arrows from above or from +the bristling caltrops below.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I2"></a> +<h4>THE ORIGIN OF WAR</h4> +</center> + +<p>Fighting arises from one or more of the following causes: Vendettas, +sexual infringements, debts, and sometimes from a system of private +seizure, by which the property or life of an innocent third party is +taken. The Manóbo expresses the same thing in a simpler way by saying +that war has its origin in two things, namely "debt (blood debt +included) and deceit." It has been said that glory and the capture +of slaves are the springs of war in Manóboland, but this, in my opinion, +is not true. Nor will I concede that war is undertaken for merely +religious reasons. It is my belief, verified by numerous observations +made during several years of intimate dealing with Manóbos throughout +eastern Mindanáo, that fighting or killing takes place in order to +redress a wrong or to collect a debt, whether it be of blood or of +anything else. It is true that many who have no grievance, take part +merely for the sport, the spoil, and the glory of it, but in no case +that I know of was there wanting on the part of those who inaugurated +the war a real and reasonable motive. I have heard of cases of unjust +warfare but my informants were enemies of the parties against whom they +complained and most probably were calumniating them.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I21"></a> +<h5>VENDETTAS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Vendettas, which exist in many more enlightened countries of the +world, are the most common cause of war, or it would be better to say, +of the continuance of war.</p> + +<p>There is no doubt, in my mind, but that the whole eastern quarter of +Mindanáo would flame out into interclan warfare, were it not for the +efficient form of government now established there. I can bear witness +to this fact, as I was cognizant of various raids that took place from +1905 to 1907 and of the fact that they were much less frequent from the +close of 1907 till my departure from the Agúsan Valley in 1910.</p> + +<p>As in other countries, so in Manóboland, not only is the vendetta +regarded as legitimate but it is considered the duty of every relative +of the slain to seek revenge for his death. Living in a state of +absolute independence from the restraints of outside government, as they +had been up to the beginning of the Christian conquest in 1877, the +Manóbos, according to their own accounts, passed a very unquiet +existence. On account of blood feuds, most of them lived in tree houses +built in lofty inaccessible places, as I have been repeatedly told by +old men. I have been assured that if ever the Americans leave the +valley, old blood scores will be settled, even should it be necessary +"to do without salt."<sup>2</sup></p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>The enjoyment of salt seems to be, in the Manóbo's +estimation, one of the greatest blessings, if not the greatest, that he +has derived from civilization. Yet he would be willing to forego the use +of it, if it were possible for him to take revenge upon the slayers of +his relatives.</p> + +<p>The vendetta system was so prevalent during my first travels in +eastern Mindanáo that on one occasion a Manóbo of the Tágo River +inquired of me whether there were any living relatives of a certain +Manóbo of the upper Argáwan who had killed his grandfather. Upon +learning that there were, he forthwith besought me to accompany him in a +raid against the relatives of his grandfather's murderers.</p> + +<p>Another instance will show the persistency with which the idea of +revenge is entertained. I noticed in a house on the Wá-wa River a strong +rattan vine strung taut from a rafter to one of the floor joists. My +host, the owner of the house, waxed over-merry in his cups and was +descanting on his valiant feats in the pre-American days. He suddenly +jumped up and twanged the rattan, intimating that he might yet be able +to take revenge on a certain enemy of his but that if he were unable to +do it, his son after him would strive to fulfill his teaching and that +in any case vengeance would be had before the vine rotted. Anyone +familiar with the rattan knows its durability, when protected from the +influences of the sun and rain.</p> + +<p>This practice of stretching a green rattan in some part of the house +and of vowing vengeance "till it rot" is not uncommon, and is an +indication of the deep, eternal desire for vengeance so characteristic +of the Manóbos.</p> + +<p>Another practice, also indicative of the vendetta system, is the +bequeathing from father to son<sup>3</sup> of the duty of seeking +revenge. I have never been present at the ceremony but have heard over +and over again that so-and-so received the inheritance and must endeavor +to carry out the dying behest of his father or other relative. One man, +who had received this "teaching," on being questioned as to +whether he would like to make peace with his enemy, seemed shocked and +vehemently protested, saying, "It can't be done, it can't be done, +it is tabooed;" he then went on to upbraid me soundly for the +suggestion.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>It is called <i>ka-tud-li-án</i>.</p> + +<p>In some cases, the task of revenge is turned over to a third party, +who has no personal interest in the feud. As explained to me, such a +person is in a better position to attack the enemy than one whose duty +it is. In case he succeeds in getting revenge, no blame, I was assured, +is attached to him, as he is regarded in the light of a paid warrior or +mercenary. Such an institution as this of the vendetta together with the +system of private seizure render life in Manóboland very hazardous, and +serve to explain the extreme caution and forbearance exhibited by one +Manóbo toward another in the most trivial concerns of life.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I22"></a> +<h5>PRIVATE SEIZURE<sup>4</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Tau-a-gán</i>.</p> + +<p>The practice of private seizure is a very peculiar one, according to +our way of thinking, yet it is universal among the tribes of eastern +Mindanáo. As long as it is confined to material things, it is not +ordinarily a cause for war, but when practiced on a human being, it +frequently results in retaliation in kind.</p> + +<p>The practice consists in seizing the property of a third, frequently +a neutral, party, as a "call" on the debtor. For example, A owes +B a slave and for one reason or another has been unable or unwilling to +pay his debt. B has exhibited a sufficient amount of patience, while at +the same time he has used every means to bring pressure to bear upon A. +Finally, despairing of collecting in an amicable way, and, most +probably, suspecting that his debtor is playing with him, he seizes a +relative or a slave or a pig of C as a "call" to A. C thus pays +A's debt and then takes measures to collect from him, the understanding +being that B is to take all responsibility for the consequences.</p> + +<p>This system seldom gives rise to a blood feud except when blood has +been shed. Thus in the above instance, had B killed C, as a summons to +A, a feud would almost infallibly have followed. Yet C's relatives might +have been willing to accept a money compensation from B, and might have +come to an agreement whereby they would jointly operate against A in +order to avenge the death of C.</p> + +<p>I witnessed a case in which the seizure of a pig was the origin of a +bloody feud that had not ended at the time of my departure from the +upper Agúsan. As the individuals involved in the case are still living +their names will be represented by letters.</p> + +<p>A had been fined P15 because his wife had made the statement that B +had knowledge of a secret or magic<sup>5</sup> poison. C who was a +relative of A and already owed B to the amount of P15, with the consent +of all parties concerned, assumed the responsibility of paying A's debt, +thereby putting himself in debt to B to the amount of one slave (at +P30). Now some of C's relatives had certain little claims against some +of B's relatives and thought it a good opportunity to collect their own +dues and to diminish their kinsman's debt by presenting their claims for +payment. B refused to pay on the ground that his kinsfolk and not +himself were responsible for the settlement of said claims, whereupon C +refused to deliver his slave till the payment to his relatives was +forthcoming.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup><i>Ko-me-tán</i>.</p> + +<p>The matter thus lingered for several months until B, who owed a slave +to another party, and was pressed for payment thought it time to force +matters, and, in company with three relatives, seized A's sow as a +"call" on C.</p> + +<p>The result of this was that after a few weeks B's wife and another +woman were speared to death in a <i>camote</i> patch, and in revenge B +took the lives of two of C's party. I made every possible effort to have +the matter adjudicated in an informal way but neither party seemed to be +anxious to come to terms.</p> + +<p>Owing to this system of private seizure, a party of warriors +returning from an unsuccessful raid are considered dangerous, and +settlements on their trail put themselves in a state of +watchfulness,<sup>6</sup> for when returning without having secured a +victim the party might be incited to make a seizure in order to avoid +thereby the derision of their enemies.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Lá-ma</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I23"></a> +<h5>DEBTS AND SEXUAL INFRINGEMENTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Long-continued failure to pay a debt is very frequently the remote +cause of war. This is easy to understand if we consider the sacredness +with which debts are regarded in Manóboland. An excessive delay in +meeting obligations gives rise to hot and hasty words on the part of the +creditor; the debtor takes umbrage and retorts, a quarrel with bolos +ensues, thereby giving rise to a feud that, under favorable conditions, +may continue for generations with its fierce mutual reprisals. A feature +that serves to increase the number of these financial bickerings is the +fact that questions of indebtedness are almost invariably discussed +while drinking is going on and as a result, according to an immemorial +rule the world over, the creditor frequently indulges in +personalities.</p> + +<p>Sexual infringements are a cause of war. Only one case passed under +my personal notice but instances of olden days were related to me. There +is no doubt in my mind as to the result of a serious sexual misdemeanor; +it is death by the lance or the bolo for the offender without much +parleying, if one may give credence to the universal outspoken Manóbo +opinion on the subject.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I3"></a> +<h4>INCEPTION OF WAR</h4> + +<a name="3I31"></a> +<h5>DECLARATION OF WAR</h5> +</center> + +<p>No heralds go forth to announce to the enemy the coming conflict. On +the contrary, the greatest secrecy is maintained. If the grievance is a +sudden and serious one, such as the death of a clansman, a set of +ambushers may be dispatched at the earliest moment that the omens are +found favorable. Or it may be decided to attack the settlement of the +enemy in full force. If the latter decision is reached, a party is sent +out to reconnoiter the place of attack. All information possible is +obtained from neighbors of the enemy, and, if the reconnaissance shows +conditions favorable for an attack, the march is begun in due form. +Should the reconnoitering party, however, report unfavorably, the attack +is put off until, after weeks, months, or years of patient, but close, +vigilance and inquiry, a favorable opportunity presents itself.</p> + +<p>Sometimes a bolder warrior chief who has a personal grievance may +send a war message in the shape of a fighting-bolo,<sup>7</sup> or of a +lance with an abusive challenge, but this is rare, as far as I have been +able to ascertain. It is common, however, for the more famed war chiefs +to keep their personal enemies on the <i>qui-vive</i>, by periodic +threats. "I will begin my march 10 nights from now," "I will +reap his rice," "I will eat his heart and liver," "He +won't be able to sow rice for four years," "I need his wife to +plant my <i>camotes</i>"--are samples of the messages that reach a +clansman and keep him and his family on some mountain pinnacle for many +a long year till such time as the threat is carried out and the posts of +his house, all wreathed with secondary growth, tell the grim tale of +revenge. I have seen such posts scattered over the face of eastern +Mindanáo--a memory of the dead.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Li-kúd-lí-kud</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I32"></a> +<h5>TIME FOR WAR</h5> +</center> + +<p>The usual time for war is either on the occasion of death in the +family or at the time of the harvest season. The former is selected both +to soften, by the joy of victory, the sorrow felt for the loss of a dear +relative, and to check the jubilation that the enemy would naturally +feel and frequently express on such an occasion. The latter is chosen +for the purpose of destroying the enemy's rice crop or at least of +making it difficult for him to harvest it.</p> + +<p>War is undertaken at other times also. Thus a sudden and grievous +provocation would cause an expedition to start just as soon as the +necessary number of warriors could be assembled, and a favorable +combination of omens obtained.</p> + +<p>It often happens, I have been told over and over again, that when an +attack proves unsuccessful, those who repelled the attack set out at +once to surprise their enemies by a shower of arrows while the latter +are returning to their homes, or, if possible, reach the settlement +before them and massacre the defenseless women and children.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I33"></a> +<h5>PREPARATIONS FOR WAR</h5> +</center> + +<p>The remote preparations for war consist in locating the house of the +enemy and in getting all information, even the minutest, as to the +trails, position of traps and bamboo spears. All this must be done +through a third party, preferably someone who has a grievance to +satisfy, and may require months or even years, for the Manóbo is a +cautious fighter and will take no unnecessary risks. During all this +time the aggrieved party is enlisting, in a quiet, diplomatic way, the +good will of as many as he can trust. If he has no recognized warrior +chief on his side he must by all means secure the services of at least +one, even though it should be necessary to offer him a material +compensation and in divers other ways gain his good will and +cooperation.</p> + +<p>The immediate preparations consist in sending out a few of the +nearest male relatives several days or even a week before the intended +attack to reconnoiter the settlement of the enemy. On the return of this +party word is sent to those who have agreed to join the expedition and a +day and place are appointed for meeting. A pig and a supply of rice are +procured and on the appointed day the relatives and friends of the +leader assemble at the trysting place, which was, in nearly every +instance that I witnessed or heard of, a house somewhat remote from the +settlement.</p> + +<p>With a warrior chief for officiant certain religious +rites<sup>8</sup> are performed. The pig is partaken of in the usual +style and, if the omens are favorable, all is ready. But should the +omens portend evil, the expedition is put off to a more auspicious +occasion. In one instance that passed under my personal observation the +departure of the warriors was postponed for several days by reason of +inauspicious omens. I have heard of some cases in which the war party +returned after several days' march in order to await more reassuring +signs of success.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>See Pt. IV, Ch. XXVI.</p> + +<p>No particular demonstrations of sorrow are manifested by the women +when the war party sets out. Revenge is of more importance than love. +Moreover, it is seldom that the casualties on the side of the aggressors +amount to more than one, so that no fear is entertained and all are +sanguine as to the outcome, for have not the omens been consulted and +have they not portended so many deaths and so many captives?</p> + +<p>The band glides off silently and stealthily into the forest. A war +chief, if one has been willing to join the expedition, usually leads, +accompanied, it is believed, by his invisible war deities. A little +ahead, just the distance of a whisper, the Manóbos say, strides +Mandayáñgan, the giant and the hero of the old, old days. All ears are +alert for the turtledove's cry, and when its prophetic voice is heard, +every arm is up and points with closed fist in the direction of it. But +it is only its direction with regard to the leader that is considered. +If this is unfavorable, the march is discontinued till the next day, +but, if favorable, the party proceeds, selecting, as much as possible, +tortuous and seldom trodden trails.</p> + +<p>The following are some of the taboos that must be observed by the +party while en route.</p> + +<p>(1) They may speak to no one met on the trail.</p> + +<p>(2) Nothing once taken in the hand may be thrown away until night or +until arriving at the enemies' settlement. Thus a piece of a branch +caught in the hand and broken off accidentally must be retained.</p> + +<p>(3) They may eat nothing that is found on the trail. Thus killing +game is prohibited. I heard of one man who had been wounded in an ambush +arranged by the enemy on the trail. He assured me that his ill luck was +due to his having taken a fish dropped by a fish eagle.<sup>9</sup></p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Man-dá-git</i>.</p> + +<p>(4) The food taken on the trail must be placed upon one shield, +preferably that of the leader, and thence distributed to the members of +the party.</p> + +<p>(5) The wives of the warriors are forbidden to indulge in unnecessary +shouting and noise, and to remain within the house as far as possible +till the return of their husbands.</p> + +<p>(6) No cooking may be done on the trail till the settlement of the +enemy is reached. This does not mean that food may not be cooked in a +house along the trail. On the contrary, I was assured that on a long +trip it is customary to call at the house of some friendly person and to +make a sacrifice, at the same time taking further observations from the +intestines of the victim. I was an eyewitness of this proceeding on one +occasion and did not fail to observe also with what relish the war party +replenished the inner man.</p> + +<p>Besides taboos, there are a number of evil omens that must be guarded +against. Thus, if a snake were to cross the path, or any insect such as +a bee or a scorpion were to bite or sting one of the party, the return +of the whole number would be necessary unless they were too far advanced +already. In the latter case other omens must be consulted, and, when it +is felt that these new omens have neutralized the effect of the previous +ones, the march may be continued. Owing to the observance and +reobservance of omens it is obvious that great delays are occasioned and +at times the expedition is stopped. On the one that I accompanied in +1907, the turtledove gave a cry, the direction of which was considered +to portend neither good nor evil, and the leader expressed his opinion +at the time that the object of the expedition would not be attained. He +was overruled, however, by the consensus of opinion of his companions, +and the march was resumed. Notwithstanding the fact that ensuing signs +all proved favorable, yet as I observed very clearly, the first omen had +depressed the spirits of the party. When my efforts to settle the +dispute without a fight failed, and an open attack was decided upon, +there seemed to be no morale in the party, and the attack was abandoned +without any special reason. This instance will serve to show the +uncompromising faith of the Manóbo in omens, especially in that of the +turtledove.</p> + +<p>There is one omen of a peculiar nature that is of singular importance +while on the warpath. On such a journey red pepper and ginger are +consumed in considerable quantities for the purpose, it is said, of +increasing one's courage. Naturally, no matter how accustomed one may +have become to these spices, he always feels their piquancy to a certain +extent, so that the warrior who fails to become aware of a sharp biting +taste, regards this as an ill omen and, though he accompanies his +fellows to the scene of combat, takes no part in the attack.</p> + +<p>It is usual, as was said before, to stop over at a friendly house +nearest to that of the enemy and to send forward a few of the band to +make another reconnaissance but, if no house is available, a stop is +made anywhere. A reason for this is that they may arrive near the +settlement at nightfall or during the night.</p> + +<p>When the party arrives within a few miles of the actual ascent to the +mountain where the enemy's house is situated, a halt is again made in a +concealed position and a few of the more experienced warriors advance at +dusk on the trail to the house. If the enemy has been in a state of +constant vigilance, this undertaking is one of extreme difficulty. The +house is on the top of a lofty hill and frequently access can not be had +to it except by passing through a series of swamps. In addition one must +climb up precipitous ascents, and break through a network of felled +trees and such other obstacles as the reader can readily imagine for +himself. There is, moreover, the danger from spring traps set both for +man and animal, and from sharp bamboo slivers placed all around the +house and on the trails. Thus a fair idea can be obtained of the +difficulties that are encountered by those who, in the silence and +darkness of the night, inform themselves of all that is necessary for a +successful attack. After going around the house and unspringing traps +and removing sufficient of the bamboo slivers to afford a safe passage, +the scouts return to the camp and a whispered consultation takes place. +Positions are assigned to each man and a general plan of attack is made. +Then, groping along in the gloom of the night, with never a sound but +that of their own stumbling steps, they put themselves in position +around the settlement and await with bated[sic] breath the break of +day.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I4"></a> +<h4>THE ATTACK</h4> + +<a name="3I41"></a> +<h5>TIME AND METHODS OF ATTACK</h5> +</center> + +<p>The break of day is selected as the hour for the attack because sleep +is then thought to be soundest and the drowsiness and sluggishness +following the awakening to be greater. Moreover, at that time there is +sufficient light to enable the attacking party to see their opponents +whether they fight or flee.</p> + +<p>The number of combatants depends entirely on the strength and +position of the enemy. As a rule as many as possible are enlisted for an +expedition where the enemy has numerical strength and a strong position. +In the expedition which I accompanied in 1907, the party numbered some +60. I have heard of war parties that numbered 150.</p> + +<p>When the house or houses of the enemy are low, the aggressors steal +up noiselessly and, breaking out into the dismal war cry,<sup>10</sup> +drive their lances through the floor or through the sides of the house, +if it is low enough. They then retire and by listening and questioning +ascertain whether any of the inmates still survive. If any remain alive +they are to surrender.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Pa-nad-jáu-an</i>.</p> + +<p>When, however, the settlement is a large one, consisting of one or +more high houses, the matter is a more difficult one. The aggressors +advance to the house and if the floor is out of reach of their lances +one or more of the bolder ones may quietly climb up the posts and after +dispatching one or more of the inmates with a few thrusts hurriedly +slide down to the ground. Then the war cry is called out to increase the +consternation that has begun to reign in the house. If the enemy is +known to have a large stock of arrows the aggressors retire and allow +them to expend part of their supply.</p> + +<p>No unnecessary risks are taken in fighting. When the male portion of +the enemy are considered capable of making a stand, the house is not +approached but a battle of arrows takes place, the aggressors advancing +to entice the enemy to shoot, while their bowmen, usually only a few in +number, reply. During all this time there is a bandying of hot words, +threats, and imprecations on both sides. "I'll have your hair," +"I'll eat your liver," "I'll sacrifice your son," +"Your wife will get my water," are a few of the expressions that +are used. The drum and gong in the house may be beaten all this time as +a signal of distress to call such relatives or friends as may live +within hearing distance. The priestesses of the attacked party may go +through a regular sacrifice if there is a chicken or a pig in the house, +beseeching their deities to protect them in this the hour of danger.</p> + +<p>When the arrows of the enemy are thought to be expended, the +attacking party try by means of a burning arrow to fire the roof. Should +this succeed, the inmates are doomed, for when they escape from the +house the enemy close in upon them, and kill with lances or bolos, men +and women, whether married or single. As a rule, only the children are +spared.</p> + +<p>Should the roof, however, fail to catch fire another means of attack +is employed. Putting their shields upon their heads in a formation much +like the old Roman testudo, they advance to the house in bodies of four +or six and begin to hack down the posts. But here again they may be +foiled, for it has happened that the inmates of the house were provided +with a supply of big stones, or had a little boiling water on hand, and +made their opponents retire out of fear of the arrows that would be sure +to follow when the stones had broken the arrangement of their shields. +Moreover, the ordinary Manóbo, who has lived in expectation of an attack +sooner or later, has his house set on a number of posts varying from 12 +to 20. No little time would be required to cut these and the aggressors +would be in danger of receiving wounds and thereby bringing the attack +to an end, <i>for it is the invariable practice for the party to retire +after one of its members has been wounded or slain</i>. The reason for +this custom I am unable to state. There occurred on the Argáwan in 1907 +an instance which I verified, and in the various accounts of Manóbo +fighting that I received all over the Agúsan Valley, there were numerous +instances of the observance of this custom.</p> + +<p>In besieging the house, which may not be captured for several days, +either firewood, food, or water may give out quickly, and the besieged +succumb to hunger, or to thirst. In their last extremity they make a +dash for liberty, especially during the night, and, though many of them +fall victims, not a few frequently save themselves.</p> + +<p>Sometimes, I was told, the besieged rush forward and meet death +fighting. Again the men are said to kill their wives and children with +their own hands, and then to go forth to meet the enemy. Father Urios, +S. J., makes mention of a case of this kind.</p> + +<p>As to the number of slain, and of captives, it depends on the size of +the settlement. In an instance which I verified on the Húlip River, +upper Agúsan, some 190 souls perished in one attack. Though this number +seems large, yet it goes to show that on occasions raids are made on a +somewhat larger scale than might be expected.</p> + +<p>As each one of the attacking party strikes down the victim that falls +in his way he notifies his companions of the fact by a fierce yell, +calling out at the same time the name of his victim. This is to avoid +disputes later and to secure the credit for the killing. Though the +killing of a woman does not entitle the warrior to any special title, +yet it adds one to his glory list and is supposed to make him more apt +to fall into the favor of a war deity. It is said that in the confusion +of the flight many women meet their end but that a good many remain in +the houses and yield themselves to the mercy of their captors. Some of +these, especially the younger ones, are bound with rattan, if they offer +resistance and dragged to the settlement of their captors.</p> + +<p>As soon as it is ascertained that there is no one left to offer +resistance the warriors adorn their lances with leaves of <i>palma +brava</i> or such other palm fronds as may be found in the vicinity.</p> + +<p>Many warrior chiefs, especially of the Debabáon<sup>11</sup> group, +have described the fight to me and all agree that it is generally of +short duration. This might be expected from the number of precautions +taken to insure success. According to all reports a strongly entrenched +enemy is seldom attacked, unless it is ascertained that a goodly portion +of the male members are absent.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>Babáo is the district between the Sálug and Libagánon +Rivers.</p> + +<p>As a resume of the method of attack, based on what I learned during +my sojourn among the Manóbos, I may say that there are no general nor +partial encounters. The house or the settlement is surrounded stealthily +just before day, the warriors being spread out at intervals in bands of +three or four around the settlement and protected if possible by trees. +The leader, who is nearly always a warrior chief, takes up his position +with some trusty warriors at the place of closest approach to the house, +or at some other strategic point. The arrowmen, who number only a few, +are stationed near him. They work at a disadvantage for they have to +shoot upward while their opponents in the houses can discharge their +arrows downward.</p> + +<p>From these positions the attacking party make every effort to cause a +panic among the inmates of the house either by chopping down the posts +which support the house or by firing the roof. If either purpose is +accomplished the besieged rush forth only to meet the point of the lance +or the edge of the bolo.</p> + +<p>There are no preconcerted movements, no combinations with centers, +wings, and reserves. The chief has little or no influence with his +followers during the fight, though on account of his personal prowess he +is looked up to as a pillar of strength and would, no doubt, if given +the opportunity, or if the abuse and banter were extreme, engage in a +hand-to-hand encounter. Numerous cases of this kind are on record.</p> + +<p>No women nor priests take part in the attack. There are no orators to +inspire the warriors to deeds of valor. In lieu of oratory, the warriors +on each side engage in the most ferocious abuse imaginable. Challenge +after challenge is yelled out defiantly by the besiegers. In the +expedition which I joined in 1907, the attacking party incessantly +defied their enemies to come down, while the latter in return challenged +the besiegers to approach. Neither party seemed willing to take the risk +so the arrowmen plied their arrows, the priestesses in the houses +continued their invocations, and everybody howled challenges and +imprecations at everybody else.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I5"></a> +<h4>EVENTS FOLLOWING THE BATTLE</h4> + +<a name="3I51"></a> +<h5>CELEBRATION OF THE VICTORY</h5> +</center> + +<p>After the fight is over the warrior chiefs perform a ceremony of +which I have been able to learn but few details. They are said to become +possessed by their tutelary war spirits. They dance and jump around the +lifeless body of their chief enemy.<sup>12</sup> After performing their +dance they open the breast of the enemy and remove the heart and liver, +and place their charm collars<sup>13</sup> in the opening. When the +heart and liver have been cooked, they consume them. But as several war +chiefs have assured me, it is not they that partake of the flesh, but +their protecting deities. Be that as it may, lemon<sup>14</sup> whenever +obtainable, is mixed with the gory viands. Some warriors informed me +that their deities preferred the heart and liver raw.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup>Their tongues are said to loll out of their mouths +"one palm-length." This may seem somewhat exaggerated but I can +throw no further light on the matter.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Ta-li-hán</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Sú-ái</i>. It is interesting to note the frequency of +the use of lemons or limes in religious proceedings.</p> + +<p>It is perfectly legitimate to despoil the enemy's house and to bear +away such few valuables as may be found. The house, or houses, are then +burnt, and the victors, leaving the slain where they fell, hasten back +with their captives to cheer the fond ones at home.<sup>15</sup></p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>I have heard it said that the bodies of the slain are +doubled up and put into holes in the ground in an upright position. As +far as I know this is an exceptional proceeding.</p> + +<p>It is said that, as a rule, the aggressors are victorious, for rarely +do they attack an enemy that is too strongly entrenched. They prefer to +wait, even for years, till an occasion favorable in time, place, and +circumstances, presents itself. It is only under special provocation, +such as continual attacks by their enemy, that they attack him while he +is in a strong position and then more with a view to destroying his +crops than with the hope of securing a victim.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I52"></a> +<h5>THE CAPTURE OF SLAVES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The capture of slaves is one of the important features of the +expedition. A slave becomes the property of the captor, although a +certain number are very frequently given in payment to the warrior chief +or chiefs who were engaged to help the raiding party. This number +depends on a previous agreement. The age of the captive decides whether +he or she will be taken into captivity or slain on the spot. As a rule, +all but children under the age of puberty are despatched[sic] there and +then as they are liable to escape sooner or later if taken captive. +However, I was assured by several warrior chiefs that the better looking +unmarried girls are not killed, but are kept to be married, or to be +retailed in marriage, thereby bringing a handsome remuneration to the +owner. It must not be supposed by the reader that this implies anything +inconsistent with sexual morality, for these female slaves are treated +with as much delicacy as if they were the captor's daughters. To the +numerous inquiries that I made on this point, there was only one +reply--that sexual intercourse with them was foul and would make the +offender <i>ga-bá-an</i>.<sup>16</sup> A warrior who would be guilty of +violating this taboo would never, it is thought, attain the rank of +warrior chief. Should anyone of the warriors desire to marry his captive +he must go through a purificatory<sup>17</sup> process, the details of +which I am unable to furnish.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>I have never yet been able to grasp the significance of +this word. It is used by Bisáyas in the form <i>hi-ga-bá'-an</i>, which +has apparently a very similar meaning.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Hú-gad</i>.</p> + +<p>The above taboo goes even further. Not only is the person of the +living female captives to be respected but also that of the dead, in so +far as it-is considered improper to remove from their persons any object +such as bracelets or hair. Men's bodies, however, are rifled of +everything, even their hair, and are then unmercifully hacked and +hewn.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I6"></a> +<h4>THE RETURN OF THE WARRIORS</h4> +</center> + +<p>If the war party is unsuccessful, they return hastily and cautiously. +It frequently happens that the enemy take a short cut, being better +acquainted with the geography of the region, and lay an ambush at a +suitable point. For this reason a close watch is kept on the return +home; a few warriors take the lead, and where a beaten trail is +followed, a few keep guard on each side at a distance of several yards, +to avoid falling into an ambush. When the party arrive at their +settlement each repairs to his own house. A thousand and one reasons are +assigned for failure, but never is it attributed to a falseness of the +omens--anything but that. Should the band, however, have been +victorious, or have brought about the death of the chief enemy at least, +no words can describe their joy and jubilation. The woods reecho with +their wild screams and the weird ululations of the battle cry. Each one +provides himself with a bamboo trumpet and makes the forest resound with +its deep boom. The captives that offer any resistance, are dragged +along, or even killed, if they become too troublesome. Upon nearing a +friendly settlement the din is redoubled and the whole settlement turns +out to welcome the victors. But when their home settlement is reached +the scene is indescribable. I witnessed an occasion of this kind. Before +the party came into sight the bamboo trumpets could be heard, first +faintly and then increasing in strength. As soon as the expectant women +and the few men who had remained in the village had satisfied themselves +that their relatives and friends were returning, drums and gongs were +beaten in answer. The young men and boys rushed out and crossing the +river on their rafts or in their boats dashed into the forest to meet +the conquerors. Even the women became hilarious and gave vent to loud +cries. For a few minutes before the appearance of the party the war cry +could be heard and when they came into view on the other side of the +river the din was indescribable. The gong and drum were brought down to +the bank and the war tattoo was beaten. The clanging of the gong, the +rolling of the drum, the booming of the trumpets, the ululation of the +war cry, and the lusty yells and shrieks of joy, welcome, and inquiry +produced a pandemonium that baffles description. Before the victors +crossed the river they all took a bath,<sup>18</sup> not for sanitary +but for ceremonial reasons. The bath is thought to have a purificatory +effect in that it removes the evil influence<sup>19</sup> of death.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup>This is an invariable custom, I was told.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Bá-ho</i>, literally foul smell.</p> + +<p>When the victors had crossed the river they removed the palm +fronds<sup>20</sup> with which they had adorned their lances and put +them on the necks and heads of their wives and friends. Later on a +banquet was prepared and the reader is left to conceive for himself the +revels that followed. It is said that not infrequently at this time some +of the captives are given to the unsuccessful warriors for immediate +slaughter. That this has occurred I have absolutely no reason to doubt, +and every reason to believe. I have heard many describe among themselves +how it was done, and what joy it gave them to be able to take revenge +upon one of their hereditary enemies.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup>Called <i>Ma-yún-hau</i>. It is said that these are +frequently stained with the blood of the slain.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I7"></a> +<h4>AMBUSHES AND OTHER METHODS OF WARFARE</h4> +</center> + +<p>Ambush<sup>21</sup> is a legitimate method of warfare, according to +Manóbo customs. It consists in locating one's self with one or more +companions at a place which the enemy is expected to pass. A favorite +place for the ambush is on the trail between the enemy's house and his +rice or <i>camote</i> field, but a spot on a river bank or at any +suitable point may be selected. Great precautions are taken by putting +up screens of leaves to prevent the enemy from discovering the ambush. +This is always made on the right hand<sup>22</sup> and very frequently +there is a supply of sticks and stones in readiness. The position on the +right hand is chosen because it gives those in wait an opportunity to +deal a blow on the weaker side of the enemy, all of whom carry the +shield in the left hand.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup><i>Báñg-an</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup>Right hand refers to the right hand of the party to be +attacked.</p> + +<p>It is customary to take an ear or the right forearm of one slain in +ambush as a proof of his death if the conditions of the ambush require +such a proof. An instance occurred during my first visit to the upper +Agúsan in 1907. Three Mañgguáñgans were ambushed by a mixed group of +Manóbos and Debabáons, and the above-mentioned parts of their bodies +were taken by the victors to their clans as a proof of the killing.</p> + +<p>After a rupture between two parties, one or both of them go into a +state which is expressed by the word <i>láma</i>. This signifies that +one or both of them abandons his homestead and transfers himself and the +members of his household (usually a few brothers-in-law with their +families) to some place difficult of access. If the house can be built +on a bluff, or a hill that is approachable from only one or two sides, +so much the better. On such a site a house<sup>23</sup> is built varying +from 5 meters to 8 meters in height, sometimes, though rarely nowadays, +being built upon a tree trunk. The felled timber at the edge of the +forest is left unburned. Bamboo or <i>palma brava</i> caltrops are +placed in the encircling forest. In addition to these, spring +traps<sup>24</sup> for human beings may be set out if it is suspected +that an attack is imminent. In certain localities I have seen a +stockade<sup>25</sup> erected around the house. Sometimes a wall of old +bamboo may be built from the ground up to the floor, inclined inward at +the bottom at an angle of about 70° to the ground. The ladder is +invariably a log with a number of notches in it. Strips of bark or even +bamboo shingles may form the roof but as a rule the Manóbo takes his +chances with a roof of rattan leaf.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>I-li-hán</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup><i>Bá-tik</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup><i>In-á-gud</i>.</p> + +<p>On approaching the house of one who is in state of vigilance, it is +not unusual to find certain signs on the trail. Thus a broken earthen +pot is frequently hung up, or if the trail leads to the house of a +warrior chief, there will be probably the parted bamboo called +<i>binúka</i>, and a number of saplings slashed down at a certain point +on the trail, both of which signs are symbolic of the evil fate that +will befall such as dare to enter the guarded region.</p> + +<p>No one but a near relative may live within a certain definite +distance of a house which is in a state of defense, nor may anyone visit +it except by special request. If the inmate has to meet anyone he +appoints a trysting place at some spot in the woods and there the +visitor, by beating on the butress[sic] of a tree or by any other +preconcerted signal, announces his presence. The former may be +suspicious and may first circle around to examine the footprints before +he ventures to approach.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3I8"></a> +<h4>PEACE<sup>26</sup></h4> +</center> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>Dug-kút</i>.</p> + +<p>When the opposing parties have evened up their blood accounts and are +wearied of ambushes, surprises, loss of relatives, destruction of crops, +and continual fight and flight, they agree to make peace either through +a friendly chief, or by a formal peacemaking. The desire to make peace +is made known by sending to the enemy a work bolo. If it is accepted, it +is a sign that the desire is mutual but if it is returned, arbitration +must be brought about through a third party, usually a warrior chief or +a <i>datu</i>. For this purpose a clear open space, such as a big +sandbar, is appointed and a day fixed.</p> + +<p>On the appointed day the parties arrive in separate bands and take up +their positions facing one another, a line being drawn or a long piece +of rattan being placed on the ground beyond which no member of either +party may pass. Matters are then discussed in the presence of such +<i>datus</i> or persons of influence as may have been selected for that +purpose and after balancing up blood and other debts, the leaders agree +to make the payments at an appointed time and thereby put an end to the +feud. As an evidence of their sincerity, they part between them a piece +of green rattan.<sup>27</sup> Then beeswax<sup>28</sup> is burned. This +is a kind of oath which serves to bind them to their +contracts.<sup>29</sup></p> + +<p><sup>27</sup>I have been informed of a very interesting custom said +to be observed by the Banuáon group in settling their troubles. It was +said that peace is made by hand-to-hand fights in which single pairs of +opponents fight until the <i>datus</i> who act as umpires award the +victory to one or the other. This is called <i>din-a-tú-an</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup><i>Tó-tuñg</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup>I never witnessed a peacemaking and I never had a chance +to assist at one of the referred combats of the Banuáon people, +mentioned above.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XIX</h3> +<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF +JUSTICE; CUSTOMARY, PROPRIETARY, AND LIABILITY LAWS</h3> + +<a name="3J1"></a> +<h4>GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Bisáyas and other people who have had more or less familiar dealings +with Manóbos almost invariably make the statement that Manóbo justice is +the oppression of the weak by the strong; that there is no customary law +that governs in social dealings except that one which is founded on the +caprice and villainy of the warrior chiefs and of those who have most +influence and following. Now I utterly repudiate such statements and +rumors as being due either to lack of familiarity; to a too ready +tendency to believe malicious reports; or to undisguised ill will +toward, and contempt of, Manóbos. I have lived on familiar terms with +these primitive people for a considerable period and have found no +evidence of oppression and tyranny. Disputes and misunderstandings arise +at times, people sometimes fly into a rage, killings take place on +occasions, but such things happen among other peoples. It is truly +surprising, considering the lack of tribal and interclan cohesion in +Manóboland, that such occurrences are not more frequent or even +continual. The statement that the warriors and other influential men +rule by caprice and oppression is unfounded. There is no coercion in +Manóboland, except such as arises from the influence of relatives, and +from gentle persuasion and general consent. A warrior chief, or any +other man who would try to use a despotic hand or even to be insolent, +exacting, or unrelenting in his manner, would not only lose his friends +and his influence, but would arouse hostility and place himself and his +relatives in jeopardy.</p> + +<p>It must be understood from the outset that in Manóboland there is no +constituted judicial authority nor any definite system of laws. There +are no courts, and no punishments such as imprisonment, torturing, and +whipping. All social dealings by which one contracts an obligation to +another are regulated by the principle that one and all must act +according to established custom. This principle governs the procedure +even of chiefs and influential men when they endeavor to bring about a +settlement through the weight of their influence.</p> + +<p>Voluntary and involuntary departures from the beaten track cause +disputes when these deviations affect another's rights. Thus to refuse +one the hospitality of the house, or to overlook him intentionally in +the distribution of betel nut would give rise to a dispute, because +these courtesies are customary and are therefore obligatory.</p> + +<p>Punishment for a violation of customary obligation then becomes a +matter of private justice. The injured one either singly, or by means of +his relatives and of such friends as he may interest in his cause, seeks +reparation from the offender. If he can not secure it through an appeal +to customary law supported by the consensus of opinion of the relatives +on each side, he takes justice into his own hands and kills his opponent +or orders him to be killed.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J2"></a> +<h4>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</h4> + +<a name="3J21"></a> +<h5>THE PRINCIPLE OF MATERIAL SUBSTITUTION</h5> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo system of law is still in its indefinite primitive stage. +Its fundamental principles are involved in the retention, preservation, +and devolution of property. Unlike the highly developed legal systems of +the world, it tends, in general, to consider violations as civil, and +not as criminal, wrongs. Hence upon due restitution, offered with good +will, the great majority of transgressions upon another's rights are +quickly condoned. In this it is far more humane than other systems that +seek not only justice for the injured party but the corporal punishment +of the wrongdoer.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J22"></a> +<h5>RIGHT TO A FAIR HEARING</h5> +</center> + +<p>As far as my observation goes justice is administered on a +patriarchal plan in a spirit of fairness and equality. Except in the +case of flagrant public wrongs the transgressor is given a fair and +impartial hearing, aided by the presence of his relatives and of others +whom he may select or who may choose to attend the arbitration of the +case. The presence of the relatives contributes in nearly every case an +element of good will, and prevents the use of intimidation. It helps +greatly to promote, and not to prevent, justice. It is the paramount +factor in determining the defendant to yield, even when bad feeling has +been aroused on each side, and when their desire for revenge and spirit +of independence would naturally prompt them to have recourse to violent +methods. Though the female relatives do not take formal part in the +arbitration, yet in their own gentle way they exert a certain amount of +influence for good.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J23"></a> +<h5>SECURING THE DEFENDANT'S GOOD WILL</h5> +</center> + +<p>Because of the desire for revenge which the Manóbo inherits and the +universal recognition of the revenge system in Manóboland, an appeal to +good will in the settlement of matters is very important, and is a +feature of every case of arbitration. I have attended many and many a +Manóbo arbitration at which the wrongdoer, after being condemned by the +consensus of opinion, was asked over and over whether he recognized his +fault and whether he received the sentence with good will. In nearly +every instance he replied that he did, and, as an evidence of his +sincerity, procured, as soon as convenient, a pig and invited the +assembly to a feast. On one occasion I acted as the judge in a case of +rape committed by a Manóbo who had had frequent dealings with Christian +Manóbos. At my urgent request his life was spared and a fine of 100 +pesos was imposed upon him. After he had expressed his conformity with +the sentence and his lack of ill feeling toward his accusers, I notified +the chief of the other party of my intention to leave the settlement, +whereupon he told me secretly that I had better wait as the defendant in +the case would undoubtedly entertain the company with pork and +potations. And so it happened, for the defendant procured a pig that +must have been worth 15 pesos, and a supply of sugarcane wine that must +have cost him a few more, expenditures that would not be deducted from +the amount of his fine.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J24"></a> +<h5>FOUNDATIONS OF MANÓBO LAW</h5> +</center> + +<p>Owing to the utter lack of interclan and tribal organization there is +no set of statute laws in Manóboland, but, in lieu of them, there are a +number of traditional laws, simple and definite, that, in conjunction +with religious interdictions, serve in the main to uphold justice, the +foundation of all law. There is no word for law in the whole Manóbo +dialect, but the word for custom<sup>1</sup> is used invariably to +express the regulations that govern dealings between man and man.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Ba-tá-san</i>.</p> + +<p>One fundamental law is the obligation to pay a debt, whether it be a +blood debt or a material one. A very common axiom says that "there +is no debt that will not be paid"--if not to-day, to-morrow; if not +during one lifetime, during another--for the collection of it will be +bequeathed as a sacred inheritance from father to son, and from son to +grandson. Montano<sup>2</sup> notes with surprise the sacredness in +which debts are held, not only by Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley but by +all the numerous tribes with which he came in contact in his travels +around the gulf of Davao. I noted the same throughout eastern Mindanáo. +The Manóbo, when called to account, will never deny his true +indebtedness, and when no further time is given him, he will satisfy his +obligations, even if he has to part with his personal effects at a +nominal value or put himself deeply in debt to others. He is never +considered insolvent. It is true that the Christianized part of +Manóboland is not so punctilious in the settlement of financial +obligations to outsiders (Bisáyas), but this is explained by the bad +feeling that has arisen toward the latter on account of-the wholesale, +fraudulent exploitation carried on in commercial dealings between them +and the Christian Manóbos.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>Une mission aux Isles Philippines.</p> + +<p>So many references have already been made in previous chapters to the +practice of revenge that it is not necessary to dilate upon it here. +Suffice it to say that it is not only the right but the duty, often +bequeathed by father to son, to obey this stern law. One who would allow +a deliberate breach of his rights to pass without obtaining sufficient +compensation would be looked down upon as a sorry specimen of manhood. +The feeling is so deeply rooted in the heart that the wife may urge her +husband, and the fiancé, her lover, to carry out the law, and the father +may instill into the hearts of his little ones the desire to wreak +vengeance upon their common enemies.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J3"></a> +<h4>CUSTOMARY LAW</h4> + +<a name="3J31"></a> +<h5>ITS NATURAL BASIS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The intense conservatism of the Manóbo, fostered by the priestly +order, is the basis of the customary law that determines and regulates +social and individual dealings in Manóboland. So strong is this +conservatism, based on a religious principle, that it is believed that +any act not consistent with established customs arouses the resentment +of the spirit world. This feeling exerts so powerful an influence that +in many cases a definite custom is carried out even when a departure +from it would be manifestly to the material advantage of the individual. +As has been set forth before in this monograph, the ridiculously low +prices at which rice is sold in harvest time is a case in point.</p> + +<p>The extreme cautiousness and suspiciousness that is such a dominant +feature of Manóbo character tends also to maintain the customary law. +The Manóbo prefers to jog along in the same old way rather than to do +anything unusual, thereby laying himself open to the displeasure of his +fellowmen and to that of the gods.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J32"></a> +<h5>ITS RELIGIOUS BASIS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The legion of taboos, religious and magic, limits the Manóbo's +actions, in no inconsiderable manner, within fixed and definite rules, +the nonobservance of which would render him responsible for such evil +consequences as might follow. To cite an instance: When I first went +into a region near Talakógon that was considered to belong to a local +deity, my guide cautioned me to avoid certain actions which, he said, +were displeasing to the reigning deity. I asked him what would be the +consequence if harm were to befall him as a result of my failure to +comply with his instructions. He quietly informed me that I would be +responsible to his relatives for any harm which might come to him.