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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Revolution and the Boer War,
+An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal", by Sydney G. Fisher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The American Revolution and the Boer War, An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal"
+
+Author: Sydney G. Fisher
+
+Release Date: November 21, 2006 [EBook #19895]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness, Taavi Kalju and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+book was produced from scanned images of public domain
+material from the Google Print project.)
+
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+
+
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+
+
+
+The American Revolution
+
+and
+
+The Boer War
+
+
+An Open Letter to
+Mr. Charles Francis Adams
+on his Pamphlet
+"The Confederacy and the Transvaal"
+
+
+By
+
+SYDNEY G. FISHER
+
+Author of "Men, Women and Manners in Colonial Times"
+          "The Evolution of the Constitution"
+          "The True Benjamin Franklin," etc.
+
+(Reprinted from the _Philadelphia Sunday Times_
+of January 19, 1902)
+
+
+
+
+
+                                 PHILADELPHIA, January 14, 1902.
+
+CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, ESQ.,
+                      Boston, Massachusetts.
+
+_Dear Sir:_
+
+I have been handed a pamphlet written by you entitled "The Confederacy
+and the Transvaal," the burden of which is, that the Boers ought not to
+continue their irregular guerilla struggle against England, because it
+is destructive of themselves and wasteful of England's resources; or to
+use your own words "the contest drags wearily along, to the probable
+destruction of one of the combatants, to the great loss of the other,
+and, so far as can be seen, in utter disregard of the best interests of
+both."
+
+You argue that the Boers, when their regular armies were defeated some
+considerable time ago, should have surrendered, given up the struggle,
+and not have resorted to a prolongation of the contest by guerilla
+methods. In support of this you cite the action of General Lee at the
+close of our civil war, when, his regularly organized army being
+completely defeated, he surrendered it, went quietly to his home and set
+an example, followed by the other southern leaders, of not prolonging
+the strife by those irregular methods which, as is well known, can be so
+very effective for a long period in a mountainous country like
+Switzerland or in a country of vast distances like the United States or
+South Africa.
+
+In other words, you go so far as to say that when a people are fighting
+for their political integrity and independence, a hopeless struggle for
+it ought not to be prolonged beyond what may be called the point of
+scientific defeat. Rather than prolong it to desperation and death in
+the last ditch it is much better and more sensible to accept a dependent
+position of some sort, the position of a crown colony, or a charter
+colony with more or less varying degrees of colonial control, all of
+which your very unwise and altogether reckless great grandfather John
+Adams, and some of his friends used to describe as "political slavery."
+
+This doctrine of the wrongfulness of a struggle for independence against
+overwhelming odds has appeared at times of late in the newspapers. I
+noticed that Mr. Bourke Cockran in his speech at the recent pro-Boer
+meeting in Chicago said, that the doctrine did not apply to the Boers
+because their heroism had now placed them in a position to win. He did
+not say positively whether or not he approved of such a doctrine. I am
+myself willing to pass by a great deal of approval of it. But when the
+attempt is made to render such an infamous doctrine respectable by
+affixing to it the honored name of Adams, a protest is in order from all
+those who are at all familiar with our own history.
+
+I do not believe that our American people when their attention is really
+brought to the matter believe in any such doctrine. But their attention
+is not usually brought to it. We have been by our stupendous power far
+removed for a long time from the possibility of such a struggle. We are
+accustomed to the business method of settling serious disputes by
+yielding at once to overwhelming power; by acquiescing in the vote of
+the majority or the will of the richer man or clique that has bought up
+all the stock. When the political boss informs our corporation that the
+legislation we want passed must be paid for we pay without resorting to
+guerilla or any other tactics. When one holds the cards that will take
+all the remaining tricks he usually shows his hand saying, "the rest are
+mine," and everybody assents.
+
+But circumstances alter cases and all cases are not alike. If your
+doctrine is of universal application the ravisher who presents himself
+with overwhelming force must always be gently accepted without
+resistance to save time and avoid danger and expense. If the European
+powers, disgusted with the success of our protective tariff and rising
+commercial supremacy, should unite to abolish our lynch law, burning of
+negroes at the stake, municipal corruption and some other matters, their
+armies and fleets would outnumber us even more than the English
+outnumber the Boers; and I suppose if you are really as much of a
+"quitter" as you profess to be you would then still preach your doctrine
+of submission.