</p> + +<p>Again if one enters a rice field during harvest time the displeasure +of the goddess of grain is aroused, and the rice is likely to be +diminished in quantity. The transgressor may do all in his power to +appease the offended goddess, but if she refuses to be appeased and +permits a decrease of the supply, not otherwise explainable, he will be +held responsible, and in the due course of events will have to make good +the shortage according to the tenets of customary law.</p> + +<p>Another example will show the rigid regulations that custom imposes +in the matter of omens. I started out with a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan +for a point up the Nábok River. At the beginning of our trip the turtle +bird's cry came from a direction directly in front of us--an indication +of impending evil either during the trip or at its termination. My guide +and companion begged me not to proceed, but I managed to convince him +that there was nothing to be feared, so he consented to continue the +trip with me. Now it happened that he had a quantity of loose beads in +his betel-nut knapsack and that a hole was worn in the sack before the +end of the trip, the result being that he lost his beads. He held a +consultation with the chief of the settlement at which we had arrived, +explaining the omen bird's evil cry and the efforts he had made to +persuade me to desist from the trip. It was decided that because of my +failure to follow the directions indicated by the omen bird, I was +responsible for the loss of the beads. On further discussion of the +point it became apparent that I would have had to answer for the life of +my companion, if he had lost it on the trail, for it was intimated to me +that the omen bird's voice had clearly warned us of danger and I was +requested to explain my failure to heed the warning.</p> + +<p>The observance of customs for religious reasons suggests an +explanation of many acts that to an outsider seem inexplicable, not to +say unreasonable. The selection of farm sites at considerable distances +from the dwelling, the reluctance to leave the region of one's birth, +the unwillingness to visit remote mountains and similar places, the fear +of doing anything unusual in places thought to be the domain of a +deity--these and numerous other ideas--are to be attributed to the +observance of customary law.</p> + +<p>In this connection it may be well to remark that a stranger visiting +remote Manóbo settlements without an introduction or without previous +warning should be very careful, if he desires to deal with these +primitive people in a spirit of friendship, not to break openly and +flagrantly any such regulations, principally religious ones, as may be +pointed out to him. In fact it would be well to ascertain as soon as +possible what is expected of him. I have always made it a point to +announce that I would not be responsible for any evil consequences +attending my violation of customs that I was ignorant of and I have +requested my new friends to acquaint me with such customs and beliefs as +might differ from those of other Manóbo settlements.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J4"></a> +<h4>PROPRIETARY LAWS AND OBLIGATIONS</h4> + +<a name="3J41"></a> +<h5>CONCEPTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Property rights in the full sense of the word are not only very +clearly understood but very sternly maintained. The Manóbo conception of +them is so high that, with the exception of such things as +<i>camotes</i> and other vegetable products, even gifts must be paid +for. And even for such trifling things as <i>camotes</i>, an equivalent +in kind is expected at the option of the donor. During my wanderings I +was always in the habit of making presents as compensation for the food +furnished me, and was frequently asked why I had done so, and why I did +not make the recipients of these presents pay me. No explanation could +change the strong belief that all property of any value, whether given +under contract or not, should be paid for. This principle is further +evidenced by the fact that there is no word in the Manóbo dialect for +gift nor is there any word for thanks. In some places, however, they +have a conception of "alms."<sup>3</sup> On many occasions one +of the first requests made to me by a new acquaintance of some standing +was a request for alms. I am of opinion that this idea was acquired by +them from the universal reports concerning the liberality of the +missionaries who from the middle of the seventeenth century labored in +the Agúsan Valley. A request for alms or for a present of any value is +seldom made by one Manóbo of another, but when it is made it is met by a +simple answer, "I do not owe you anything." That settles the +question at once.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Lí-mos</i>, probably from the Spanish <i>limosna</i>, +alms.</p> + +<p>My practice of distributing gifts frequently aroused some ill +feeling. For example, on many occasions I was asked by individuals why I +had made presents to so-and-so and not to them. It was necessary in +these cases to explain that I owed a debt of good will to the +individuals referred to and that I would most assuredly give like gifts +to others whenever I should become indebted to them in a similar +manner.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J42"></a> +<h5>LAND AND OTHER PROPERTY</h5> +</center> + +<p>Customary law regarding public land is very simple. Each clan and, in +some cases, one or more individual family chiefs, have districts which +are the collective property of the clan or family. Theoretically this +ownership gives hunting, fishing, agricultural, and other rights to that +clan or family, to the exclusion of others. In practice, however, anyone +who is on good terms with the chief who represents the family or the +clan in question, may occupy a portion of the land without any other +formality than that of mentioning the matter to the proper chief. The +occupation presumes that the occupant is on terms of good will with the +chief, and it never implies that the new occupant is required to pay +anything for the use of the land. With regard to fishing rights, +especially when the fish-poisoning method is employed, it is very often +stipulated that a share of the catch shall be given to the owner. When +the two parties concerned are on good terms, the territory of one may be +used by the other for hunting, apparently without any question.</p> + +<p>When the rice-sowing season is at hand, the Manóbo goes over the clan +district and selects any piece of vacant land that, because of its +fertility and closeness to water, may have recommended itself to him +after a due consultation of the omens. Having made the selection, he +formally takes possession of the land by slashing down a few small trees +in a conspicuous place and by parting the top of a small tree stem and +inserting into it at right angles a piece of wood. He then returns to +his settlement and announces his selection. He has become now the owner +of the land. Anyone who might attempt to claim the land would become +cleft, so it is believed, like the parted stem that was left as a proof +of the occupation of the land. In a few cases I saw a broken earthen pot +left on an upright stick. It was explained to me that this, too, was a +symbol of what would befall the one who would dare to dispute the right +to the property. This is another evidence of the widespread belief in +sympathetic magic.</p> + +<p>In my travels throughout eastern Mindanáo I never heard of a single +instance of a land dispute among the non-Christian peoples. There is no +reason for dispute because the whole of the interior is an immense and +very sparsely populated forest that could support millions instead of +the scant population which is now scattered through it. Moreover, the +religious element in the selection, the consultation of omens, and the +approval by the unseen world seem to prevent disputes.</p> + +<p>From the moment of occupation, then, till the abandonment of the site +the occupant is the sole lawful owner of the land and has full rights to +proprietorship of all that it produces. When he abandons the land he +still retains the ownership of such crops or plants as may be growing on +it. Hence betel-nut palms, betel plants, bananas, and other plants, +belong, to him and to his descendants after him. Even such fugitive +crops as <i>camotes</i> are his until they die off or are destroyed by +wild boars.</p> + +<p>Fruit trees, such as durian, jack-fruit, and others growing in the +forest, are, in theory, the collective property of a clan or of a +family, but in practice anyone may help himself. However, the finder +becomes sole and exclusive owner of a bee's nest as soon as he sets up +an indication of his ownership in the form of a split stick with a small +crosspiece, and announces his possessive rights on his return to the +settlement. The parted trunk has a form and significance similar to that +which it has in connection with the selection of a new site. As far as I +know a bee's nest once located by one individual is seldom appropriated +by another, but the theft of palm wine is common enough, especially if +the palm tree be at a considerable distance from the owner's +settlement.</p> + +<p>All other property that is the result of one's own labor, or that has +been acquired by purchase or in any other customary way, belongs to the +individual, unless he is a slave. Even slaves, captured during war +raids, become the property of their captors, unless stipulation to the +contrary has been made before the raid. In one expedition that took +place in 1907 a certain warrior chief was delegated to punish a +Mañgguáñgan. As an advance payment he received a few bolos and lances, +but it was expressly agreed that after the attack he and his party were +to receive all the slaves captured.</p> + +<p>With regard to the loss of, or damage to, property belonging to +another, the customary law is rigid; the damage or the loss must be made +good, no matter how unfortunate may have been the circumstances of the +loss. This will explain the great care that carriers exercise in +transporting the property of others through the mountains, for if by any +mischance the things were to get lost or wet or broken, or damaged in +any other way, they would be required to make good the loss. This +custom, as applied in some cases, may seem somewhat harsh, but it must +be remembered that Manóboland is a land where the law of vengeance +prevails, and that no opportunity to wreak vengeance must be given. Such +opportunities would occur if anyone were permitted to attribute a loss +or other accident to involuntary causes.</p> + +<p>This rigid law will explain also the peculiar liability under which +one is sometimes placed for an absolutely unintentional and unforeseen +act. Thus, on a certain occasion, one of my carriers died a few days +after my arrival in a settlement. Shortly after the occurrence of the +death I was confronted by a band of the relatives of the deceased in +full panoply and requested to pay the commercial equivalent of a +slave.</p> + +<p>On another occasion I ran after a child in play. The child out of +fright rushed into the forest and hid. The same afternoon it was taken +with a violent fever to which it succumbed a few days later. I was not +in the settlement at the time of the death, and was not sorry, for it +was reported to me that the father of the deceased child had said that +he would have killed me. On my return to his settlement a few days later +I visited the father for the purpose of having the case arbitrated. He +broached the subject and demanded three slaves, or their equivalent, in +payment for the death of his child, which was due, he firmly believed +and asseverated, to the scare that I had given it.</p> + +<p>Many instances might be adduced to illustrate the peculiar liability +which one undergoes in dealing with these primitive men who follow out +in practice the old fallacy of <i>post hoc ergo propter hoc</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J5"></a> +<h4>LAWS OF CONTRACT</h4> +</center> + +<p>The conception of contract is as universal as the conception of +property rights, but a certain amount of leniency seems to be expected +in such details as fulfilling the terms of the contract on the specified +date, unless it has been expressly and formally agreed that no leniency +is to be looked for. In case of a failure to fulfill the contract at the +stated time it is customary to offer either what is called an +"excuse,"<sup>4</sup> in the form of extra hospitality or a free +gift of some article, not so valuable as to constitute a debt, or to +make many explanations, very frequently fictitious. These remarks apply +only to cases in which the creditor has undergone the hardship of a +reasonably long trip or of other necessary expenditures. Thus, to +illustrate the point, A owes B a pig deliverable, according to +agreement, after the lapse of so many days, there being no express +provisions for any penalty in case of nonfulfillment of the agreement. B +goes to A's house and is treated to a special meal with an accompaniment +of drink when obtainable. Toward the termination of the meal, he is +informed by A of the latter's inability to pay, for numerous real, or +more numerous fictitious, reasons. B accepts this excuse but before +leaving asks for some little thing that he may take a fancy to. It is +always given as an "excuse." Another day for the payment is +agreed upon. This leniency may be displayed on one or more occasions +till the delay in paying exasperates B or renders him liable to loss. +Ill feeling arises all the more readily if B feels that A has not been +as assiduous as he should have been. Then a stringent contract is +entered upon, the nonperformance of which will render A liable to +interest or to a fine, as may be stipulated.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ba-lí-bad</i>.</p> + +<p>In cases where serious consequences might result from a failure to +fulfill a contract, it is customary for the contractor and often for the +other party to make a number of knots on a strip of rattan, each knot +signifying a day of the time to elapse before payment, or representing +one article of the goods to be paid for, or one item of the goods to be +delivered.</p> + +<p>All more important contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, +and the time and the number of articles to be delivered are counted out +on the floor with grains of corn or with little pieces of wood, or are +indicated by counting a corresponding number of the slats of the +floor.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J6"></a> +<h4>THE LAW OF DEBT</h4> +</center> + +<p>The law of debt in Manóboland is so rigid that failure to comply with +it has given rise to many a bloody feud. All commercial transactions are +conducted on a credit basis. An individual whom we will call A needs a +pig, for instance, and starts out on a quest to secure one. He visits +one of his acquaintances and informally brings up the subject, +remarking, for example, that he would like to buy a certain pig that is +in the settlement. He may not be able to make the purchase until he has +tried several settlements, for it may happen that the owner of each pig +may want in exchange objects that A does not have and is unable to get. +Thus B, the owner of a pig in the first settlement, wants in payment a +Mandáya lance of a certain length, breadth, and make. Now A knows of no +one from whom he can procure such a lance, so he has to go on to the +settlement of C who in exchange for his pig wants five pieces of Mandáya +cloth. A is afraid to take the pig on such terms because the Ihawán +Manóbos are in arms on account of a recent killing, and as the trade +route for Mandáya cloth passes through the territory of the Ihawán +Manóbos he sees no possibility of fulfilling a contract to deliver the +cloth. So off he goes to the settlement of D where he finds a pig for +which the owner demands four yards of blue cloth, two of red, and two of +black, together with a specified quantity of salt. A thinks that it will +be easy for him to run over to some Christian settlement and get those +articles in time to pay D, so he clinches the bargain by putting a +series of knots in a strip of rattan to represent the number of days to +expire before the date of payment. This he delivers to D and the +contract is sealed. He then returns to his settlement with his pig, and +turns it over to some one else perhaps, to whom he owes a pig, or, if it +was intended for a sacrifice, to the family priest or priestess. In due +time it is disposed of with much satisfaction to the gods and to the +inner man. As the day for payment approaches, A must take measures to +get the salt and the cloth for D, so he hastens to the settlement of E, +if sickness in the family, or heavy rains, or some other obstacle does +not prevent him, but finds that E requires a Mandáya bolo for the +articles needed and as A has no such object and sees no immediate +prospect of obtaining it, he goes on to F's. F demands a certain amount +of beeswax and a Mandáya dagger in exchange for the cloth and the salt +and as A feels that he can procure these articles, he closes the +bargain, promising to deliver the goods within so many days or weeks.</p> + +<p>A now owes D cloth and salt, payable within 14 days, let us suppose. +He is also under contract to F to furnish him a dagger and a specified +amount of beeswax, also on a specified date. Upon the approach of the +time agreed upon A runs over to F's only to find that F had been unable +to get the cloth and the salt, either because no Bisáya trader has been +up to the Christianized settlement on the river; or because of heavy +rains or for some other reason. The result is that A returns to his +settlement without the cloth and the salt. Upon his arrival at D's or +upon D's arrival at his settlement, as the case may be, he excuses +himself to D, setting forth in detail the reason for his failure. He +treats D as best he can, and fixes another date for the delivery of the +salt and the cloth, the same to be delivered at D's settlement. D +returns to his home without the salt and the cloth and awaits the +delivery.</p> + +<p>Now it may happen that, through the fault of A or through the fault +of F or through unforeseen circumstances, A is unable to keep his +agreement. D has made many useless trips to collect from A. It is true +that D has been feasted by A upon every visit but the long delay, and +possibly his debt of salt to someone else, is gradually provoking him. +So one day he speaks somewhat strongly to A, setting a definite term for +the payment. If A is unable to meet his obligations after this +ultimatum, or if D suspects or has proof that A is playing a game, +matters become strained and D has recourse to one of three methods: (1) +Collection by armed intimidation; (2) the <i>tawágan</i> or seizure; (3) +war raid.</p> + +<p>The last two methods have been sufficiently explained in Chapter +XVIII but the first needs a little explanation.</p> + +<p>After all attempts to collect by peaceable means have failed, the +creditor assembles his male relatives and friends and proceeds to the +house of the debtor with all the accoutrements of war. It is customary +to bring along a neutral chief or two from other clans. Upon arriving at +the debtor's house no hostile demonstrations are made. The creditor and +his party enter as if their object were an ordinary visit. Should, +however, the debtor have abandoned his house, this part of the affair +would be at an end, for the creditor would be justified in adopting the +second method (i. e., the seizing of any object, human of other that he +might see), or the third method.</p> + +<p>Should his debtor, however, be present, the creditor and his +companions are regaled with betel nut and food and the meeting is +perfectly goodnatured. But gradually the subject of the debt is +introduced and then begins the pandemonium. If the chiefs who have +accompanied the creditor's party have enough moral influence to bring +about an agreement, the matter is settled, but if not, the visiting +party may depart suddenly with yells of menace and defiance, and very +frequently may have recourse to the seizure method, taking on their way +home any object that they may encounter such as a pig, or even a human +being. Hence as soon as it becomes known that no settlement has been +made bamboo joints<sup>5</sup> are blown--the invariable signal in +Manóboland of danger--and everybody goes into armed vigilance. Children +and women are not allowed to leave the house, and pigs are frequently +taken from below and put up in the house until the enraged creditor and +his party have gone.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup><i>Tam-bú-li</i>.</p> + +<p>I was in one place where such a state of things existed. My +merchandise was taken by my host from under the house and carefully +hidden upstairs. I wished to go to meet the collecting party but no one +would volunteer to accompany me.</p> + +<p>If an agreement to pay has been brought about, the debtor has to make +the settlement before the departure of his creditor, even though it may +require several days to complete the payment. In this latter case the +sustenance of the visiting party and all their needs fall, by custom, +upon the poor debtor.</p> + +<p>Such is the customary method of collecting debts when all peaceable +efforts have been unavailing. To understand the principle involved in +it, as also the circumstances that bring it about, it is necessary to +bear in mind that once the creditor becomes disgusted with the delay of +his debtor in settling the account, he announces his intention to add to +the indebtedness a financial equivalent of all fatigues<sup>6</sup> and +expenses to be subsequently incurred in the collection of the debt. +These fatigues not only include the actual trips made both by himself +and such messengers as he may send to collect the debt, but such +incidental losses, sicknesses, or accidents as may be the outcome of +such trips.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ka-há-go</i>.</p> + +<p>Another principle recognized in this matter is the liability into +which the debtor may fall for such losses as the creditor may undergo +through his failure to fulfill his obligations to a third person. Thus A +owes B a pig, and B owes C, who in his turn must pay a lance to D at a +certain time. On account of C's failure to deliver the lance in due time +to D, he is, according to a previous contract, mulcted to the equivalent +of 15 pesos. Had C been able to purchase a lance with the pig that B +owed him he would, by customary law, be justified in putting the fine of +15 pesos to B's account. B attributes his failure to A's delay and on +the same grounds, adds 15 pesos to the latter's indebtedness.</p> + +<p>It is clear that the principle of liability involved in this system +gives rise to an infinity of disputes that may lead to bloodshed +whenever the matter can not be arbitrated by the more influential men +and chiefs in a public assembly. The debt after a certain time increases +beyond reasonable proportions until it finally becomes so great as to be +beyond the debtor's means. Notwithstanding the sacredness with which the +average Manóbo regards his debts, it happens occasionally that a little +bad feeling springs up which, in the course of time may lead to serious +consequences. It will be readily understood how easy it is for one party +to take umbrage at the words or actions of another and to become +obstinate. Happily, however, this does not happen frequently, on account +of the salutary fear inspired by the lance and the bolo, and the urgent +endeavors of the chiefs and the more influential men to settle matters +amicably. I am surprised that disputes and bloodshed arising from, the +great credit system do not occur more frequently among such primitive +people.</p> + +<p>Though in practice the relatives of a debtor assist him to settle his +obligations, especially when he is hard pressed by his creditor, yet in +theory there is no joint obligation to pay the debt. Neither do they, as +a rule, assume a collective responsibility for it.</p> + +<p>Between relatives, as between others, the law regarding the payment +of a debt is strenuously maintained, though I know of no case between +near relatives in which it led to more than family bickerings. A very +careful account of the indebtedness of one relative to another is +sedulously kept.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J7"></a> +<h4>INTEREST, LOANS, AND PLEDGES</h4> + +<a name="3J71"></a> +<h5>INTEREST</h5> +</center> + +<p>No interest is charged unless an express contract is made to that +effect. In the case of a loan of paddy, however, even if no formal +contract has been made, twice as much must be returned as was borrowed. +Express contracts that call for interest are rather rare, as far as my +observation goes, and when such contracts are made they are usually of a +usurious nature, due, as I have noticed on several occasions, not so +much to the desire for material gain, as to that of satisfying an old +grudge against the borrower. In settlements that have had experience +with the usurious methods of Christian natives, one finds here and there +an individual who tries to follow the example set him by people that he +looks up to. This practice is universally discountenanced, and, though +it is submitted to under necessity in commercial dealings with Bisáyas, +it gives rise to no inconsiderable ill feeling, a fact that explains, to +my mind, the difficulties that Bisáyas experience in collecting from +Christianized Manóbos, as also the killing of many a Bisáya in +pre-American days. During my trading tour of 1908 there was universal +complaint made to me by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, upper Umaíam, and +upper Argáwan Rivers against the system of usury employed by Bisáya +traders, and many a time I heard this remark made concerning certain +individuals: "We would kill him if we were not afraid of the +Americans."</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J72"></a> +<h5>LOANS AND PLEDGES</h5> +</center> + +<p>With the exception of articles borrowed on condition that they are to +be returned, loans are very rare in Manóboland. The most usual loan is +that of paddy. Articles borrowed must be returned in as good a condition +as that in which they were received.</p> + +<p>I know of no leases among non-Christian Manóbos. Land is too +plentiful to lease; other property is either sold or borrowed.</p> + +<p>I have never known a material pledge to be given, but the custom of +going bond seems to be very generally understood though not much +practiced, as such a custom insinuates a distrust that does not seem to +be pleasing to the Manóbo. A notable feature of the practice is the +principle that the <i>bondsman becomes the payer</i>. I am inclined to +think that this principle was taught to their mountain compeers by +Bisáya and Christianized Manóbos who found in it a convenient expedient +whereby to make the collection of debts easier and sure. On the strength +of it, a chief or a more well-to-do member of the tribe becomes +responsible for the debt of one whose surety he became.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J8"></a> +<h4>LAWS OF LIABILITY</h4> + +<a name="3J81"></a> +<h5>LIABILITY ARISING FROM NATURAL CAUSES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The liability here referred to is the general responsibility that a +person acquires for consequences that are imputed to an act of his, +whether voluntary or involuntary. Instances of this strange law arise on +many occasions in Manóboland. The reader is referred to the case of the +loss of the beads, the attempt to collect from me for the natural death +of one of my carriers, for the death of a child that I had frightened, +and other instances mentioned previously, all of which show the idea of +responsibility for consequences following an act. A few more instances +will make the principle involved clearer. On the upper Agúsan, a Manóbo +of Nábuk River went over to Moncáyo to collect a debt. According to +custom he carried his shield and spear. Now it happened that there were +two women walking along the river bank, one of whom was the wife of an +enemy of this Nábuk warrior. Upon seeing him she became frightened, fell +into the river, and was drowned. The result of this was that the Nábuk +man was condemned to pay a slave or its equivalent. As a near relative +of his enemy owed him "thirty" (P30) he transferred the fine to +him but the transference was not accepted on the ground that the Nábuk +man ought to pay his fine first. A few days' discussion of the matter +resulted in the departure of the Nábuk man, who upon his arrival in a +near settlement killed, in his rage, one of his slaves. The outcome of +the whole affair was a feud between Moncáyo and Nábuk.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J82"></a> +<h5>LIABILITY ARISING FROM RELIGIOUS CAUSES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The violation of the numerous taboos is believed to bring about evil +consequences that are chargeable to the account of the infringer. For +example, a man in Búai was charged 30 pesos for the breaking of a +certain birth taboo, a violation which was supposed to have been +responsible for the stillbirth of a child. I was warned on many +occasions to desist from making disrespectful remarks about animals, +such as monkeys or frogs, because, if Anítan were to hurl her +thunderbolts at one of my companions and harm were to befall him I would +be fined or killed. I would undergo a similar punishment, I was told on +other occasions, for using such tabooed words as crocodile and salt; it +was believed that a storm would be the result of the use of these words. +On one occasion I thought it prudent to give a carrier of mine a piece +of rubber cloth wherewith to cover his salt, for he had threatened to +collect from me if it became wet from the storm that was impending, and +which all my companions imputed to my deliberate use of the names of +certain fish not native to their mountain water.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J83"></a> +<h5>LIABILITY ARISING FROM MAGIC CAUSES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Another pregnant source of fines and of sanguinary feuds is the +belief in the possession, by certain individuals, of magic power to do +harm. No one that I know of or have heard of, except a few fearless +warrior chiefs, has made open avowal of the possession of such power and +yet on many occasions I have heard of the supposed possession of it by +various individuals. To give an instance, a Manóbo on the upper Agúsan +had the reputation of having secret poisons. One day another Manóbo and +his wife visited him. With the exception of a trifling altercation about +a debt, everything went well. On her return home the woman was suddenly +taken sick and died. Her death was ascribed to the magic power of the +person recently visited and the outcome was that the party with the bad +reputation had to build a tree house, one of the few that I have seen, +and surround his settlement with an abatis of brush and of sharp spikes, +all in anticipation of an attack by the deceased woman's husband.</p> + +<p>It was the rule rather than the exception that I, myself, had the +same reputation applied to me. Upon arrival in heretofore unvisited +regions I was fequently[sic] informed that they had heard of my +wonderful power of killing. On many occasions it was only by assuming a +bold front and by vowing vengeance on my traducers that I freed myself +from the imputation. In such cases I always asked for the name of the +slanderer, and, upon learning it, announced my intention of seeking him +without delay, for the purpose of clearing myself from the imputation +and of demanding satisfaction from him.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3J84"></a> +<h5>THE SYSTEM OF FINES</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is not intended here to consider the system of fines as penalties +for voluntary wrongdoings but only as punishments for certain little +acts of forgetfulness or of omission that might be construed as +conscious acts of disrespect. The system is a very strange one and, to +our way of thinking, very harsh, productive sometimes of bad feeling and +even of more serious results.</p> + +<p>Instances that have passed under my personal observation will +illustrate the system. Thus, on one occasion an acquaintance of mine +left the house without making his intention known to those present. +While he was under the house, one of the guests happened to spit through +the floor upon the clothes of the man underneath. Upon his return he +identified the guilty one both by his position in the house, and by the +quality of the chewing material he was using. The case was discussed at +length and it was decided that for carelessness the guilty one should +make material reparation in the form of a chicken and some drink.</p> + +<p>Again, the dog of a certain individual on the upper Agúsan was guilty +of soiling the clothes of a person that happened to be working under the +house. As the owner of the sick dog (it had been mangled by a wild boar) +had been previously warned of the possibility of something untoward +happening, he was fined and was condemned to make further reparation in +the form of a convivial meeting in order to remove the ill feeling.</p> + +<p>Instances of fines that were imposed on me will illustrate the +principle involved. Upon my arrival in new regions I was almost +invariably called upon to pay a certain amount, on the ground that I had +had no permission to enter the settlement, or that the local deities had +been displeased at my visit, or that I was a spy, or for some other +reason. The refusal to pay was always accepted after lengthy +explanations and after the distribution of a few trifling gifts to the +more vehement members of the settlement, but in one case arms were drawn +and I had to take my stand with, back to the wall and await +developments.</p> + +<p>Other instances in which unintentional disrespect toward the person +or property of anyone was displayed might be adduced to profusion. It +will suffice to say, however, that such acts as the following, even when +unintentional, lay the agent under a liability, the commercial value of +which must be determined by the circumstances and very frequently by +formal arbitration: Spitting upon, or otherwise soiling another; rudely +seizing the person of another; unbecoming treatment of another's +property, especially of his clothes, as when, for instance, one steps +upon another's shirt; opening another's betel-nut knapsack or other +concealed property; borrowing things without formal announcement and due +permission; going into certain places interdicted by the owner, as +bathing, for instance, in that part of a river which the owner has +forbidden the use of,<sup>7</sup> or visiting his rice granary; and +using disrespectful language, even in joke, about another, as, for +instance, speaking of one as an insect, a Mañgguáñgan.<sup>8</sup></p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>Due, presumably, to the fact that the place, usually a +deep pool, is the abode of a water wraith.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>This is a term of reproach when applied to a Manóbo.</p> + +<p>These interdictions are necessary among the Manóbos in order that in +their social dealings with one another proper deference may be shown +toward their person and property. For were a mere "pardon me" a +sufficient reparation for an act, however unintentional, advantage might +be taken of it to inflict a thousand and one little incivilities that +would serve to arouse the relentless spirit of revenge that centuries of +feuds have instilled into the Manóbo character.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XX</h3> +<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS AND +FAMILY PROPERTY; PROCEDURE FOR THE ATTAINMENT OF JUSTICE</h3> + +<a name="3K1"></a> +<h4>FAMILY PROPERTY</h4> +</center> + +<p>The property of a Manóbo family is so scanty that the rules governing +it have never developed beyond a primitive stage. The house belongs +collectively to the father and to such of his sons-in-law and +brothers-in-law as may have constructed it. The structure represents +little value to the owner except that of the rough-hewn boards which may +be transported to another place. The reason that such cheap houses are +built is that they may be abandoned without much loss at any moment that +a death, or even a suspicion of danger, arising from religious or from +natural reasons, may dictate.</p> + +<p>The movable property in the house belongs to the individuals who have +made, purchased, or in any other lawful way acquired it. In this respect +it is to be noted that each married couple provides itself with +household utensils and such other things as may be necessary. These +things do not become the property of the head of the family, but remain +the individual property of the person who brings them.</p> + +<p>It must be noted, too, that women, children, and slaves have +theoretically no right to ownership. It is true that women are allowed +to dispose of the products of their labor like rice and cloth, but +usually, if not always, the consent of their husbands or of their +husbands' nearest male relatives is first secured if the article is of +much value. Frequently a consultation is held with the head of the whole +household.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K2"></a> +<h4>RULES OF INHERITANCE</h4> +</center> + +<p>When a man dies and leaves no near relatives that are of sufficient +age to manage the inheritance, the elder brother-in-law inherits the +property. The deceased brother's wife is a part of this property. When +the father dies, the son is the heir, and, if of sufficient age and +capabilities, takes the place of his father. But should he be deemed +incompetent by his near male relatives, his paternal uncle, or, if he +has none, a brother-in-law, becomes the manager of the household. Any +property which may be of value is thus retained within the line of male +descent. This is in accordance with the principles of the patriarchate +system which prevails in Manóboland.</p> + +<p>The eldest son inherits his father's debts, but the administrator (if +in such unpretentious matters we may use so pretentious a word) pays the +debts collecting in turn from the son unless he be a near kinsman of the +deceased father. About matters of inheritance I have never even heard of +a dispute. The valuable property may consist of only a lance and a bolo, +or a dagger, and a few jars. The best suit of clothes together with +personal adornments, such as necklaces, are carried with the deceased to +his last resting place so that there is little left to quarrel over. +With the exception of the few heirlooms, if there be any, consisting of +a jar and some few other things, the greatest fear is entertained of +articles that belonged to the departed one. This fear is due to the +peculiar belief in the subtle, wayward feeling of the departed toward +the living.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K3"></a> +<h4>RULES GOVERNING THE RELATIONS OF THE SEXES</h4> + +<a name="3K31"></a> +<h5>MORAL OFFENSES</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the chapter on marriage the general principles governing the +relations of the sexes is set forth. The relations both antenuptial and +postnuptial are of the most stringent character.</p> + +<p>As a Manóbo once told me, sexual morality is bound up with religion +and the greater violations of it are sometimes punished by the +divinities.</p> + +<p>Such lighter offenses, as gazing at the person of a woman while she +is bathing, or on any other occasion when her person is exposed, are +punished with appropriate fines. Improper suggestions and unseemly jokes +undergo the same fate. It is a very common report among Bisáyas that to +touch a Manóbo woman's heel is an exceptionally serious offense against +Manóbo law. I never heard of any such regulation among Manóbos, although +it may exist. To touch any other part of her person, however, is an +offense punishable by a good-sized fine.</p> + +<p>Death is the consequence of adultery, fornication, and seduction, +except in very exceptional cases where the influence of the guilty one's +relatives may save him. But it is certain that in these cases the fine +is very heavy. I believe that it is never less than the equivalent of +three slaves.</p> + +<p>All reports, both Bisáya and Manóbo, state that when fornication has +been attempted or accomplished the woman herself may make known the +offense to her parents and relatives.</p> + +<p>The law is even more rigid in the matter of adultery. While I was on +the upper Agúsan River a case of adultery committed by a Christianized +man and woman was discovered. The death of the man had been decided +upon, and that of the woman was being mooted. I succeeded in having the +death sentence commuted to a heavy fine of three slaves.</p> + +<p>It is the common report in Manóboland that, when a woman makes known +the act of her lover, the latter does not deny it. Not only under such +circumstances, but in nearly all other instances when brought face to +face with the truth a Manóbo will confess, sometimes even though there +be no witness against him. Such is my observation of dealings between +Manóbo and Manóbo. In his relations with outsiders, however, the Manóbo +is not so veracious; on the contrary, he displays no little art in +suppressing or in twisting the truth.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K32"></a> +<h5>MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND PAYMENTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the chapter on marital relations it was made manifest that +marriage is practically a sale in which a certain amount of the marriage +price is returned to the bridegroom. This rule is very stringent. Should +the marriage negotiations discontinue without any fault of the man or of +his relatives all payments previously made have to be returned, item for +item. In this respect it is to be noted that marriage contracts are +almost relentlessly rigid, a fact that suggests an explanation of the +length of the period that is usually required to terminate the +negotiations. For it is only by many acts of attention and even of +subservience that the suitor's relatives break down the obdurateness of +the fiancé's relatives and make them relax the severity of their +original demands. Very minute and strict accounts of the various +payments, including such small donations as a few liters of rice, are +recorded on a knotted rattan strip in anticipation of a final +disagreement.</p> + +<p>When it is decided that the marriage is not to take place by reason +of the death of one of the affianced parties, the father and relatives +of the fiancé must return all the purchase payments which may have been +made. Custom provides that these payments shall be returned gradually, +the idea being, presumably, to allow the fiancé's relatives an +opportunity to profit by the donations of a new suitor, if one should +present himself within a stipulated period. It will be readily +understood that the nature of the debts incurred by an obligation to +return marriage payments determines the character of the payments that +will be exacted from a new suitor. Thus, if A's relatives, for good +reasons, decide not to continue their suit for the hand of B's daughter, +B would be granted a specified time in which to await the presentation +of a new suitor for his daughter's hand. This new suitor would be +required to bring a lance, for example, and other objects that would +serve as first and more urgent payments to A.</p> + +<p>In the case of fornication committed by a man with his fiancé, death +may be the penalty if the girl's father desires to have the marriage +broken off, but I was given to understand that such a heavy penalty is +rarely inflicted, the girl's father contenting himself with imposing a +heavy fine.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K33"></a> +<h5>ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN</h5> +</center> + +<p>In all my wandering among the Manóbos, I never knew nor heard of an +illegitimate child, so can not say what regulations govern, if such +births occur. In Mandáyaland the father of an illegitimate child is +obliged to marry the girl and to enter his father-in-law's family in a +state of semiservitude. The marriage takes place before the birth of the +child.</p> + +<p>I was told by Mandáyas that illegitimate children belong to the +nearest male relative of the mother, that in case of her marriage they +still belong to her relative, and that they are treated in all other +respects as legitimate children.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K34"></a> +<h5>EXTENT OF AUTHORITY OF FATHER AND HUSBAND</h5> +</center> + +<p>The laws governing family relations are very simple. The father has +theoretically absolute power of life and death over his wife, children, +and slaves. In practice, however, this power is seldom used to its full +extent. An arbitrary exercise of domestic authority over his wife and +children would arouse the antagonism of her relatives and lead to a +rupture of friendly relations. Hence, in family dealings there are +displayed on one side paternal affection and leniency and on the other +filial devotion and a sense of duty, so much so that the members of the +family live in peace and happiness with seldom a domestic grievance.</p> + +<p>The wife, of course, is the absolute property of her husband, but is +rarely, if ever, sold. I know of only one wife who was sold and she was +a Bisáya woman married to a recently Christianized Manóbo.</p> + +<p>It is not in accord with Manóbo custom for a man to have two or more +wives unless the first wife consents to the later marriages, and, if she +does consent, she must always be considered the man's favorite and must +be allowed to have a kind of motherly jurisdiction over the other wives. +In all cases that have come under my observation, this rule was followed +among Manóbos but not among Mandáyas. The latter frequently seem more +attached to their second, third, or fourth wives, but do not separate +the first wife either from bed or board. As a result of the necessity of +the first wife's consent to a second marriage, bigamy is comparatively +rare.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K35"></a> +<h5>RESIDENCE OF THE HUSBAND</h5> +</center> + +<p>The man is always expected to take up his residence in his wife's +family and he nearly always does so. In fact, such is the implied and +frequently the explicit contract made between his relatives and those of +the girl. But after a few years, if not sooner, he usually takes his +wife back to his own clan, leaving his father-in-law or other male +relative of his wife some gift in the shape of a pig or other payment. +In such a case it seems to be the custom for the father-in-law to +acquiesce.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K4"></a> +<h4>CRIMES AND THEIR PENALTIES</h4> + +<a name="3K41"></a> +<h5>CRIMES</h5> +</center> + +<p>It must be laid down as a general principle that in Manóboland it is +considered proper and obligatory to seek redress for all wrongs (except +a few serious ones) by an appeal to the relatives of the wrongdoer, +either directly by a formal meeting or indirectly through the mediation +of a third party. The first exceptions to this rule are cases of +adultery, fornication, rape, and homicide when the murderer, wantonly, +and without an attempt to arbitrate, kills a fellow man. The great law +of vengeance presupposes in nearly every case a recourse to arbitration, +and not a hasty, unannounced, deliberate killing.</p> + +<p>The one who orders the death of another or in any other way +deliberately causes it is the one on whom vengeance must be taken. Thus, +if A pays a neutral warrior chief to kill his opponent, the +responsibility for the death will be laid, not on the warrior who did +the killing (unless he had personal motives for committing the murder) +but on the one who ordered the death. The warrior was paid and +accordingly bears no responsibility. He may be paid again by the +relatives of the slain to do a similar act to their enemies. Thus it is, +that in Manóboland, it is very necessary to be on such terms of +friendship with the members of the warrior class that they will not be +inclined to undertake for payment the task of taking vengeance for +another.</p> + +<p>Killing for public policy is a recognized institution, but such +executions very seldom take place. On the upper Tágo River word was sent +to me that my guide would be killed if he led me into a certain remote +region at the headwaters of that river. It was reported on all sides +that the principal chiefs of the region had assembled before my +departure and had decided upon his death. For some reason, probably +fear, the sentence was not carried into effect.</p> + +<p>It was reported to me that in time of an epidemic it is permitted to +kill anyone who dares to break the quarantine.</p> + +<p>Involuntary killing when it is manifest that it was a pure accident +can be compounded.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K42"></a> +<h5>THE PRIVATE SEIZURE</h5> +</center> + +<p>By the <i>tawágan</i> system a Manóbo is permitted to kill or seize +anything or anybody that he may decide upon, <i>provided that he has +made every endeavor to settle the dispute by amicable means</i>. Having +failed to adjust the matter without bloodshed, he may avenge himself, +first and above all, on the guilty party. I will not make a positive +statement to the effect that he must announce his intention to make use +of the right accorded him by the <i>tawágan</i> custom, but I am of +opinion that this must be done, for in every instance that came under my +observation it had been generally known beforehand that the aggrieved +party would make a seizure within a specified time. I know that on one +occasion I had to exact a promise from a man that he would not lay hands +on merchandise of mine that was deposited under a house in the vicinity +of his settlement. He had made public announcement that he would make a +seizure, even though it should be that of my merchandise.</p> + +<p>The aggrieved party in making use of his right must, if possible, +inflict damage, even death, upon the debtor or other wrongdoer or on +some of his relatives, but should this prove impracticable he is at +liberty to select anyone. If he kills a neutral party, he must compound +with the relatives of the slain one for the death inflicted and enter +with them into a solemn promise to act jointly against the offending +party. In the case of seizure, he can not dispose of the object seized +until the owner be consulted. It is customary for the two to enter a +compact by which they bind themselves to take joint action against the +offender, advantageous terms being guaranteed to the new colleague. The +man whose property is thus seized is very often one who has had an +old-time grudge against the original offender or debtor.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K43"></a> +<h5>PENALTIES FOR MINOR OFFENSES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Minor offenses such as stealing, slandering, failure to pay debts, +deception that causes material damage to another, loss or damage to +another's property, the lesser violations of sexual propriety, +disrespect to another's property, etc., are punishable by fines that +must be determined by the assembled relatives of the two parties. I have +never been able to find the least trace of any definite system of fines. +In the determination of them for the more serious of offenses (adultery, +wanton killing, etc.), the equivalent of a human life, 15 or 30 pesos, +is the basis of the calculation. In the case of minor offenses, however, +lesser quantities are determined upon after a lengthy discussion of the +subject by the respective relatives of the parties involved.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K5"></a> +<h4>CUSTOMARY PROCEDURE</h4> + +<a name="3K51"></a> +<h5>PRELIMINARIES TO ARBITRATION</h5> +</center> + +<p>The aggrieved party, upon hearing of the offense and after making +many futile efforts to come to an agreement, consults with his +relatives, when, after being assured of their cooperation he begins to +issue threats, all of which reach the ear of his opponent. At first the +latter probably is not disturbed by these, but, as they begin to pour in +from all sources, he makes up his mind either to face his opponent in +person, if the affair has not gone too far, or to look around for a +friendly chief or other person of influence and sagacity to mediate. All +this time new rumors of his enemy's anger and determination to appeal to +arms reach him, but he must not display cowardice, neither must his +opponent openly seek arbitration, for such an action would bespeak fear +on both sides. So, on the part of the aggrieved one, there is menace, +revenge, and a pretense at least not to be amenable to peaceable +measures. On the part of the other, there must be no display of fear, no +hurry to arbitrate, and a general indifference, at least simulated, as +to the outcome. If the offending party answers threat by threat, his +opponent may become incensed and hostilities may break out, as happens +in other parts of the world.</p> + +<p>In the meantime neighboring chiefs and influential people are +throwing the weight of their opinions in favor of peace and if they +prevail one or more of them are requested to assist in the final +settlement, definite emolument sometimes being promised, especially when +either of the contending parties is very anxious to have the matter +settled.</p> + +<p>It is the duty now of the mediating chiefs or other persons to bring +the parties together. This they do either by inviting the contestants to +a neutral house or by persuading one of them to invite the other to his +house.</p> + +<p>It may happen that the aggrieved party, instead of following this +procedure, precipitates a settlement by sending a fighting bolo or a +dagger or a lance to his opponent. This is an ultimatum. If the weapon +is retained it means hostilities. If it is returned, it denotes a +willingness to submit the matter to arbitration. But the one who +receives the weapon probably will not return it at once as he desires to +disguise, in the presence of his opponent's emissary, the bearer of the +ultimatum, any eagerness he may feel for arbitration. Once having +decided that he will submit the matter to arbitration or that he will +yield, he announces to the messenger that he will visit his opponent +within a specified period and talk matters over and that he is willing +to have the affair settled but that his relatives are unwilling. If a +bolo or other such object has been sent to him he returns it, for to +retain it would signify his unwillingness to submit and his readiness to +take the consequences.</p> + +<p>A few days before the appointed time he orders drink to be made and +he may go out on a big fishing expedition. He procures also a pig or +two. With these, and accompanied by a host of male relatives, he sets +out for the house that has been agreed upon. The pigs and drink and +other things are deposited in a convenient place near the house, for it +would be impolitic to display such proofs of his willingness to +yield.</p> + +<p>This is the procedure followed in more serious cases. Cases of lesser +importance, which occur with great frequency, are settled almost +informally in the following manner:</p> + +<p>When the subject under dispute is not of such a serious nature, +either in itself or by reason of aggravating circumstances, like +quarrels or violent language that may have preceded it, the ordinary +method of settling the trouble consists in a good meal given by one +party to the other. Toward the end of the repast, when all present are +feeling convivial from the effects of the drink, the question at issue, +usually a debt, is taken up and discussed by the parties concerned and +their respective relatives. It happens often that the matter is put off +to another time, and thus it may require several semifriendly meetings +to settle it. On the whole, however, the proceedings are terminated +amicably, although I have seen a few very animated scenes at such times. +On one occasion a member of the party, accompanied by his relatives, +rushed down the pole and seizing his lance and shield challenged his +adversary to single combat. The challenge was not accepted, so he and +his party marched away vowing vengeance. I have seen bolos or daggers +drawn on many occasions but the relatives and others always intervened +to prevent bloodshed. It is to be noted that such violent actions are +due often to the influence of drink but do not take place more +frequently than drunken brawls do in other parts of the world.</p> + +<p>When the case in question is of such an involved and serious +character as to make it dangerous for the accused one to enter the +house, he remains hidden till he ascertains how his relatives and +friends are progressing. In other cases he personally attends and may +argue in his own defense.