+
+When you look closely at the matter and try to fix the point of
+scientific defeat in the Boer war I do not know why you should place it
+at the fall of Pretoria or whatever moment you decide upon for the
+defeat of the regularly organized armies. I should say it was just as
+well placed before the fighting began when England showed her cards; a
+population of 30,000,000, without counting the population of the
+colonies, against a population that does not number 2,000,000 counting
+the Cape Colony rebels; an army of 250,000 regulars against 40,000
+militia.
+
+If your doctrine is sound political morality, it applied then, and in
+the face of such stupendous odds, I should say, rather more than it does
+now.
+
+But I prefer to be guided somewhat in these matters by your great
+grandfather, John Adams, for whom I have always had a great fancy. If
+you will pardon me for saying so I think that his attention was more
+closely and intensely directed to these matters than yours has ever
+been. His neck was at stake as well as your own valuable existence and
+reputation. The British statute of that time provided a terrible
+punishment for what he was doing. Possibly you have never read it.
+
+     "That the offender be drawn to the gallows, and not be carried or
+     walk; that he be hanged by the neck, and then cut down alive; that
+     his entrails be taken and burnt while he is yet alive; that his
+     head be cut off; that his body be divided into four parts; that his
+     head and quarters be at the king's disposal."
+
+The disposal the king was accustomed to make of the heads and quarters
+of such people was to have the quarters hung about in conspicuous parts
+of London like quarters of beef; and the heads were set up on poles on
+Temple Bar or London Bridge to rot as a ghastly warning.
+
+I am inclined to think that the opinion of a man who from 1765 to 1780
+worked with that enactment hanging over his head is worth considering. I
+find on picking up the first life of him that comes to hand, that he was
+anything but blind to the consequences. England had shown her hand. She
+outnumbered the colonists four to one; and, in the same proportion, she
+could send a disciplined army against their undisciplined militia and
+guerilla forces.
+
+It was even worse than that. The colonists were not united in resisting
+England; not nearly so unanimous as the Boers are. It was by no means
+certain that our colonial rebel party had a bare majority. The loyalists
+insisted and believed that they themselves had the majority. So if we
+cut off from the supposed 3,000,000 population of the colonies the black
+slaves who numbered about 800,000 and the loyalists who were even more
+numerous, we had at the utmost only about 1,400,000 whites who were
+prepared to resist the army, fleet, and 8,000,000 population of England
+without counting nearly a million loyalists in their own midst.
+
+In fact on the showing of hands it was an utterly hopeless contest, and
+within a few years proved itself to be such. All that saved your
+ancestor's party from complete annihilation was the assistance after
+1778 of the French army, fleet, provisions, clothes and loans of money
+followed by assistance from Spain, and at the last moment by the
+alliance of Holland. And even with all this assistance your ancestor's
+cause was even as late as the year 1780 generally believed to be a
+hopeless one.
+
+Your ancestor did not like the prospect. He was fully prepared for
+misery, beggary and his family blood attainted and rendered infamous to
+the last generation by the English law. Death was the least thing he
+dreaded.
+
+     "I go mourning in my heart all the day long," he writes to his
+     wife, "though I say nothing. I am melancholy for the public and
+     anxious for my family. As for myself a frock and trousers, a hoe
+     and a spade would do for my remaining days."
+
+     "I feel unutterable anxiety," he writes again. "God grant us wisdom
+     and fortitude! Should the opposition be suppressed, should this
+     country submit, what infamy, what ruin, God forbid! Death in any
+     form is less terrible."
+
+     "There is one ugly reflection," he says in a letter to Joseph
+     Warren. "Brutus and Cassius were conquered and slain, Hampden died
+     in the field, Sidney on the scaffold, Harrington in jail. This is
+     cold comfort." (Morse's Adams, pp. 54, 60.)