<sup>1</sup></p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>There is a very formal peace-making procedure followed by +the Manóbos who have been in contact with the Banuáons of Maásam River, +but I never witnessed it, so I can not give any first-hand information +as to the details. In the chapter on war will be found such details as +have been given to me by trustworthy Bisáyas of Talakógon.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K52"></a> +<h5>GENERAL FEATURES OF A GREATER ARBITRATION</h5> +</center> + +<p>The general features of the procedure are the following: The policy +of the aggrieved one and of his party is to maintain a loud, menacing +attitude, and to insist on a fine three or four hundred times larger +than they expect to be paid. The accused and his relatives keep up a +firm attitude, not so firm, however, as to incense unduly their +opponents, and from the beginning make an offer of a paltry sum in +payment.</p> + +<p>Although everybody at times may break into the discussion, or all may +yell at the same time, the ordinary procedure is to allow each one to +speak singly and to finish what he has to say. The others listen and +assent by such expressions as correspond to our "yes indeed," +"true," etc., whether they are in accord with the speaker's +opinions or not. These lengthy talks are, at least to an outsider, most +wearisome, given, as they are, in a dreary monotone, but they explain +the inordinate length of arbitrations that may last for several days.</p> + +<p>The whole party is squatted on the floor and makes use of grains of +corn, of pieces of wood or leaf, of the bamboo slats of the floor, of +their fingers and toes or of anything convenient, to aid them in the +enumeration of the objects of which they treat. Everybody is armed, +probably with his hand on his weapon, and his eyes alert. In very +serious cases women and children may not be present. This, of course, is +an indication of possible bloodshed and is a very rare occurrence.</p> + +<p>The chiefs or other influential men who have been selected to aid +each side in the settlement take a conspicuous part in the proceedings +and help to influence the parties concerned to come to an understanding, +but it can not be said that their word is paramount. The contestants' +own relatives have more weight than anyone else. The procedure at a +Manóbo arbitration may be likened to that of a jury when in retirement. +Point after point is discussed, similitudes and allegories are brought +up by each speaker until, after wearisome hours or days, the opinion of +each side has been molded sufficiently to bring them into agreement. In +one respect it differs from the jury method in that loud shouts and +threats are made use of occasionally, proceeding either from natural +vehemence or from a deliberate intention on one side to intimidate the +other.</p> + +<p>It is not good form for the defendant to yield readily. On the +contrary, it is in accordance with Manóbo custom and character to yield +with reluctance, feigned if not real. When a small pig is really +considered a sufficient payment, a large one is demanded. When the pig +is received and is really in conformity with the contract, defects are +found in it--it is lean or sick or short or light in weight--in a word, +it is depreciated in one way or another. The giver, on the contrary, +exaggerates its value, descants on its size, length, form, and weight, +tells of the exorbitant price he paid for it, reminds the receiver of +the difficulty of procuring pigs at this season, and in general +manifests his reluctance to part with it.</p> + +<p>It must not be supposed that such actions and statements are believed +at once. On the contrary, it is only after lengthy talks on each side +that opinions are formed, an agreement entered into, a contract is drawn +up, or reparation made. It is the identical case of stubborn jurymen.</p> + +<p>In the settlement of these disputes much depends upon the glibness of +tongue and on the sagacity of one or more of the principal men. For were +it not for their skill in understanding the intricacies of the subject +and in sidetracking irrelevant claims the disputes would be impossible +of satisfactory arrangement. This will be understood more readily if it +is borne in mind that outside of the reasonable facts of the case, +counterclaims are made by the debtor or the accused party. These claims +are sometimes of an extraordinary nature and date back to the time of +his grandfather or other distant relative. Thus he may say that his +opponent's great uncle owed his grandfather a human life and that this +blood debt has never been paid nor revenge obtained. Such an affirmation +as this will be corroborated by his relatives and they may immediately +break out into menaces of vengeance. Again, he may aver that his +opponent was reputed to have had a charm by which death might be caused, +and that his son had died as a result of this use of evil magic powers. +Whereupon the other vigorously repudiates the imputation and demands a +slave in payment of the slander. It is only the popularity of the chief +men, their reputation for fair dealing, their sagacity, and perhaps +their relationship with the respective contestants that dispose of such +side issues and bring about an amicable and satisfactory settlement.</p> + +<p>It is customary for the one who loses to regale the assembly with a +good meal. In Manóbo-land this latter is the great solace for all ills +and the source of all friendship. So, when the question under dispute +has been settled, the one who lost sends out and gets the pig and drink +that have been brought for that purpose. When prepared, the food is set +out on the floor, the guests are distributed in due order, and then +begins one of those meals that must be witnessed in order to be +understood. One feature of this feast is that the two former adversaries +are seated together and vie with each other in reciprocating food and +drink. As they warm up under the influence of the liquor they load large +masses of food into each other's mouths, each with an arm around the +other's neck.</p> + +<p>Upon the following day, or perhaps that same day, the winner of the +case reciprocates with another banquet. When that is finished, the other +party may give another banquet and so they may continue, if their means +permit, for many days. I assisted at one peacemaking in which the +banqueting lasted for 10 successive days.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K6"></a> +<h4>DETERMINATION OF GUILT</h4> + +<a name="3K61"></a> +<h5>BY WITNESSES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The usual and natural method of determining the guilt of the accused +is through the instrumentality of witnesses. They are questioned and +requestioned at great length even if the defendant be not present. There +seems to be no necessity for this procedure, for the defendant admits +his guilt when brought face to face with the plaintiff or with the +witnesses. The testimony of children is not only admissible but is +considered conclusive. That of a woman testifying against a man for +improper suggestions and acts is considered sufficient to convict +him.</p> + +<p>False testimony in the presence of witnesses and relatives is almost +unheard of. I suppose that this marvel is to be attributed to the fear +of the dire retribution that would infallibly overtake the false +witness.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K62"></a> +<h5>BY OATHS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Ordinarily no oath is administered nor any other formal means adopted +to make certain that the accused or the witnesses will tell the truth, +but there is a practice which is sometimes followed whenever the +veracity of anyone is doubted. This is called <i>tó-tung</i> or burning +of the wax, a ceremony that may be used not only with witnesses but with +anyone from whom it is desired to force the truth. I have used it very +successfully on numerous occasions in getting information about trails. +The ceremony consists in burning a piece of beeswax in the presence of +the party to be questioned. This signifies that if he does not answer +truthfully his body by some process of sympathetic magic, will be burned +in a similar manner. After making his statement and while the wax is +being burned, he expresses the desire that his body may burn and be +melted like the wax if his statement is untrue. This is another example +of the pervading belief in sympathetic magic.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K63"></a> +<h5>BY THE TESTIMONY OF THE ACCUSED</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the various instances that have come under my observation, the +guilty one, as a rule, vigorously denied his guilt until confronted in +public assembly by his accusers, so that I judge that custom does not +require him to make a self-accusation until that time. But when duly +confronted with witnesses, he nearly always admits his guilt.</p> + +<p>For if the defendant should deny his guilt and if there were no +evidence against him other than suspicion, the injured party would be +justified in inflicting injury on anyone else, according to the +principles of the private-seizure system. If it should later be +discovered that the defendant was the original offender, the innocent +parties who were the victims of this seizure would ultimately take +terrible vengeance on him. I was informed by the Debabáons that a false +denial of one's guilt before the assembled arbiters and relatives is +especially displeasing to the deities. I failed to get information on +this point from Manóbos, but it would be fairly reasonable to conclude +that their belief in the matter is identical with that of the +Debabáons.</p> + +<p>Should the accused one deny his guilt and should circumstantial +evidence point to him as the guilty one, the wax-burning ceremony above +described would be performed. If he should still maintain that he was +innocent, various methods for the determination of his guilt would be +resorted to.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K64"></a> +<h5>BY ORDEALS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The tests made to determine the innocence or guilt of a person are +threefold: (1) the hot-water ordeal, (2) the diving ordeal, and (3) the +candle ordeal.</p> + +<a name="3K641"></a> +<p><i>The hot-water ordeal</i>.<sup>2</sup>--A brass anklet, armlet, or +similar metal object is put into boiling water in one of the iron pans +so common throughout the Agúsan Valley. The suspected party, or parties, +is then called upon to insert a hand into the water and to remove the +object that has been placed at the bottom of the shallow pan. Although I +have heard many threats of an appeal to this test, I never saw the +actual operation of it, but I have been assured repeatedly by those who +claimed to have seen the performance that the hand of the guilty one +gets badly scalded, while that of an innocent one remains uninjured. The +belief in the truth of this test is so strong, that, at times when the +ordeal was threatened, I have heard many express not only their +willingness but their eagerness to undergo it.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Pag-ínit</i>.</p> + +<p>I have made numerous and very definite inquires in different +localities and from members of different tribes as to the reason for the +value of the ordeal as a test and as to whether or not it might be +explained by the agency of supernatural beings, but in reply always +received the answer that no reason could be given except that it had +always been so and that religion had no connection with it.</p> + +<a name="3K642"></a> +<p><i>The diving ordeal</i>.<sup>3</sup>--I never witnessed the actual +operation of this ordeal except in play, but the belief in its efficacy +is strong and widespread. The operation consists in a trial between the +parties under suspicion as to the length of time they can remain under +water. Two at a time undergo the test. The one that retains his head +under water longer is declared innocent for the time being, but has to +undergo the test with each one of the suspected parties. This method +seems impossible as a final proof, but such is the procedure as +described to me on the upper Tágo River.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Sún-ub</i>.</p> + +<p>Another and more common method is a simultaneous trial by all the +accused. At a given signal they submerge their heads. The one that first +raises his from the water is declared guilty. I was told by one party +that the respective relatives of the accused ones stand by and hold them +down by main force. This statement was corroborated by all those present +at the time, but, as neither my informant nor anyone else could explain +what it would be necessary to do in case of asphyxiation, I do not give +credence to the story.</p> + +<p>On numerous occasions I made diving tests in sport with Manóbos and +found that I could retain my breath longer than they could. They assured +me, nevertheless, that if the test were made as an ordeal and if I were +the guilty party, I would infallibly lose.</p> + +<a name="3K643"></a> +<p><i>The candle ordeal</i>.--Among the Christianized Manóbos of the +lake region I found the belief in the efficacy of the candle ordeal for +determining the guilt of one of the suspected parties. Candles of the +same size are made and are given to the suspects, one to each of them. +They are then stuck to the floor and lit at the same time. The +contestants have the right to keep them erect and to protect them from +the wind. The one whose candle burns out first is declared guilty.</p> + +<p>A belief in the value of ordeals is widespread, but the actual +practice of them is very rare. No reason for this has been given to me, +although it is stated that the refusal to submit to one would be +considered evidence of guilt.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K65"></a> +<h5>BY CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE</h5> +</center> + +<p>In Manóboland circumstantial evidence, in the absence of other +evidence, has sufficient weight to convict one who is under suspicion. +Hence footprints and other traces of a man's presence are carefully +examined. In fact, as a gatherer of testimony, even of the most +insignificant kind, the Manóbo is peerless; he is patient, ceaseless, +and thorough. This is due, no doubt, to his cautious, suspicious nature +and to that spirit of revenge that never smolders. He may wait for years +until the suspicion seems to have died out, when one fine day he hears a +rumor that confirms his suspicions and the flame of contention bursts +forth. One by one the successive bearers of the incriminating rumor are +questioned in open meeting until the truth of it is ascertained and the +guilty one brought to justice. I have known many cases, principally of +slander, traced in this way from one rumor bearer to another. This +illustrates the statement made before that in cases involving damage or +loss to another the guilty party and the witnesses as a rule declare the +truth, when they are called upon, knowing that one day or another the +secret will probably be ferreted out and then the punishment will be +greater.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3K7"></a> +<h4>ENFORCEMENT OF THE SENTENCE</h4> +</center> + +<p>The sentence having been agreed to by the consensus of opinion of +both sides, and the defendant having manifested his concurrence therein, +a time is set for the payment. When the offense is of a very serious +character, partial payment is made at once, the object being to mollify +the feelings of the enraged plaintiff. This payment ordinarily consists +of a weapon belonging either to the defendant himself or to one of his +relatives, but in urgent cases it might be a human being, as a relative +for instance. I myself saw delivery of a son made after the termination +of an adultery case.</p> + +<p>The whole payment or compensation is not exacted at once but a +suitable length of time for the completion of it is always agreed upon. +The defendant receives a strip of rattan with a number of knots and is +at times made to take the wax-burning oath.</p> + +<p>His conduct on these occasions is apparently submissive for he does +not want to run counter to tribal opinion, but it happens sometimes that +upon leaving the house of adjudication he expresses his dissatisfaction +with the decision or throws the blame upon somebody else. In this case +there may arise another contention. On the whole, however, he abides by +the decision.</p> + +<p>In the great majority of cases the convicted man makes the stipulated +payment, for a refusal to do so would lead to more serious difficulties +than those already settled, and excuses for nonfulfillment are not +accepted as readily as before. Moreover, a second arbitration subjects +his opponent and his opponent's relatives to unnecessary trouble and +long journeys. Hence, realizing that a second trial will only serve to +exasperate his opponent and arm public opinion against him, he fulfills +his obligations faithfully.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXI</h3> +<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS</h3> + +<a name="3L1"></a> +<h4>INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Dealings on the part of. Manóbos with other tribes such as the +Banuáon, the Debabáon, and the Mandáya are almost without exception of +the most pacific kind. I made frequent inquiries, especially while on +the upper Agúsan River, as to the reason for this, and was always given +to understand that any trouble with another tribe was carefully avoided +because it might give rise to unending complications and to interminable +war. I am of the opinion that, in his avoidance of war with neighboring +tribes, there is ever present in the Manóbo's mind a consciousness of +his inferiority to the Mandáya, Debabáon, and Banuáon, and a realization +of the consequences that would inevitably follow in case of a clash with +them. Thus the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, who had provoked the +Mandáyas of the Katí'il River at the beginning of the Christian +conquest, suffered a dire reprisal on the Húlip River, upper Agúsan, +when some 180 of them were massacred in one night.<sup>1</sup></p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>See Oartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 5:22, +1883.</p> + +<p>The current accounts of Debabáon warriors, as narrated to me by many +of them on the upper Sálug River, show the severe losses suffered by +Manóbos of the upper Agúsan in their conflicts with Debabáons. The same +holds true of the Manóbos on the lower Agúsan when they matched their +strength with the Banuáons of the Maásam, Líbañg, and Óhut Rivers. A +perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" will +give one a vivid picture of the devastation caused by not only the +Banuáons but by the Mandáyas and the Debabáons in Manóboland.</p> + +<p>The reason for these unfriendly intertribal relations and for the +consequent defeats of the Manóbos in nearly every instance is not far to +seek. The Manóbo lacks the organization of the Mandáya, Debabáon, and +Banuáon. Like the Mañgguáñgan he is somewhat hot-headed, and upon +provocation, especially while drunk, prefers to take justice into his +own hands, striking down with one fell swoop his Mandáya or other +adversary, without appealing to a public adjudication. The result of +this imprudent proceeding is an attack in which the friends and +relatives of the slain one become the aggressors, invading Manóbo +territory and executing awful vengeance upon the perpetrator of the +wrong. The friends and relatives of the latter, with their inferior +tribal organization and their conscious feeling of inferiority in +courage, together with a realization of the innumerable difficulties +that beset the path of reprisals, very rarely invade the territory of +the hostile tribe.</p> + +<p>Both from the accounts given in the aforesaid Jesuit letters and from +my own observations and information, I know that the same statements may +be made of the intertribal relations of Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas, +Mañgguáñgans and Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans and Manóbos. The +Mañgguáñgans are much lower in the scale of culture than the Manóbos, +and when they are under the influence of liquor yield to very slight +provocation. As a result of a rash blow, the Mañgguáñgan's territory is +invaded and his settlement is surrounded. He is an arrant coward as a +rule, and, hot-headed fool as he is, jumps from his low, wall-less house +only to meet the foeman's lance. Thus it happens that thousands and +thousands of them have been killed. If we may believe the testimony of a +certain Jesuit missionary, as stated in one of the Jesuit letters, the +Mañgguáñgan tribe numbered 30,000 at one time and their habitat extended +eastward from the Tágum River and from its eastern tributary, the Sálug, +between the Híjo and the Tótui Rivers, to the Agúsan and thence spread +still eastward over the Simúlau River. In 1886 Father Pastells estimated +them to number some 14,000. In 1910, I made an estimate, based on the +reports of their hereditary enemies in Compostela, Gandía, Geróna, and +Moncáyo, and venture to state that in that year they did not number more +than about 10,000 souls. Their territory, too, at that date, was +confined to the low range of mountains that formed the Agúsan-Sálug +divide and to the swamp tracts in the region of the Mánat River, with a +scattered settlement here and there on the east of the Agúsan to the +north of the Mánat River.</p> + +<p>The Manóbos of the Ihawán, Baóbo, and Agúsan Rivers played a bloody +part in the massacre of the Mañgguáñgans. While on my first visit to the +upper Agúsan in 1907, I used to hear once or twice a week of the killing +of Mañgguáñgans. Many a time my Mandáya or Manóbo or Debabáon companions +would say to me, upon seeing a Mañgguáñgan: "Shoot him, grandpa, he +is only a Mañgguáñgan."</p> + +<p>I know from the personal accounts of Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon +warrior chiefs that in nearly every case they had acquired their title +of warrior chief by bloody attacks made upon Mañgguáñgans. The warrior +chiefs of the upper Agúsan, upper Karága, upper Manorígau and upper and +middle Katí'il had nearly to a man earned their titles from the killing +of Mañgguáñgans. This is eminently true of the Debabáon group. Moncáyo +itself boasts of more warrior chiefs than any district in eastern +Mindanáo, and stands like a mighty watchtower over the thousands and +thousands of Mañgguáñgan and Manóbo graves that bestrew the lonely +forest from Libagánon to the Agúsan.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L2"></a> +<h4>INTERCLAN RELATIONS</h4> +</center> + +<p>It must be borne in mind that, judging from the testimony of all with +whom I conversed on the subject as well as from my own personal +observation, interclan feuds among Manóbos have diminished notably since +the beginning of missionary activity and more especially since the +establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Upon the +establishment of this government in the lower half of the Agúsan Valley, +there was a perceptible decrease in bloody fights due to the effective +extension of supervision under able and active officials. Here and there +in remote regions, such as the upper reaches of the Baóbo, Ihawán, +Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían Rivers, casual killings took place. On +the upper Agúsan, however, where no effective government had been +established until after my departure in 1910, interclan relations were +not of the most pacific nature. Thus, in 1909, the settlements of +Dugmánon and Moncáyo were in open hostility, and up to the time of my +departure four deaths had occurred. The Mandáyas of Katí'il and +Manorígao had contemplated an extensive movement against Compostela and +after my departure did bring about one death. However, the intended move +was frustrated happily by the establishment of a military post in +Moncáyo in 1910. Several Mañgguáñgans at the headwaters of the Mánat +River met their fate in 1909. The whole Mañgguáñgan tribe went into +armed vigilance that same year and rendered it impossible for me to meet +any but the milder members of the tribe living in the vicinity of +Compostela. On one occasion I had made arrangements to meet a +Mañgguáñgan warrior chief at an appointed trysting place in the forest. +Upon arriving at the spot, one of my companions beat the buttress of a +tree as a signal that we had arrived, but it was more than an hour +before our Mañgguáñgan friends made their appearance. Upon being +questioned as to the delay, they informed us that they had circled +around at a considerable distance, examining the number and shape of our +footprints in order to make sure that no deception was being practiced +upon them. When we approached the purpose of the interview, namely, to +request permission to visit their houses, they positively refused to +allow it, telling us that they were on guard against three warrior +chiefs of the upper Sálug who had recently procured guns and who had +threatened to attack them. Upon questioning my companions as to the +likely location of the domicile of the Mañgguáñgans, I was assured that +they probably lived at the head of the Mánat River in a swampy region +and that access to their settlement could be had only by wading through +tracts of mud and water thigh deep.</p> + +<p>During the same year various other raids were made, notably on the +watershed between the Sálug and the Ihawán Rivers. The Manóbos of the +Baóbo River, which has been styled by the well-known Jesuit missionary +Urios "the river of Bagáni" (warrior chiefs), were reported to +be in a state of interclan war. Such a condition, however, was nothing +unusual, for I never ascended the upper Agúsan without hearing reports +of atrocities on Baóbo River.<sup>2</sup></p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>The Baóbo River rises in a mountain that is very near the +confluence of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, and empties into one of +the myriad channels into which the Agúsan is divided just below +Veruéla.</p> + +<p>In time of peace, interclan dealings are friendly, but it may be said +in general that dealings of any kind are not numerous and that their +frequency is in inverse ratio to the distance between the two clans. It +is seldom that a given individual has no feudal enemy in one district or +another so that in his visits to other clans he usually has either to +pass through the territory of an enemy or to run the risk of meeting one +at his destination. This does not mean that he will be attacked then and +there, for he is on his guard, but it must be remembered that he is in +Manóboland and that a mere spark may start a conflagration.</p> + +<p>Hence, visits to others than relatives and trips to distant points +are not frequent. This is particularly true of the womenfolk. Here and +there one finds a Manóbo man who travels fearlessly to distant +settlements for the purpose of securing some object that he needs, but +he never fails to carry his lance, and frequently, his shield; he is +never off his guard, either on the trail or in the house he may be +visiting.</p> + +<p>During the greater social and religious gatherings the greatest +vigilance is exerted by all concerned as everyone realizes beforehand +the possibility of trouble. Hence bolos or daggers are worn even during +meals. Enemies or others who are known to be at loggerheads are seated +at a respectful distance from each other with such people around them as +are considered friendly or at least neutral. This arrangement of guests +is a very striking feature of a Manóbo meal and one of great importance, +for it prevents many an untoward act. The host, in an informal way, sees +to the distribution of the guests, and when his arrangement is not +acceptable to any of the interested parties, a rearrangement is made and +all seat themselves. This proceeding has nothing formal about it. The +whole thing seems to be done by instinct.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L3"></a> +<h4>EXTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS</h4> + +<a name="3L31"></a> +<h5>EXPLOITATION BY CHRISTIAN NATIVES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The shameless spoliation<sup>3</sup> practiced during my residence +and travels in eastern Mindanáo (1905-1909) by Christian natives upon +the Christianized and un-Christianized Manóbos is a subject that +deserves special mention.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>Since the establishment in 1909 of government trading +posts, this spoliation has practically ceased in the Agúsan Valley.</p> + +<a name="3L311"></a> +<p><i>Exploitation by falsification</i>.--The hill people, living in +their mountain fastnesses out of communication with the more important +traders, had to depend wholly for their needs on petty traders and +peddlers of the Christian population. They were accordingly kept in +absolute ignorance of the true value of the commodities that they +required. False reports as to the value of rice, hemp, and <i>vino</i> +were constantly spread. To-day, it would be a report of a war between +China and Japan that caused a rise of several pesos in the price of a +sack of rice. To-morrow, it would be an international complication +between Japan and several of the great European powers which caused a +paralysis in the exportation of hemp and a corresponding fall of several +pesos in the value of it. These and numerous other fabrications were +corroborated by letters purporting to come from Butuán, but in most +cases written by one trader to another on the spot, with a view to +giving plausibility to the lie. It was a common practice for the +trader's friend or partner in Butuán to direct, usually by previous +arrangement, two letters to him, in one of which was stated the true +value of the commodity and in the other the value at which it was +desired to purchase or to dispose of it. The latter letter was for +public perusal and rarely failed to beguile the ignorant +<i>conquistas</i> and Manóbos.</p> + +<p>But it was not only in the exorbitant rates charged and in the +unspeakably low prices paid for objects of merchandise that the +Christian trader swindled his pagan fellow men. The use of false weights +and measures was a second means. The Manóbo had little conception of a +<i>pikul</i><sup>4</sup> or of an <i>arroba</i><sup>5</sup> of hemp, so +that he was utterly at the mercy of the trader. The steelyards used by +Christian traders from 1905 to 1908 were never less than 30 per cent out +of true and frequently as much as 50 per cent. One pair of scales I +found to be so heavily leaded that the hemp that weighed 25 pounds on +them weighed between 38 and 39 pounds on a true English scales.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>A <i>pikul</i> is the equivalent of 137.5 Spanish +pounds.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>An <i>arroba</i> is 25 Spanish pounds.</p> + +<p>Another method of defraudation consisted in false accounts. The +Manóbo had no account book to rely upon in his dealings with the trader, +but trusted to his memory and to the honesty of his friend. The payment +was made in occasional deliveries of hemp or other articles, such +deliveries covering a period usually of many months. When the day for +settling accounts came, the Manóbo was allowed to spread out his little +grains of corn or little bits of wood on the floor and to perform the +calculation as best he could. Any mistakes in his own favor were +promptly corrected by the trader, but mistakes or omissions in favor of +the trader were allowed to pass unobserved. The account would then be +closed and the trader would mark with a piece of charcoal on a beam, +rafter, or other convenient place, the amount of the debt still due him, +for it was extremely rare that he allowed the poor tribesman to escape +from his clutches.</p> + +<a name="3L312"></a> +<p><i>Defraudation by usury and excessive prices</i>.--Another method of +exploitation consisted in a system of usury, practiced throughout the +valley but more especially on the upper Agúsan. An example will +illustrate this: A Bisáya advances 5 pesos in various commodities with +the understanding that at the next harvest he is to receive 10 sacks of +paddy in payment. At the next harvest the Manóbo is unable to pay more +than 6 sacks. He is given to understand that he must pay the balance +within two months. After that period the trader goes upstream again and +proceeds to collect. The paddy is not forthcoming, so the trader informs +his customer that the prevailing price of paddy in such and such a town +is actually 5 pesos per sack and that he accordingly loses 20 pesos by +the failure to receive the paddy stipulated for and that the debtor must +answer for the amount. The poor Manóbo then turns over a war bolo or +perhaps a spear at one-half their original value, for the contract +called for paddy and not weapons. In that way he pays up a certain +amount, let us say 10 pesos, and has still a balance of 10 pesos against +him, he having no available resources wherewith to settle the account in +full. He is then offered the alternative of paying 20 sacks at the next +harvest or of performing some work that he is unwilling to do, so he +accepts the former alternative. The bargain is then clinched with many +threats on the part of the trader to the effect that the Americans will +cut off his head or commit some other outrageous act should he fail to +fulfill this second contract.</p> + +<p>The worst depredation committed on the Manóbo consisted of the +advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates just before harvest time +with a view to purchasing rice and tobacco. It is principally at this +time that the Manóbo stands in special need of a supply of pigs and +chickens for the celebrations, religious and social, that invariably +take place. As he has little foresight in his nature and rarely, if +ever, speculates, he was accustomed to bartering away in advance a large +amount of his paddy and tobacco. The result was that after paying up as +much of his paddy debts and tobacco debts as he could, he found that his +stock was meager, barely sufficient for a few months. So the time came +when he had to repurchase at from 3 to 10 pesos per bamboo joint that +which he had sold for 25 centavos.</p> + +<a name="3L313"></a> +<p><i>Exploitation by the system of commutation</i>.--Another means of +defrauding perpetrated on the Manóbo was the system of commutation by +which the debt had to be paid, if the creditor so desired, in other +effects than those which were stipulated in the contract. The value of +the goods thus substituted was reckoned extraordinarily low. For +example, in the event of a failure to pay the stipulated amount of +tobacco, its value in some other part of the Agúsan, where that +commodity was high, would be calculated in money, and any object would +be asked for that the trader might desire. Suppose the customary value +of this object, a pig for instance, to be 10 pesos, at which price it +would be offered to the trader, who would reply that he had contracted +for tobacco and not pigs. He would go on to show that he had no use for +pigs, that he could procure a pig of the same size for 2 pesos in +another town, and he would finally persuade the debtor to turn over the +pig for 2 pesos.</p> + +<p>I adjudicated unofficially, at the request of the Manóbos, several +cases where the Bisáya trader tried to collect not only the value of a +sow but of the number of young ones that it might have given birth to +had it lived. These pigs had been left with Manóbos for safe-keeping and +either had died from natural causes or had been killed. One Bisáya went +so far as to demand payment for the chickens that a hen would have +produced had it not been stolen from the Manóbo to whom it had been +entrusted. This part of the claim I did not allow, so the claimant +demanded pay for the eggs that might have been laid.</p> + +<a name="3L314"></a> +<p><i>Wheedling or the puának system</i>.--Another means of exploitation +practiced on the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan was the <i>puának</i> +system, invented by the Bisáya trader. The <i>puának</i> was some +prosperous Manóbo who was chosen as an intimate friend and who, out of +friendship, was expected to furnish his Bisáya friend anything which the +latter might ask for. The Bisáya in return was expected to do the +same.</p> + +<p>The Bisáya paid his Manóbo friend a few visits every year, on which +occasions he was received with all the open-hearted hospitality so +characteristic of the Manóbo. Pigs and chickens, purchased frequently at +high rates, were killed in his honor. The country was scoured for +sugar-cane wine or other drink, and no means were left untried to make +the reception royal. The Bisáya, in the meanwhile, lavished on his host +soft, wheedling words, at the same time giving him sad tales of the rise +in the price of merchandise, of his indebtedness to the Chinese, and +before leaving gave him a little cloth or some other thing of small +value. In return he received paddy, tobacco, and such other articles as +he needed. The farewell was made with great demonstrations of friendship +on the Bisáya's part and with an invitation to his Manóbo friend to +visit him at a certain stated time.</p> + +<p>During his friend's visit the Manóbo had gone around the country +canvassing for paddy and such other articles as he had been instructed +to barter for. His wife and female relatives had stamped out several +sacks of paddy for their friend. His sons and other male relatives had +cleaned the Bisáya's boat and supplied him with rattan. In a word, the +whole family had made menials of themselves to satisfy the Bisáya's +every desire.</p> + +<p>At the stated time the Manóbo started downstream with the various +commodities that had been requested of him, paddy, tobacco, and other +things. At his friend's house he was received with a great exhibition of +joy and welcome. During his stay he was kept happy by constant doses of +<i>vino</i>. Besides the killing of a suckling pig and of a few +chickens, a little wheedling and palavering were about the only +entertainment he received. But as the grog kept him in good humor and it +is supposed to cost one peso per liter, he was perfectly happy, turned +over his wares to the host, had his accounts balanced for him (he was +usually in a hilarious condition while this was being done), received +further advances of merchandise at the usual usurious rates, and left +for his upland home to tell his family and relatives of the glorious +time he had at his <i>puának's</i>.</p> + +<a name="3L315"></a> +<p><i>Bartering transactions</i>.--The following schedule of approximate +values of commodities in the Agúsan, 1905 to 1909, will serve to show +the commercial depredations committed on Manóbos and <i>conquistas</i> +by the Bisáyas who have ever looked upon them as their legitimate +prey.</p> + +<a name="T1"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/TABLE01.JPG" alt="Table 1"> + +<p>To this list might be appended the values of exchange in paddy, +beeswax, and rattan and the corresponding gain made when these latter +are bartered in their turn for hemp or disposed of to the Chinese +merchants.</p> + +<p>From the above list it is evident that a Bisáya trader could go up +the river with goods valued at 26 pesos and within a few weeks return +with <i>abaká</i> valued at 138 pesos to 175 pesos, according to the +scales and other measures used. His total expenses, including his own +subsistence, probably would not exceed 30 pesos.</p> + +<p>No mention is here made of such luxuries as shoes, hats, or European +clothes on which gains of from 500 to 1,000 per cent are the rule. +Neither have various other usuries been included, such as high interest +or payment of expenses in case of delays, all of which go to swell the +gain that a Bisáya considers his right and his privilege when he has to +deal with beings whom he hardly classes as men.</p> + +<p>Among the Manóbos the credit system almost invariably prevails, based +upon the sacredness with which the Manóbo pays his debts. It is true +that the Christianized Manóbo occasionally is not very scrupulous in +this respect, but this is because he has been fleeced so much by his +Christian brethren.</p> + +<p>Arriving in a settlement, the trader displays only a part of his +wares at a time. If he has two pieces of cloth, he displays only one. Of +five sacks of rice, only two are his, he claims. In answering the +inquiry as to whether he has dried fish, he says that he has just a +little for his personal use, for the price of it in Butuán was +prohibitive. On being besought to sell a little, he secretly orders it +taken out from the jar and delivered to his customer, at an outrageous +price. The object of this simulation is to hasten the sales of his +wares, for should he display all his stock, many of his customers might +prefer to wait in hopes of a reduction in prices, a sort of a diminutive +"clearance sale."</p> + +<p>As the article for which the exchange is made is nearly always +<i>abaká</i> fiber, it is evident that a certain period, longer or +shorter according to the amount of fiber contracted for, must be allowed +the customer. When this period exceeds a week, the stipulation is made +that the payment shall be made in installments. A shorter period is +allowed than is necessary for the stripping of the hemp, under the +pretense that the trader is in a hurry to leave the settlement and catch +a certain steamer with which he deals. This is a prudent precaution as +the Manóbo is not very methodical in his affairs nor quick in his +movements. A thousand and one things--omens, sickness, bad weather--may +delay him in the fulfillment of his contract. It is this tardiness that +gives rise to the ill feeling and bickering that are not infrequently +the outcome of this system of trading. The Manóbo, moreover, has long +since become aware of the stupendous gain made by the traders, and, when +not dealt with gently, becomes exasperated and on occasions deliberately +delays his creditor. Then again, some other trader may have got into the +settlement in the meantime and seduced him into buying, cash down, some +more enticing article, for this primitive man, like the rest of the +world, often buys what he lays his eyes upon without any thought of the +future. For this reason, the trader keeps close observation upon all who +owe him, almost daily visiting their houses and profiting by the +occasion to help himself to whatever little fish or meat or other +edibles he may find therein. One who has been in debt a long time is a +favorite victim, for when he is unable to pay his debt on time he is +shamelessly required to offer a substantial apology<sup>6</sup> in the +form of a chicken or some other edible.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ba-lí-bad</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L32"></a> +<h5>GENERAL CONDITIONS OF TRADING</h5> +</center> + +<p>In general, there was no established system in the Agúsan Valley as +far as the dealings of Bisáyas went. The constant fluctuation of prices +was a sufficient explanation of this. Thus, rice might be worth 13 +centavos per kilogram in Butuán, while at the same time it might command +a price of 43 centavos on the Híbung River or in Veruéla. Salted fish +might be selling in Butuán for a trifle, whereas up the Simúlau a jar of +it at retail might be worth 20 or 30 sacks of paddy. In general the +increase in price of a commodity was in direct proportion to its +distance from points of distribution. By points of distribution are +meant the Chinese stores in Butuán and Talakógon.</p> + +<p>Again the old-time custom of selling paddy at a fixed customary price +held the Manóbo in commercial servitude to his Bisáya compeer. This was +due to the intense conservatism of the Manóbo and to his peculiar +religious tenets in this regard, both of which were fostered and +sustained by the tribal priests and encouraged by Bisáyas. Could he have +been induced to retain his paddy instead of selling it at 50 centavos +per sack he would not have been obliged to repurchase at P5 per sack. +The same might be said of his tobacco, which he sold wholesale by the +bamboo joint at 25 centavos each, or, at most, at a peso each, and which +he repurchased, paying, in times of scarcity, 20 centavos for enough to +chew a few times.</p> + +<p>The credit system, too, was an impediment to his financial advance. +It seems to have been a tribal institution. During my trading tour I +frequently heard my Manóbo debtors proclaim boastingly to their fellow +tribesmen that I had much confidence in their integrity.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo who could gain the confidence of the traders and +accumulate his debts seemed to be an honored person, but when he was +able to make sufficient payment to satisfy his creditors he was a great +man. Hence, the traders played upon his vanity and advanced him such +commodities as he desired, seldom obliging him to settle in full his +obligations, and induced him to accept on credit a certain amount so as +to retain him in bondage to them. It must not be imagined that there was +anything tyrannical in the manner of collecting outstanding debts. On +the contrary, it was almost always done in a gentle diplomatic way, the +trader knowing full well that the Manóbo regarded a debt as sacred and +that he would finally pay it. But it must not be supposed that the +transactions were entirely free from disputes and quarrels. It happened +occasionally that the Manóbo detected the frauds in his creditor's +accounting or remembered omissions of his own in a past reckoning, and +so the bickering began, the Bisáya never caring to admit his errors or +frauds, while the Manóbo, who is a hard and fast bargainer, insisted on +claiming what he considered his rights. As a rule, the matter was +settled peaceably by the principal men of the region. Numerous +instances, however, occurred wherein the Manóbo, exasperated by the +numerous frauds of his creditor, awaited a favorable occasion to +dispatch him. On the whole, it may be said that differences which arose +between Bisáyas and their mountain compeers in eastern Mindanáo are to +be attributed in no small degree to the ruinous, relentless exploitation +of the unsophisticated, untutored Manóbo by the greedy Bisáya +traffickers.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L4"></a> +<h4>INTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS</h4> +</center> + +<p>By internal trading is meant those simple transactions that take +place between Manóbo and Manóbo. The subject presents a striking +contrast to the merciless system adopted by the Christian traders in +their dealings with their pagan congeners.</p> + +<p>The transactions are simple exchanges of the absolute necessities of +life.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L41"></a> +<h5>MONEY AND SUBSTITUTES FOR IT</h5> +</center> + +<p>There is little conception of money as such among the hillmen unless +they have been in contact with Christian or Christianized traders, and +even then although monetary terms are made use of, there is but a vague +conception of the real value of what they represent. I asked a Manóbo of +the upper Wá-wa the price of his little bamboo lime tube. The answer was +30 pesos.</p> + +<p>Money, therefore, has no value as a circulating medium, although it +may be prized as a material out of which to make rings and other +ornamental objects. As substitutes, there are several units of more or +less indefinite value. Thus, the value of a slave which, expressed in +monetary value, varies between 15 and 30 pesos, is mentioned in +connection with large fines and with marriage payments. Again, plates of +the type called <i>píñggan</i> are referred to in small fines and in +other payments, but as these are imported articles the price varies. On +the whole, however, 100 <i>píñggan</i> are worth a good serviceable +slave--that is, 30 pesos. Pigs also are mentioned as a unit of value, +but here again the value is not wholly definite, as a great many of them +are imported and vary with the purchasing price.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L42"></a> +<h5>PREVAILING MANÓBO PRICES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The following list will give a fair idea of the monetary value of +some of the commodities that are most frequently exchanged between +Manobos.</p> + +<a name="T2"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/TABLE02.jpg" alt="Table 2"> + +<br> +<br> +<p>The values above indicated are based on the monetary terms used to +represent their value, and borrowed, possibly, from the terms which are +still in vogue in eastern Mindanáo.<sup>7</sup></p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>I-sá-ka sá-pi</i> (Bis., <i>ú-sa'-ka sa-lá-pi</i>), +P0.50; <i>ka-há-ti</i>, P0.25; <i>Si-ká-pat</i>, P0.125; +<i>Si-kau-au</i>, P0.0625.</p> + +<p>From the above scale it will be seen that a pig 1 year old could be +exchanged for 2 full-grown chickens, 2 sacks of paddy, and 2 bamboo +joints of tobacco. It is not customary to trade in such things as +<i>camotes</i>, taro, and corn, the return of them being the usual +stipulation, but the corresponding values have been inserted in the +above list in order to give the reader an idea of the value of food +commodities.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L43"></a> +<h5>WEIGHTS AND MEASURES</h5> +</center> + +<p>No measure of weight is used by the hill Manóbo. The Christianized +Manóbo may have obtained some old scales of the type used by Bisáyas for +weighing <i>abaká</i> fiber. These scales are steelyards, the +construction of which permitted the Bisáya trader to fleece his +non-Christian customers of as much as 50 per cent of their <i>abaká</i> +fiber. The method of falsifying the balance was by loading the +counterpoising weight with lead, and by filing the crosspiece that acts +as fulcrum. Another method which might be used with even true steelyards +consisted in giving the counterpoise arm a downward tilt, after the +<i>abaká</i> fiber had been loaded on the other arm. This was usually +done on the pretense of picking up the counterpoising weight which had +been purposely left on the ground.</p> + +<p>In measures of volume the Manóbo is almost equally destitute for he +has only the <i>gántañg</i>. This is a cylindrical measure made out of +the trunk of a palm tree, with a bottom of some other wood. It has a +capacity of from 10 to 15 liters, but I know of no rule which fixes its +exact size. An interesting point with regard to the size of this measure +is that it is double that of the one used by Bisáyas.<sup>8</sup> It is +suggested that the early Bisáya traders, on the introduction of the +Spanish <i>ganta</i> and <i>fanega</i>, taught, for obvious purposes, +their unsuspecting mountain friends to make a measure double the size of +the legal one.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>The <i>gántang</i> measure in eastern Mindanáo is of two +kinds, <i>de almacen</i>, "of the store," and <i>de +provincia</i>, "of the province." The latter is twice the size +of the former, and is universally used by the mountain peoples.</p> + +<p>In the manner of measuring out paddy (for it is practically only for +this purpose that the <i>gántang</i> serves) there is a feature that is +characteristic of Manobo frugality and economy. The paddy is scooped +with the hands, little by little, into the measure, which is not moved +until it is full. Then with a piece of stick the surface of the paddy is +leveled off and it is emptied into the larger receptacle. At the same +time the number is counted out loudly. The intention in not moving or +disturbing the measure is to allow the paddy to have greater bulk, for +if it is disturbed the grains settle and it requires more to fill the +measure.</p> + +<p>Twenty-five of these <i>gántang</i> make a <i>kabán</i>, +<i>bákkid</i>, or <i>anéga</i>, as it is variously called. This +<i>kabán</i>, although there is no measure corresponding to it in +Manóboland, would be equivalent in bulk to two sacks of rice, or about +150 liters.</p> + +<p>The yard is the distance from the end of the thumb, when the arm is +extended horizontally, to the middle of the sternum. It, of course, +varies somewhat with each individual.</p> + +<p>The Bisáya trader, in measuring cloth, considerably shortens his yard +by not giving a full stretch to the arm, and by slightly turning the +outstretched hand toward his body. This gain, together with another +little one secured when he bites off the measured piece from the bolt, +makes a total gain of 10 centimeters approximately. Remonstrances on the +part of the customer are unavailing, for he is told that such is the +length of the trader's yard and, if the customer is not satisfied, he is +not obliged to accept the cloth. As it is a credit transaction, the poor +Manóbo is obliged to yield.</p> + +<p>The fathom<sup>9</sup> is the distance between the thumb tips when +the arms and hands are outstretched. The fraud practiced by the Bisáya +trader in the yard measure is also employed in this.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Dú-pa'</i>.</p> + +<p>The span <sup>10</sup> is the stretch between the tip of the first +finger and that of the thumb as they are stretched over the object to be +measured.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Dáng-au</i>.</p> + +<p>The finger length<sup>11</sup> is the length of either the first or +of the middle finger, according to the custom of each locality.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Túd-lo</i>.</p> + +<p>The joint length <sup>12</sup> is the length of the middle joint of +the finger. It is a measure that is very seldom used.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Lúm-po</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L5"></a> +<h4>SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVES</h4> + +<a name="3L51"></a> +<h5>SLAVE TRADE</h5> +</center> + +<p>I have not visited the Agúsan Valley since 1910, so that I am unable +to give any information as to the actual extent of slave trading at the +present day. From 1905 to 1909 the practice was in vogue, but to no +great extent. It is reported on all sides by Mañgguáñgans, Mandáyas, +Manóbos, and Banuáons that since the American occupation it has +diminished to a remarkable degree, due to the wonderful reputation of +the Americans for having overcome the Spaniards. This diminution was a +natural sequence of the decrease of war raids.</p> + +<p>Slave trading among the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo was practically +confined to the Ihawán, Baóbo, upper Simúlau, and Agúsan Rivers. I am of +the opinion that during my four years' residence in the Agúsan there +were not more than 100 cases of slave trade in the regions outside of +the Ihawán and Baóbo River Valleys.</p> + +<p>The customary value of a slave has been mentioned in this chapter, +but it is only proper to add that a great many considerations, such as +poor health, weak constitution, and other defects which might lessen the +ability of the slave to work, detract from his value. It may be said in +general that the value of a slave ranges between 10 and 30 pesos, never +exceeding the last figure, at which he stands on a par with an unusually +good hunting dog, or with an extra large prolific sow.</p> + +<p>Slave trading does not, in the Manóbo's mind, involve the idea of +degradation which attaches to it among other nations. A slave is to the +Manóbo a chattel which he can sell, kill, or dispose of in any other way +that he may deem expedient.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L52"></a> +<h5>CLASSES OF SLAVES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Captives<sup>13</sup> are those who have been captured from the +enemy. At first their treatment may be a little harsh, or they may, when +their owners happen to be angry, be killed outright. This is due to the +fact that the feelings of revenge have not cooled off. But after a few +days their condition and treatment is similar to that of ordinary +slaves, except that more precautions are taken to prevent their escape. +If fear of their escape is entertained, it is usual to sell them as soon +as possible.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Bi-ha</i>.</p> + +<p>By ordinary slaves<sup>14</sup> are meant those who have been +purchased or who have been delivered over in payment of fines or +marriages. There is no institution in Manóboland by which a freeman, not +a minor, can become a slave by reason of debt. But minors, usually +relatives of the debtor, sometimes in an exigency are turned over in +payment of a debt. This is usually done with a view to avoiding +bloodshed.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Áñg-lañg</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="3L53"></a> +<h5>DELIVERY AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The manner of delivering the slave to a new owner depends ordinarily +upon the feelings with which he regards the change, except in the case +of children, who are easily coaxed into accepting it. In the case of +older persons who have been attached to their owners, the matter is more +difficult, as they display a reluctance to change hands. A ruse is then +resorted to, as in a case which I witnessed. The person, in this case a +slave girl, was sent to her purchaser's house, ostensibly for the +purpose of procuring salt and of delivering a basket of paddy. As she +was about to return her purchaser called her back into the house. She +then, realizing the circumstances, burst into tears, but was soon +soothed by the wives of her new owner.</p> + +<p>On the whole slaves are not mistreated. Like all menials, they at +times become remiss in the performance of what is expected of them, and +accordingly are given a few blows with a stick or other convenient +object. In a very passionate moment, or when drunk, the master may cut +off his slave girl's hair or denude her completely in the presence of +the household, but such acts are of very rare occurrence.</p> + +<p>Immediately after being captured, or after a change of master, the +slave feels his lot keenly, but as time goes on and as he realizes that +there is no hope of deliverance, the remembrance of his relatives fades +away and he resigns himself to his fate. Sometimes one finds a slave who +has become so attached to his master that he is unwilling to return to +his relatives. This is true of those who have been captured when young, +and especially of girls. A fondness often grows up between the latter +and their master's wife, and separation causes loud and long weeping.</p> + +<p>A slave enjoys no rights, either personal or political. He can be +disposed of without his consent either by sale or in marriage, or in any +other way his master sees fit. If he runs away he is pursued and brought +back to his master's house. If he runs away with frequency, and the +owner is unable to dispose of him to some one else, he is simply speared +to death. I never witnessed the actual killing, but trustworthy accounts +authenticate the fact that formerly, at least, it occasionally took +place. If a slave flees from his master's house no one may aid or abet +him in his flight, though it is lawful for anyone to capture him with +the intention of returning him to his master, who in this case must pay +the capturer P15.<sup>15</sup></p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>On my last trip among the Mandáyas of southeastern +Mindanáo (Karága River) I was instrumental in saving the life of a woman +slave who had escaped six times. At the time of her escape six slaves, +led by a boy slave of about 14 years of age, had fled from the house of +their master. They were recaptured and no punishment except a good +scolding and an infinity of threats was meted out to them. A few days +afterwards an elderly slave again escaped. She was discovered in a +neighboring house and brought back by the wife and daughter of her +owner. When her master saw her he rushed from his house with spear and +bolo and would have killed her had it not been for my remonstrances and +entreaties.</p> + +<p>The slave does his share of domestic service. To the female falls the +task of drawing water, gathering firewood, pounding rice, cooking, and +weeding; to the male that of acting as his master's companion, porter, +and general messenger, and of planting <i>camotes</i> and other +crops.</p> + +<p>The slave's dress is usually sufficient to cover his nakedness and no +more. Ear disks, bracelets, and similar articles of feminity[sic] are +not allowed, and too neat arrangement of the hair is not countenanced, +as it might be indicative of matrimonial inclinations. Marriage of his +slaves is not looked upon with favor by the master, and he does not +permit it unless the material advantages are so great that they will +repay him for the loss of the slave's services.</p> + +<p>I know of few slave marriages. Captives, however, are said to be +married off for a good payment, when their looks and other good +qualities have won the heart of some young man.</p> + +<p>My observation and the testimony of Manóboland as to the sexual +morality of slaves is that it is excellent, though no vigilance seems to +be exercised over them in the matter. The female slave makes trips alone +to the water place even by night, and spends many hours of the day in +solitary places while working in the clearings or traveling to the +granary. This sexual morality is due to the fact that intercourse with a +female slave is looked down upon with unmitigated contempt.</p> + +<p>The slave fares no worse in the matter of food than the inmates of +the house; possibly he fares even better, for he gets more secret tastes +of sugarcane and roasted <i>camotes</i> between meal hours; during meals +he does not forget himself, as he often has the handling of the pots.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4"></a> +<h2>PART IV. RELIGION</h2> + +<a name="4M"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXII</h3> +<h3>GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANÓBO RELIGION AND NATURE AND CLASSIFICATION +OF MANÓBO DEITIES</h3> + +<a name="4M1"></a> +<h4>INTRODUCTORY</h4> +</center> + +<p>The matter of Manóbo religious belief is so difficult of +investigation, and withal so important, that I feel a certain amount of +timidity in taking up the subject. The natural suspiciousness of the +Manóbo and his inclination not to answer questions truthfully until he +has assured himself of his interrogator's motives in asking it are the +principal sources of this difficulty. Then again his fear of offending +the divinities, coupled with his absolute subjection in spiritual +affairs to his priests, do not render the undertaking easier. And +finally his primitive, untutored mind is not capable of setting forth in +a satisfactory manner the intricacies, and not infrequently, the +numerous variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step +in the investigation. However, my sojourn among, and intimate dealings +with, both laymen and priests give me hope that the following is in its +essentials a true interpretation of this primitive religion.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M2"></a> +<h4>GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF RELIGION</h4> + +<a name="4M21"></a> +<h5>SINCERITY OF BELIEF</h5> +</center> + +<p>The life of a Manóbo is as deep an expression of his religious +beliefs as that of any man I know. Belief in the supernatural seems to +be instinctive with him. He undertakes no action out of the ordinary +routine without consulting the powers above, and when he has assured +himself of their disapprobation, he refrains most sacredly from his +intended project, even if it should be one so cherished as vengeance on +an enemy. But if these higher powers manifest their approbation he +carries out his project with full assurance of success.</p> + +<p>To the Manóbo his deities and demons, spirits, giants, ghouls, and +goblins are as real as his own existence, and his belief in them seems +to him entirely rational and well founded, because for authority he has +tradition and revelation--tradition handed down from generation to +generation, revelation imparted to priests while manifesting all the +indications of what he considers supernatural influence.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M22"></a> +<h5>BASIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF</h5> +</center> + +<p>I have had occasion to study the working of the Manóbo mind when +brought into contact with phenomena which it had never contemplated +before and I observed that when the phenomenon impressed him as being +not prejudicial nor unintelligible it was ascribed to a beneficent +supernatural agency, but when it produced the impression of being +unintelligible or detrimental it was at once condemned as being the work +of evil spirits. On one occasion a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan +accompanied me to Talakógon and, upon seeing the government launch, made +inquiries as to its nature. His questions being answered to his +satisfaction, he made his comments, praised its form, and finally +declared it to be the work of a god. But when it began to move, giving +forth its shrill whistle and producing the noise characteristic of a +gasoline launch, he at once condemned it as being the work of evil +agency.</p> + +<p>I saw another instance illustrative of this tendency upon the arrival +of the first phonograph in the Simúlau River district. My companion was +a Manóbo of the upper Bahaían. Upon hearing the strains of the +phonograph he concluded at once that there was an evil spirit within it. +Notwithstanding the fact that I assured him to the contrary, he +persisted in his belief, averring that no good spirit would give vent to +such an unearthly noise.</p> + +<p>Almost invariably my watch, cornet, compass, and barometer were +condemned as being the work of malevolent spirits. Instances might be +multiplied indefinitely, but the general conclusion is that anything +that suggests the unintelligible, the unusual, the suspected, the +gloomy, is at once attributed to inimical powers. Hence a crow that caws +at night is thought to be an evil spirit. The crashing of a falling tree +in the forest is the struggle of mighty giants. The rumbling of thunder, +the flash of lightning, the tempest's blast, and all the other phenomena +of nature are the operations of unseen agencies. The darkness is peopled +with hosts of spirits. On the desolate rocks, in the untrodden jungle, +on the dark mountain tops, in gloomy caves, by mad torrents, in deep +pools, dwell invisible powers whose enmity he must avoid or whose good +will he must court, or whose anger he must placate.</p> + +<p>Fear then seems to be the foundation of the Manóbo's religious +beliefs and observances. Untutored as he is, he fails to understand +occurrences which the average trained mind can easily explain. On one +occasion I was at the headwaters of the Abagá River, a tributary of the +Tágo River. I had to cross the river at a point where a mighty rock +stood in midstream, dividing the river in two. I noticed that each of my +Manóbo carriers deposited a little stone near an aperture in the rock. I +asked them why they had made their tribute to the spirit dweller of the +rock, and I could not convince them that the rock was not placed there +by the spirit, but was a natural result of the action of the water. They +would never, they said, be able to return to the Agúsan unless they +showed their good will to the spirit lord of Abagá.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M23"></a> +<h5>MEANS OF DETECTING SUPERNATURAL EVIL</h5> +</center> + +<p>In all the concerns of life the Manóbo must secure immunity from the +ill will of the multitudinous spirits that surround him. But this alone +is not sufficient. He must be able to detect future evil, otherwise how +can he avoid it? His ancestors for long bygone generations, have taught +him how to foresee and avoid evil, for they have learned, often after +bitter experience, the signs of present and approaching evil and the +means of effectively avoiding it. These signs are embodied in a system +of augury, that forms one of the most important parts of Manóbo +religion. Hence, before all important undertakings, and, above all, +whenever there is any suspicion of bodily danger or any apprehension of +supernatural ill will, the omens must be sedulously consulted and the +machinations of evil or of inimical spirits thereby detected.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M24"></a> +<h5>BELIEF IN AN HIERARCHY OF BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT DEITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>Now it happens that at times these omens can not be observed, so that +it might seem that the Manóbo is left exposed to, and defenseless +against, a host of spirit enemies.<sup>1</sup> However, he knows a means +of defense, for the good old people of yore have handed down the belief +that there is an hierarchy of beneficent divinities called <i>diwáta</i> +that are ever ready to be his champions against the powers of evil. The +old, old, people found this faith justified and experienced the help of +the beneficent gods. Why should not he?</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Búsau</i>.</p> + +<p>How then is he to communicate with these invisible champions? +Evidently through those who have been chosen by the deities themselves +for that purpose--the order of priests called Italian. And so, following +out the practice of his forefathers, he has recourse to the priests in +more important concerns in which he can not otherwise ascertain the +schemes of malignant spirits or determine the pleasure of the gods. The +priest, in answer to his call, either by means of divination, or by +ecstatic communion with his tutelary deity, or by appropriate offerings, +learns the means to ward off the impending or suspected evil.</p> + +<p>Living in a "land of terror," as he had up to about 35 years +ago, surrounded on all sides by mortal enemies, and in constant warfare +with them, the Manóbo, like his forebears, felt the necessity of having +recourse to spiritual agents for protection against his enemies and for +assistance in conquering them. Herein is involved another feature of +Manóbo religion--the belief in a multitude of warlike spirits called +<i>tagbúsan</i> with whom communication is held through the mediation of +warrior chiefs called <i>bagáni</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M25"></a> +<h5>OTHER TENETS OF MANÓBO FAITH</h5> +</center> + +<p>Other points of importance in the religious ideas of the Manóbos are +the belief in a future life and in the existence, immortality, and +duality of the soul.<sup>2</sup> An inordinate fear of the dead and of +all connected with them, a host of religious and of other taboos, and a +belief in the efficacy of charms, talismans, and sympathetic magical +means complete the summary of Manóbo religion. For champions the Manóbo +has the tutelary <i>diuáta</i>; for mediators, the <i>bailán</i>; for +guides, dreams, divination, auguries, and omens; for propitiation, +prayers, invocations, oblations, and sacrifice; for proof of faith, +tradition, revelation, and personal experience.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>Not the metaphysical soul that is maintained in biblical +and theological belief, but a material counterpart of each +individual.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M26"></a> +<h5>SPIRIT COMPANIONS OF MAN</h5> +</center> + +<p>The <i>umágad</i>,<sup>3</sup> or spirit companions of man, as +understood by the Manóbo, may be defined as his material invisible +counterparts without whose presence he would cease to live. He +attributes to these spirits or souls invisibility, power of locomotion, +and to at least one of them immortality. He invests not only men, but +also animals and such plants as are cultivated by man for his +sustenance, with souls or spirits. He will tell you that the soul of +rice is like rice, and exists as a separate invisible form beside the +visible material entity known as rice. I was given to understand that +trees once had souls and in proof of the assertion the narra tree was +cited, for even yet, it was explained, it bleeds when cut.<sup>4</sup> +No other explanation is offered in the case of animals, than that they +live and die and dream, therefore they must have a spirit or soul.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>From <i>á-gad</i>, accompany.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>The sap of the <i>narra</i> tree bears a very striking +resemblance to blood. <i>Narra</i> is one of the <i>Pterocarpus</i> +species.</p> + +<p>Vegetable souls in such plants as are used for the nourishment of +man, are explained in the following way: The offerings of rice and drink +which are set out for the deities, tutelary or other, are partaken of +and after repast of the gods the offerings become insipid, because they +have lost their "soul." I frequently tested the substantial +remains of the spirits' feast and found that they had still retained +their pristine savor and strength. No argument of mine, however, could +convince my Manóbo friends to the contrary. The spirits had consumed the +soul, and there remained, according to their staunch belief, nothing but +the outward form and inert bulk of the former offerings.</p> + +<p>The Manóbo supposes himself to have been endowed by Mandáit with two +invisible companions and he is convinced that without their attendance +he could not exist. These souls or spirits are not indwelling principles +of life but are two separate indeterminate entities that differ only in +two respects from the person whose associates they are. The first +difference is that of size, for it is the general belief that they are a +trifle smaller than their bodily associates. Besides being smaller, they +are invisible. No mortal eye, it is said, except the priest's, has seen +a man's spirit companion, and yet it is only for brief intervals that +they are absent from their corporal companions. At times they crouch +upon the shoulders. When the man is making ready for a journey, they do +likewise. When he sets out upon his travels they follow him, one on each +side in somewhat the same way as the "guardian angels" of other +creeds accompany their wards. I once witnessed a little incident +illustrative of this belief. It was on the middle Agúsan, when a mother +was about to leave the house of birth. At the last moment she addressed +the spirits of her little one, conjuring them to follow and to care for +their tender ward.</p> + +<p>Hence our souls are as our shadows, our other selves. Notwithstanding +the close association between them and their human companions, they are +seldom invoked. They are considered to have little, if any, power to +help. It is thought that without their presence man would become mad, +and in proof of this I was informed of cases where persons, on being +awakened rudely and hurriedly, had recourse to the bolo, in a fit of +madness due as it was thought, to the absence of their +souls.<sup>5</sup></p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>This belief explains the reluctance that the Manóbo, like +members of other Philippine tribes, feels in arousing a person hurriedly +from sleep.</p> + +<p>It is said that when we sleep these spirits wander off for a brief +space on their own mystic errands, and their doings are mirrored in our +dreams. Hence the strong and abiding belief of the Manóbo in dreams. +These strange companions of man have no material wants yet they lead an +insecure existence, exposed, as they are, to the insidious attacks of +the common foes of mortals. Hence it comes to pass that one of them, +while away on its random rambles some unlucky day, is mysteriously +kidnaped and finally "devoured" by a ruthless evil +spirit.<sup>6</sup> As soon as the surviving soul realizes what has +taken place, it bemoans the loss of its companion and leaving its +corporal companion unattended wends its way, sad and solitary, to the +land of Ibú. I have been assured by priests that this companionless soul +frequently returns to the scene of sickness and there bemoans with +piteous cries the loss of its companion, heaping horrid imprecations on +the head of the foul spirit that wrought the evil. Only the priest can +hear its wild wail of woe and see its piteous face, all suffused with +tears. Upon seeing the spirit's grief the priest renews at once his +supplications to his tutelary deities, beseeching them to rescue the +captured soul from the clutches of its enemy and thereby save the life +of the patient. Should the prayers of the priest prove unavailing, the +soul wends its way to the region of Ibú, where, free from the +agressions[sic] of earthly enemies, it begins its second and unending +existence in the company of its spirit relatives.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>The "souls" of an ordinary priest and of war +priests, as also those of the slain, are not subject to such attacks, +being under the protection of numerous dieties[sic].</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M3"></a> +<h4>GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE DEITIES</h4> +</center> + +<p>Manóbo religion consists primarily of a belief in an innumerable +number of deities called <i>úmli</i> and of secondary deities called +<i>diuáta</i>. In contradistinction to these is a multitudinous host of +demons known as búsau, waging incessant and ruthless war against the +Manóbo world. In addition to these there is a numerous array of spirits +known as <i>tagbánua</i> to whom is assigned the ownership of the +forests, hills, and valleys, while the various other divisions and +operations of nature are thought to be under the superintendence of +other preternatural beings, beneficent or otherwise.</p> + +<p>The conception which the Manóbo has of the supernatural world is very +much like his idea of the world in which he lives. His gods, like his +warrior chiefs, are great chiefs, no one of whom recognizes the +sovereignty of the other. We find no idea of a supreme being as such. +The priests of one settlement have their own special deities to whom +they and their relatives have recourse, while the priests of another +settlement have another set of deities for their tutelaries, with whom +they intercede, either for themselves or for such of their friends as +may need assistance. It is true that each priest has amongst his +familiars a major divinity from whom he may have experienced more help, +but in the spirit world there does not exist, according to Manóbo +belief, one supreme universal being.<sup>7</sup> Each priest declares +the supremacy of his major deity over those of other priests, and +Manóbos declare Manóbo deities to be superior to those of other +tribes.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>During the great religious movement that was at its +height in 1909, there was a general belief in the existence of a +<i>Magbabáya</i>, or supreme being, that was to overthrow the world, but +before my departure from the Agúsan in 1910, this supreme being was +multiplied and was being sold to anyone of Manóbo belief who could +afford to pay the equivalent of a human life. Thus one frequently heard +that So-and-So had received one or more <i>Magbabáya</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M4"></a> +<h4>CLASSIFICATION OF DEITIES AND SPIRITS The following is a general +classification of Manóbo deities and spirits.</h4> + +<a name="4M41"></a> +<h5>BENEVOLENT DEITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) <i>Úm-li</i>, a class of higher beings who on special occasions, +through the intercession of the <i>diuáta</i>, succor mortals.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Diuáta</i>, a minor order of benignant deities, with whom the +priests hold communion on all occasions of impending danger, before all +important undertakings, and whenever it is considered necessary to feast +or to propitiate them.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M42"></a> +<h5>GODS OF GORE AND RAGE</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) <i>Tagbúsau</i>, a category of sanguinary gods who delight in +blood and who incite their chosen favorites, the <i>bagáni</i> or +warrior chiefs, to bloodshed and revenge, and ordinary laymen to acts of +violence and madness.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Panaíyang</i>, a class of fierce deities related by ties of +kinship, and subordinate to the <i>tagbúsau</i> or gods of gore. Their +special function seems to be to drive men to madness.<sup>8</sup></p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>They are called <i>ma-ka-yáng-ug</i>, i. e., "can +make mad."</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Pamáiya</i>, retainers of the <i>tagbúsau</i>, and their +emissaries, when it is desired to incite men to acts of rage.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M43"></a> +<h5>MALIGNANT AND DANGEROUS SPIRITS</h5> +</center> + +<p><i>Bú-sau</i>, an order of insatiable fiends, who, with some +exceptions, occupy themselves wantonly in the destruction of human kind. +The following are some of the classes and individuals who are commonly +believed in but who, unlike most of the other <i>búsau</i>, are not of a +perfidious nature unless aroused to anger.</p> + +<p>(1) <i>Tag-bánua</i>, a class of spirits who are not unkind, if duly +respected, and who live in all silent and gloomy places.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Táme</i>, a gigantic spirit, that dwells in the untraveled +jungle and beguiles the traveler to his doom.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Dágau</i>, a mischievous, fickle spirit that delights in +stealing the rice from the granary. If aroused to anger she may cause a +failure of the rice crop.<sup>9</sup></p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>She is called also <i>Ma-ka-bún-ta-sái</i>, i. e., +"can cause hunger."</p> + +<p>(4) <i>Anit</i> or <i>Anítan</i>, is the spirit of the thunderbolt, +and one of the mightier class of spirits that dwell in the upper sky +world.<sup>10</sup></p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>In-ug-tú-han</i>.</p> + +<p>(5) Epidemic demons, who hail from the extremity of the world at the +navel<sup>11</sup> of the ocean.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Pós'-ud to dá-gat</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M44"></a> +<h5>AGRICULTURAL GODDESSES</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) <i>Kakiádan</i>, the goddess of the rice, and its custodian +during its growth.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Tagamáling</i>, the goddess of other crops.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Taphágan</i>, the harvest goddess, and guardian of the rice +during its storage in the granary.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M45"></a> +<h5>GIANT SPIRITS</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) <i>Mandáyangan</i>, a harmless humanlike giant whose home is in +the far-off mountain forests.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Ápíla</i>, an innocuous humanlike giant, the rival of +Mandáyanñgan for the wrestling championship.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Táme</i>, the giant demon referred to above.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M46"></a> +<h5>GODS OF LUST AND CONSANGUINEOUS LOVE</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) <i>Tagabáyau</i>, a dangerous goddess, that incites to +consanguineous love and marriage.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Agkui</i>, half <i>diuáta</i>, half <i>búsau</i>, who urges +men to consanguineous love and to sexual excesses.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M47"></a> +<h5>SPIRITS OF CELESTIAL PHENOMENA</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) <i>Inaíyau</i>, an empyrean god, the wielder of the thunderbolt +and the lightning, and the manipulator of the winds and storms.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Tagbánua</i>, who, besides being local gods reigning over the +forest, have the power to produce rain.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Umoúiuí</i>, the cloud spirit.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M48"></a> +<h5>OTHER SPIRITS</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) <i>Sugúdon</i> or <i>Sugújun</i>, the god of hunters and +trappers, under whose auspices are conducted the operations of the chase +and all that pertains thereto. He is also the protector of the hunting +dogs.</p> + +<p>(2) <i>Libtákan</i>, the god of sunrise, sunset, and good weather; a +god who dwells in the firmament and seems to have special power in the +production of light and good weather.</p> + +<p>(3) <i>Mandáit</i>, the soul spirit who bestows upon every human +being two invisible, not indwelling, material counterparts.</p> + +<p>(4) <i>Yúmud</i>, the water wraith, an apparently innocuous spirit, +abiding in deep and rocky places, usually in pools, beneath the surface +of the water.</p> + +<p>(5) <i>Ibú</i>, the queen of the afterworld, the goddess of deceased +mortals, whose abode is down below the pillars of the world.</p> + +<p>(6) <i>Manduyápit</i>, the spirit ferryman, the proverbial ferryman +who ferries the departed soul across the big red river on its way to +Ibúland.</p> + +<p>(7) <i>Makalídung</i>, the founder of the world, who set the world on +huge pillars (posts).</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M5"></a> +<h4>NATURE OF THE VARIOUS DIVINITIES IN DETAIL</h4> + +<a name="4M51"></a> +<h5>THE PRIMARY DEITIES<sup>12</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>12</sup>Called also <i>úm-li</i> or <i>ma-di-góon-an no +di-u-á-ta</i>.</p> + +<p>The primary <i>diuáta</i> are a class of supernatural beings that +dwell in the upper heavens. It is generally believed that at one time +they led a human existence in Manóboland but finally built themselves a +stone structure up into the sky and became transformed into divinities +of the first order. They stand aloft in a category by themselves and +have no dealings with the Manóbo world. On occasions the minor +<i>diuáta</i> or those of the second class, when they are unable to +afford man the required help, have recourse to these greater deities. +During my last trip to the Agúsan Valley, it was the common report that +the <i>diuáta</i> of a certain Manóbo clan on the upper Umaíam River, +having been unable to protect the people from military persecution had +recourse to this higher hierarchy and that it was only a matter of time +when the members of the clan would be taken up into the higher-sky +regions where the supreme powers dwell and where they would themselves +become <i>úmli</i> or <i>madigónan no diuáta</i>.</p> + +<p>It is thought that these deities have brass intestines and that they +can draw up a house into their ethereal abodes with a gold +<i>limbá</i>,<sup>13</sup> but the conception of them is so vague and so +varying that I am unable to give further definite information.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Lim-bá</i> possibly means chain.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M52"></a> +<h5>THE SECONDARY ORDER OF DEITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is with the secondary order of divinities, however, that we have +to deal more at length, for they are the guardians and champions of the +Manóbo in all the vicissitudes and concerns of life.</p> + +<p>They are thought to be beings that in the long forgotten past lived +their earthly lives here below and after their mortal course was run +were in some inexplicable way changed into <i>diuáta</i>. Though +belonging now to a different and more powerful order, they still retain +a fondness for the tribesmen who sojourn here below. Selecting certain +men and women for their favored friends <sup>14</sup> they keep in touch +with worldly affairs and at the call of their favorites hasten to the +help of humankind.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Lim-bá</i> possibly means chain.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>These are the <i>báilan</i> or priests and priestesses +of Manóboland.</p> + +<p>In physical appearance these deities are human and Manóbo-like but +they are described as being "as fair as the moon." Warriors they +are, to a certainty, for they are said to carry their shield and all the +insignia of a Manóbo warrior chief and to fare forth at times to punish +some bold demon for his evil machinations against the tribe.</p> + +<p>They are said to reside on the highest and most inaccessible mountains +<sup>15</sup>in the vicinity of their favorite priests but are ready to +fly "on the wings of the wind" to any part of the world in +answer to a call for help.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>We find several mountains and promontories in eastern +Mindanáo named after these gods, notably Mount Magdiuáta to the +southwest, and the Magdiuáta range to the northwest, of the town of +Liañga. Point Diuáta also, to the west of Butuán, is reported as being +the dwelling place of Manóbo divinities.</p> + +<p>On these lofty heights they ordinarily lead a peaceful life. They are +blessed with wives and children and have attendant spirits <sup>16</sup> +to do their bidding. They have slaves, too, in their households, black +ill-visaged demons captured in some great raid. They have few material +wants, for betel nut is said to be their food but still they love to +join in the feasts of mortals and to be regaled with all the good things +of this world. They do not consume mortal offerings in a material way, +for the offerings remain intact except for some slight fingerings that +have been found at times on the surface of the rice and other offerings. +It is only the "soul," or, as is held by others, the redolence +of the viands that is partaken of. An exception, however, must be made +in the case of the blood of victims, for this is actually consumed by +the deities.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>These retainers are called <i>lim-bó-tung</i>.</p> + +<p>So great is their desire for the savory things of life that they are +said to plague their mortal friends into providing them. Thus Mandáit, +the soul spirit, makes the babe restless, and even indisposed, with no +other intention than to induce the people to provide a fatted fowl. It +is believed too that Manaúg, the special patron of the sick, causes many +a bodily ailment in order that his idol may be set up and that he may be +treated to the various delicacies that he is fond of. And the +bloodthirsty war lords, Tagbúsau, must have their blood libation +periodically, whether it comes from a human being or from an animal +victim. It is true that this blood offering is to all appearance taken +by the warrior chief or by the priest, for they ravenously suck it from +the gory wound, or gulp it down from the vessel in which it has been +caught. But it is believed that neither the priest nor the warrior chief +drinks it, but the familiar spirits of the former, or the gods of the +latter, who at the moment of sacrifice have taken possession of them, +and produce in them violent tremblings and other manifestations of +preternatural possession. I could get no satisfactory explanation of the +manner of this possession. It is said to be effected by a mysterious +corporal transformation of the divinity such as even the demons are +capable of when they desire to ply their malice on humankind.</p> + +<p>It is during this period of ecstatic seizure that the priest reveals +to the assembled tribesmen the directions and desires of his deities. +Breaking forth with loud voice and great belching into a wild strain, he +announces to the people the recovery of the sick one, or a plentiful +harvest, but it is not the priest that utters these prophecies and +instructions, but the <i>diuáta</i> that speaks through him.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4M53"></a> +<h5>THE GODS OF GORE, AND KINDRED SPIRITS</h5> +</center> + +<p>These warlike beings are an order of divinities under whose special +protection the priest warrior chief performs his feats of valor, and for +whose special veneration he makes sacrifices and other offerings.</p> + +<p>The prevailing idea with regard to them is that they are a class of +deities whose sole delight is the blood of the human race. This is said +to be their choice food, though they are willing, on nearly all +occasions, to accept as a substitute that of a pig or of a fowl.</p> + +<p>They are said to dwell in high, rocky places on far-away mountains. +In order to be supplied with the delicacies of which they are so fond, +they select certain individuals for their favorites and servants, and +accord to them an immunity from personal danger.</p> + +<p>It is seldom that they leave their rocky dwelling places, but when +they do it is because they consider themselves neglected by their +servants or when they experience an inordinate craving for blood. In +such cases they hasten to plague their favorites in divers ways into +watchfulness and compliance, and thereby keep themselves supplied with +the viands so acceptable to them.</p> + +<p>They have messengers, too. These are called <i>pamáiya</i> and are +sent by their masters to human haunts to incite men to anger, and +thereby bring on an occasion for bloodshed, much as the proverbial devil +is said to tempt humankind.</p> + +<p>During all ceremonial feasts in their honor they are present and +partake of the blood of the victim, human or animal. And when their +favorite servants go forth to take revenge upon some long-standing +enemy, they accompany him and during the attack are by his side, +protecting him and inciting him to superhuman deeds. And when the enemy, +men and women, lie bleeding all around and the captives have been bound, +these terrible spirits eat, through their favorite's mouth, the heart +and liver and the blood of one of the slain, preferably that of the +chief enemy.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4N"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXIII</h3> +<h3>MALEFICENT SPIRITS</h3> + +<a name="4N1"></a> +<h4>THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF MALIGNANT DEMONS</h4> +</center> + +<p>Standing out in strong antithesis to the benevolent divinities is an +order of maleficent spirits corresponding to the proverbial devils of +other cults. Throughout this paper they will be called, for want of a +better name, búsau or demons; that is, evil agents holding an +intermediate place between the higher divinities and men. No uniform +tradition as to the origin of these spirits appears to exist. It is +certain, however, from my investigation that the belief in such spirits +antedates the recent partial Christian conquest of the +Agúsan.<sup>1</sup> It is said that in the old, old days, these spirits +were rather well disposed toward men, and that children used to be +entrusted to their care during the absence of the parents. Be that as it +may, at the present day they have acquired a degree of maleficence that +causes them to be considered the implacable enemies of the human +race.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>The introduction of Catholicism among the pagan tribes of +eastern Mindanáo was begun on a large scale by the Jesuits about the +year 1877.</p> + +<p>As frequently described to me by priests and by others who claimed to +have seen them, these foul spirits are human in all other respects +except that they are unusually tall, 2 fathoms being the average height +accorded them. Black and hideous in appearance they are said to stalk +around in the darkness and silence of the night. By day they retire to +dark thickets, somber caves, and the joyless resting places of the +dead.</p> + +<p>They have no families nor houses, neither do they experience physical +wants and so they wander around in wanton malice toward men. Seizing an +unwary human "soul," they make it a prisoner and, sweeping away +with it "on the wings of the wind," in some mysterious way +devour it. Or, again, simulating the shape of a wild boar, an uncommon +bird, or even a fish, they inflict bodily harm on their human victim.</p> + +<p>The story of "Ápo Bóhon"<sup>2</sup> illustrates the belief +in the metamorphosis of these demons. Ápo Bóhon was a Manóbo of the +Kasilaían River. One day, in the olden time, he went forth to hunt but +had no luck, though three times he had offered his tributes to the Lord +of the Agibáwa marshland. Wearied with this hunt, he lay down to rest +toward evening when lo! he spied a monkey and taking his bow and dart +arrow he shot it. But he could not cook it. He piled wood upon the fire +but still the flesh only blackened with soot and would not cook. In his +hunger he ate the flesh raw but he never returned home, for the monkey +was an evil spirit and Ápo Bóhon fell into his power. Thus it is that +until this day he wanders around the woods of Kasilaían and may be heard +toward evening calling his dogs together for his return to his home on +Agibáwa marshland. Woe betide the unlucky mortal who may cross his path, +for now his quest is human. But if, upon hearing his voice, the traveler +calls upon him and offers him a quid, Ápo Bóhon will pass on his way and +do no harm.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>A-po</i> means "grandfather" and <i>bo-on</i> +"ulcer."</p> + +<center> +<a name="4N2"></a> +<h4>METHODS OF FRUSTRATING THEIR EVIL DESIGNS</h4> + +<a name="4N21"></a> +<h5>THROUGH PRIESTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Naturally to the priest falls the task of opposing, through his +influence with men's supernal friends, these malicious beings. Having +got together the proper offerings he calls upon his friendly gods, one +or several, and beseeches them to rescue and release the missing spirit +or umagdd, and to punish the offending demons. Well pleased with the +tokens of good will offered by the priest and by his earthly friends, +the friendly deities are said to hasten to their home and gird +themselves for the pursuit. With lance and shield and hempen +coat<sup>3</sup> they start off on the raid. They are described as +having their hair bound up in small wooden hemispheres, their heads +turbaned with the red kerchief, and their necks adorned with a wealth of +charms, much like the great warrior chiefs of Manóboland. Guiding their +footsteps by means of a powerful glass,<sup>4</sup> and traveling with +tremendous speed, they are said to overtake quickly the fleeing enemy, +even though they may have to travel to the other side of the world. Then +begins a fierce battle between them and the enemy for the recovery of a +human soul, or for the purpose of punishing the demons for acts of +malice.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Lim-bo-tung</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>Called <i>espiho</i>. There is a universal belief among +the Manóbos in an <i>espiho</i> (from the Spanish <i>espejo</i>, +looking-glass) by which one can see into the bowels of the earth or to +the extremities of the world.</p> + +<p>This battle is described in minutest detail by the priests during the +period of divine possession through which they pass in the course of the +religious ceremonies. At times a hand-to-hand combat between a friendly +deity and some more powerful demon is described at great length. Again +the capture of many evil spirits is the theme of a story.</p> + +<p>A common occurrence during these combats is the use of an iron ball +by the friendly deities. The sight of this is said to inspire terror in +the demons and leaves them at the mercy of their opponents. Shut up in +this ball as in an iron prison they are brought back in triumph to the +domains of their conquerors and the rescued companion spirit of man +hurries joyously back to its mortal counterpart. These evil demons are +said to be held as captives in the houses of the good spirits and to +serve them in the capacity of slaves, accompanying and aiding them in +their warlike expeditions against other evil spirits.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4N22"></a> +<h5>BY VARIOUS MATERIAL MEANS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Besides having recourse to the <i>diuáta</i> the Manóbos make use of +a reed,<sup>5</sup> or vine,<sup>6</sup> of the branches of a wild lemon +tree<sup>7</sup> and other plants,<sup>8</sup> in order to counteract +the evil influence of these fiends. It may be remarked that 11 of these +cause a painful wound on an ordinary human being but that they are said +to be particularly irritating to evil spirits; this is especially true +of the wound made by the <i>sá sá</i> reed. Hence, on occasions when +these demons are expected to be present, the priest secures the +above-mentioned plants and sets them in places where it is thought the +demons may be enticed to enter. It is mostly on the occasion of a death +or of a birth that these precautions have to be taken for the smell of +death and of human blood seems to have a great attraction for these +monsters. On such occasions branches of lemon trees or of the other +plants above mentioned are hung under the house or at any opening in the +wall. The priest, also, frequently carries a sharpened <i>sá sá</i> reed +in the hope of encountering some overbold demon. Although the wound +inflicted by the reed does not kill the demon, yet it is very slow to +heal and is said to be at times incurable.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup><i>Sá-sá</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>U-ág</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Su-á</i> and <i>Ka-ba-yan-á</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ka-míli</i> and <i>Húás</i>.</p> + +<p>Such is the fear which the evil spirits have of these reeds, vines, +and branches that the mere mention of them is believed to be sufficient +to frighten the demons. Fire and smoke, also, are said to keep them away +and for that reason a fire is often kept burning under the house during +times of sickness and death. Great care is used to keep alive the fire +at night on nearly all occasions of apprehension.</p> + +<p>Loud shouts, too, are resorted to in order to intimidate the evil +spirits. During funerals the yelling is particularly noticeable; the loud +yells which one hears while traveling through solitary places in the +mountains and down the rivers are intended as a menace to the malevolent +spirits.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4N23"></a> +<h5>BY PROPITIATION</h5> +</center> + +<p>When all other means have proved unavailing, propitiation is resorted +to. I witnessed the propitiatory ceremony during several cases of +serious sickness. In each case, when the offerings had been set out for +the benevolent divinities on the regular sacrificial stands,<sup>9</sup> +a corresponding offering of meat, rice, and other things was set out for +the evil demons that were supposed to be responsible for the sickness. +Their offerings were not placed in the house but outside, on a log or on +the ground, and were not touched again, nor eaten by anyone, for the +spirit of evil might have rendered them baneful.<sup>10</sup></p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Ban-ká-so</i> and <i>ta-lí-duñg</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>Compare with the customs in vogue in the case of +offerings made to the <i>diuáta</i>.</p> + +<p>After the various supplications have been made by the priests to the +good deities, the evil ones are called upon but not in the same way, for +they are not allowed within the precincts of the house, where various +objects, like <i>sá sá</i> and lemon branches, have been placed to +prevent their entrance. They are addressed from the opening around the +house as if they were at a considerable distance, and no very endearing +terms are used. During cases of sickness and especially during epidemics +the custom of making a ceremonial raft is very common. I have heard +numerous accounts both as to the uniformity of this practice and the +reason for it.</p> + +<p>Sickness of an unusual kind and especially of a contagious nature is +supposed to be due to the agency of some very powerful epidemic spirits, +who ascend the river, spreading the infection, and eluding at the same +time, the <i>diuáta</i> in pursuit. When the priests decide that all +efforts to secure aid of the good deities are unavailing, they determine +to propitiate the evil epidemic spirits in the following manner: A small +raft of bamboo, 1 meter by 5 meters in the instance I witnessed, is +constructed. On this is securely bound a victim, such as a pig. Fowl +also may be offered on similar occasions and more or less elaborate +ceremonies may be performed, like the blood-unction and the fowl-waving +rite. In the ceremony which I witnessed the demons in question were +formally requested to accept the pig, not to molest the settlement +further, and to take themselves and their pig "down the river." +The sickness was then addressed and requested to transfer itself to the +body of the pig. After this the raft was freed and in its seaward course +floated into the hands of persons who had less fear of demons than their +Manóbo friends.<sup>11</sup></p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>I know that the pig in question was taken and consumed +in a less religious way by a Bisáya trader.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4N3"></a> +<h4>THE "TAGBÁNUA" OR LOCAL FOREST SPIRITS</h4> + +<a name="4N31"></a> +<h5>THEIR CHARACTERISTICS AND METHOD OF LIVING</h5> +</center> + +<p>The <i>tagbánua</i><sup>12</sup> or lords of the mountains and the +valleys, are a class of local deities, each one of whom reigns over a +certain district. To them is assigned the ownership of the mountains and +the deep forest and all lonely patches and uncommon places that give an +impression of mystery and solitude.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Tag</i> a prefix denoting ownership, and +<i>bá-n-u-a</i>, "uninhabited place," the open uninhabited +country as distinguished from the territory in the immediate vicinity of +the main rivers or of settled regions.</p> + +<p>The <i>tagbánua</i> are thought to be neither kindly nor unkindly +spirits, and without guile, provided a proper deference is shown them +when we trespass upon their domains.</p> + +<p>A <i>tagbánua</i> with his family selects a particular place for his +habitation, sometimes a lonely mountain, sometimes a solitary glade or +some high cliff or gloomy cavern. On one of my trips from Esperanza to +the headwaters of the Tágo River, I saw the dwelling place of a +<i>tagbánua</i>. It was a huge bowlder[sic], called Buhiísan, that stood +at the junction of the two torrents that form the Abagá River, a +tributary of the Tágo.</p> + +<p>A favorite haunt of the <i>tagbánua</i> is a natural open place in +the center of the forest. Here he builds a house, or more often makes +his domicile in a balete tree. I have heard it said that he may at times +select the <i>lauán</i> or any other lofty tree but that his choice is +usually the <i>baléte</i>. Here he dwells with his family and is said to +lead a quiet, peaceful life. Day by day he wanders through his realm and +provides himself with the necessaries of life. Uncommon varieties of +plants, such as ferns and ricelike growths, furnish him with the +vegetable part of his meal, while venison and pork are obtained from the +abundance of wild boars and deer. He and his family return home toward +sunset and begin to prepare supper by pounding their rice. Many Manóbos +have heard with their own ears, they assured me, not only the sound of +the rice mortar but all the sounds that are customarily heard in any +Manóbo home.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4N32"></a> +<h5>DEFINITE LOCALITIES TENANTED BY FOREST SPIRITS</h5> +</center> + +<p>There are in the vicinity of Talakógon two localities where +<i>tagbánua</i> are said to reign. One is called Agibáwa and the other +Kasawáñgan. Both of them are remote timberless places in the center of +swampy regions. In the former the reigning deity had constructed a +house, so I was told by one who claimed to have seen the posts while the +house was still in the process of construction. According to other +reports this deity had a herd of carabaos whose footprints had been seen +by several of my friends and acquaintances.<sup>13</sup></p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>These carabaos were evidently the remnant, or the +offspring, of a small herd that escaped to the woods in the time of the +Philippine insurrection.</p> + +<p>The Kasawáñgan district was my hunting ground for nearly a year and I +had occasion to observe the character and habits of its deity, as +interpreted to me by Manóbo guides and companions.</p> + +<p>It was with the very greatest fear and reluctance that my first guide +introduced me to the marshland. No sooner had I set foot upon it than it +began to rain and my guide requested permission to return. In answer to +an inquiry as to why he wished to leave me he proffered the information +that he was afraid of the <i>tagbánua</i>, who was evidently displeased, +for had not this deity already sent down a shower of rain? The guide +then went on to say that if we persisted in transgressing on the +marshland some greater evil was sure to follow. As I told him that we +would make friends with the diety[sic] he consented to remain with +me.</p> + +<p>After all preparations for camping had been completed, my companion +set out an offering of betel nut on a rude stand and addressing the +invisible owner of the marshland, requested him to accept the betel nut +and not to be displeased. My guide offered in his own defense that he +had come into this region unwillingly.</p> + +<p>After a few hours' vain endeavors to procure game, my companion made +another donation, requesting the lord of the marsh to forego his ill +will and permit us to get a wild boar. His prayers were unavailing for +no game was forthcoming. When I lost my compass shortly afterwards my +guide assured me that the misfortune was due to the persistent ill will +of the <i>tagbánua</i> toward me.</p> + +<p>I continued to visit this region week after week and had considerable +success in getting game, but it was attributed, partly to the fact that +the lord of the marsh had taken a liking to me, and partly to the +offerings of betel nut and eggs made by my Manóbo boys.</p> + +<p>Illustrations similar to this of the fear and deference displayed +toward this invisible ruler of solitary places might be multiplied +indefinitely. Suffice it to say, however, that the belief in this class +of spirits is widespread throughout all tribes of eastern Mindanáo, +Bisáyas<sup>14</sup> included.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>Among the Bisáyas who come from Bohol, the respect paid +the <i>tagbánua</i> amounts almost to worship.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4N4"></a> +<h4>WORSHIP OF THE FOREST SPIRITS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The existence of a <i>tagbánua</i> in any particular locality is +determined by a priest who, through his protecting deities, learns the +name <sup>15</sup> of the spirit, ascertains the cause of his +displeasure on a given occasion, and prescribes the offerings to be made +to him either for reasons of propitiation or of supplication.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>Only the priests may pronounce the name.</p> + +<p>Respect must be shown toward the <i>tagbánua</i> in various ways. His +territory must not be trespassed upon, nor any of his property, such as +trees, interfered with unless some little offering is made. His name, if +known, as also the names of fish and of crocodiles, and of other things +which are not indigenous to the region, must in no wise be mentioned. A +violation of this taboo would be followed by a storm or by some other +evil indicative of the <i>tagbánua's</i> displeasure, unless immediate +measures were taken to appease his anger. Again, if one points the +finger at places like a mountain where dwells a <i>tagbánua</i>, the +displeasure of its owner is aroused and the transgressor is liable to +feel the spirit's anger. It was explained to me by several Manóbos that +pointing at the dwelling place of these spirits might result in +petrifaction of the arm.</p> + +<p>The occupation of a new site is almost invariably the occasion for an +invocation to the <i>tagbánua</i>, especially if the site be in the +vicinity of a balete tree tenanted by him, for to occupy the place +without obtaining his good will and permission would expose the would-be +occupant to numberless vicissitudes. During hunting and trapping +operations supplication is resorted to, especially when the hunter finds +that game is scarce.<sup>16</sup></p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>In the chapter on hunting, the various observances on +such occasions have been described.</p> + +<p>In case it is decided by the priest, or even suspected by an +individual that an adversity, such as bad weather or sudden floods, is a +result of a <i>tagbánua's</i> animosity, and that the ordinary simple +offerings are not sufficient to placate him, then a white chicken must +be killed and the regular rites peculiar to a blood sacrifice must be +performed.</p> + +<p>It is rare, however, that a Manóbo has so far forgotten himself as to +draw down the resentment of this kindly deity, and render propitiation +necessary. I, however, witnessed a case wherein it was considered +expedient to placate his anger; I was requested to take the necessary +steps, as I was considered the object of his wrath. My Manóbo oarsmen +desired to discontinue the journey at an early hour of the afternoon, +but for several reasons I wished to reach a certain point before +nightfall, so a little ruse was resorted to. I granted their request to +rest and they very promptly went to sleep. Not long afterwards I struck +a few blows on the outriggers with a piece of iron. The Manóbo could +explain it in no other way except that the local <i>tagbánua</i> had +been displeased with my demeanor, for had I not, they said, gone into +the forest in the vicinity of his arboreal dwelling and, notwithstanding +their advice to the contrary, given vent to loud and disrespectful +vociferations. As we were in the vicinity of the <i>baléte</i> tree it +was unanimously decided to push on. At the next few stopping places the +ruse was repeated, so that no doubt was any longer entertained as to the +supposed cause of the occurrence, the wrath of the <i>tagbánua</i>. +Several little incidents, such as striking a hidden snag, and the +increase of the flood, both of which were also attributed to this +spirit's malign influence, heightened their fear. They finally begged me +to stop for the purpose of sacrificing one of my chickens to the +offended deity. We finally reached the desired spot and the supposed +supernatural sounds were heard no longer.