+
+Your ancestor had still other difficulties to face of which it may be
+well to remind you. Long before actual fighting began in our revolution
+the rebel party, or perhaps I should say, the rougher elements of it,
+created by means of tar and feathers and other methods, a reign of
+terror throughout the whole country. They went about in parties taking
+weapons of all kinds out of loyalists' houses, although they have since
+put a clause in the National and all state constitutions that "the right
+to keep and bear arms shall never be infringed." Those documents also
+without exception, I believe, contain a clause guaranteeing freedom of
+speech and of the press; but the rebel party of your ancestor
+extinguished completely and utterly both of these rights; so completely
+that Rivington, the principal publisher of loyalist pamphlets, fled for
+his life to a British man-of-war; and loyalists scarcely dared refer to
+politics even indirectly in private letters.
+
+If the loyalists were really a majority, as they professed to be, the
+rebels were determined to break them up. Loyalists were ridden and
+tossed on fence rails, gagged and bound for days at a time, stoned,
+fastened in rooms with a fire and the chimney stopped on top, advertised
+as public enemies so that they would be cut off from all dealings with
+their neighbors; they had bullets shot into their bedrooms, their horses
+poisoned or mutilated; money or valuable plate extorted from them to
+save them from violence and on pretence of taking security for their
+good behavior; their houses and ships were burnt; they were compelled to
+pay the guards who watched them in their houses; and when carted about
+for the mob to stare at and abuse they were compelled to pay something
+at every town. For the three months of July, August and September of the
+year 1774, one can find in the American Archives alone, over thirty
+descriptions of outrages of this kind.
+
+In short, lynch law prevailed for many years during the revolution, and
+the habit became so fixed that we have never given it up. As has been
+recently shown the term lynch law originated during the revolution and
+was taken from the name of the brother of the man who founded Lynchburgh
+in Virginia.
+
+The revolution was not by any means the pretty social event that the
+ladies of the so-called patriotic societies suppose it to have been. It
+was on the contrary a rank and riotous rebellion against the long
+established authority of a nation which had saved us from France, built
+us up into prosperity and if she were ruling us to-day would, I am
+entirely willing to admit, abolish lynch law, negro burning, municipal
+and state legislative corruption and all the other evils about which
+reformers fret.
+
+But feeling that we were a naturally separated people, the rebel party
+among us insisted that we had the inalienable right to rule ourselves.
+We were seized with the spirit of independence, or as the people of your
+way of thinking at that time called it "a chimera of patriotism."
+Against this natural and inalienable right no authority, we declared, no
+matter how meritorious and venerable need be respected.
+
+The Boers, though receiving far greater provocation than we received,
+have behaved much better. They have not tarred and feathered Englishmen
+as we did or ridden them on rails, or suffocated them with smoke, or
+burnt their houses or hazed or tortured them in any way. Their conduct
+in the whole war has been most fair, honorable and meritorious, showing
+the high character of their intelligence and morals and their
+superiority to the British.
+
+In our revolution, wherever the rebel party were most successful with
+their reign of terror they drove all the judges from the bench and
+abolished the courts; and for a long time there were no courts or public
+administration of the law in many of the colonies, notably in New
+England.
+
+To people of the loyalist turn of mind all these lynching proceedings
+were an irrefragable proof, not only that the rebel party were wicked,
+but that their ideas of independence, of a country free from British
+control and British law, were ridiculous, silly delusions, dangerous to
+all good order and civilization. That such people could ever govern a
+country of their own and have in it that thing they were howling so much
+about, "liberty," was in their opinion beyond the bounds of intelligent
+belief.
+
+These lynching proceedings, the loyalists said, increased the loyalist
+party very fast and made them sure of a majority. I shall not discuss
+that question. But there is no doubt that many rebels went over to the
+loyalist side; and many others who did not actually go over were shaken
+in their faith and hardly knew what to think. Your ancestor belonged to
+the party who did all this lynching and inaugurated the reign of terror
+and he has himself told us how it staggered him. The prospect of raising
+such men as the lynchers to power by a revolution was a serious matter.
+A man one day congratulated him on the anarchy, the mob violence, the
+insults to judges, the closing of the courts and the tar and feathers
+which the patriots and their congress were producing.
+
+     "Oh Mr. Adams, what great things have you and your colleagues done
+     for us! We can never be grateful enough to you. There are no courts
+     of justice now in this province, and I hope there never will be
+     another."
+
+For once in his life your ancestor could not reply.