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4O"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXIV</h3> +<h3>PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS</h3> + +<a name="4O1"></a> +<h4>THE BAILÁN OR ORDINARY MANÓBO PRIESTS</h4> + +<a name="4O11"></a> +<h5>THEIR GENERAL CHARACTER</h5> +</center> + +<p>The <i>bailán</i><sup>1</sup> is a man or woman who has become an +object of special predilection to one or more of those supernatural +friendly beings known among the Manóbos as <i>diuáta</i>. This will +explain why the word <i>diuatahán</i> is frequently used, especially by +the mountain people, instead of <i>bailán</i>. I was frequently told by +priests that this special predilection of the deities for them is due to +the fact that they happened to be born at the same time as their divine +protectors. This belief, however, is not general.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Bai-lán</i> is probably a transformation of the Malay +word <i>be-li-an</i>, a medicine man. (Mandáya, Bagóbo, and Subánun, +<i>ba-li-án</i>.)</p> + +<p>As a result of the favor in which the supernatural beings hold him, +the priest becomes the favorite and familiar of spirits with whom he can +commune and from whom he can ask favors and protection both for himself +and for his friends. Hence he is regarded by his fellow tribesmen in the +light of a mediator through whom they transact all their business with +the other world. In the hour of danger the <i>bailán</i> is consulted, +and after a brief communion with his spirit Mends he explains the +measures to be adopted, in accordance with the injunctions of his +tutelary deities. Should a <i>baléte</i> tree have to be removed from +the newly selected forest patch, who else could coax its spirit dwellers +not to molest the tiller of the soil, if not the <i>bailán</i>? Should a +tribesman have a monstrous dream and no one of all the dream experts +succeed in giving a satisfactory interpretation, the <i>bailán</i> is +called in to consult the powers above and ascertains that the dream +forebodes, perhaps, an impending sickness and that an offering of a +white fowl must be made to Manáug, the protector of the sick. And should +this offering prove unavailing, he has recourse to his supernal friends +again and discovers that a greater oblation must be made to save the +patient. And if there is a very unfavorable conjunction to omens, who +else but the <i>bailán</i> could learn through his divine friends the +significance thereof and whether the home must be abandoned or the +project relinquished?</p> + +<p>At every turn of life, whether the deities have to be invoked, +conciliated, or appeased, the Manóbo calls upon the priest to intercede +for himself, for his relatives, and for his friends.</p> + +<p>The office of priest may be said to be hereditary. I found that with +few exceptions it had remained within the immediate circle of the +<i>bailán's</i> relatives. Toward the evening of life the aged priest +selects his successor, recommending his choice to the <i>diuáta</i>. In +one instance that I know of the mother, a <i>bailán</i>, instructed her +daughter in the varieties of herbs which she had found to be acceptable +to her familiars, and I was told that such is the usual procedure when +the priest himself has a personal concern in the succession.</p> + +<p>But no matter how proficient the <i>bailán</i>-elect may be in the +sacred rites and legendary songs of the order, he is not recognized by +his fellow tribesmen until he falls into the condition of what is known +as <i>dundan</i>, a state of mental and physical exaltation which is +considered to be an unmistakable proof of the presence and operation of +some supernal power within him. This exaltation manifests itself by a +violent trembling accompanied by loud belching, copious sweating, +foaming at the mouth, protruding of the eyeballs, and in some cases that +I have seen, apparent temporary loss of sight and unconsciousness. These +symptoms are considered to be an infallible sign of divine influence, +and the novice is accordingly recognized as a full-fledged priest ready +to begin his ministrations under the protection of his spiritual +friends. I know of one case on the lower Lamlíñga River, a tributary of +the Kasilaían, where a certain individual<sup>2</sup> became a +<i>bailán</i> without previous premonition and without any aspirations +on his part. He was a person of little guile and one who had never had +any previous training in the practices of his order.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>Báya (or Bório) is the young man referred to.</p> + +<p>When he receives a familiar deity the new priest becomes endowed with +five more spirits or soul companions, for his greater protection and for +the prolongation of his life. It is evident that his duties as mediator +create a deadly hate on the part of the evil spirits toward him; hence +the need of greater protection, such as is said to be afforded by the +increase in number of spirit companions. It is generally believed that, +due also to this special protection, the priests are more long-lived +than ordinary men. I was informed by some that with the increase of each +familiar there was an addition of five more souls or spirit companions, +but I did not find this to be the common belief.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4O12"></a> +<h5>THEIR PREROGATIVES</h5> +</center> + +<p>(1) The priest holds converse with his divine friends, whose form he +sees and describes, whose words he hears and interprets, and whose +injunctions, whether made known directly by personal revelation or +through divination or through dreams, he announces. When under supernal +influence he is not a voluntary agent but an inspired being, through +whose mouth the deity announces his will and to whose eyes he appears in +visible incarnation.</p> + +<p>(2) By means of his friendship with these unseen beings he is enabled +to discover the presence of the inveterate enemies of human kind, the +<i>búsau</i>, and even to wound them. I investigated two<sup>3</sup> +cases of the latter kind and found that not a shadow of doubt as to the +truth of the killing and as to the reality of this last-mentioned power +was entertained by those who had been in a position to see and hear the +facts.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>San Luis and San Miguel.</p> + +<p>(3) As a result of the favor with which he is looked upon by the +beneficent deities, he is enabled to discover the presence of various +spirits in certain localities, and he knows the proper means of dealing +with them. This statement applies to the spirits of +"souls"<sup>4</sup> of the departed whose wishes and wants he +interprets; to the spirits of the hills and the valleys, the +<i>tagbánua</i>, whose favor must be courted and whose displeasure must +not be provoked, and to the whole order of supernatural beings that +people the Manóbo world, with the exception of the blood spirits, the +worship of whom falls to the war priests.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Um-a-gád</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4O13"></a> +<h5>SINCERITY OF THE PRIESTS</h5> +</center> + +<p>On first becoming acquainted with the <i>bailán</i> system, I was +very dubious, to say the least, of the sincerity and disinterestedness +of these favorites of the gods. But long and careful observation and +frequent dealings with them have thoroughly convinced me of their +sincerity. They affect no austere practices, no chastity, nor any other +observance peculiar to the order of priesthood in other parts of the +world. They claim no high prerogatives of their own; they can not slay +at a distance nor metamorphose themselves into animals of fierce aspect. +They have no cabalistic rites nor magic formulas nor miraculous methods +for producing wondrous effects. In a word, as far as my personal +observation goes, they are not impostors nor conjurers, plying thrifty +trade with their fellow tribesmen, but merely intermediaries, who avail +themselves of their intimacy with powers unseen to solicit aid for +themselves and for their fellows in the hour of trial or tribulation. +"I will call on <i>Si Inimigus</i>" (her <i>diuáta's</i> pet +name, his real name being Si Inámpo), said a priestess of the Kasilaían +River to me once when I consulted her as to the sickness of a child, +"and I will let you know his answer." On her return she informed +me that the child had fallen under the influence of an evil spirit and +that Si Inimigus required the sacrifice of a pig as a token of my good +will towards him and also as a gratification of a desire that he felt +for such nourishment. She departed as she came, never asking any +compensation for her advice.</p> + +<p>I might cite many cases of a similar nature that passed under my +personal observation and in which I made every endeavor to discover +mercenary motives. I frequently interrogated men of political and social +standing as to the possibility of hypocrisy and deceit on the part of +the priests. The invariable answer was that such could not be the case, +as the deities themselves would be the first to resent and punish such +deception. One shrewd Manóbo of the upper Agúsan assured me that the +Manóbos themselves were wise enough to detect attempts at fraud in such +matters.</p> + +<p>Moreover, the fact that the priest incurs comparatively heavy +expenses is another evidence of his sincerity, for, in order to keep his +tutelary spirits supplied with the delicacies they desire, he must offer +constant oblations of pig and fowl, since he believes that when these +spirits are hungry they lose their good humor and are liable to permit +some evil spirit to work malice on him or on some of his relatives. Of +course his relatives and friends help to keep them supplied, but at the +same time he probably undergoes more expense himself than any other +individual.</p> + +<p>Finally, as further proof of the absence of mercenary motives, it may +be stated that the priest is not entitled to any share of the +sacrificial victim except that which he eats in company with those who +attend the sacrifice and the subsequent consumption of the victim.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4O14"></a> +<h5>THEIR INFLUENCE</h5> +</center> + +<p>The priest has no political influence as a rule. I am acquainted with +none and have heard of very few priests, who have attained the +chieftainship of a settlement, even among the <i>conquistas</i>, or +Christianized Manóbos, who live within the pale of the established +government. But in matters that pertain to the religious side of life +their influence is paramount, for it is chiefly due to them that tribal +customs and conditions are unflinchingly maintained. The following +incident is an illustration of this influence:</p> + +<p>During a visit which I made to the Lamiñga River, a western tributary +of the Kasilaían River, I met Mandahanán, a warrior chief. Among other +matters I referred to the ridiculously low price, 0.50 per sack, at +which Manóbos were wont to sell rice to the Bisáya peddlers who at that +time were swarming in the district. I suggested that they dispose of +their rice at the current Bisáya rate of P2.50 per sack. He replied that +he had been of that opinion for some time, but that the four priests of +his following had decided that an increase of the customary value of +rice would entail a mysterious lessening of the present crop and a +partial or even total loss of that of next year, the reason assigned by +them being that such an action would be displeasing to <i>Hakiádan</i>, +the goddess of rice, and to <i>Tagamáling</i>, the protector of other +crops. These deities, he assured me, were very capricious, and when they +took umbrage at anything, they either caused the rice in the granaries +to diminish mysteriously, or brought about a failure in the following +year's crop.<sup>5</sup></p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>The killing of Mr. Ickis, of the Bureau of Science, +according to an account that I received, also demonstrates the influence +exerted by the priests.</p> + +<p>To the priests may be ascribed the rigid adherence to tribal +practices and the opposition to modern innovations, even when the change +confessedly would be beneficial to them.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4O15"></a> +<h5>THEIR DRESS AND FUNCTIONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>The priest has no distinctive dress, but while officiating garbs +himself with all the wealth of beads, bells, and baubles that he may +have acquired. As a rule he has an abundance not only of these but of +charms, talismans, and amulets, all of which are hung from his neck, or +girded around his waist. These charms have various mystic powers for the +protection of his person and some of them are said to have been revealed +to him by his favorite deities. While performing the invocation and the +sacred dance on the occasion of a greater sacrifice, he always carries, +one in each hand, a parted palm frond with the spikes undetached.</p> + +<p>All the rites of the Manóbo ritual consist of one or more of the +following elements: Invocation, petition, consultation, propitiation, +and expiation. The priest is, in fact, either alone or aided by others +of his kind, the officiant in nearly every religious ceremony; laymen +merely sit round and take desultory interest in the ceremonial +proceedings.</p> + +<p>These rites are the following:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p> (1) The betel-nut offering.<sup>6</sup><br> (2) The burning of +incense.<sup>7</sup><br> (3) Ceremonial omen taking.<sup>8</sup><br> (4) +Prophylactic fowl waving.<sup>9</sup><br> (5) The death feast.<sup>10</sup><br> +(6) The sacrifice of a fowl or of a pig<sup>11</sup> to his own +tutelaries in the event of sickness or in the hour of impending danger.<br> +(7) The offering of a fowl or of a pig to Taphágan, the goddess of grain +during the season of rice culture.<br> (8) The harvest ceremonies in honor +of Hakiádan for the purpose of securing an abundant crop and of +protecting the rice from sundry insidious enemies and dangers.<br> (9) The +birth ceremony in honor of Mandáit for the protection of the recently +born babe.<br> (10) Conciliatory offerings to the demons during epidemics, +as also in cases where the power of the evil spirits is thought to +predominate over that of the kindly deities. Madness and inordinate +sexual passion, as also the continuance of an epidemic after incessant +efforts have failed to secure the aid of the friendly spirits are +illustrations of the power of the evil spirits.<br> (11) +Lustration<sup>12</sup> either by anointing with blood or by aspersion +with water.<br> (12) The betel-nut omen.<sup>13</sup><br> (13) The invocation of +the <i>diuáta</i> with the sacred chant.<sup>14</sup> +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Pag-á-pug</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Pag-pa-lí-na</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ti-maí-ya</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Kú-yab to má-nuk</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Hín-añg to ka-hi-mó-nan</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Paí-as</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Ti-maí-a to man-ó-on</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Túd-um</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4O2"></a> +<h4>THE BAGÁNI OR PRIESTS OF WAR AND BLOOD</h4> +</center> + +<p>The <i>bagáni</i> or warrior priests are under the protection of +preternatural beings called tagbúsau, whose bloodthirsty cravings they +must satisfy.</p> + +<p>This peculiar priesthood is not hereditary, but is a pure gift from +warlike spirits, who select certain mortals for favorites, constantly +guard them against the attacks of their enemies, teach them the use of +various secret herbs whereby to render themselves invisible and +invulnerable, bestow upon them an additional number of soul companions +that in some indefinable way protect them against the ire of the +resentful slain, and in general afford them an immunity from all +dangers, material and spiritual.</p> + +<p>It is believed that when the warrior priest dies his soul companions +return to the war spirits from whom they proceeded, and with whom they +take up their eternal abode upon the far-off mountain heights. Upon +their return to these heights it is said that they are pursued by a +monstrous crowd of inexorable demons and vexed spirits of those that +have fallen victims to their arm, but that, owing to the power and +vigilance of the mighty gods of war, they reach their last home +unscathed.</p> + +<p>Like the priest, a war chief is recognized as a priest when he falls +into that state of paroxysm that is considered to be of preternatural +origin. This condition is usually the result of a wild fight, in which, +after slashing down one or more of the enemy, he eats the heart and +liver of one of the slain and dances around in ungovernable fury. I have +been frequently informed that the companions of a man thus possessed +cautiously withdraw while he is under this influence, as he might do +something rash. I witnessed the actions of several <i>bagáni</i> during +ceremonial performances to the <i>tagbúsau</i>, and I felt no little +fear as to what might be the outcome of the warrior chiefs fury.</p> + +<p>What has been said of the sincerity of the ordinary priest and of his +disinterestedness and freedom from mercenary motives applies equally to +the war chief in his position as war priest.</p> + +<p>In return for the protection accorded to his select ones the gods of +war require frequent supplies of blood and other delicacies, the denial +of which would render the favorite liable to constant plaguing by his +protectors in their efforts to make him mindful of their needs. In +another chapter we shall see the means whereby the <i>bagáni</i> keeps +himself in the good graces of his inexorable deities.<sup>15</sup></p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>For a full description of the rites peculiar to the +warrior chief as priest the reader is referred to Chapter XXVI.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXV</h3> +<h3>CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES</h3> + +<a name="4P1"></a> +<h4>GENERAL REMARKS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The differences which I observed in the performance of ceremonies in +different localities appear to be due to the vagaries and idiosyncrasies +of the individual performers and not to any established system. But in +the main these variations are not essential. For example, in certain +localities the blood of the pig as it issues forth from the lance wound +is sucked from the wound, while in others it is caught in convenient +receptacles and then drank. In the following pages I will attempt to +give a description of the accessories, the sacrifices, and their +associated ceremonies which may be considered general for the Manóbos of +the middle and upper Agúsan.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P2"></a> +<h4>THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE PRIEST</h4> + +<a name="4P21"></a> +<h5>THE RELIGIOUS SHED<sup>1</sup> AND THE BAILÁN'S HOUSE</h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p> + +<p>The priest has no special residence nor any special religious +structure except a little wooden shed and a few ceremonial trays that +will be described later. His house is not more capacious nor pretentious +than that of anyone else, in fact it is often less so, but it may be +recognized always by the presence of the drum and gong, by the little +religious shed near by, and by the presence of a few lances, bolos, +daggers, and various other objects that are considered +heritages,<sup>2</sup> handed down from his predecessors in the priestly +office. It is not unusual for the priest, especially among the +Christianized Manóbos, to have two houses, one for the residence of his +family and another which, by its seclusion, is better adapted for the +celebration of religious rites. Hither he may repair, after assisting +perhaps at the Catholic services in the settlement, to perform the pagan +ceremonies that for him have more truth and efficacy than the Christian +rites. While in the settlement and in contact with Christians, he is to +all appearances a Christian, but in the moment of trial or tribulation +he hies him to the seclusion of his other house and, in the presence of +his fellow believers, performs the primitive rites in honor of beings +who, to his mind, are more potent to help or to hurt than the hierarchy +of Catholic belief.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Án-ka</i>.</p> + +<p>In this second house, then, will be found, without fail, not only the +priestly heirlooms, but all such objects as have been +consecrated<sup>3</sup> either by himself or by one of the settlement to +the friendly deities. It may be remarked here that these consecrated +objects can not be disposed of except by performing a sacrifice, or by +making a substitution, usually in the form of pigs and fowl which ipso +facto become consecrated, and are eventually sacrificed to the proper +deity.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Sin-ug-bá-han</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P22"></a> +<h5>EQUIPMENT FOR CEREMONIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The altar house is a rude bamboo structure consisting of four posts, +averaging 1.8 meters high, upon which is a roof of palm thatch. About 45 +centimeters beneath this are set one or two shelves for the reception of +the oblation bowls and dishes. The whole fabric is decorated with a few +fronds of palm trees,<sup>4</sup> and covers a space of approximately +2.4 square meters.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>The fronds used are one or more of the following palms: +Betel nut, <i>anibung</i>, <i>kagyas</i>, and coconut.</p> + +<p>The ceremonial salver<sup>5</sup> is a rectangular wooden tray, +generally of <i>iláñg-iláñg</i> wood, usually decorated with incised, +traced, or carved designs, and having pendants of palm fronds. It is the +ceremonial salver on which are set out the offerings of pig, fowl, rice, +betel nut, and other things for the deities.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup><i>Ban-ká-so</i>.</p> + +<p>The sacrificial stand<sup>6</sup> also is made out of +<i>iláñg-iláñg</i> wood. It consists of a disk of wood set upon a leg, +and is used for making the offerings of betel nut and other things.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ta-lí-dung</i>.</p> + +<p>When it is decided to make an offering of a pig, a sacrificial +table<sup>7</sup> of bamboo is set up close to the house that has been +selected as the place of sacrifice. Upon this is bound the victim, lying +on its side. Over it are arched fronds of betel-nut and other palms. +This stand is used exclusively for the sacrifice of a pig. It is a rude, +unpretentious structure.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Áñg-ka</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P23"></a> +<h5>CEREMONIAL DECORATIONS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Fronds of the coconut, betel nut and other palms are the only +decorations used at ceremonies. The betel-nut fronds, +however,<sup>8</sup> enjoy a special preference, being used in every +important ceremony when they are obtainable. No other leaves and no +flowers, unless the bloom of the betel nut be considered such, are used +as decorations.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>Known as <i>ba-gaí-bai</i>.</p> + +<p>The consecrated objects, consisting of such things as lances, bolos, +daggers, and necklaces, are frequently set out upon a ceremonial +structure or put in the ceremonial shed in order to give more solemnity +to the occasion, and it is not infrequent to find the structure draped +with cloth, preferably red.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P24a"></a> +<h5>SACRED IMAGES<sup>9</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Man-á-ug</i>.</p> + +<p>Sacred images are of neither varied nor beautiful workmanship. At +best they are but rudimentary suggestions of the human form, frequently +without the lower extremities. Varying in length from 15 to 45 +centimeters they are whittled with a bolo out of pieces of <i>báyud</i> +wood, or of any soft white wood when <i>báyud</i> is not obtainable. +More elaborate images are furnished with berries of a certain +tree<sup>10</sup> for eyes and adorned with tracings of sap from the +<i>kayúti</i> or the <i>narra</i> tree, but the ordinary idol has a +smearing of charcoal for eyes and mouth and a few tracings of the same +for body ornamentation.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Ma-gu-baí</i>.</p> + +<p>Images are made in two forms, one representing the male and +distinguished by the length of its headpiece and occasionally by the +representation of the genital organ, the other representing the female, +and distinguished most frequently by the representation of breasts, +though in a good image there is often a fair representation of a +comb.</p> + +<p>Images are intended for the same use as statues in other religions. +They are not adored nor worshiped in any sense of the word. They are +looked upon as inanimate representations of a deity, and tributes of +honor and respect are paid not to them, but to the spirits that they +represent. I have seen rice actually put to the lips of these images and +bead necklaces hung about their necks; but in answer to my inquiries the +response was always the same that not the images, but the spirits, were +thereby honored.</p> + +<p>It is principally in time of sickness that these images are made. +They are placed somewhere near the patient, generally just under the +thatch of the roof.</p> + +<p>The priest almost invariably has one, or a set of better made ones, +which he sets out during the more important ritual celebrations and +before which he places offerings for the spirits represented. In a +sacrifice performed for the recovery of a sick man on the upper Agúsan, +I saw two images, one male and one female, carried in the hand by the +presiding priests and made to dance and perform some other suggestive +movements.</p> + +<p>Occasionally one finds very crude effigies of deities carved on a +pole and left standing out on the trail or placed near the house. These +are supposed to serve for a resting place for the deities that are +expected to protect the settlement or the house. This practice is very +common when fear of an attack is entertained, and also during an +epidemic.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P24"></a> +<h5>CEREMONIAL OFFERINGS</h5> +</center> + +<p>Offerings consist, in the main, of the blood<sup>11</sup> and meat of +pig and fowl, betel-nut quids, rice, cooked or uncooked, and an +exhilarating beverage. But occasionally a full meal, including every +obtainable condiment, is set out, even an allowance of water, wherewith +to cleanse<sup>12</sup> the hand, being provided for the visiting +deities. Such offerings are set out upon consecrated plates<sup>13</sup> +which are used for no other purpose and can not be disposed of.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>No reference is here made to human blood, a subject +which will be found treated in Chapter XXVI.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Pañg-hú-gas</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>A-pú-gan</i>.</p> + +<p>As a rule the offerings must be clean and of good quality. The priest +is very careful in the selection of the rice, and picks out of it all +dirty grains. Cooked rice given in offering is smoothed down, and, after +the deity has concluded his mystic collation is examined for traces of +his fingering.</p> + +<p>The color of the victims is a matter of importance, too, for the +divinities have their special tastes. Thus <i>Sugúdan</i>, the god of +hunters, prefers a red fowl, while the <i>tagbánua</i> display a +preference for a white victim.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P3"></a> +<h4>RELIGIOUS RITES</h4> + +<a name="4P31"></a> +<h5>CLASSIFICATION</h5> +</center> + +<blockquote> +<p> (1) The betel-nut offering.<sup>14</sup><br> (2) The burning of +incense.<sup>15</sup><br> (3) The address or invocation.<sup>16</sup><br> (4) +The ceremonial omen taking.<sup>17</sup><br> (5) The prophylactic fowl +waving.<sup>18</sup><br> (6) The blood unction.<sup>19</sup><br> (7) The child +ceremony.<sup>20</sup><br> (8) The death feast.<sup>21</sup><br> (9) The +sacrifice of fowl or pig.<sup>22</sup><br> (10) The rice +planting.<sup>23</sup><br> (11) The hunting rite.<sup>24</sup><br> (12) The +harvest feast.<br> (13) The conciliation of evil spirits.<br> (14) The +divinatory rites.<br> (15) The warrior priest's rites.<br> (16) Human +sacrifice.<sup>25</sup> +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><sup>14</sup><i>Pag-á-pug</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pag-pa-lí-na</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>Tawág-táwag</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup><i>Pag-ti-ná-ya</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Kú-yab to mán-uk</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup><i>Pag-lím-pas</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup><i>Tag-un-ún to bá-ta'</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup><i>Ka-hi-mó-nan</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup><i>Täp-hag</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup><i>Pañg-o-múd-an</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup><i>Hu-á-ga</i>.</p> + +<p>A description of the more important of these ceremonies will be found +distributed throughout this monograph under the various headings to +which such ceremonies belong. Thus the child ceremony is placed under +the heading "birth," the death feast in the chapter on death, +the warriors' sacrifice in that portion of this sketch which treats of +the warrior. For the present only the minor and more general ceremonies +that may be performed separately, or that may enter into the major +ceremonies as subrites, will be described.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4P32"></a> +<h4>METHOD OF PERFORMANCE</h4> +</center> + +<a name="4P321"></a> +<p><i>The betel-nut tribute</i>.--In all dealings with the unseen world, +the offering of betel nut is the first and most essential act, just as +it constitutes in the ordinary affairs of Manóbo life the essential +preliminary to all overtures made by one man to another. The ceremony +may be performed by anyone, but partakes of only a semireligious +character when not performed by a <i>bailán</i>.</p> + +<p>The ceremony consists in setting out on a consecrated +plate,<sup>26</sup> or in lieu of it on any convenient receptacle, the +ordinary betel-nut quid, consisting of a slice of betel nut placed upon +a portion of <i>buyo</i> leaf, and sprinkled with a little lime. The +priest who has more than one divine protector, must give a tribute to +each one of them. In certain ceremonies seven quids are invariably set +out by him, always accompanied by an invocation, the strain of which is +usually very monotonous and always couched in long periphrastic +preambles. It is really an invitation to the spirit whose aid is to be +implored to partake of the offering.</p> + +<p><sup>26</sup><i>A-pú-gan</i>.</p> + +<p>Out in the lonely forest the hunter may set his offering upon a log +for the spirit owner of the game, or if in the region of a balete tree, +he may think it prudent to show his deference to its invisible dwellers +by offering them this humble tribute. Again, should a storm overtake him +on his way, and should he dread the "stony tooth" of the +thunder, he lays out his little offering, quite often with the thought +that he has in some unknown way annoyed Anítan, the wielder of the +thunderbolt, and must in this fashion appease the offended deity.</p> + +<a name="4P322"></a> +<p><i>The offering of incense</i>.--This ceremony appears to be confined +to priestesses. I have never seen a Manóbo priest offer incense. The +resin<sup>27</sup> of a certain tree is used for the purpose, as its +fragrance is deemed to be especially pleasing to the deities. The +priestess herself, or anyone else at her bidding, removes from the +pod<sup>28</sup> at her side, where it is always carried depending from +the waist, a little of the resin and lights it. It is then set on the +altar or in any convenient spot. The direction of its smoke is thought +to indicate the approach and position of the deity invoked. As the smoke +often ascends in a slanting direction, it frequently directs itself +toward the suspended oblation trays. This is taken as an indication that +the deity is resting or sitting upon the <i>bankáso</i> tray, in which +case he is called <i>bankasúhan</i>, or on the <i>talíduñg</i>, when he +is said to be <i>talidúñgan</i>. This ceremony is preliminary to the +invocation.</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tú-gak to ma-gu-bái</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup>This is the pod of a tree called <i>ta-bí-ki</i>.</p> + +<p>The deities are very partial to sweet fragrances like that of the +betel nut frond and of the incense and seem to be averse to strange or +evil smells. Hence fire and smoke are usually avoided during the +celebration of regular sacrifices, as was stated before. On one occasion +I wished to do a favor by lending my acetylene lamp during a ceremonial +celebration, but it was returned to me with the information that the +smell was not acceptable to the presiding deities.</p> + +<a name="4P323"></a> +<p><i>Invocation</i>.--The invocation is a formal address to the +deities, and on special occasions even to the demons, when it is desired +to make a truce with them. It is the prerogative of the priest in nearly +all ceremonies. As a rule it begins in a long, roundabout discourse and +extends itself throughout the whole performance, continuing at intervals +for a whole night or longer in important ceremonies. It may be +participated in by one priest after another, each one addressing himself +to his particular set of divinities and beseeching them by every form of +entreaty to be propitious.</p> + +<p>The invocation to the good spirits is made at the discretion of the +officiating priest, either in the house or outside, and in a moderate +voice, but the invocation to the evil ones is shouted out in a loud +voice usually from the opening around the walls of the house, as it is +considered more prudent to keep the demons at a respectful distance.</p> + +<p>In addressing his gods the Manóbo proceeds in about the same way as +he does when dealing with his fellow men. He starts well back from the +subject and by a series of circumlocutions slowly advances to the point. +The beginning of the invocation is ordinarily in a laudatory strain; he +reminds his divinities of his past offerings, descants on the size of +the victims offered on previous occasions, and the general expenses of +past sacrifices. He then probably recalls to their minds instances where +these sacrifices had not been reciprocated by the deities. Having thus +intimated to the invisible visitors, for they are thought to be present +during these invocations, that he and his people are somewhat ill +pleased, he goes on to express the hope that in the future and +especially on this occasion they will show themselves more grateful. He +next proceeds to enumerate the expenses which in their honor are about +to be incurred. The fatness and price of the pig are set forth and every +imaginable reason adduced why they should be well pleased with the +offerings and make a bountiful return of good will and friendship. The +spirits may be even bribed with the promise of a future sacrifice, or +they may be threatened with desertion and the cessation of all worship +of them.</p> + +<p>After a long prologue the priest makes an offering of something, it +may be a glass of brew, or a plate of rice, and confidentially imparts +to his spirits the object of the ceremony. In this manner the invocation +is continued, interrupted at intervals by the sacred dance or by periods +of ecstatic possession of the priest himself.</p> + +<a name="4P324"></a> +<p><i>Prophylactic fowl waving</i>.--The fowl-weaving ceremony may be +performed by one not of the priestly order. The performance is very +simple. A fowl of no special color is taken in one hand and, its legs +and wings being secured to prevent fluttering, it is waved over the +person or persons in whom the evil influence is thought to dwell and at +the same time a short address is made in an undertone to this same +influence,<sup>29</sup> bidding it betake itself to other parts. The +chicken may be then killed ceremonially and eaten, but if it is not +killed it becomes consecrated and is given to the priest until it can be +disposed of in a ceremonial way on a future occasion.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ka-dú-ut</i>.</p> + +<p>This ceremony is very common, especially after the occurrence of a +very evil dream or a bad conjunction of omens or in case of severe +sickness or on the erection of a new house or granary. On one occasion +it was performed on me under the impression, it is presumed, that I was +the bearer of some malign influence.</p> + +<p>I have never been definitely informed as to the reason for the +efficacy of this rite, nor of its origin. Tradition handed down by the +old, old folks and everyday experience are sufficient foundation for the +popular belief in its efficacy.</p> + +<a name="4P325"></a> +<p><i>Blood lustration</i>.--When a fowl or a pig has been killed +sacrificially, it is customary to smear the blood on the person or +object from whom it is desired to drive out the sickness, or in order to +avert a threatened or suspected danger, or when it is desired to nullify +an evil influence. The ceremony is performed only by a priest and in the +following way: Taking blood in a receptacle to the person for whose +benefit it is intended, the priest dips his hand in it and draws his +bloody finger over the afflicted part, or on the back of the hand and +along the fingers in the case of a sick person, or on the post of the +house, thereby leaving bloody stripes. During the operation he addresses +the indwelling evil and bids it begone. This ceremony usually follows +the preceding one and is performed in all cases where the previous +ceremony is applicable, if the circumstances are considered urgent +enough to call for its performance.</p> + +<p>I once saw a variation of this ceremony. Instead of killing the fowl +the priest made a small wound in one leg and applied the blood that +issued to a sick man. The fowl then became the property of the priest +and could never be eaten, for the evil influence that had produced the +sickness in the man was supposed to have passed into the fowl.</p> + +<a name="4P326"></a> +<p><i>Lustration by water</i>.--Lustration by water is somewhat similar +in its purpose to the preceding ceremony. It is performed as a subrite +among the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region. I am inclined to +think that it is only an imitation of an institution of the Catholic +Church because I never saw it performed by non-Christian Manóbos.</p> + +<p>The following is the cermony[sic]: When the divinities are thought to +have eaten the soul or redolence<sup>30</sup> of the viands set out for +them, and to have cleansed their hands in the water provided for that +purpose, the priest seizes a small branch, dips it in this water and +sprinkles the assembly. Though, on the occasions on which I witnessed +this rite, the recipients did not seem to relish the aspersion, as was +evinced by their efforts to avoid it, yet it was believed to have great +efficacy in removing ill luck and malign influences.<sup>31</sup></p> + +<p><sup>30</sup><i>Bá-ho</i> and <i>um-a-gád</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>31</sup><i>Paí-ad</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4Q"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXVI</h3> +<h3>SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES</h3> + +<a name="4Q1"></a> +<h4>THE SACRIFICE OF A PIG</h4> +</center> + +<p>Religion is so interwoven with the Manóbo's life, as has been +constantly stated in this monograph, that it is impossible to group +under the heading of religion all the various observances and rites that +properly belong to it.<sup>1</sup> I will now give an account of the +sacrifice of a pig that took place on the Kasilaían River, central +Agúsan, for the recovery of a sick man. This sacrifice may be considered +typical of the ordinary ceremony in which a pig is immolated, whether it +be for the recovery of a sick man or to avert evil or to solicit any +other favor.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>The reader is referred to Chapter XV for a description of +the important religious ceremonies and beliefs connected with the +subject of death, to Chapter X for rice culture ceremonies, to Chapter +XIV for the birth ceremony. Descriptions of various other ceremonies +will be found scattered through this monograph, each under its proper +heading.</p> + +<p>I arrived at the house at about 4 p.m. Near the pole leading up to +the house stood the newly erected rectangular bamboo stand.<sup>2</sup> +On this, with a few palm fronds arched over it, was tightly bound the +intended victim, a fat castrated pig. Within a few yards of this had +been erected the small houselike structure,<sup>3</sup> which has been +described already. It contained several plates full of offerings of +uncooked rice and eggs, which had been placed there previously. The +ceremonies began shortly after my arrival. Three women of the priestly +order sat down near the ceremonial house and prepared a large number of +betel-nut quids for their respective deities, but the spectators never +ceased for a moment to ask for a share of them. Finally, however, the +quids were prepared and placed on the sacred plates, seven to each +plate. Then one of the priestesses placed a little resin upon a piece of +bamboo and, calling for a firebrand, placed it upon the resin. The other +two priestesses, seizing in each hand a piece of palm branch, proceeded +to dance to the sound of drum and gong. They were soon joined by the +third officiant. All three danced for some five minutes until, as if by +previous understanding, the gong and drum ceased, and one of the +priestesses broke out into the invocation. This consisted of a series of +repetitions and circumlocutions in which her favorite deities were +reminded of the various sacrifices that had been performed in their +honor from time immemorial; of the number of pigs that had been slain; +of the size of these victims; of the amount of drink consumed; of the +number of guests present; and of an infinity of other things that it +would be tedious to recount. This was rattled off while the spectators +were enjoying themselves with betel-nut chewing and while conversation +was being carried on in the usual vehement way. Then the drum and gong +boomed out again and the three priestesses circled about in front of the +ceremonial shed for about five minutes, after which comparative quiet +ensued and another priestess took up the invocation. During her prolix +harangue to the spirits the other two busied themselves, one in +rearranging the offerings in the little shed, the other in lighting more +incense, while the spectators continued their prattle, heedless of the +services. After an interval of some 10 minutes the sacred dance was +continued, the priestesses circling and sweeping around with their palm +branches waving up and down as they swung their arms in graceful +movements through the air. This continued for several minutes, until one +of them stopped suddenly and began to tremble very perceptibly. The +other two continued their dance around her, waving their palm fronds +over her. The trembling increased in violence until her whole body +seemed to be in a convulsion. Her eyes assumed a ghastly stare, her +eyeballs protruded, and the eyelids quivered rapidly. The drum and gong +increased their booming in volume and in rapidity, while the dancers +surged in rapid circles around the possessed one, who at this period was +apparently unconscious of everything. Her eyes were shaded with one hand +and a copious perspiration covered her whole body. When finally the +music and the dancing ceased her trembling still continued, but now the +loud belching could be heard. No words can describe the vehemence of +this prolonged belching, accompanied as it was by violent trembling and +painful gasping. The spectators still continued their loud talking with +never a care for the scene that was being enacted, except when some one +uttered a shrill cry of animation, possibly as menace to lurking +enemies, spiritual or other.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Añg-kan</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p> + +<p>It was some 10 minutes before the paroxysm ceased, and then the now +conscious priestess broke forth into a long harangue in which she +described what took place during her trance, prophesying the cure of the +sick man, but advising a repetition of the sacrifice at a near date, and +uttering a confusion of other things that sounded more like the ravings +of a madman than the inspirations of a deity. During all this time +frequent potations were administered to the spectators, so that in the +early night everyone was feeling in high spirits.</p> + +<p>After the first priestess had emerged fully from the trance the drum +and gong resounded for the continuation of the dance. In turn the other +priestesses fell under the influence of their special divinities and +gave utterance to long accounts of what had passed between them. It was +at a late hour of the night that the whole company retired to the house, +leaving the victim still bound upon his sacrificial table.</p> + +<p>The religious part of the celebration was then abandoned, for the +priestesses took no further part. Social amusements, consisting of +various forms of dancing, mimetic and other, were performed for the +benefit of the attendant deities and finally long legendary +chants<sup>4</sup> by a few priests consumed the remainder of the +night.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup><i>Túd-um</i>.</p> + +<p>Next morning at about 7 o'clock the ceremonies were resumed by the +customary offering of betel nut and by burning of incense, but instead +of dancing before the small religious house the three priestesses, +joined by a priest, took up their position near the sacrificial table on +which the victim had remained since the preceding day. The invocations +were pronounced in turn, followed by short intervals of dancing. During +these invocations the victim was bound more securely, and a little lime +was placed on its side just over the heart. The priest then placed seven +betel-nut quids upon the body of the pig and made a final invocation. A +rice mortar was placed at the side of the sacrificial table, a relative +of the sick man stepped upon it, and, receiving a lance from the hands +of the male priest, poised it vertically above the spot designated by +the lime and thrust it through the heart of the victim.</p> + +<p>One of the female priestesses at once placed an iron cooking pan +under the pig and caught the blood as it streamed out from the lower +opening of the wound. Applying her mouth to the pan she drank some of +the blood and gave the pan to a sister priest.<sup>5</sup> At the same +time a little was given to the sick man, who drank it down with such +eager haste that it ran upon his cheeks. One of the priestesses then +performed blood lustration by anointing the patient's forehead with the +remainder of the blood. A few others, of whom I was one, had these +bloody ministrations performed on them.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>Not infrequently the blood is sucked from the upper +wound. This is a custom more prevalent among the Mandáyas than among the +Manóbos.</p> + +<p>The priest and priestesses at this period presented a most strange +spectacle. With faces and hands besmirched with clotted blood, they +stood trembling with indescribable vehemence. Their jingle bells tinkled +in time with the movement of their bodies. The priestesses recovered +from their furious possession after a few minutes, but not so the male +priest, for to prevent himself from collapsing completely he clutched a +near-by tree, shading his eyes with his bloodstained hand. The drum and +gong came into play again and the priestesses took up the step, circling +around their entranced companion and addressing him in terms that on +account of the rattle of the drum and the clanging of the gong could not +be heard. He finally emerged, however, all dazed and covered with +perspiration. Through him a <i>diuáta</i> announced the recovery of the +patient, at which yells of approval rang out, and then began a social +celebration consisting of dancing and drinking. This was continued till +the hour for dinner, when the victim was consumed in the usual way.</p> + +<p>In this instance, as in many others witnessed, the sick man +recovered, and with a suddenness that seemed extraordinary. This must be +attributed to the deep and abiding faith that the Manóbo places in his +deities and in his priests. The circumstances of the sacrifice are such +as to inspire him with confidence and, strong in his faith, he recovers +his health and strength in nearly every case.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4Q2"></a> +<h4>RITES PECULIAR TO THE WAR PRIESTS</h4> +</center> + +<blockquote> +<p> (1) The betel-nut tribute to the gods of war.<br> (2) The supplication +and invocation of the gods of war.<br> (3) The betel-nut offering to the +souls of the enemies.<br> (4) The various forms of divination.<br> (5) The +ceremonial invocation of the omen bird.<br> (6) The <i>tagbúsau's</i> feast.<br> +(7) Human sacrifice. +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The first two ceremonies differ from the corresponding functions +performed by the ordinary priests in only two respects, first that they +are performed in honor of the war spirits, and secondly that the +invocation includes an interminable list of the names of those slain by +the officiating warrior chief and by his ancestors for a few generations +back.</p> + +<p>The sacred dance for the entertainment of the attending divinities +with which this invocation and supplication is repeatedly interrupted +will be described later on.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4Q21"></a> +<h5>THE BETEL-NUT OFFERING TO THE SOULS OF THE ENEMIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>The ceremony is performed only before an expedition, with a view to +securing the good will of souls of the enemies who may be slain in the +intended fray. As was set forth before, souls, or departed spirits, seem +to have a grievance against the living, and are wont to plague them in +diverse ways. Now, in order to avoid such ill will as might follow the +separation of these spirits from their corporal companions, a ceremony +is performed by the warrior priest in the following way: He orders an +offering of rice to be set out upon the river bank, or on the trail over +which the spirits are expected to wing their way, and hastens to invite +them to a conference. Then a number of pieces of betel leaf are set out +on a shield, so that each soul or spirit has his portion of betel leaf, +his little slice of betel nut, and his bit of lime. Then the warrior +chief, or some one else at his bidding, addresses the souls without +making it known that an attack<sup>6</sup> is soon to be made. It is +then explained to these spirits that they are invited to partake of the +offering in good will and peace, that the warrior priest's party has a +grievance against their enemies, and that some day they may be obliged +to redress the matter in a bloody way. The souls next are urged to +forego their displeasure, should it become necessary at any time to +redress the wrongs by force and possibly slay the authors of them. The +invisible souls are then supposed to partake of the offering and to +depart in peace as if they understood the whole situation.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>I was informed that a sometime friend or distant relative +of the enemy is generally selected for this task.</p> + +<p>There is an incident, which is said to occur during the above +ceremony, that deserves special mention, as it illustrates very +pointedly the spirit in which the ceremony is performed. All arms are +said to be placed upon the ground and carefully covered with the shields +in such a way that the spirit guests will be unable to detect their +presence on their arrival. The betel-nut portions are placed upon one of +the upper shields.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4Q22"></a> +<h5>VARIOUS FORMS OF DIVINATION</h5> +</center> + +<a name="4Q221"></a> +<p><i>The betel-nut cast</i>.<sup>7</sup>--This form of divination is +never omitted, according to all accounts. In the instance which I +witnessed the procedure was as follows: The leader of the expedition +invoked the <i>tagbúsau</i>, informing him that each of the quids +represented one of the enemy, and beseeching him (or them) to indicate +by the position of these symbols after the ceremony the fate of the +enemy. The warrior priest or his representative, lifting up the shield +with one hand under it, and one hand above it, turned it upside down +with a rapid movement, thus precipitating the quids on the floor. Now +those that fell vertically under the shield represented the number of +the enemy who would fall into their clutches, while those that lay +without the pale of the shield represented the individuals who would +escape, and to whose slaughter accordingly they must devote every +energy. There are numerous little details in this, as in most other +forms of divination, each one of which has an interpretation, subject, +it would appear, to the vagaries of each individual augur.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Ba-lís-kad to ma-má-on</i>.</p> + +<a name="4Q222"></a> +<p><i>Divination from the báguñg vine</i>.--Before leaving the point +from which it has been decided to begin the march two pieces of green +rattan, the length of the middle finger and about 1 centimeter thick, +are laid upon the ground parallel to each other and about 2.5 +centimeters apart. One of these stands for the enemy and the other for +the attacking party. A firebrand is then held over the two until the +heat causes one of them to warp and twist to one side or the other. Thus +if the strip that represents the enemy were to begin to twist over +toward that of the aggressors, while that of the latter twists away from +the former, the omen would be bad, for it would denote the flight of the +assaulting party. Should, however, the rattan of the aggressors twist +over and fall on the other, the omen would be auspicious and the march +might be entered upon.</p> + +<p>The various twists and curls of these strips of rattan are observed +with the closest attention and interpreted variously. Should the omen +prove ill, the <i>tagbúsau</i> must be invoked and other forms of +divination tried until the party feels assured of success.</p> + +<a name="4Q223"></a> +<p><i>Divination from báya squares</i>.--The <i>báya</i> is a species of +small vine, a fathom of which is cut by the leader into pieces exactly +the length of the middle finger. These pieces are then laid on the +ground in squares. Should the number of pieces be sufficient to +constitute complete squares without any remainder the omen is bad in the +extreme, but should a certain number of pieces remain the omen is good. +Thus if one piece remains the attack will be successful and of short +duration. If two remain, the outcome will be the same, but there will be +some delay; and if three remain, the delay will be considerable, as it +will be necessary to construct ladders.<sup>8</sup></p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Pa-ga-hag-da-nán</i>.</p> + +<p>When any of the omens taken by one of the above forms of divination +prove unpropitious, the tagbúsau must be invoked and other divinatory +methods tried until the party is satisfied that a reasonable amount of +success is assured. But should the omens indicate a failure or a +disaster, the expedition must be put off or a change made in the party. +Thus, for instance, the bad luck<sup>9</sup> might be attributed to the +presence of one or more individuals. In that case these persons are +eliminated and the omens repeated. It is needless to say that the +observance of all the omens necessary for an expedition, together with +the concomitant ceremonies, may occupy as much as three days and +nights.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Paí-ad</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4Q3"></a> +<h4>INVOCATION OF THE OMEN BIRD<sup>10</sup></h4> +</center> + +<p><sup>10</sup><i>Pan-áu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon</i>.</p> + +<p>Though at the beginning of ordinary journeys the consultation of the +omen bird is of primary importance, yet before a war expedition it +acquires a solemnity that is not customary on ordinary occasions. This +ceremony is the last of all those that are made preparatory to the +march.</p> + +<p>The warrior priest turns toward the trail and addresses the invisible +turtledove, beseeching it to sing out from the proper direction and +thereby declare whether they may proceed or not. In one of the instances +that came under my personal observation a little unhulled rice was +placed upon a log for the regalement of the omen bird, and a tame pet +omen bird in an adjoining house was petted and fed and asked to summon +its wild mates of the encircling forest to sing the song of victory. +Many of the band imitate the turtle bird's cry<sup>11</sup> as a further +inducement to get an answer from the wild omen birds that might be in +the neighborhood.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>This is done by putting the hands crosswise, palm over +palm and thumb beside thumb. The cavity between the palms must be +tightly closed, leaving open a slit between the thumbs. The mouth is +applied to this slit and by blowing in puffs the Manóbo can produce a +sound that is natural enough to elicit in many cases response from a +turtledove that may be within hearing distance. In fact, I have known +the birds to approach within shooting distance of the artificial +sounds.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4Q4"></a> +<h4>THE TAGBÚSAU'S FEAST</h4> +</center> + +<p>In the ceremonies connected with, the celebration in honor of his war +lord the warrior priest is the principal personage, but he is usually +assisted by several of the chief priests of the ordinary class. Such is +the general account, and such was the procedure in the ceremony that I +witnessed in 1907, of which the following are the main details and which +will serve as a general description of the ceremony:</p> + +<p>The appurtenances of the ceremony were identical with those described +before under ceremonial accessories, except that a piece of bamboo, +about 30 centimeters long, parted and carved into the form of a crude +crocodile with a betel-nut frond hanging from it, was suspended in the +diminutive offering house referred to so many times before. Objects of +this kind, like this piece of bamboo, have a mouthlike form and vary +from 30 to 60 centimeters in length. They are, as it were, ceremonial +salvers on which are set the offerings of blood and meat and +<i>gíbañg</i><sup>12</sup> for the war deities.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Gí-bañg</i> is the nape of the neck, and here refers +to that of a pig.</p> + +<p>In the ceremony that I am describing I noticed a plate of rice set +out on an upright piece of bamboo, the upper part of which had been +spread out into an inverted cone to hold the plate. The pig had been +bound already to its sacrificial table, but was ceaseless in its cries +and in its efforts to release itself. Several war and ordinary priests, +covered with all their wealth of charms and ornaments, were scattered +throughout the assembly. The war priests particularly presented an +imposing appearance, vested in the blood-red insignia of their rank. +Around their necks were thrown the magic charm collars, with their +pendants of shells, crocodile teeth, and herbs.</p> + +<p>About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the day in question the ceremony +was ushered in in the usual way by several male and female priests. The +warrior priests did not take part till the following day, though during +the night they chanted legendary tales of great Manóbo fights and +fighters. The following morning, however, they led the ceremonies.</p> + +<p>During the whole performance there seemed to be no established system +or order. Both warrior priests and others took up the invocation and the +dance as the whim moved or as the opportunity allowed them. One +noteworthy point about the ceremony was the ritual dance of the warrior +priests in honor of their war deities. Attired as they were in the full +panoply of war, with hempen coat and shield, lance, bolo, and dagger, +they romped and pirouetted in turns around the victim to the wild war +tattoo of the drum and the clang of the gong. Imagining the victim to be +some doughty enemy of his, the dancer darted his lance at it back and +forth, now advancing, now retreating, at times hiding behind his shield, +and at others advancing uncovered as if to give the last long lunge. +Under the inspiration of the occasion their eyes gleamed with a fierce +glare and the whole physiognomy was kindled with the fire of war. The +spectators on this particular occasion maintained silence and attention +and manifested considerable fear. It is believed that the warrior +priest, being under the influence of his war god, is liable to commit an +act of violence.</p> + +<p>At the time I did not understand the tenor of the invocations that +followed each dance, but was informed that they are such as would be +expected on such an occasion, namely, an invitation to the spirits of +war to partake of the feast and a prayer to them to accompany the party +and assist them in capturing their enemies.</p> + +<p>When the moment for the sacrifice arrived the leader of the party, +the chief warrior priest, danced the final dance and, stepping up to the +pig, plunged his spear through its heart, and, applying his mouth to the +wound, drank the blood. Several of the other priests caught the blood in +plates and pans and partook of it in the same manner. The leader put the +blood receptacle under the wound and allowed some of the blood to flow +into it. He then returned it to the diminutive offering house. The +ordinary priests fell into the customary trance, but the war-priest, +together with several of the spectators, took the blood omen. Apparently +this was not favorable, for they ordered the intestines to be removed at +once and examined the gall bladder and the liver.</p> + +<p>The priests emerged from their trance and no further ceremonies were +performed except the taking of omens. This occupied several hours and +was performed by little groups, even the young boys trying their hand at +it.</p> + +<p>When the pig had been cooked it was set out on the floor and was +partaken of in the usual way. There was little brew on hand. I learned +that on such occasions it is not customary to indulge to any great +extent in drinking.</p> + +<p>The party expected to begin the march that afternoon; but as the +scouts had not returned they waited until the next morning.</p> + +<p>When the march was about to begin, and while the party still stood on +the river bank, the leader wrenched the head off a chicken and took +observations from the blood and intestines. These were not as +satisfactory as was desired, but were considered favorable enough to +warrant beginning the march tentatively. Upon the entrance of the party +into the forest the omen bird was invoked; its cry proved favorable, and +the march began.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4Q5"></a> +<h4>HUMAN SACRIFICE<sup>13</sup></h4> +</center> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Hu-á-ga</i>.</p> + +<p>I never witnessed a human sacrifice nor was I ever able to verify the +facts in the locality in which one had occurred, but I have no doubt +that such sacrifices were made occasionally by Manóbos in former +times.</p> + +<p>It is not strange that a custom of this kind should exist in a +country where a human being is a mere chattel, sometimes valued at less +than a good dog. When it is considered that in Manóboland revenge is not +only a virtue but a precept, and often a sacred inheritance, it stands +to reason that to sacrifice the life of an enemy or of an enemy's friend +or relative would be an act of the highest merit. From what I have +observed of Manóbo ways I can readily conceive the satisfaction and glee +with which an enemy would be offered up to the war deities of a +settlement, slowly lanced or stabbed to death, and then the heart, +liver, and blood taken ceremonially. A very common expression of anger +used by one Manóbo to another is "<i>huagon ka</i>," that is, +"May you be sacrificed."</p> + +<p>I find verbal evidences of human sacrifices in those regions only +that are near to the territory of the Bagóbos and the Mandáyas. This +leads me to think that the custom is either of Bagóbo or of Mandáya +origin.</p> + +<p>The Jesuit missionary Urios<sup>14</sup> makes mention of the case of +Maliñgáan who lived on the upper Simúlao, contiguous to the Mandáya +country. In order to cure himself of a severe illness he had a little +girl sacrificed. Urios describes the punitive expedition sent out +against him, and the death of Maliñgáan by his own hand.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, Cuaderno V, +letter from Father Saturnine Urios, Patrocinio, Sept. 16, 1881.</p> + +<p>I have heard of numerous cases, especially in the region at the +headwaters of the Báobo, Ihawán, and Sábud Rivers. One particular case +will illustrate the manner in which the ceremony is performed. My +authority for the account is one who claimed to have participated in the +sacrifice.</p> + +<p>A boy slave, who belonged to the man that arranged the sacrifice, was +selected. The slave was given to understand that the object of the +ceremony was to cure him of a loathsome disease from which he was +suffering.<sup>15</sup> The preparatory ceremonies were described as +being of the same character as those which take place in the ordinary +pig sacrifice for the war spirit, namely, the offering of the betel-nub +tribute, the solemn invocation of the war spirits and supplication for +the recovery of the officiant's son, the sacred dance performed by the +warrior priests, and the offering of betel nut to the soul of the slave +that it might harbor no ill will against the participants in the +ceremony.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>To-bu-káw</i>.</p> + +<p>The slave, the narrator informed me, was left unmolested, being +entertained by companions of his age until the moment for the sacrifice +arrived, when he was seized and quickly bound to a tree. The warrior +priest, who was the father of the sick one, then shouted out in a loud +voice to his war spirits asking them to accept the blood of this human +creature, and without further ado planted his dagger in the slave's +breast. Several others, among whom my informant was one, followed suit. +The victim died almost instantly. Then each one of the warrior priests +inserted a crocodile tooth from his neck collar<sup>16</sup> into one of +the wounds and they became, as the narrator put it, <i>tagbusauán</i>; +that is, filled with the blood spirit. The reader is left to imagine the +scene that must have followed.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>Ta-ti-hán</i>.</p> + +<p>Human sacrifice takes place in other forms, according to universal +report. Thus one hears now and then that a warrior chief had his young +son kill a slave or a captive in order to receive the spirit of bravery +through the power of a war deity, who would impart to him the desire to +perform feats of valor. Three warrior chiefs informed me personally that +they had done this in order to accustom their young sons to the sight of +blood and to impart to them the spirit of courage. I have no doubt +whatsoever of the truth of their statements, as they were made in a +matter-of-fact, straightforward way, as if the affair were a most +natural occurrence. Accounts of such performances may be overheard when +Manóbos speak among themselves.</p> + +<p>There is also another way in which human lives are sacrificed, but it +partakes less of ceremonial character than the two previous methods. I +was given the names of several warrior chiefs who had practiced it. The +following are the details: If the warriors have been lucky enough to +kill an enemy during a fray and at the same time to secure human booty +in the form of captives, they are said on occasions to turn one or more +of these same captives over to their less successful friends in order +that the latter may sate their bloody thirst and feel the full +jubilation of the victory. I was informed that the victims are dragged +out into the near-by forest, speared to death or stabbed, and thrust +with broken bones into a narrow round hole. That this is true I have +every reason to believe, for I heard these reports under circumstances +of a convincing nature. Furthermore, such proceedings would be highly +typical of Manóbo character and would probably occur among any people +that valued human life so lightly and that cherished revenge so dearly. +What could be more natural and more pleasing in the exultation of +victory and in the wildness of its orgies than to deliver a captive, +probably a mortal enemy, to an unsuccessful friend or relative that he +too might glut his vengeance and fill his heart with the full joy of +victory?</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXVII</h3> +<h3>DIVINATION AND OMENS</h3> + +<a name="4R1"></a> +<h4>IN GENERAL</h4> +</center> + +<p>The Manóbo not only consults his priest in order to determine the +will of the deities but he himself questions nature at every step of +life and discovers, by what he considers definite and unerring +indications, the course that he may pursue with personal security and +success.</p> + +<p>To set down the multitudinous array of these signs would be to +attempt a task of extreme prolixity and one encompassed with infinite +uncertainties and seeming contradictions.</p> + +<p>Upon being questioned as to the origin of these manifold omens and +auguries the Manóbo can afford no further information than that they +have been tried for long generations and found to be true. Show him that +on a given occasion the omen bird's cry augured ill but that the +undertaking was a success, and he will explain away the apparent +inconsistency. Show him that the omens were auspicious and that the +enterprise was a failure and he will ascribe the failure to an unnoticed +violation of a taboo or to the infraction of some tribal custom which +aroused the displeasure of a deity.</p> + +<p>In every undertaking he must have divine approbation to give him +assurance. If one omen is unsatisfactory, he must consult another, and +if that one fails also, he tries a third, and after various other +trials, if all are unfavorable, he suspends or discontinues the work +until he receives a more favorable answer. After getting a satisfactory +omen he proceeds with the full assurance of success.</p> + +<p>There can hardly be said to be professional augurers in Manóboland. +Here and there one finds one with a reputation for skill but this +reputation is never so great as to overcome differences of opinion on +the part of others who also claim to be experts. In fact, where a +combination of good and bad omens occurs, it is customary to hold a long +consultation until the consensus of opinion inclines one way or the +other.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R2"></a> +<h4>MISCELLANEOUS CASUAL OMENS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The following are a few of the accidental omens that portend ill:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>(1) Sneezing when heard by one who is about to leave the house, +prognosticates ill luck for him. He must return to the house and wait a +few minutes in order to neutralize the bad influence.<sup>1</sup></p> + +<p>(2) It is an evil portent to see a snake on the trail. The traveler +must return and wait till next day, or if that can not be done, recourse +must be had to other omens, such as the egg omen, or the suspension +omen, in order to determine beyond a doubt what fortune awaits him.</p> + +<p>(3) Should a frog, a large lizard, or any other living creature that +is a stranger to human habitations, enter a house, the portent is +unlucky and means must be taken at once to discover, through divination, +the exact significance of the occurrence. In such cases the egg omen is +tried, and then the suspension omen, and others until no doubt is +entertained as to the significance of the unusual occurrence.</p> + +<p>(4) The settling of bees on the gable ornaments of a house, or even +in the immediate vicinity of the house, is a sure intimation of the +approach of a war party or even of certain death, unless the occurrence +has taken place during the rice-planting season and in the new clearing. +The fowl-waving ceremony and the blood lustration must be performed +immediately and other omens taken at once to determine whether these +ceremonies were sufficient to neutralize the threatened danger. I +arrived at a house on the upper Karága, shortly after the occurrence of +this portent, and took part in the countervailing ceremonies. According +to all reports the belief in this omen and the neutralization of it by +the above-mentioned ceremonies is common to Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans.</p> + +<p>(5) The howling of a dog while asleep portends evil to the owner. +This omen is considered very serious and the evil of which it is an +intimation must be averted by prompt means. Moreover, the dog must be +sold.</p> + +<p>(6) The appearance of shooting stars, meteors, and comets +prognosticates sickness.</p> + +<p>(7) The breaking of a plate or of a pot before an intended trip is of +such evil import that the trip is postponed until the following day.</p> + +<p>(8) The discovery of blood on an object when no satisfactory +explanation of its presence can be found is an omen of very evil +import.</p> + +<p>(9) The nibbling of clothes by mice is an evil sign, and, though the +clothes need not be discarded, neutralizing means must be resorted +to.</p> + +<p>(10) The finding of a dead animal on the farm is of highly evil +import and no means should be left untried toward offsetting the +threatened ill.</p> + +<p>(11) The crying of birds at night is considered ominous; the sound is +thought to be the voice of evil spirits who with intent to do harm have +metamorphosed themselves into the form of birds.</p> </blockquote> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pan-dú-ut</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R3"></a> +<h4>DIVINATION BY DREAMS</h4> +</center> + +<p>As already stated, dreams are believed to be pictures of the doings +of the soul companions of the Manóbo and in some mystic way are thought +to foreshadow his own fate. Should a person yell in his sleep it is a +proof that his soul or spirit is in danger, and he must be instantly +aroused but not rudely.<sup>2</sup> The belief in dreams is strong and +abiding and plays no small part in the Manóbo's religious life.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>If not awakened at once he may fall into a condition in +which he is said to be <i>pa-ga-tam-ái-un</i>, a term that I have failed +to learn the meaning of.</p> + +<p>The interpretation of them, however, is so variable and so involved +in apparent contradictions that I have obtained little definite and +reliable information. In cases where Manóbo experts differ, and where +other forms of divination have to be employed to determine whether a +dream is to be considered ominous or otherwise, it is not suprising[sic] +that a stranger should have received little enlightenment on the +subject.</p> + +<p>Much more importance attaches to the dreams of the priest than to +those of ordinary individuals, for the former are thought to have a more +general application and to be more definite in their significance. But +the difficulty of interpretation may frequently make the dream of no +value because it may happen that the future must be determined by +recourse to other divinatory methods.</p> + +<p>There is a general belief that both the ordinary priest and the +warrior chief may receive a knowlege[sic] of future events in their +dreams and also may receive medicine, but I know of only one case in +which the latter claim was made. In that case a priest maintained that +he had been instructed in a dream to fish for eels the following day. He +stated that he had done so and that he had found a bezoar stone which he +had given to a sick relative of his.</p> + +<p>However, when once the dream has been interpreted to the satisfaction +of the dream experts as ill-boding, means must be taken immediately to +avert the impending evil. A common method of doing this is by the +fowl-waving ceremony and in serious cases by the blood-lustration +rite.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R4"></a> +<h4>DIVINATION BY GEOMETRICAL FIGURES</h4> + +<a name="4R41"></a> +<h5>THE VINE<sup>3</sup> OMEN</h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Bu-dá-kan</i>, a species of creeper.</p> + +<p>I witnessed the taking of this omen both in 1905, before the war +expedition referred to on previous pages, and also at the time of the +selection of a new town site for the town of Monacayo[sic] on the upper +Agúsan. As a rule the omen is taken on occasions of this kind. The +procedure in the rite is as follows:</p> + +<p>A piece of a vine one fathom long is cut up into pieces the length of +the middle finger; these pieces are then arranged as in the figure shown +herewith as far as the number of the pieces permits. The sides of the +square and the pieces which radiate from the corners are first laid in +position. One piece is then placed in the center, and those which remain +are set at right angles to the rectangle. (See fig. 2<i>c</i>, +<i>e</i>.)</p> + +<p>The six pieces of vine that are set at right angles to the rectangle, +as in figure 2<i>a</i>, represent the ladders or poles by which entrance +is gained to the house, represented in this case by the rectangle +itself. The pieces that radiate from the four corners represent the +posts that support the house. Now, whenever the pieces of vine are not +sufficient to form even one "ladder," it is evident that all +hopes of entering the house and getting the enemy are vain. The +principle of the omen consists in the observation of the presence and +number of ladders, and of the length of the central piece which +represents the inmates of the house to be attacked. The following are +some of the main and more intelligible figures.</p> + +<a name="F2"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/FIGURE02.JPG" alt="FIGURE 2"> + +<p>As there is no side piece or "ladder" in Figure 2<i>b</i>, +<i>c</i> it is a sign that the house of the opponent can not be entered. +In Figure 2<i>c</i> the shortness of the central piece is an indication +that one of the attacking party will be wounded. This configuration is +called <i>lahúñgan</i><sup>4</sup> and is very inauspicious.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>From <i>la-húñg</i>, to carry on a pole between two or +more persons.</p> + +<p>In Figure 2<i>d</i> the necessary ladders are present and the inmates +of the house will be reached. The omen is favorable and is called +<i>hagdanan</i>.<sup>5</sup></p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>From <i>hágdan</i>, a pole ladder.</p> + +<p>In Figure 2<i>e</i> there are the necessary means of getting access +to the house as may be seen by the presence of the three +"ladders" at right angles to the house. Moreover, the piece +representing the inmates is shorter, an indication of great slaughter. +This is a most favorable omen and, as there will be great weeping as a +result of the killing, it is called luha'an.<sup>6</sup></p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>From <i>lú-ha</i>, a tear.</p> + +<p>In Figure 2<i>f</i> the absence of a piece within the rectangle is +symbolical of the flight of the inmates of the house so that the +intended attack is put off for a few days and a few scouts sent forward +to reconnoiter.</p> + +<p>There are several other combinations to which different +interpretations may be given according to whether the omen is employed +for a war expedition or for the selection of a new site, but the above +figures give a general idea of this method of divination.<sup>7</sup></p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>The interpretation of these figures can not be given in +greater detail because the Manóbos themselves can not always give +consistent explanations of them.</p> + +<p>Should the above omen prove unfavorable, the sacrifice of a +pig<sup>8</sup> or of a chicken in honor of the leader's war gods should +be performed, and then another attempt to secure a favorable omen by the +use of the vine may be made.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Dá-yo to tag-bú-sau</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R42"></a> +<h5>THE RATTAN OMEN<sup>9</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>9</sup><i>Tí-ko</i>.</p> + +<p>The rattan-frond omen is taken to determine either the success of a +prospective attack or the suitability of a new site for a house or farm. +The observation is performed in the following way: A frond of rattan one +fathom in length is taken and its midrib is cut into pieces each the +length of the middle finger, as in the preceding omen, but in such a way +that each piece of the midrib retains spikes, one on each side. These +two spikes are then tied together, thus forming a kind of a ring or leaf +circle. All these leaf circles are taken in one hand and thrown up into +the air. Should any of these circlets be found entwined or stuck +together when they reach the ground the omen is considered unlucky, for +it denotes that one or more of the enemy will engage in a hand-to-hand +fight with the attacking party.<sup>10</sup> Should, however, the +different leaf circles reach the ground without becoming entangled, the +omen is excellent. There are a great variety of possible interpretations +arising from the number of tangles, each one of which has a special name +and a special import, but I am unable to give any further reliable +information as to these. This rattan-frond omen appears to be used very +rarely. In fact, in some districts no great reliance seems to be placed +on it by many with whom I conversed.<sup>11</sup></p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>The omen is then said to be <i>na-ba-ká-an</i>. The +exact meaning of this term, I am unable to state.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>For other omens of a similar nature see Chapter XXVI.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R5"></a> +<h4>DIVINATION BY SUSPENSION AND OTHER METHODS</h4> + +<a name="4R51"></a> +<h5>THE SUSPENSION OMEN</h5> +</center> + +<p>The ordinary manner of divining future events by this method is to +suspend a bolo or a dagger that has been consecrated to a deity and from +its movement, or from the absence of movement, obtain the desired +information. In case of emergency such a common-place object as an old +smoking pipe may be used.</p> + +<p>The object is suspended, preferably in front of a sacrificial tray, +or table, and then questioned just as if it were a thing of life. The +answers are somewhat limited, being confined to "yes" and +"no," and are expressed by the faint and silent movement or by +the utter quietude of the object suspended. Movement denotes an +affirmative response to the question, quietude or lack of movement a +negative answer.</p> + +<p>I was often struck with the childlike simplicity displayed by the +taker of the oracle In the particular case wherein a pipe was employed, +the party wished to discover whether it would be safe for him to proceed +on a journey the following day. The pipe by a slight gyratory motion at +once intimated its assent. He then besought it to make no mistake, and, +after carefully stilling the movement of his oracle, repeated the +question two different times, receiving each time an affirmative answer. +The consultation was made within a heavy hempen mosquito net of +<i>abaká</i> fiber, and, as the pipe had been suspended in a position +where the heated air from the candle could affect it, it is not +surprising that it displayed a tendency to be in constant movement.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R52"></a> +<h5>THE OMEN FROM EGGS<sup>12</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Ti-maí-ya to a-tá-yug</i>.</p> + +<p>A fresh egg, or one that is known still to be in good condition, is +broken in two and the contents gently emptied into a plate or bowl. If +the white and the yoke remain separated, the omen is favorable but if +they should mix, it is of ominous import. Should the egg prove to be +rotten, the omen is thought to be evil in the extreme. I never in a +single instance witnessed the failure of this omen. I was informed, +however, that on occasions it has proved unfavorable.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R6"></a> +<h4>DIVINATION BY SACRIFICIAL APPEARANCES</h4> +</center> + +<p>Hieromancy is a form of divination that is resorted to on all +occasions where the object of a sacrifice is one of very great +importance. I witnessed this form of divination practiced upon the +departure of a war party in the upper Agúsan in 1907.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R61"></a> +<h5>THE BLOOD OMEN</h5> +</center> + +<p>The blood from the neck of a sacrificed chicken or from the side of a +pig is caught, usually in a bowl. If it is found to be of a bright, +spotless red, without any frothing or bubbles, the omen is excellent, +but the appearance of foam or dark spots, or blotches is regarded as +indicative of evil in a greater or less degree according to the number +and size of the spots. The appearance of circular streaks in the blood +is highly favorable, as it is taken as an indication that the enemy will +be completely encircled, thereby assuring the capture of all the enemy +or their annihilation. In this, as in all other omens, the +interpretation is given by those who are considered experts. I can +afford no reliable information as to the rules governing the +interpretation. Answers to inquiries show that in the interpretation of +this omen there is involved an infinity of contradictions, +uncertainties, and intricacies.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R62"></a> +<h5>THE NECK OMEN</h5> +</center> + +<p>Before the expedition referred to above I observed a peculiar method +of determining which of the warriors would distinguish himself.</p> + +<p>The leader of the expedition seized a fowl, made a short invocation, +wrenched the head from the body and allowed the blood of the beheaded +bird to flow into a bowl. When all the blood had been caught in this +vessel, the leader held up the still writhing fowl, leaving the neck +free. Then several of those present addressed the fowl, beseeching it to +point out the ones who would display most valor during the attack. +Naturally, through the violent action of the muscles, the neck was +twisted momentarily in a certain direction. This signified that the +person in whose direction it pointed would show especial courage during +the fray. The fowl was questioned a second and a third time with the +result that it always pointed more or less in the direction of some one +of the party famed for his prowess, which person was then and there +acclaimed as one of the Hectors of the coming fight.</p> + +<p>I was repeatedly assured that this omen is always consulted before +all war expeditions<sup>13</sup> or war raids. In the lake region of the +Agúsan Valley the omen is interpreted differently for it is said to be +good if the neck finally twists itself towards the east or towards the +north.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup><i>Mañg-ái-yau</i> is a word used by nearly all tribes +in Mindanáo to express a band of warriors on a raid, or the raid itself. +Mr. H. O. Beyer, of the Bureau of Science, tells me that the word is +used also by some northern Luzon tribes. I myself found it in use by the +Negritos of the Gumaín and Kauláman rivers in western Pampanga.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R63"></a> +<h5>THE OMEN FROM THE GALL</h5> +</center> + +<p>The only rule with regard to the gall bladder is that it should be of +normal size in order to denote success. An unusually large, or an +unusually small one, prognosticate, respectively, misfortune or +failure.<sup>14</sup> When the gall bladder is unusually large, however, +the omen gives rise to great misgivings and calls for a very careful +observance of the following omen, for it portends not only failure but +disaster.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>In the former case the omen is said to be <i>gu-tús</i> +and in the latter case <i>gí-pus</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R64"></a> +<h5>THE OMEN FROM THE LIVER</h5> +</center> + +<p>This omen is taken from the liver of pigs only. In the observation of +it dark spots and blotches are an indication of evil and are counted and +examined as to size and form. For all of these there is a corresponding +interpretation, varying, probably, according to the idiosyncrasies of +each individual augur.</p> + +<p>On occasions of great importance such as war raids, or epidemics, +this omen is always consulted. But it is taken with great frequency in +other contingencies as an auxiliary omen to overcome the influence of +previous evil ones.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R65"></a> +<h5>THE OMEN FROM A FOWL'S INTESTINAL APPENDIX<sup>15</sup></h5> +</center> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pós-ud</i>. This appendix is a small blind projection +found on the intestines of fowls.</p> + +<p>I have never determined whether the appendix of a pig is a subject +for augury or not. If it is, it escaped my observation. The appendix of +a chicken, however, is invariably observed as an auxiliary to the +observation of the liver and the gall of a pig. If it is found to be +erect, that is, at right angles to the intestine, it is considered a +favorable omen but if found in a horizontal or supine position with +reference to the intestine, it is said to be highly inauspicious. In +every case which I saw the omen was favorable.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R7"></a> +<h4>ORNITHOSCOPY</h4> + +<a name="4R71"></a> +<h5>IN GENERAL</h5> +</center> + +<p>Divination by birds is confined practically to the +turtledove.<sup>16</sup> This homely inert creature is considered the +harbinger of good and evil, and is consulted at the beginning of every +journey and of every undertaking where its prophetic voice can be heard. +Should its cry forebode ill, the undertaking is discontinued no matter +how urgent it may be. But should the cry presage good, then the project +is taken up or continued with renewed assurance and a glad heart, for is +not this bird the envoy of the deities and its voice a divine +message?</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup><i>Li-mó-kon</i>.</p> + +<p>No arguments can shake the Manóbo's<sup>17</sup> faith in the trusty +omen bird. For him it can not err, it is infallible. For every case you +cite him of its errors, he quotes you numberless cases where its +prophecies have come true, and ends by attributing the instance you cite +to a false interpretation or to divine intervention that saved you from +the evil prognosticated by the bird.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup>Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Banuáons of the +Agúsan Valley have practically the same beliefs as the Manóbos in regard +to this omen bird.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R72"></a> +<h5>RESPECT TOWARD THE OMEN BIRD</h5> +</center> + +<p>The omen bird is never killed, for to kill it would draw down +unmitigated misfortune. On the contrary, it is often captured and is +carefully fed and petted, especially when an inmate of the house is +about to undertake a journey. The prospective traveler takes a little +<i>camote</i> or banana and, placing it in the cage, addresses the +captive bird and asks it to sing to its companions of the woods that +they too in turn may sing to him the song of success and safe return.</p> + +<p>And again, on the safe return of the traveler, if there is a captive +omen bird in his household, it is a common practice to feed it and give +it drink, addressing it tenderly as if it had been the cause of the +success of the trip.</p> + +<p>When the undertaking is one of importance, such as the selection of a +site for a new clearing, or one fraught with possible danger, such as a +trip into a dangerous locality, the free wild bird of the woods and not +the captive bird is solemnly invoked.<sup>18</sup> It is requested to +sing out its warning or its auspicious song in clear unmistakable tones. +Before a war expedition an offering of rice is set out on a log near the +house as a further inducement to it to be propitious.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup><i>Táu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R73"></a> +<h5>INTERPRETATION OF THE OMEN BIRD'S CALL</h5> +</center> + +<p>It frequently requires an expert to interpret exactly the meaning of +the various positions from which the bird has sung and in certain cases +even several experts can not arrive at a consensus of opinion. Hence the +following interpretation is intended as a mere general outline from +which an idea may be gained of the intricacies and sometimes apparent +contradictions involved in Manóbo ornithoscopy.</p> + +<p>The observations may be divided into three kinds, good, bad, and +indifferent, and these three kinds into infinite combinations, for the +interpretation of the first original observation may be modified and +remodified by subsequent cries proceeding from other directions. Thus +what was originally a good omen, may become, in conjunction with +subsequent ones, most fatal.</p> + +<p>The directions of the calls are calculated from eight general +positions of the bird with reference to the person making the +observation.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>(1) Directly in front.</p> + +<p>(2) Directly behind.</p> + +<p>(3) Directly at right angles on the right.</p> + +<p>(4) Directly at right angles on the left.</p> + +<p>(5) In front to the right and at an angle of 45°.</p> + +<p>(6) In front to the left and at an angle of 45°.</p> + +<p>(7) Behind to the right and at an angle of 45°.</p> + +<p>(8) Behind to the left and at an angle of 45°.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The first direction is bad. It denotes the meeting of obstacles that +are not necessarily of a very serious character unless subsequent +observations lead to such a conclusion. The trip need not be +discontinued but vigilance must be exerted.</p> + +<p>The second direction<sup>19</sup> is also bad. It is a sign that +behind one there are obstacles or impediments such as sickness in the +family. The trip must not be undertaken or continued until the following +day.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup>Called <i>ga-biñg</i>.</p> + +<p>The third and fourth directions<sup>20</sup> are indeterminate. One's +fate is unknown until subsequent omen cries reveal the future, hence all +ears are alert.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup>On the upper Agúsan it is called <i>bá-us-bá-us</i>, on +the central, <i>bí-tang</i>.</p> + +<p>The fifth direction<sup>21</sup> is good and one may proceed with +full assurance of success.</p> + +<p><sup>21</sup>Called <i>bág-to</i>.</p> + +<p>The sixth position<sup>22</sup> merely guarantees safety to life and +limb but one must not be sanguine of attaining the object of the +trip.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup>Also called <i>bág-to</i>.</p> + +<p>The seventh and eighth directions are like the second direction; that +is, bad.</p> + +<p>Between the above directions are others that receive an intermediate +interpretation. There may also be combinations of calls from different +directions. The omen bird heard in the fifth or in the sixth direction +augurs success and safety, respectively, as we saw above, but if heard +simultaneously from those two positions it is considered a most fatal +omen; the trip or enterprise must be abandoned at once. Again if the +bird calls from the fifth position and then after a short interval from +the eighth position, success is assured but upon arriving at the +destination one must hurry home without delay.</p> + +<p>Should, however, the cry proceed from the sixth direction and then be +immediately followed by one from the seventh, great vigilance must be +exerted, for the cry is an intimation that one will have to use his +shield and spear in defense.</p> + +<p>I have found the interpretation of the omen bird's call so varied and +so difficult that I refrain from entering any further into the matter. +Suffice it to say that at the beginning of every journey the bird is +consulted and its call interpreted to the best of the traveler's +ability. Should it be decided that the call augurs ill he invariably +abandons the trip until the following day when he makes another attempt +to secure favorable omens. It thus happens that his journey may be +delayed for several days. On one occasion I was delayed three days +because the cry of this mysterious bird was unfavorable.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4R74"></a> +<h5>BIRDS OF EVIL OMEN</h5> +</center> + +<p>Besides the turtledove there is no other bird that is the harbinger +of good luck. There are, however, several that by their cry, forebode +evil. Thus the cry of all birds that ordinarily do not cry by night is +of evil omen. The various species of hornbills, crows, and chickens are +examples. The cawing of crows and the shrieking of owls in the night +have a particularly evil significance, for these birds are then +considered to be the embodiment of demons that hover around with evil +intent.</p> + +<p>An unusual cackling of a hen at night without any apparent reason is +also of ill import. On one occasion it was thought to be so threatening +that the following morning the owner went through the fowl-waving +ceremony and killed the hen for breakfast. He told me that he had to +kill it or to sell it because bad luck might come if he kept it around +the house.</p> + +<p>Again, the alighting of a large bird, such as a hornbill, on the +house forebodes great evil. Ceremonial means must be taken without delay +to avert the evil presaged by such an occurrence. On one occasion I +observed the fowl-waving ceremony, the sacrifice of a chicken, and the +blood lustration performed with a view to neutralizing the evil +portent.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXVIII</h3> +<h3>MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS</h3 + +<br> +<a name="4S1"> +<h4>THE CREATION OF THE WORLD</h4> +</center> + +<p>The story of the creation of the world varies throughout the Agúsan +Valley. In the district surrounding Talakógon creation is attributed to +</a>Makalídung, the first great Manóbo. The details of his work are very +meager. He set the world up on posts, some say iron posts, with one in +the center. At this central post he has his abode, in company with a +python, according to the version of some, and whenever he feels +displeasure toward men he shakes the post, thereby producing an +earthquake and at the same time intimating to man his anger. It is +believed that should the trembling continue the world would be +destroyed.</p> + +<p>In the same district it is believed that the sky is round and that +its extremities are at the limits of the sea. Somewhere near these +limits is an enormous hole called "the navel of the +sea,"<sup>1</sup> through which the waters descend and ascend. This +explains the rise and the fall of the tide.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pó-sud to dá-gat</i>.</p> + +<p>It is said that in the early days of creation the sky was low, but +that one day a woman, while pounding rice, hit it with her pestle, and +it ascended to its present position.</p> + +<p>Another version of the creation, prevalent among the Manóbos of the +Argáwan and Híbung Rivers, gives the control of the world to +<i>Dágau</i>, who lives at the four fundamental pillars in the company +of a python. Being a woman, she dislikes the sight of human blood, and +when it is spilled upon the face of the earth she incites the huge +serpent to wreathe itself around the pillars and shake the world to its +foundations. Should she become exceedingly angry she diminishes the +supply of rice either by removing it from the granary or by making the +soil unproductive.</p> + +<p>According to another variation of the story, which is heard on the +upper Agúsan, on the Simúlau, and on the Umaíam, the world is like a +huge mushroom and it is supported upon an iron pillar in the center. +This pillar is controlled by the higher and more powerful order of +deities who, on becoming angered at the actions of men, manifest their +feelings by shaking the pillar, thereby reminding mortals of their +duties.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S2"></a> +<h4>CELESTIAL PHENOMENA</h4> + +<a name="4S21"></a> +<h5>THE RAINBOW</h5> +</center> + +<p>The rainbow, according to the general account, is an inexplicable +manifestation of the gods of war. At one end of the rainbow there is +thought to be a huge tortoise, one fathom broad. The appearance of the +rainbow is an indication that the gods of war, with their associate war +chiefs and warriors from the land of death, have gone forth in search of +blood. If red predominates among the colors of the rainbow it is thought +that the mightier war spirits are engaged in hand-to-hand combat; but if +the colors are dark, it is a sign of slaughter. If the rainbow should +seem to approach, precautions are taken to defend the house against +attack, as it is believed that a real war party is approaching.</p> + +<p>On no account must the finger be pointed at the rainbow, as it might +become curved.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S22"></a> +<h5>THUNDER AND LIGHTNING</h5> +</center> + +<p>Thunder is a demonstration by Anit of her anger towards men for +disrespect to brute animals. Lightning is spoken of as her tongue and is +described as being a reddish tongue-shaped stone that is flung by her at +the guilty one. Anit is one of the mighty spirits that dwell in +Inugtúhan, the sky world, and together with Inaíyau is the wielder of +the thunderbolt and of the storm.</p> + +<p>She is a very watchful spirit and, in case one offends her, he must +hurry to a house and get a priest to appease her with an offering of +blood. The belief in this tongue stone is universal, but no one claims +to have seen one nor can anyone tell where it can be found.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S23"></a> +<h5>ECLIPSE OF THE MOON</h5> +</center> + +<p>The almost universal belief regarding an eclipse of the moon is that +a gigantic tarantula<sup>2</sup> has attacked the moon and is slowly +encompassing it in its loathsome embrace. Upon perceiving the first +evidences of darkness upon the face of the moon, the men rush out from +the houses, shout, shoot arrows toward the moon, slash at trees with +their bolos, play the drum and gong, beat tin cans and the buttresses of +trees, blow bamboo resounders and dance around wildly, at the same time +giving forth yells of defiance at the monster saying, "Let loose our +moon," "You will be hit by an arrow." The women at the same +time keep sticking needles or pointed sticks in the wall in the +direction of the enemy that is trying to envelop the moon.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup><i>Tam-ban-a-káu-a</i>. (Bisáya, <i>ba-ka-náu-a</i>.) +Some say that a huge scorpion is the cause of eclipses.</p> + +<p>The explanation of these curious proceedings is simple. If the moon +does not become freed from the clutches of this gigantic creature, it is +believed that there will be no dawn and that, in the eternal darkness +that will subsequently fall upon the world, the evil spirits will reign +and all human apparel will be turned into snakes.</p> + +<p>During the eclipse the priests never cease to call upon their deities +for aid against the mighty tarantula that is menacing the moon.</p> + +<p>As to the origin, habitat, and character of this tarantula I have +never been afforded the least information. The huge creature seizes upon +the moon, but soon releases it on account of the shouts and menacing +actions of the human spectators. Objections that one may raise as to the +invisibility, magnitude, and other obvious anomalies are at once refuted +by the simple and sincere declaration that such belief is true because +it has been handed down from the days of yore.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S24"></a> +<h5>ORIGIN OF THE STARS AND THE EXPLANATION OF SUNSET AND SUNRISE</h5> +</center> + +<p>It is said that in the olden time the sun and the moon were married. +They led a peaceful, harmonious life and two children were the result of +their wedlock. One day the moon had to attend to one of the household +duties that fall to the lot of a woman--some say to get water, others +say to get the daily supply of food from the little farm. Before +departing she crooned the children to sleep and told her husband to +watch them but not to approach them lest, by the heat that radiated from +his body he might harm them. She then started upon her errand. The sun, +who never before had been allowed to touch his bairns, arose and +approached their sleeping place. He gazed upon them fondly and, bending +down, kissed them, but the intense heat that issued from his countenance +melted them like wax. Upon preceiving[sic] this he wept and quietly +betook himself to the adjoining forest in great fear of his wife.</p> + +<p>The moon returned duly and, after laying down her burden in the +house, turned to where the children slept, but found only their +inanimate forms. She broke out into a loud wail, and in the wildness of +her grief called upon her husband. But he gave no answer. Finally +softened by the long loud plaints he returned to his house. At the sight +of him the wild cries of grief and of despair and of rebuke redoubled +themselves until finally the husband, unable to soothe his wife, became +angry and called her his chattel.<sup>3</sup> At first she feared his +anger and quieted her sobs, but finally, breaking out into one long +wail, she seized the burnt forms of her babes and in the depth of her +anguish and her rage, threw them out on the ground in different +directions. Then the husband became angry again and, seizing some taro +leaves that his wife had brought from the farm, cast them in her face +and went his way. Upon his return he could not find his wife, and so it +is to this day that the sun follows the moon in an eternal cycle of +night and day. And so it is, too, that the stars stand scattered in the +sable firmament, for they are her discarded children that accompany her +in her hasty flight. Ever and anon a shooting star breaks across her +path, but that is only a messenger from her husband to call her back. +She, however, heeds it not but speeds on her way in never-ending flight +with the marks of the taro leaves<sup>4</sup> still upon her face, and +with her starry train accompanying her to the dawn and on to the sunset +in one eternal flight.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup><i>Máñg-gad</i> (chattel) and <i>bin-ó-tuñg</i> (purchase +slave) are the ordinary terms of reproach used by an angry husband +toward his wife and refer to her domestic status as originating in the +marriage payment.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>Some say that spots upon the moon are a cluster of +bamboos; others, that they are <i>baléte</i> trees, and others again, +that they are the taro marks referred to.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S3"></a> +<h4>THE STORY OF THE IKÚGAN,<sup>5</sup> OR TAILED MEN, AND OF THE +RESETTLEMENT OF THE AGÚSAN VALLEY</h4> +</center> + +<p><sup>5</sup>From <i>i-kug</i>, tail.</p> + +<p>It seems that long, long ago a ferocious horde of tailed men, +Tíduñg,<sup>6</sup> overran the Agúsan Valley as far south as Veruéla. +They were tailed men from all accounts, the tail of the men being like a +dagger, and that of the women like an adze of the kind used by Manóbos. +For 14 years they continued their depredations, devastating the whole +valley till all the Manóbos had fled or been killed, except one woman on +the Argáwan River or, as some say, on the Umaíam.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>It would be interesting to know whether these Tíduñg were +members of a tribe in Borneo that made piratical raids to the Súlu +Archipelago.</p> + +<p>When the Manóbos first arrived in the Agúsan Valley they tried to +withstand the tailed men. The Manóbos of the Kasilaían River are said to +have dug trenches and to have made valiant resistance, but were finally +obliged to flee to the Pacific coast.<sup>7</sup> It is said that when +encamped near the present site of San Luis these tailed folks slept on a +kind of nettle<sup>8</sup> and being severely stung, took it for a bad +omen and returned.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>It is true that the Manóbos of the Tágo River, province +of Surigao, claim kinship with those of the Kasilaían and Argáwan +Rivers, but their migration from the Agúsan Valley seems to have been +comparatively recent, if I may believe their own testimony.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ság-ui</i>.</p> + +<p>As to the origin and departure of these invaders nothing seems to be +known, but they devastated the valley from Butuán to Veruéla and from +east to west.</p> + +<p>The solitary woman who had hidden in the <i>runo</i> reeds of Argáwan +continued to eke out an existence and to pass her time in weaving +<i>abaká</i> cloth. One day as she was about to eat she found a +turtledove's egg in one of her weaving baskets and she was glad, for +meat and fish were scarce. But when the hour to eat arrived she forgot +the egg. Thus it happened day after day until the egg hatched out, when +lo! instead of a little dove there appeared a lovely little baby girl +who, under her foster mother's care and guidance, throve and grew to +woman's estate.</p> + +<p>Now it happened that, as the war had ended, scouts began to travel +through the country to discover whether the Ikúgan had really departed, +and one day a band of them found the woman and foster daughter. Amazed +at the young girl's marvelous beauty the chief asked for her hand. The +foster mother granted his request, but upon one condition--that he would +place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Well pleased with +such a simple condition he started upon his quest and before long +succeeded in placing upon every river a married couple. In this way came +about the repopulation of the Agúsan Valley. The chief then married the +beautiful maiden and peace reigned throughout the land.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S4"></a> +<h4>GIANTS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The great mythic giants of Manóboland are <i>Táma</i>, +<i>Mandayáñgan</i>, and <i>Apíla</i>. All three are described as of +marvelous height, "as tall as the tallest trees of the +mountains," and their domain is said to be the deep and dark +forest.</p> + +<p><i>Táma</i> is a wicked spirit, whose special malignancy consists in +beguiling the steps of unwary travelers. Leading his victim off the +beaten trail by cunning calls and other ruses, he devours him bodily. +His haunt is said to be sometimes the balete tree, as the enormous +footprints occasionally seen in its vicinity testify. A Manóbo of the +Kasilaían River assured me that he had seen them and that they were a +fathom long. I have heard various accounts of this fabulous being all +over eastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p><i>Mandayáñgan</i>, on the contrary, is a good-natured, humanlike +giant, who loves to attend the combats of Manóboland. He is said to have +been one of the great warriors of the days of yore. His dwelling is in +the great mountain forests, where live the gods of war.</p> + +<p><i>Apíla</i> is an innocuous giant whose one great pleasure is to +leave his far-off forest home and, crashing down the timber in his giant +strides, go in quest of a wrestling bout with Mandayáñgan. The noise of +their fierce engagement can be heard, it is said, for many and many a +league, and there are not wanting those who have witnessed their mighty +struggle for supremacy.</p> + +<p>Besides these three greater giants, there are others, lesser but more +human, the principal of whom is <i>Dábau</i>. <i>Dábau</i> lived on a +small mountain in view of the present site of Veruéla. It is said that, +before beginning his trip up the Agúsan, he sent word to the inhabitants +of the Umaíam River that on a certain day he would pass through the lake +region and that all rice should be carefully protected against the +commotion of the waters.