+
+     "Is this the object for which I have been contending, said I to
+     myself; for I rode along without any answer to this wretch. Are
+     these the sentiments of such people, and how many of them are there
+     in the country? Half the nation for what I know; for half the
+     nation are debtors, if not more; and these have been in all
+     countries the sentiments of debtors. If the power of the country
+     should get into such hands, and there is great danger that it will,
+     to what purpose have we sacrificed our time, health and everything
+     else?" (Works of John Adams, Vol. II, p. 420.)
+
+I have made these lengthy statements and quotations for the sake of
+reminding you that the man who was responsible for your existence and
+also very largely for the existence of the revolution, faced with his
+eyes open the very state of affairs which you say should in conscience
+and good morals compel a man to surrender and give up. He faced a far
+worse state of affairs than the Boers face, and he had less excuse for
+his conduct.
+
+He, however, did not follow your advice; and one reason may have been
+that his wife, whose blood is also in your veins, would have despised
+him if he had. I need not quote those beautiful letters of hers which
+are in print, in which she declares not only her own unalterable
+affection, but her willingness, to go down with him to disaster and
+poverty and labor with her hands. Among all the men of that time I do
+not know of one who was more uncompromising, more obstinate, more
+determined as President Kruger put it, to make Great Britain "pay a
+price that would stagger humanity," or according to your own theory,
+more immoral, than your own great grandfather and his wife.
+
+During the seven years fighting of the revolution Great Britain sent out
+peace commissioners and kept offering terms which steadily increased in
+liberality, entire freedom from taxation, in fact almost everything the
+rebel colonists had demanded, up even to a sort of semi-independence.
+Your great grandfather voted down everyone of them. He attended with
+Franklin the famous peace meeting with Lord Howe on Staten Island and
+rejected Lord Howe's terms. And why? Because none of them contained the
+one essential condition, absolute independence. Your great grandfather
+was a Kruger.
+
+But let us pass from him. Let us see what others thought and what was
+the general situation during the revolution.
+
+At the very beginning of that contest our forces were of an irregular
+and guerilla character. The farmers, who attacked the British regulars
+at Lexington and followed them back to Boston picking them off from
+behind stone fences and trees, were the most irregular fighters it is
+possible to imagine. They were not acting under the authority of any
+legitimate or even a _de facto_ government. They were not even
+officered, directed or authorized by the rebel Continental Congress,
+which had met the year before in Philadelphia. They were acting in a
+purely voluntary manner in obedience to a mere sentiment of that faction
+of the colonists who resented an invasion from Great Britain and wanted
+this country for their own. They were acting in the same manner and on
+the same sentiment by which the Boers now act and which you say is a
+crime.
+
+It is very important to remember that the moral position of the Boers is
+vastly stronger than was ours. Before the present Boer war began the
+Boers were two independent nations whose independence had been
+acknowledged by England on two or three different occasions and in two
+or three different documents. We were not independent and never had
+been. We were colonies and some of our communities were not even
+charter colonies; they were crown colonies; and one of the charter
+colonies, Pennsylvania, had a clause in its charter acknowledging the
+right of parliament to tax as it pleased. Our revolution was an out and
+out rebellion against legitimate control because we wanted to govern
+ourselves; because we did not want to be governed by people who lived
+three thousand miles away in another and far separated country; because
+we did not want to be taxed by the outsider; because we did not want him
+to maintain an army amongst us to keep us in order, because we did not
+want him to regulate our commerce or our manufacturing industries;
+because in short, we wanted to keep house for ourselves and believed
+that the colonial position was at its best essentially a degradation to
+manhood or as we called it at that time "political slavery." If the
+Boers are wrong in defending against England by guerilla methods an
+independence long since acknowledged, then we were ten thousand times
+wrong in supporting by the same methods a rebellion for independence
+against that same country which it is said can rule any people better
+than those people can rule themselves.
+
+The Boers at the beginning of the present war had the regularly
+organized armies of an independent nation. With the money obtained from
+the gold mines they had bought the most modern artillery, small arms and
+ammunition. We on the other hand being mere rebels had none of these
+things. Our guns were at first antiquated or blacksmith-made muskets and
+shot guns; and we were the ridicule of the British regulars because we
+had no bayonets. Whenever we had a chance we used the superior weapons
+taken from British prisoners just as the Boers now use the Lee-Metford
+rifles taken from their prisoners. We never were decently armed until
+France sent us shiploads of guns and ammunition. Many of the straps and
+cartouche boxes worn by our people had the British army letters G. R.