<sup>9</sup></p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>The nearest settlements to the channel through which +<i>Dábau</i> must have passed were several kilometers distant.</p> + +<p>On the appointed day he is said to have seized the trunk of a +<i>palma brava</i> palm and, using it for a pole, to have poled his +bamboo raft from Butuán to the mouth of the Maásin Creek, near Veruéla, +in one day.<sup>10</sup> With him lived his sister, also a person of +extraordinary strength, for it is on record that she would at times +pluck a whole bunch of bananas and throw it to her brother on a +neighboring hill.</p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>This trip is a row of from 8 to 12 days in a large +native canoe and under normal conditions.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S5"></a> +<h4>PECULIAR ANIMAL BELIEFS</h4> +</center> + +<p>There is, besides the various omens taken from birds, bees, dogs, and +mice, a very peculiar observance prevailing among the tribes of eastern +Mindanáo with regard to members of the animal kingdom. This strange +observance consists in paying them a certain deference in that they must +not be laughed at, imitated, nor in anywise shown disrespect. This +statement applies particularly to those creatures which enter a human +haunt contrary to their usual custom. To laugh at them, or make jeering +remarks as to their appearance, etc., would provoke the wrath of +Anítan<sup>11</sup> the thunder goddess, who dwells in Inugtúhan. If +they enter the house, they must be driven out in a gentlemanly way and +divinatory means resorted to at once, for they may portend ill luck.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>Called also <i>Á-nit</i> and <i>In-a-ní-tan</i>.</p> + +<p>I have myself at times been upbraided for my levity toward frogs and +other animals. I also received numerous accounts of disrespect shown to +brute visitors to a house and of the ill results that might have +followed had not proper and timely propitiation been made to Anítan. The +two following incidents, of which the narrators were a part, will +sufficiently illustrate the point.</p> + +<p>Two Manóbos of the Kasilaían River entered a house and, upon +perceiving a chicken that was afflicted with a cold, began to make +unseemly remarks to it by upbraiding it for getting wet. Shortly after +it began to thunder and, remembering the offense that they had +committed, they had recourse to their aunt, a priestess, who decided +that Anítan was displeased and had to be propitiated. Finding no other +victim than a hunting dog, for the chicken was considered by her +ceremonially unclean, she at once ordered the dog to be killed for +Anítan. The thunder and the lightning passed away promptly. It may be +noted here that the dog may have had considerable value, for a really +good hunting dog commands as high a value as a human life.</p> + +<p>In another case on the same river the narrator had captured a young +monkey. When he arrived at the house its uncouth appearance caused a +little merriment and induced the owner to place upon its head a small +earthen pot in imitation of a hat. Almost immediately the first +mutterings of thunder were heard, and the owner, remembering his +indiscretion, slew the monkey and offered it in propitiation to Anítan. +As he had expected he averted the danger that he feared from the +threating[sic] thunderbolts.</p> + +<p>In some cases those who are guilty of this peculiar offense become +turned into stone, unless they take the proper means of appeasing divine +wrath, as the following legend will show.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S6"></a> +<h5>THE PETRIFIED CRAFT AND CREW OF KAGBUBÁTAÑG</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the old, old days a boat was passing the rocky promontory of +Kagbubátañg.<sup>12</sup> The occupants espied a monkey and a cat +fighting upon the summit of the promontory. The incongruity of the thing +impressed them and they began to give vent to derisive remarks, +addressing themselves to the brute combatants, when lo and behold, they +and their craft were turned into stone, and to this day the petrified +craft and crew may be seen on the promontory and all who pass must make +an offering,<sup>13</sup> howsoever small it be, to the vexed souls of +these petrified people. If one were to pass the point without making an +offering, the anger of its petrified inhabitants might be aroused and +the traveler might have bad weather and rough seas.<sup>14</sup></p> + +<p><sup>12</sup><i>Kag-bu-bá-tañg</i> is a point within sight of the +town of Placer, eastern Mindanáo.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>The offering may consist of a little piece of wood, in +fact anything, and must be thrown overboard while one is passing the +point.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>There is said to be a similar locality near Taganíto, +between Clavér and Carrascál.</p> + +<p>In further explanation of this singular belief it may be stated that +the imitation of the sounds made by frogs is especially forbidden, for +it might be followed not merely by thunderbolts, as in some cases, but +by petrifaction of the offender; in proof of this I will adduce the +legend of Añgó, of Bináoi.<sup>15</sup></p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Bin-á-oi</i> is the name of an oddly shaped peak at +the source of the River Añgadanán, tributary of the Wá-wa River. From +the upper Tágo its white crest may be seen overlooking the source of the +stream Malitbug that delivers its waters to the Tágo River through the +Borubuán.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4S7"></a> +<h5>AÑGÓ, THE PETRIFIED MANÓBO</h5> +</center> + +<p>Añgó lived many years ago on a lofty peak in the eastern Cordillera +with his wife and children. One day he went to the forest with his dogs +in quest of game. Fortune granted him a fine big boar, but he broke his +spear in dealing the mortal blow. Upon arriving at a stream he sat down +upon a stone and set himself to repairing his spear. The croaking of the +near-by frogs attracted his attention and, imitating their shrill notes, +he boldly told them that it would be better to cease their cries and +help him mend his spear. He continued his course up the rocky torrent, +but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow behind in +his path. Surprised at such a happening he hastened his steps. Looking +back, he saw bigger stones join in the pursuit. He then seized his dog +and in fear began to run but the stones kept on in hot pursuit, bigger +and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his <i>camote</i> +patch he was exhausted and had to slacken his pace, whereupon the stones +overtook him and one became attached to his finger. He could not go on. +He called upon his wife. She, with the young children, sought the magic +lime<sup>16</sup> and set it around her husband, but all to no avail, +for his feet began to turn to stone. His wife and children, too, fell +under the wrath of Anítan. The following morning the whole family had +petrified up to the knees, and during the following three days the +process continued from the knees to the hips, then to the breast, and +then on to the head. And thus it is that to this day there may be seen +on Bináoi Peak the petrified forms of Añgó and his family.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>Limes and lemons, it will be remembered, are supposed to +be objects of fear to the evil spirits.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T"></a> +<h3>CHAPTER XXIX</h3> +<h3>THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910</h3> + +<a name="4T1"></a> +<h4>THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT</h4> +</center> + +<p>The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal +report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.<sup>1</sup> It was +thence propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that +lies south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the +Libagánon and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the +Manóbos of the upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be +true (and the probability is that it is so), then this great movement +affected one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part +occupied by Moros<sup>2</sup> and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some +Bisáyas who, moved by the extent and intensity of the movement on the +upper Agsúan[sic], became adherents.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum +River, which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor +of Davao, that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It +is then not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated +in it likewise.</p> + +<p>Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas, +Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single +woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.</p> + +<p>Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious +revival, but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of +the one who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The +following is his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by +unimpeachable evidence.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T2"></a> +<h4>REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL</h4> +</center> + +<p>One Meskínan,<sup>3</sup> a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken +sick with what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his +relatives. On the third day, however, he recovered and went in search of +his fugitive people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but +he allayed the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his +return was not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a +beneficent spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine +which he showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of +his marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of +trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after +recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until +it reached the Mawab River,<sup>4</sup> but in so altered a form that it +not only attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that +he had actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could +impart himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the +Mansáka group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to +relatives of his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he +described to me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way +to Mawab. The following is substantially his account.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo +of the Libagánon River.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf +of Davao.</p> + +<p>Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid +before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how +Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the +natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a +messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from +Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the +world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their +assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.<sup>5</sup> In the +intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves +from destruction.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>My informant interpreted this as meaning +non-Christianized people. This reference to dark-colored dress is not +clear.</p> + +<p>My informant said that the following orders were issued by +Meskínan:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they +would devour their owners.</p> + +<p>(2) No more crops were to be planted.</p> + +<p>(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each +settlement.</p> + +<p>(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest<sup>6</sup> who +must have received his power from Meskínan himself, and several +assistants<sup>7</sup> who were to help to propagate the news and to +perform the prescribed services in distant "churches."</p> + +<p>(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing +sacred dances in his honor, and <i>forwarding offerings to him</i>.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><sup>6</sup>Called <i>pun-ó-an</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup><i>Tai-tái-an</i>, that is, "bridges," meaning +probably that these emissaries were to be the bridge over which the +religious doctrines would pass in spreading from settlement to +settlement.</p> + +<p>My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement +went over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the +numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they +reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden; +that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he +bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings. +The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling +over<sup>8</sup> of the world would take place within one moon, and that +the orders of Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once, +for otherwise, when the day of destruction arrived, all would be +irretrievably lost; husband would be separated from wife, and mother +from child; pigs and chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could +catch, and all would live a life of darkness and despair. But those who +had complied with instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the +moment of the fall of the world, would become golden and they would fly +around in the air with never a care for material wants, <i>the men on +their shields, and the women on their combs</i>.</p> + +<p><sup>8</sup><i>Kíliñg</i>.</p> + +<p>A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a +"<i>Magbabáya</i>"<sup>9</sup> or spirit upon my informant and +upon several others who were to act as his assistants and emissaries.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to +explain this term.</p> + +<p>The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly +to erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts +enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one +month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and +children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to +the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at +intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into +the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of +the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T3"></a> +<h4>SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT</h4> +</center> + +<p>Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the +end of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that +every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious +house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests +and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even +in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.</p> + +<p>My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on +the Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been +stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a +religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the +other behests of the Magbabáya.</p> + +<p>All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of +the world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was +not long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house +in Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point +to which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is +evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was +received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant, +the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the +settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests +and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the +Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts +and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and +the Simúlau Rivers.</p> + +<p>This great religious movement was known as +"Túñgud."<sup>10</sup></p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of +this word, nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, +who pretended to know its meaning.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T4"></a> +<h4>ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES</h4> +</center> + +<p>When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing, +and I had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from +Libagánon and to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their +assistants. I was handicapped by my inability to follow the language +used in the sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them +interpreted to me. With this exception the following statements as to +the character of the movement are first hand.</p> + +<p>The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of +food. No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's +injunction, so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the +Mandáya country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding +my arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the +<i>camote</i> crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost +me three days' wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round +sum of money to procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The +scarcity or utter lack of food was further made evident by the fact that +on several occasions I had to leave settlements because I was unable to +get food.</p> + +<p>When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but +especially during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the +rumbling of thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon, +and similar things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful +tones, of the mystic word "túñgud" and would send them off in a +hurry to the religious house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied +to the visiting Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, +but as he was leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words +"<i>túñgud, túñgud</i>," broke from the lips of one of the most +influential men in the town.</p> + +<p>Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of +its profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all +feuds and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of +Manóbos in general and their social institution of revenge in +particular, one can readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount +influence exerted by the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and +others more or less conversant with Manóbo ways and character were +amazed at the wonderful effect which this religious movement exerted on +these peoples, one and all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to +settlement, from enemy to enemy, traveled priests, assistants, +everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom or never visited Compostela, might +be found performing their religious services there. Some of them even +went so far as to penetrate into the almost inaccessible haunts of the +upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the hereditary and truculent enemies of +Compostela whom even the Catholic missionaries could never convert. +Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon region went fearlessly over to the +Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts and returned unscathed. Many a +time in Compostela and other places I heard it remarked concerning a +particular individual that, were it not for the order of the Magbabáya +of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and to forego revenge, he would be +killed.</p> + +<p>So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the +natural law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved +themselves for it.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T5"></a> +<h4>THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT</h4> + +<a name="4T51"></a> +<h5>NEW ORDER OF DEITIES</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual +under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to +others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter +interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious +ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an +inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The +Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the +statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at +least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in +black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from +a future life of darkness and desolation.</p> + +<p>After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself +to such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They +were said, after being thus endowed, to have a <i>Magbabáya</i>, in much +the same way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further +development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of +imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by +Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by +others.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T52"></a> +<h5>OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER</h5> +</center> + +<p>The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries +for escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition +were:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious +buildings<sup>11</sup> in each settlement.</p> + +<p>(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant +under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.</p> + +<p>(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same +officiants.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p> + +<p>That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most +remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous +Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the +Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests +and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the +Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the +municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement. +From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the +movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under +very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over +unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the +religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant +points in an incredibly short time.</p> + +<p>As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were +carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only +to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled +in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on +all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible +settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon +my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be +"Túñgud, túñgud."<sup>12</sup> In some places, as on the central +Kati'il, I could not open my mouth to speak without hearing the women +and children utter at once these strange words. Perhaps it was their +idea that my conversation might bring about the consummation that they +feared so much.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup>Besides this there was another mystic word equally +unintelligible, <i>ta-gá-an</i>.</p> + +<p>In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, +being assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such +places as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>(1) A small alcove<sup>13</sup> in one corner, frequently provided +with a door, sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove +was to serve as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their +assistants. Within they were supposed to hold closer communion with +their deities, while the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the +story of the movement proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall +will be explained.</p> + +<p>(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having +on it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with +a supply of drink.</p> + +<p>(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out +of four logs set upon the floor.</p> + +<p>(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the +walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.</p> + +<p>(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the +building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from +the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a +variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the +buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement +inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation +is unprecedented.</p> + +<p>(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed +offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the +deities.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><sup>13</sup>Called <i>sin-á-buñg</i>.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T6"></a> +<h4>RELIGIOUS RITES</h4> +</center> + +<p>Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was +unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper +Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on +the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and +emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in +Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being +that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary +religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed +repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.</p> + +<p>The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. +The high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had +taken advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to +spread the new religion.</p> + +<p>Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went +ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the +religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a +stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud +voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a +distinct whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest +went on: "When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by +several low whistling sounds which the priest interpreted to mean +"early this morning." The dialogue was continued in a similar +strain for several minutes, the responses always being in the form of +low prolonged whistling or low sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as +it seemed to me, from the building, though to others the sound appeared +to come from the opposite direction or from the sky, so they said. I +questioned the priest and he pointed his hand in a diametrically +opposite direction to that from which the sounds appeared to me to +come.</p> + +<p>When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole +settlement assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from +Libagánon, which was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to +overthrow the world for three months more in order to give the +settlements that had not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so +and thereby to save themselves. The high priest went on to tell the +listeners how the Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld +and had taken up his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had +been engaged in weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, +upon the completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having +convinced the audience of the necessity of making known these +particulars to neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of +Meskínan, he announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of +lances be donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his +narration, which was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by +the assembled people that he perform the <i>túñgud</i> services, +whereupon he and his assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, +the tenor of the chants being, according to the interpretation given to +me, the latest doings and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.</p> + +<p>The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of +Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured +a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial +table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting +himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the +performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of +the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature +of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in +that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the +other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger +dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.<sup>14</sup> +The use of this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was +intended to remind the congregation that faithful male followers would +be saved by means of their shields when the world toppled over.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither +so graceful nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster +and there are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so +characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor +are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.</p> + +<p>The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit +came upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never +saw a more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his +eyes, his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious +perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched, +and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of +the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his +feet and left him resting against the wall.</p> + +<p>As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of +the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he +interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, +"<i>túñgud, túñgud, tagáan</i>." This chant, as well as the +subsequent ones, was taken up by several of the assistants successively +and, according to the interpretation furnished me, dealt with the +wondrous doings of Meskínan in the underworld and described in detail +the end of the world as announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the +priests, including the local ones, danced and fell under the influence +of their deities, but not with such vehemence as the high priest whose +spirit was declared to be "very big."</p> + +<p>An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the +dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,<sup>15</sup> +the emblem of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed +to have been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had +conferred a <i>Magbabáya</i>. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved +it over the heads of the congregation and finally over or near any +object that he desired. This was an intimation that such object became +consecrated and thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of +Libagánon. A refusal to surrender it was tantamount to perdition when +the end should come. Such was the doctrine universally preached and as +uniformly believed and practiced.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup><i>Mo-sá</i>.</p> + +<p>Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to +dance, but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, +but always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit +and which were unintelligible to my interpreters.</p> + +<p>After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up +our positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. +Those whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been +consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them +under or near the table.</p> + +<p>The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his +fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the +priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed +to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.</p> + +<p>The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the +occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over +the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood +drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side, +the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent +feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted, +they said, by their respective deities.</p> + +<p>The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The +priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and +trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the +sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on +all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow +had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, +"<i>túñgud, túñgud, tagáan</i>," with loud coughs at the end. +These words were taken up by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. +Many of them, especially the small girls, fell into paroxysms of +trembling. Many of the men and adult women divested themselves of their +property, such as necklaces, bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the +sacrificial table. Others promised to make an offering as soon as they +could procure one.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T7"></a> +<h4>THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE +FRAUD</h4> +</center> + +<p>I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the +Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the +Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this +on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan +Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the +fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the +Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers, +who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given +as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a +great religious deception.</p> + +<p>I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan, +whose real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the +report that he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such +an occurrence is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even +that at the beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time +went on and the reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became +greater, abuses crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela +the whole system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of +wheedling innocent believers out of their valuables.</p> + +<p>The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum +River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the +upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with +Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much +craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were +prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the +movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter +opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of +this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his +"Historia de Mindanáo," and a similar movement about the year +1877, as is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de +Jesús.</p> + +<p>Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was +carried out.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T71"></a> +<h5>THE SACRED TRAFFIC</h5> +</center> + +<p>Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum, +and was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan. +Hence there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and +his body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either +"down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the +sea" or winging his way "on a shield through the starry +region." It is easy to understand how difficult it would be to +secure an interview with him under these circumstances.</p> + +<p>As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that +Meskínan could take anyone under his special protection--in other words, +that he could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum +and Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of +those who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who +received this spiritual influence were expected to give a +consideration<sup>6</sup> for the gift, or <i>Magbabáya</i>, as it was +called. As time went on this usage developed into the custom of paying +the equivalent of a slave (P30) for every <i>Magbabáya</i> received from +the representatives of Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only +for the original bestowal of these spirits but also in case of their +flight and return, for they were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen +several young fellows start off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to +redeem their runaway spirits. It may be noted here that the flight of a +spirit was ascribed to some act on the part of its possessor that +provoked its displeasure. Thus one young fellow assured me that his +<i>Magbabáya</i> had fled because of his failure to abstain from eating +rice.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>Called <i>á-lo</i>. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form +of the Spanish word <i>regalo</i>, which means gift, and which is a word +of frequent use among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in +contact.</p> + +<p>I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of +renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four +days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other +chattels, with which to purchase a <i>Magbabáya</i>. I saw them return, +too, happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse +off in a worldly way.</p> + +<p>But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of +<i>Magbabáya</i> alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed +to proceed from Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were +also religious shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion +I made a present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My +astonishment may be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up +into handkerchiefs which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River +for the equivalent of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they +had been made and consecrated by the great <i>Magbabáya</i> of +Libagánon, and that they were of the utmost efficacy in case of +sickness, and above all on the day of dissolution. I asked my friend, +the high priest, why he dared to perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow +tribesmen. He said that the Mawab and Tágum people had fooled him out of +all his possessions and that he was taking this means to get back the +equivalent.</p> + +<p>A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the +value of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to +him by Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was +present in the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was +whittling out similar ones.</p> + +<p>During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of +khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years +before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I +explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt +cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the +responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T72"></a> +<h5>RELIGIOUS TOURS</h5> +</center> + +<p>In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively +and with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the +beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were +tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled +the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to +settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy +as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty +of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription +of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to +visit other settlements.</p> + +<p>To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who +would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators +of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be +erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection +of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to +bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.</p> + +<p>As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to +dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the +most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting +Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of +their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active, +popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was +shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other +respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud +and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.</p> + +<p>They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest +reports about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with +the ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; +how he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to +pull up the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After +convincing their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the +necessity for renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, +prophesy, shake their sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, +receive a harvest of donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the +sacred booty in their possession.</p> + +<p>An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be +gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest +from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the +Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>3 old English muzzle-loaders.</p> + +<p>100 ornamental silver breastplates.</p> + +<p>300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.</p> + +<p>60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.</p> + +<p>9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of +the tour).</p> + +<p>30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 +pesos, an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or +5 of the most costly maids in his tribe.</p> + +<p>The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to +me is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my +arrival I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle +his debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured +me that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for +a trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received +enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T73"></a> +<h5>THE WHISTLING SCHEME</h5> +</center> + +<p>The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was +carried on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the +spirit of the movement to call upon one's <i>Magbabáya</i> for an answer +except at nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the +<i>Magbabáya</i> of the priest or priests present first intimated his +desire to speak.</p> + +<p>The method of audible communication between the priest and his +familiar deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary +voice, "<i>Magbabáya</i>." If the deity was present, and had not +gone off on some errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by +a long, low whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult +the deity about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the +world was nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or +whether a boar hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number +of whistles, intelligible to the priest only, and long or short +according to the amount of information supposed to be conveyed.</p> + +<p>That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the +matter personally and found that the whistling was done either by the +priest himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I +first heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound +proceeded and descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the +priest, squeezed into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the +purpose of disguising the direction of the sound.</p> + +<p>Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my +companion, the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured +me not to reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be +killed.</p> + +<p>On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to +the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps +proceeding from the supposed <i>Magbabáya</i> in answer. The priest +interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult +his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a +young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his +hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the +sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly +see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator +and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10 +minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning +priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of +divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such +expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has," +"Túñgud, Túñgud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it +is often difficult to determine the direction whence a sound comes, the +people would sometimes dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, +for example, that he was above the house, while another maintained that +he was below it. Of course such matters were referred to the priest, who +always knew the exact location of the imaginary god.</p> + +<p>Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used +their little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one +case the use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great +admiration for the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. +"Oh, what a melodious voice," one would say, while another would +respond, "Yes; it is like a tiny flute."</p> + +<p>Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the +priest a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite +knowledge concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to +consult his deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make +a suitable offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the +name of the individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not +respond at the first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed +me, he had gone on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation +in order to afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say +what means he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of +the spirit, but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, +when the fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been +extinguished, there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those +present said, from the <i>camote</i> clearing. "Ah! he is here," +they all said. The priest then accosted the deity in this manner: +"Why dids't thou delay, Magbabáya?" and then went on to find out +the name of the stealer of my scissors. The supposed deity, however, +would not reveal the actual name lest I should quarrel with the +individual--a proceeding that would be in violation of a current +taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that it was a female that +was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the supposed divinity erred on +this point, so as a matter of policy I claimed the restitution of what I +had paid the priest for the consultation.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T74"></a> +<h5>PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY</h5> +</center> + +<p>Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in +the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their +assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual +intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a +<i>Magbabáya</i>, and observance of the restriction was rigid +apparently. The priests and their wives slept in the religious building, +but did not cohabit, the men sleeping in one place and the women in +another. But, as I was told by one high priest before my departure that +he had observed the injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to +think that the same was true of all the other priests.</p> + +<p>Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great +<i>Magbabáya</i> of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from +all food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours +ate and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to +abstain, as such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of +hospitality, which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his +host. The customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest +maintained that his deity required from him total abstinence while he +was in his own settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence +was required of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or +from drink, and he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, +was only a pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a +priest who maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for +three whole days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the +mosquito-bar. Of course I was fined for my curiosity.</p> + +<p>The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and +the substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such +common peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious +fanaticism and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the +principal points of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the +world in disgust and decreed its downfall. The great <i>Magbabáya</i> of +Libagánon had gone down to the pillars of the world and was prepared to +shake the earth to its very foundations until it toppled over. He and +the spirits with whom he communicated were powerful deities, able and +disposed to rescue their worshipers not only in the awful moment of +dissolution when the earth would become a vast charnel house full of +darkness and desolation, but also in all the concerns of life up to the +very end.</p> + +<p>These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They +could resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the +future, impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the +moment of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the +irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a +Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of +deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry, +and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of +securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid +when even the mighty <i>Magbabáya</i> of Libagánon would at times demand +a lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them +began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity +and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their +pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others +out of their temporal goods.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T8"></a> +<h4>THE END OF THE MOVEMENT</h4> +</center> + +<p>The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various +inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual +postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another, +the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part +of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of +the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and +the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as +offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed +to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at +least 50,000 people.</p> + +<p>It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution +approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be +patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to +take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the +purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting +a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons, +Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the +fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would +be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a +loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because +he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things +continued until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the +fraud.</p> + +<p>At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country +was getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their +property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack +upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of +raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a +word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment +of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples +already settled in towns, probably there would have been much +bloodshed.</p> + +<center> +<a name="4T9"></a> +<h4>SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS</h4> +</center> + +<p>In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" I find +similar movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father +Pastells of May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date +and writer of which I am unable to cite. The general features were the +same, that is, the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in +another a child, with body all golden, who announced the destruction of +the world. Crops were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be +killed, and all were to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. +The object of these frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the +upper Agúsan peoples impossible.</p> + +<p>On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me +that in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by +the Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that +when the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the +authors of it and killed many.</p> + +<p>I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father +Urios,<sup>17</sup> dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one +Manáitai, a Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían +River, was told by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the +Manóbos of Patrocinio back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the +whole clan was to meet in one house and for the space of one moon they +were to unite in prayers and shouts, at the end of which time all would +be transported, body and soul, into the sky.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533, +1891.</p> + +<p>The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from +everything except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of +Sindatúan complied with directions in every particular, even to the +burning of candles; but as there was no immediate prospect of a +celestial assent, the belief was abandoned and the parties concerned +returned to their original creed and observances.</p> + +<p>From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious +revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps +every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such +as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.</p> + +<center> +<a name="5"></a> +<h3>APPENDIX</h3> + +<a name="51"></a> +<h4>HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANÓBOS OF EASTERN MINDANÁO</h4> + +<a name="511"></a> +<h5>EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875</h5> +</center> + +<p>From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in +the obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is +brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse +into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come +down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but +little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure +and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular +imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into +hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently, +was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded +the Agúsan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one +tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and +even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless, +relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events +that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to +thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines +nor relished its rigorous precepts.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1521</h5> +</center> + +<p>Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of +various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes<sup>1</sup> who +states that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various +historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated +here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the +mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal +occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.<sup>2</sup> A +later governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which +stands to this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.</p> + +<p><sup>1</sup>Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.</p> + +<p><sup>2</sup>It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of +Magellan with such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first +mass.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1565-1574</h5> +</center> + +<p>A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II<sup>3</sup> some time +after the arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered +to explore the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán. +Upon arrival in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros +trading at the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike +character. In another letter of Mirandola,<sup>4</sup> dated 1574, we +find Butuán spoken of as a district with much gold.</p> + +<p><sup>3</sup>E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, +34: 202, 1906.</p> + +<p><sup>4</sup>Ibid., 3: 233.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1591</h5> +</center> + +<p>In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and +Robertson from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was +an <i>encomienda</i><sup>5</sup> and that tributes were collected as +early as 1591.</p> + +<p><sup>5</sup>An <i>encomienda</i> was a royal allotment or grant of +land, including the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the +purpose of government.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1596</h5> +</center> + +<p>In Chirino's<sup>6</sup> relation it is set forth that in 1596 the +Jesuits, Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary +labors in the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no +means tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." +Christianity, however, made surprising advances, so great that the +principal chief of the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives, +and protected the missionaries in every way possible.<sup>7</sup> +Religious fervor is said to have reached such a height that the people +publicly flagellated themselves until the blood flowed.</p> + +<p><sup>6</sup>Ibid., 12: 315.</p> + +<p><sup>7</sup>Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here +that Ledesma in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans +were accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the +natives of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted +by Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, +both friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.</p> + +<p>Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who +preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,<sup>8</sup> "a people +untamed and ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring +peoples."<sup>9</sup></p> + +<p><sup>8</sup>Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the +Higagáons or Banuáons of the present day.</p> + +<p><sup>9</sup>Ibid., 44: 60.</p> + +<p>There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as +we find that a fort was constructed in Línao<sup>10</sup> some time +after 1596. The headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father +Francisco Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the +blacks<sup>11</sup> visited him and gave him hopes of their +conversion."<sup>12</sup></p> + +<p><sup>10</sup>Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of +Veruéla. It and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its +former site is now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters +from the upper to the middle Agúsan.</p> + +<p><sup>11</sup>We should bear in mind that Spanish historians +frequently referred to the mountain people as <i>little blacks</i> +(Negrillos), otherwise we might be led to believe that the ancestors of +the present people living in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao +were Negritos.</p> + +<p><sup>12</sup>Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.</p> + +<p>Morga in his Sucesos<sup>13</sup> speaks of Butuán as being +peaceable. He makes mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the +civet cats.</p> + +<p><sup>13</sup>Ibid., 15.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1597</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray +Andres de San Nicolas,<sup>14</sup> we learn that missionaries had +penetrated the district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had +been unable to withstand the hostility of the mountain people.</p> + +<p><sup>14</sup>Ibid., 21.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1622</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical +administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to +have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the +conquest, for it is related<sup>15</sup> that he traveled 50 leagues up +the river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and +frequent difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery +being the two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian +doctrines. The results, however, were successful, for he is said to have +converted 3,000 souls, and to have founded three +<i>conventos</i><sup>16</sup> one of which was in the village of +Línao.<sup>17</sup> At this period Butuán is said to have had 1,500 +Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600 souls.</p> + +<p><sup>15</sup>Ibid., 21: 221.</p> + +<p><sup>16</sup>A convento is a building erected for the accommodation +of the spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.</p> + +<p><sup>17</sup>Ibid., 21: 221.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1629</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1629<sup>18</sup> there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of +the Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous +Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the +people of Butuán to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has +ever been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of +Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by +every means in their power.</p> + +<p><sup>18</sup>Ibid., 35: 65.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1648</h5> +</center> + +<p>The arrival of the Dutch in Manila<sup>19</sup> in 1648 incited the +natives to sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don +Diego Faxardo, helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa +Teresa<sup>20</sup> sets forth some of the results of the rebellion +among the Manóbos.</p> + +<p><sup>19</sup>Ibid., 36: 126.</p> + +<p><sup>20</sup>Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by +Blair and Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).</p> + +<p>He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of +Butuán in the Province of Karága.<sup>21</sup> "They had kinky hair, +oblique eyes, a treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by +the hunt.<sup>22</sup> They had no king to govern them nor houses to +shelter them. Their clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of +their bodies, and they slept wherever night overtook them. They were +pagans, and in their manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike +and waged an incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa +describes how Dábao, a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity +and undoubtedly the original of the legendary giant that still lives in +Manóbo tradition, stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many +Spaniards in Línao.<sup>23</sup></p> + +<p><sup>21</sup>The Province of Karága at this time extended from +Dapítan on the northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.</p> + +<p><sup>22</sup>The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead +us to think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The +only trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is +observed among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, +and northeastern contiguous to Butuán.</p> + +<p><sup>23</sup>Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg +of a soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in +consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that +region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate +that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is +added by the application of the term <i>Negrillos</i> (little Negroes) +to Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly +Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is +unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no +tradition as to the former employment of them exists.</p> + +<p>The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and +other churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed +by the capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments +were full of slaves." "The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of +fidelity, suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although +they were able to win back honor, it was after all their property had +been lost."<sup>24</sup> In 1651 peace was restored by the return of +the innumerable slaves captured by the Spanish forces.</p> + +<p><sup>24</sup>Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1661-1672</h5> +</center> + +<p>Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their +evangelical labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant +opposition of the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis +describes the natives as being "robust and very numerous." He +says that in time of peace they were tractable, docile, and reasonable, +had regular villages, lived in human society, were superior to the +surrounding mountain people, and were easily converted. He claims that +there were 4,000 converts living between Butuán and Línao. The people to +whom he refers are most probably the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the +present day, because, as we shall see later on, the Christianized Manóbo +towns of the present day did not exist before 1877.</p> + +<p>Father Combes<sup>25</sup> is the authority for the statement that +Butuán was the origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands +of Jolo and Basilan." The following is the extract:</p> + +<p><sup>25</sup>Ibid., 40: 126.</p> + +<p>But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan +recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which, +although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan +Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few +leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same +stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given +kings and nobility to these nations.<sup>26</sup></p> + +<p><sup>26</sup>San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, +40: 312) says: "They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood +and nobility of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even +confessed that he was a Butuán." It is surprising to note the +dialectical similarity between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in +the Agúsan Valley. Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect, +are common to these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly +there was intercourse between the two peoples.</p> + +<p>Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San +Antonio<sup>27</sup> in 1744 says that "Some of the Manóbos in the +mountains of Karága (who are heathen and without number, although some +are Christians, a people civilized and well inclined to work, who have +fixed habitations and excellent houses) pay tribute."</p> + +<p><sup>27</sup>Ibid., 40: 298,</p> + +<p>We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries +obtained wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was +unable to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up +to that time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of +Butuán. My authority seems to believe that there were two classes of +people around Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls +Manóbos--"tractable, docile, and quite reasonable," living in +villages in human society in a very well ordered civilization--and the +other, an inferior people leading a brutish life. It is reasonable to +suppose that the people whom San Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the +ancestors of the present Bisáyas of Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who +have traditions as to the pagan condition of their ancestors.</p> + +<p>Concepcion<sup>28</sup> gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in +Mindanáo. "Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the +little military post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped." The +tradition of the fight between the Moros and the people of Línao still +exists among the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is +still preserved in Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball +from a Moro <i>lantaka</i> (small cannon). It is believed that this +unseemly accident aroused the anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly +turned the tide of battle against the Moros. The only tradition +regarding this invasion that I found extant among the Manóbos is the +legend of the tailed men, and of their own flight.</p> + +<p><sup>28</sup>Ibid., 48: 163.</p> + +<center> +<a name="512"></a> +<h4>FROM 1875 TO 1910</h4> + +<h5>1800-1877</h5> +</center> + +<p>For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the +Manóbos until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in +1768 and returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in +1875. The material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of +selected letters<sup>29</sup> from the missionaries in the field to +their provincial and higher superiors. Though containing little +ethnological data of a detailed character, they afford in their +ensemble, a vivid picture of the work of the missionaries in reducing +the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to civilization and outward Christianity. +Dates of the formation of the various town and +<i>rancherias</i><sup>30</sup> are furnished; with the names of the +chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the +part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the +armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the +interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and +of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In +a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the +Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of +Mindanáo.</p> + +<p><sup>29</sup>These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la +Compañía de Jesús de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed +consecutively in Manila from 1876 to 1902 and probably later.</p> + +<p><sup>30</sup>A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of +Christianized people.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1877</h5> +</center> + +<p>In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were +directed to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of +Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove<sup>31</sup> in +1877 writes that he reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in +Talakógon, which is at present one of the few municipalities in the +sub-Province of Butuán. He notes the extent of the slave trade between +Manóbos and Bisáyas, and that he made a preliminary trip to the upper +Agúsan and to the upper Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan +and organized the church among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been +annexed to Talakógon. In the meantime Urios and others rounded up the +stragglers of Butuán, Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.</p> + +<p><sup>31</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1879</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies, +Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of +which <i>rancherias</i> of <i>conquistas</i><sup>32</sup> or +Christianized Manóbos are still in existence.</p> + +<p><sup>32</sup><i>Conquista</i> is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It +is of universal use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently +Christianized member of a non-Christian tribe.</p> + +<p>In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement +of Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of +Talakógon in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part +from the Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the +ignorance of the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers +Sulibáo and Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.</p> + +<p>The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He +then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that +district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and +Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded +Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo +converts, respectively.</p> + +<p>Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized +1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then +pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded +the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the +town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of +the town was changed five times.</p> + +<p>La Concepcion,<sup>33</sup> near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, +and Tortosa were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of +people that he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were +half-Negrito. The present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual +glance will convince one of their Negrito derivation.</p> + +<p><sup>33</sup>This rancheria is not in existence.</p> + +<p>During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and +succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This +is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the +present day.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1881-1883</h5> +</center> + +<p>From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition +of all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much +so that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe +and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor +Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the +towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a +pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them. +Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment. +Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los +Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized +people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the +lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns, +were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by +the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of +certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the <i>conquistas</i> of +Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for +the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized +people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be +borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by +the missionaries to reach the pagans. These <i>conquistas</i> were +prevailed upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, +and soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the +missionaries, especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the +enmity of the pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, +sometimes <i>nolens volens</i>. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans +and the results that would follow as a consequence, the +<i>conquistas</i> preferred to flee and join the pagans, or at least to +maintain a neutral attitude.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1883</h5> +</center> + +<p>The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return +of some 5,000 <i>conquistas</i> to their original manner of life, for at +this period the total number of converts in the valley was +11,000.<sup>34</sup> The upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the +Simúlao district, 2,000.</p> + +<p><sup>34</sup>Ibid., 5: 71.</p> + +<p>On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of +the Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were +attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately. +Baóbo, "the river of <i>bagáni</i>,"<sup>35</sup> continued to +keep Patrocinio, Búai, and Gracia on the alert.</p> + +<p><sup>35</sup>A <i>bagáni</i> is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or +Manóbo warrior who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who +gives evidence of being under the influence of war deities.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in +establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as +being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper +Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio +and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state +just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present +site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and +Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in +existence at the present day.</p> + +<p>The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed +their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read +that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo, +Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being +about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though +there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1884</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there +were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district. +Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a +population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower +Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas +being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1885</h5> +</center> + +<p>On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined +to the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan +Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River +converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a +town of that name.</p> + +<p>Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and +baptized 217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his +way over to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.</p> + +<p>There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower +Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On +the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty +families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All +the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and +associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of +Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)<sup>36</sup> moved to Gandia. Not long +afterwards Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of +Compostela having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, +however, they were re-formed.</p> + +<p><sup>36</sup>I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the +upper Agúsan was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name +on the middle Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it +consisted entirely of Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans +such as are stated by my authority to have been the people of Clavijo on +the upper Agúsan.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1886</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On +the lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements +were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near +Maínit.</p> + +<p>In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the +Ihawán River.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the +Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in +42 towns.<sup>37</sup></p> + +<p><sup>37</sup>Ibid., 11, appendix.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1887</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in +Jativa, owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, +and Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San +Isidro was abandoned this same year.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1887-1888</h5> +</center> + +<p>On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their +labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon +people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to +have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of +La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of +armed troops.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1889</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of +Tortosa abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated +among the Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix +visited the Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 +converts. In the same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on +the Tágo River.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1890</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the +people of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so +favorably on the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was +founded farther up on the same river. This town is no longer in +existence, but a small <i>rancheria</i> called Tilyérpan was founded in +1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on +the Bahaían River were founded the same year, but, on the other hand, an +outbreak of fever led to the abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the +Ihawán. Many Mamánua and Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The +conversion of these is attributed to the fighting that had previously +taken place in Las Navas and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the +Óhut was founded this same year.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1891</h5> +</center> + +<p>The year 1891 does not show any further special development except +the foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang +River.</p> + +<p>In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were +established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a +settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement +is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25 +families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in +existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority +for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its +foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed +through the same experience, though not so many times.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1893</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished +on the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River, +was founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe +is the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in +1908, I think.</p> + +<p>On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and +more Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the +number of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.</p> + +<p>In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1894</h5> +</center> + +<p>In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River. +At the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old +town site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.</p> + +<p>During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the +Mánat, was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela. +Another town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona, +between Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the +Agsábo, a branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San +Isidro was re-formed.</p> + +<center> +<h5>1900-1905</h5> +</center> + +<p>I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from +1894 to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed +Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in +1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative +tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are +recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned +their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From +1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the +upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was +due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted +themselves to the culture of <i>abaká</i> and to the production of its +fiber. On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo +there occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a +condition of alarm.</p> + +<p>On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old +feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro +Province to station troops at Compostela.<sup>38</sup></p> + +<p><sup>38</sup>Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the +following <i>rancherias</i> in existence:</p> + +<p>On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente, +Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San +Luis, Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement), +Patrocinio, Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona, +Gandia, Pilar, Compostela, and Taga-únud.</p> + +<p>On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.</p> + +<p>On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.</p> + +<p>On the Líbang River, Concordia.</p> + +<p>On the Kasilaían River, Basa.</p> + +<p>On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los +Arcos.</p> + +<p>On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and +Rosario.</p> + +<p>On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.</p> + +<p>On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.</p> + +<p>On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement), +Libertad, Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.</p> + +<p>On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.</p> + +<p>From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:</p> + +<p>Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.</p> + +<p>Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.</p> + +<p>Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam +River.</p> + +<p>Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia. +Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.</p> + +<p>Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.</p> + +<p>Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the +Híbung River.</p> + +<p>Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.</p> + +<p>Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those +whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the +following towns have ceased to exist:</p> + +<p>Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.</p> + +<p>Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.</p> + +<p>San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.</p> + +<p>Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.</p> + +<p>San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under +the impression that it was located near Túbai).</p> + +<p>Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.</p> + +<p>Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.</p> + +<p>Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.</p> + +<p>San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.</p> + +<p>Patai, between Martires and Borbon.</p> + +<p>Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.</p> + +<p>Las Navas, on the Híbung.</p> + +<p>Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.</p> + +<p>Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,</p> + +<p>Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.</p> + +<p>Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.</p> + +<p>Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan</p> + +<p>San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).</p> + +<p>The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up +to 1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000; +Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of +the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons, +1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns, +including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the +present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been +insignificant.</p> + +<center> +<a name="513"></a> +<h4>METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE +MANÓBOS</h4> +</center> + +<p>The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the +pagans in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. +J., to the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.<sup>39</sup> The +following extracts are pertinent:</p> + +<p><sup>39</sup>Ibid., 11, appendix.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before +penetrating the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the +various races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and +superstitions, of their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their +allies, respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of +character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be +possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy +emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have +commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended +visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed +with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with +dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he +wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that +have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes +the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power +they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the +Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their +neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they +are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is +the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their +conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor +on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not +only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection +and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to +explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish +rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their +suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and +by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he +strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions +are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort +being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and +elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he +succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with +some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any +proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place +without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the +missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and +even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best +adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a +plaza<sup>40</sup> and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of +the tribunal and of the private dwellings begins.</p> + +<p>It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the +missionary is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness +of the uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous +pretexts that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and +of returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to +provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so +that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in +search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little +rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by +planting <i>camotes</i> and other crops which yield quickly.</p> + +<p>The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is +the next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being +sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy +the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are +presented with the official staff of command in the name of the +governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is +established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the +Gobernadorcillo<sup>41</sup> of the nearest Christian town, for the +purpose of bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from +the chief of the province.</p> + +<p>The missionary maintains his power and influence through an +inspector, who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older +Christians, and through two teachers, preferably a married couple +selected from among the best families. These then take up their +residence in the new town and begin their teaching.</p> + +<p>As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and +perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district +visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside +their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the +government.</p> + +<p>The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also +calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to +keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always +some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who +might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not +regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a +desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this +time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the +caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the +strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are +at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their +teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the +chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for +fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on +neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or +sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their +gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor +possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it +will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes +necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a +simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth +the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their +superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their +children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.</p> + +<p>It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so +speak, for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these +people, like all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their +barbarous and inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive +their drooping and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the +town there should be something to attract and to hold them with +irresistible charm. In a word, the faith must be preached to them and +they must be baptized; a religion and a church are necessary. Until a +great part of the inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, +until the feast of the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have +been solemnly celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the +new town. The Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for +transforming those savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold +wherein they leave their barbarous practices and shape themselves +perfectly unto ours.</p> + +<p>The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they +have gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they +are being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in +their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in +esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate +themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to +show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning +some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some +prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided +that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the +circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary +encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily +convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human +nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of +mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient +superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from +whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them +consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing +themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this +is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as +previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted +Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a +chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has +several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is +tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the +settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by +yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is +of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as +he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances +inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been +baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and +customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a +Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can +hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian +towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be +recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their +settlements.</p></blockquote> + +<p><sup>40</sup>A public square.</p> + +<p><sup>41</sup>This means in Spanish "little governor," and was +the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. +It corresponds to "mayor" at the present time.</p> + +<center> +<a name="514"></a> +<h4>THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS</h4> +</center> + +<p>I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to +ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish +missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient +homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and +religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the +information furnished me by the <i>conquistas</i>, both those who are +still living under the effective control of the Government and those who +have returned to their primitive haunts.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the +personal equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, +must have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am +to believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where +many of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was +told stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his +understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one +occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be +baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose +names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most +of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the +missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them +again.</p> + +<p>(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the +chief means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed +expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the +adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of +<i>conquistas</i> who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, +and who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they +were telling the truth. How far such action is due to irresponsible and +overzealous officers leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but +the impression given me by my informants invariably was that such +expeditions were planned by the missionaries for the purpose of forcing +Christianity upon the pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of +native soldiers and for commercial reasons were interested in the +conversion of the mountain people to Christianity, so that it would not +be surprising if they took unauthorized measures to effect the +Christianization of the pagans.</p> + +<p>(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and +alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout +the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting +the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point +of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that +with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than +ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than +kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a +feeling of obligation.</p> + +<p>(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the +missionaries of posing as mediators between the Government and the +pagans. This, coupled with a previous general knowledge of the +conditions of the country, and of the customs and language of the +people, and accompanied by a dignified but condescending and genial +manner, enabled the missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into +the favor of the people they were visiting.</p> + +<p>(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples +was the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion +appeals strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples +of eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of +this monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement +that for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is +natural then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed +strongly to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he +became a very devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that +the average Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less, +of the Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the +doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected +centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not +be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am +inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of +manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he +became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of +influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the +differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the +debt-ridden, cringing <i>conquistas</i>, and his manly, free, +independent, vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the <i>conquista's</i> +time is consumed in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the +other half in paying them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His +<i>abaká</i> patch often is mortgaged before the planting is completed. +He is an economic serf to an inconsiderate taskmaster.<sup>42</sup></p> +</blockquote> + +<p><sup>40</sup>A public square.</p> + +<p><sup>41</sup>This means in Spanish "little governor," and was +the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. +It corresponds to "mayor" at the present time.</p> + +<p><sup>42</sup>The special government established in the subprovince of +Butuán took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the +<i>conquistas</i> by opening trading posts on the lower and middle +Agúsan, so that the above observations refer to the period preceding the +formation of the special government.</p> + +<center> +<a name="52"></a> +<h4>EXPLANATION OF PLATES</h4> +</center> + +<a name="P1"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE01.JPG" alt="PLATE 1"> + +<p>PLATE 1. <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan. +Note tattooing. <i>c</i>, Forearm of woman in <i>d</i>. <i>d</i>, +Mandáya woman. Compostela. Note shaven eyebrows and personal +ornaments.</p> + +<a name="P2"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE02.JPG" alt="PLATE 2"> + +<p>PLATE 2. <i>a</i>, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper +Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. <i>c</i>, +Manóbo woman. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. <i>d</i>, Mandáya man. Compostela, +upper Agúsan.</p> + +<a name="P3"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE03.JPG" alt="PLATE 3"> + +<p>PLATE 3. <i>a</i>, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, +Manóbos. Ihawán River, Agúsan Valley.</p> + +<a name="P4"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE04.JPG" alt="PLATE 4"> + +<p>PLATE 4. <i>a</i>, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan Valley. +<i>b</i>, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof, +notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.</p> + +<a name="P5"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE05.JPG" alt="PLATE 5"> + +<p>PLATE 5. <i>a</i>, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla, +upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched +pole, numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and +bamboo shingles.</p> + +<a name="P6"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE06.JPG" alt="PLATE 6"> + +<p>PLATE 6. <i>a</i>, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. <i>b</i>, +Manóbo house. Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such +houses are now very rare.</p> + +<a name="P7"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE07.JPG" alt="PLATE 7"> + +<p>PLATE 7. <i>a</i>, Armor coat made of <i>abaká</i>, with war chief's +red jacket inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. <i>b</i>, Manóbo <i>abaká</i> +skirt, woven in red, white, and black. This is the only lower garment +worn by women. It serves at night as a blanket. <i>c</i>, White trousers +made of <i>abaká</i>. Central Agúsan. <i>d</i>, Trousers made of blue +cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan. <i>e</i>, Mandáya <i>abaká</i> skirt. Worn +by Manóbos when obtainable. The design is produced by the tie and dye +process.</p> + +<a name="P8"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE08.JPG" alt="PLATE 8"> + +<p>PLATE 8. <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Women's jackets of cotton and +<i>abaká</i>, embroidered with red, yellow, white, and black cotton +yarn. Upper Agúsan. <i>c</i>, War chief's red jacket. Insignia of +<i>bagáni</i>-ship used by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan. <i>d</i>, War +chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the wearer has killed at +least three people. <i>e</i>, Hat of sago palm bark. Middle Agúsan. +<i>f</i>, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and central +Cordilleras. <i>g</i>, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. <i>h</i>, +Central Agúsan style. <i>i</i>, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of +8° latitude. <i>j</i>, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. <i>k</i>, Ihawán +and Baóbo style. <i>l</i>, Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. <i>m</i>, Manóbo +betel-nut bag. <i>n</i>, Betel-nut bag made of Mandáya <i>abaká</i> and +cotton cloth.</p> + +<a name="P9"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE09.JPG" alt="PLATE 9"> + +<p>PLATE 9. <i>a</i>, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. <i>b</i>, +<i>d</i>, Bamboo guitars. <i>c</i>, Wooden two-stringed guitar. +<i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, <i>h</i>, Bamboo flutes. <i>g</i>, Bamboo +jew's-harp. <i>i</i>, Drum with head of deerskin. <i>j</i>, <i>l</i>, +<i>m</i>, <i>n</i>, Fish traps and fishing line. <i>k</i>, <i>o</i>, +<i>p</i>, <i>q</i>, <i>r</i>, Rattan baskets. <i>s</i>, <i>t</i>, +Women's incised bamboo combs. <i>u</i>, <i>z</i>, <i>cc</i>, Bead +necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. <i>v</i>, <i>y</i>, Seed and +shell necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. <i>w</i>, <i>aa</i>, <i>bb</i>, +<i>dd</i>, <i>ee</i>, Women's incised bamboo combs. <i>x</i>, Woman's +silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan +Manóbos. <i>ff</i>, <i>ll</i>, <i>rr</i>, <i>Nito</i> bracelets, worn by +Manóbo men and women. <i>gg</i>, <i>ii</i>, <i>kk</i>, Shell bracelets, +worn by Manóbo women. <i>hh</i>, <i>jj</i>, Beaded girdles made of +<i>nito</i> and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. <i>mm</i>, <i>nn</i>, +<i>oo</i>, <i>pp</i>, Wooden ear disks and pendants. <i>qq</i>, Black +coral bracelet, bent by heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women. +<i>ss</i>, <i>Nito</i> armlet, worn by Manóbo men. <i>tt</i>, Bear's +bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.</p> + +<a name="P10"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE10.JPG" alt="PLATE 10"> + +<p>PLATE 10. <i>a</i>, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. <i>b-f</i>, Fishing +bows and arrows. The arrows have detachable points. <i>g</i>, Mandáya +spear used by Manóbos of upper Agúsan. <i>h</i>, Central Agúsan spear. +<i>i-k</i>, Manóbo bow and arrows. <i>l</i>, Manóbo shield. Upper +Agúsan. <i>m</i>, Mandáya shield. <i>n</i>, Shield. Central Manóbo. +<i>o-r</i>, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by Manóbos. Upper Agúsan. +<i>s</i>, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos. <i>t-v</i>, Manóbo +bamboo lime tubes. <i>w</i>, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos. <i>x</i>, +<i>y</i>, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. <i>z</i>, <i>aa</i>, Mandáya war +bolo and sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.</p> + +<a name="P11"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE11.JPG" alt="PLATE 11"> + +<p>PLATE 11. <i>a</i>, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is +characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Men of +the mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic +of the Manóbo war dance.</p> + +<a name="P12"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE12.JPG" alt="PLATE 12"> + +<p>PLATE 12. <i>a</i>, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. +Upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note +superiority of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of +house was built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.</p> + +<a name="P13"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE13.JPG" alt="PLATE 13"> + +<p>PLATE 13. <i>a</i>, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on +the stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, c, Sacred posts with offering +trays for the <i>Magbabáya</i>, used on the upper Agúsan during the +great religious movement.</p> + +<a name="P14"></a> +<img src="IMAGES/PLATE14.JPG" alt="PLATE 14"> + +<p>PLATE 14. <i>a</i>, <i>d</i>, Ceremonial birth canoes. <i>b</i>, +<i>c</i>, Blood oblation trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking +the spirits of blood. <i>e</i>, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and +rice paddle. <i>f-i</i>, Sacred images, used to attract Manóbo +divinities. <i>j</i>, Sacred shield. <i>k</i>, <i>l</i>, Sacred jars. +<i>m</i>, <i>o</i>, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during +religious ceremonies. <i>n</i>, <i>p</i>, War chief's charms, worn +during war raids. They contain magic herbs. <i>q</i>, Ceremonial birth +offering stand. Middle Agúsan. <i>r</i>, Ceremonial ladder for a +religious house, ceremonial chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like +that shown were used constantly during the great religious movement. +Upper Agúsan. <i>s</i>, Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.</p> + +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<hr class="full" noshade> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***</p> +<p>******* This file should be named 18607-h.txt or 18607-h.zip *******</p> +<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607">http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/6/0/18607</a></p> +<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed.</p> + +<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. 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