+stamped on them. Graydon relates in his memoirs how when he was taken
+prisoner a cartouche box with those letters on it was instantly wrenched
+with violence off his person.
+
+As our first meeting in arms with the British was irregular so was our
+second. Bunker Hill was so much of a guerilla battle so far as we were
+concerned that it is disputed to this day whether Putnam or Prescott was
+in command. As a matter of fact there was nobody in particular in
+command. It was a voluntary sort of affair; and the description of it
+reads exactly like a Boer battle.
+
+About fifteen hundred men, mostly farmers like the Boers, suddenly
+seized an important hill or kopje dangerously close to the British
+lines. They fortified themselves with breast works made of fence rails
+and hay in such a bucolic manner that all the regulars in Boston
+laughed. They could have been defeated very easily by sending a force on
+their flank and rear. But General Gage thought that would be ridiculous
+and unnecessary. A force of three thousand regulars could easily by a
+front attack sweep off these farmers, show them the uselessness of their
+methods, and possibly end the rebellion at once.
+
+You know the rest. But it must be very shocking to a person of your
+views to remember that the old Queen Anne muskets, shot guns and duck
+guns which your forefathers in such bad taste and contrary to all
+military science, levelled over those fence rails and hay at your
+friends the British in beautiful uniforms, were loaded with buckshot,
+slugs, old nails, and bits of iron from the blacksmith shops. That was
+our Majuba Hill, our Spion Kop.
+
+Let us move along still farther. The New England farmers for all the
+rest of the summer, autumn and following winter formed themselves into a
+most vulgar and absurd army and surrounded Boston, shutting in the
+British. The minds of those farmers were full almost to fanaticism of
+the principle of equality and the rights of man, "the levelling
+principles" as they were then called which now form the foundation of
+our American life. The officers among them were merely leaders and
+persuaders. It was not an uncommon sight to see a colonel shaving one of
+his own men. The men served a few weeks and then went home to get in the
+hay or see how their wives were getting on, and others came from the
+farms to take their places. In this way the army was kept up. Those who
+went home were very apt to take their powder and musket with them to
+shoot squirrels on the farm.
+
+A year later at New York our army was the same guerilla force and I
+shall let Captain Graydon describe it:
+
+     "The appearance of things was not much calculated to excite
+     sanguine expectations in the mind of a sober observer. Great
+     numbers of people were indeed to be seen and those who are not
+     accustomed to the sight of bodies under arms are always prone to
+     exaggerate them. But the propensity to swell the mass, has not an
+     equal tendency to convert it into soldiery; and the irregularity,
+     want of discipline, bad arms, and defective equipment in all
+     respects, of this multitudinous assemblage, gave no favorable
+     impression of its prowess. The materials of which the eastern
+     battalions were composed, were apparently the same as those of
+     which I had seen so unpromising a specimen at Lake George. I speak
+     particularly of the officers who were in no single respect
+     distinguishable from the men, other than in the colored cockades,
+     which for this very purpose had been prescribed in general orders;
+     a different color being assigned to the officers of each grade. So
+     far from aiming at a deportment which might raise them above their
+     privates and thence prompt them to due respect and obedience to
+     their commands, the object was, by humility, to preserve the
+     existing blessing of equality, an illustrious instance of which was
+     given by Colonel Putnam, the chief engineer of the army, and no
+     less a personage than the nephew of the major-general of that name.
+     'What,' says a person meeting him one day with a piece of meat in
+     his hand, 'carrying home your rations yourself, colonel! 'Yes,'
+     says he, 'and I do it to set the officers a good example.'"
+
+     (Graydon's Memoirs, edition of 1846, p. 147.)
+
+We have grown into a habit of depicting all our revolutionary
+forefathers, both privates and officers, in beautiful buff and blue
+uniform as if we were from the start a regularly organized, independent
+nation, fighting regular battles with another independent nation. There
+were, I believe, at times a select few, more usually officers, who
+succeeded in having such a uniform. But the great mass of our rebel
+troops had no uniforms at all. They wore a hunting shirt or smock frock
+which was merely a cheap cotton shirt belted round the waist and with
+the ends hanging outside over the hips instead of being tucked into the
+trousers. Into the loose bosom of this garment above the belt could be
+stuffed bread, pork, and all sorts of articles including a frying pan.
+
+We of course do not like to have a picture of one of our ancestors
+painted in such a garment. It would not look well. It is better to have
+some theoretical uniform, the uniform that our fathers would have had if
+they had had the money and time to get one, painted on top of a picture
+of our ancestor.
+
+Lafayette has described in his memoirs the rebel army he found in this
+country on his arrival in the summer of 1777:
+
+     "Eleven thousand men, but tolerably armed and still worse clad,
+     presented a singular spectacle in their parti-colored and often
+     naked state; the best dresses were hunting shirts of brown linen.
+     Their tactics were equally irregular. They were arranged without
+     regard to size except that the smallest men were the front rank."
+
+When the French officers appeared among us after the alliance, our
+officers were often unable to entertain them for lack of decent clothes
+and food. Washington in an order of July 24, 1776, said:
+
+     "The general, sensible of the difficulty and expense of providing
+     clothes of almost any kind for the troops, feels an unwillingness
+     to recommend, much more to order any kind of uniform; but as it is
+     absolutely necessary that men should have clothes and appear decent
+     and tight, he earnestly encourages the use of hunting shirts with
+     long breeches made of the same cloth, gaiter fashion about the legs
+     to all those yet unprovided." (Force 5th Series, Vol I, pp. 676,
+     677.)
+
+That was the sort of army Washington commanded; an army to which he
+could seldom give orders but only recommendations and suggestions. It
+often melted away before his eyes without any power on his part to stop
+desertion. At New York in 1776 he collected as you know by the utmost
+exertion about 18,000 men, but so afflicted with camp fevers and disease
+that only 14,000 of them were effective, and these were more of a rabble
+than an army. At the battle of Long Island and other engagements round
+New York they were easily beaten by General Howe's huge army of 34,000,
+and as is generally believed could have been annihilated or exterminated
+if that general had chosen to do so. As it was they were so broken up
+and scattered that they disappeared to their homes, and Washington fled
+across New Jersey and crossed the Delaware with only 3,300 men.
+
+The Continental Congress fled from Philadelphia. It was a migrating
+congress for many a day afterwards; travelling from one place of refuge
+to another with its little printing press and papers carried in a wagon.
+
+If you had been living in those days you would have said that the
+rebellion had now certainly reached the point of scientific defeat and
+should be abandoned and all hope of independence given up. Thousands of
+people at that time said so. The loyalists of course said so; and many
+who had been rebels, or had been watching to see if the rebellion had
+any chance at all, now turned against it and took the British oath of
+allegiance. That is unquestionably what you would have done if you had
+been living at that time with your present opinions. Your great
+grandfather however was not of that mind, nor was Washington.
+
+In fact, Washington prepared to become the worst kind of a guerilla; and
+you will find his letter on the subject in the second volume of Irving's
+life of him, chapter XLI. In case of being further pressed he said, "We
+must then retire to Augusta county, in Virginia. Numbers will repair to
+us for safety and we will then try a predatory war. If overpowered we
+must cross the Allegheny mountains."
+
+What do you think of that? What a wicked man he must have been. He
+intended to abandon the seaboard colonies, taking with him all the
+rebels who would follow him; and a great many including your ancestor
+would have to follow him, for if they remained behind they would be
+hung. He proposed a "grand trek" to get away from those British who are
+said to govern so well, just as the Boers "treked" away from them into
+the deserts of South Africa nearly a hundred years ago, because they did
+not fancy what they had experienced of that supposed excellent
+government.
+
+Having secured a refuge for the rebel congress and his followers on the
+edge of what was then the Western Wilderness, Washington proposes to
+maintain himself there by what he calls "predatory war," and I suppose
+you know what that is. If unsuccessful in that, he intended to cross the
+Allegheny mountains and plunge into that vast unknown region with the
+Indians and the buffaloes, which stretched away 3,000 miles to the
+Pacific ocean. There, assisted by the great distances he could play
+havoc with an invading British force; cut their slender communications
+and their cordons of blockhouses as the Boers are doing to-day in South
+Africa.
+
+This last resort of the rebel colonists was so obvious that it was often
+discussed not only in the colonies but in England. It was greatly feared
+by the tory ministry, because it might indefinitely prolong the war. The
+whigs prophesied disaster from it; and Burke in one of his speeches
+refers to it in an eloquent passage in which he describes the rebel
+colonists retreating to that vast interior of fertile plains where they
+would grow into marvels of hardihood and desperation; how they would
+become myriads of American Tartars and pour down a fierce and
+irresistible cavalry upon the narrow strip of sea coast, sweeping before
+them "your governors, your councillors, your collectors and comptrollers
+and all the slaves that adhere to them."
+
+In other words the tories dreaded what not so very long afterwards they
+accomplished in South Africa. They forced the Boers out of Cape Colony
+and they went by the grand trek into the interior plains where they
+founded two fierce and free republics, such as Washington might very
+readily have founded west of the Alleghenies. A turn of the hand, the
+failure of the French Alliance might have placed the United States in a
+position somewhat similar to that of South Africa or to that of Ireland
+if you like. The effect of British brutal and stupid violence on a high
+strung and independence-loving people will always be very much the same
+everywhere.
+
+But to return to Washington's letter. You very likely read it when as a
+young man you read Irving's life of him; but it never occurred to you to
+think that his "predatory" and guerilla war was wicked. It was on your
+side; you believed that his desire for the independence of the country
+was just and right, and being so, could be rightfully supported by
+predatory as well as regular warfare. Your youthful instinct was sound.
+You had not then learned to worship mere financeering. You had not then
+imbibed a passion for that part of the British constitution which
+declares that any resistance whether in support of independence, home
+or anything else which interferes with the operations of a financial
+clique in London is a crime.
+
+But when you see the principles and tactics of Washington and your own
+great grandfather repeated in a country far off they seem different, and
+when you see them turned against a country which gradually has come to
+embody in your mind fashionable society, you think them very dreadful.
+From your great grandfather's time to yours is a very short distance in
+history but a long distance, it seems, in political morals.
+
+The proposition for which you contend, or for which you profess to
+contend, for I decline to believe that anyone of your name really
+accepts such stuff, is nothing but the old principle of the bully and
+brute. The little man must yield where his case is shown to be hopeless
+and save the brute's time and money. After every battle of the
+revolution the British and the loyalists thought that your ancestor and
+his friends ought to give it up, and this went on for over seven years
+in spite of the assistance of France.
+
+I am inclined to think that if you were really put to the test you would
+not live up to your own principles. I am inclined to think that if I and
+several others, outnumbering you in the proportion of the English to the
+Boers, should present revolvers and say that being men of better
+business capacity we would now kindly take charge of your private
+affairs and manage them for you to your great advantage, you would not
+act quite as piously as you preach. The one or two drops of the blood of
+old John, which are still hidden in your veins, somewhere down in your
+boots, would suddenly rush to your heart and inflame it. You would duck
+under those revolver muzzles and come at our stomachs in a way that
+would keep us moving. We should undoubtedly very soon have your dead
+body with which to conduct some sort of brutal and stupid British
+triumph; but we should never be able to say that we had made a political
+slave of a living Adams.
+
+I have not space here to take you all through the revolution and remind
+you of every scene in which your ancestor figured. But I shall finish
+what I was saying about Washington when his army was reduced to 3,300
+and he was prepared for a grand trek to the Alleghenies. He did not have
+to resort to that because General Howe did not press him any further.
+For political reasons, which we cannot go into here, Howe preferred that
+Washington should raise another army if he could.
+
+Howe retired to New York and spent the winter there with his large force
+of 30,000; but at Trenton and Bordentown on the Delaware River some
+fifty miles away he placed two isolated outposts of about 1,500 Hessians
+each. Washington collected more men until his 3,300 had become 6,000 and
+with these raw militia he gobbled up those Hessian outposts just as the
+Boers have been gobbling up similarly placed British outposts. When a
+force of 8,000 British came out from New York to reoccupy Trenton,
+Washington cut in behind them, and at Princeton, finding some more
+British coming up widely separated and unable to support one another, he
+beat them in detail.
+
+This was brilliant, irregular Boer warfare on outposts and weak
+detachments. Washington was able to do it because his whole system was
+like that of the Boers, an irregular one. If he had had a regularly
+organized army and it had been reduced down to 3,300 it would never have
+been brought together again. He would have been done for. But his army
+was always one of the come and go kind. He had a small nucleus that
+could be relied upon to stay; but most of his force was composed of men
+who came from all parts of the colonies to serve three weeks, three
+months or six months then return home and have others come in their
+places. It was by this Boer method that all the armies of the rebel
+party during the revolution were kept going. When seriously defeated or
+when they had accomplished an object they would scatter as the Boers do
+and make it very difficult to destroy that which did not exist.
+
+Now that we have settled down and become a great nation all this seems
+like very foolish business to some of us who cut off coupons or sit at
+roll top desks endorsing the backs of documents until we have lost the
+natural feeling of vigorous manhood so characteristic of the Boers and
+the followers of Washington. We have forgotten our revolution. Our own
+acts in it now seem too heroic for our stomachs when we see others
+practicing them. Ireland has been practicing similar methods against
+England for hundreds of years. It may be a foolish game, but it can be
+made a very long one. It has lasted some seven hundred years in Ireland
+without success on either side. It lasted some thirty years in Cuba and
+was successful and we have set the seal of our approval on that success.
+
+I shall now restore to your recollection the famous Duché letter which
+was written in the autumn of 1777. Duché was a brilliant young clergyman
+of the Church of England and was settled in Philadelphia. He was
+inclined to take sides with the rebel colonists, and would have been
+very glad to see them attain what they wished if it could have been done
+peaceably and in the manner of ordinary business negotiations; and he
+was even willing to go a little farther than this and have the rebel
+colonists make a certain amount of armed resistance up to a certain
+point, not beyond the bounds of good taste. In short he was very much of
+your professed way of thinking, and he represented a large class of
+people who were of that way of thinking. At the meeting of the first
+Continental Congress he opened the session with a prayer so eloquent and
+suitable that it attracted universal attention, and gave him at once a
+political standing of some little importance.
+
+But after three years of Boer tactics, irregular methods, hopelessness,
+evident failure, the rise into power of men who were not gentlemen,
+petty peculation and fraud in the rebel army, apparent deterioration in
+character of the men in the rebel congress, the undignified runaway,
+wandering habit of that congress with its papers hauled from one refuge
+to another in a wagon, and similar things which make a deep impression
+on men of a certain kind of education and refinement, he saw so clearly
+the unutterable folly and wickedness of the attempt at independence that
+he could stand it no longer.
+
+There were many others who thought just as he did; but they usually
+either went to live in England or Canada or kept quiet in
+semi-concealment waiting until the power of Britain should restore order
+and good government to the colonies. But Duché, feeling that he was in
+somewhat of a public position, argued out the whole subject in a long
+letter to General Washington, calling on him in the name of God and
+humanity to put an end to the frightful state of affairs so mutually
+destructive to the best interests of both the colonies and England.
+
+He was horrified he said to find that rather than give up the idol
+independence the rebels "would deluge this country in blood." In short
+he was horrified at the Krugerism of Washington who intended to make
+England "pay a price that would stagger humanity." As to the rebel army
+its existence depended on one man. Most of its officers were from "the
+lowest of the people." "Take away those who surround your person, how
+few are there that you can ask to sit at your table." The rebels had
+hoped for aid from France: but after three years of waiting it had not
+come and there were no signs of it. The whig party in England was
+growing smaller. The whole English nation, "all orders and ranks of men
+are now unanimous and determined to risk their all on the contest."
+
+     "Under so many discouraging circumstances, can virtue, can honor,
+     can the love of your country prompt you to persevere. Humanity
+     itself (and sure I am humanity is no stranger to your breast) calls
+     upon you to desist. Your army must perish for want of common
+     necessaries, or thousands of innocent families must perish to
+     support them. Wherever they encamp the country must be
+     impoverished. Wherever they march the troops of Britain will pursue
+     and must complete the devastation which America herself has begun."
+
+     "Perhaps it may be said, 'it is better to die than to be slaves.'
+     This indeed is a splendid maxim in theory: and perhaps in some
+     instances, may be found experimentally true. But where there is the
+     least probability of a happy accommodation surely wisdom and
+     humanity call for some sacrifices to be made to prevent inevitable
+     destruction."
+
+It reads almost as if you had written it yourself, does it not? It
+raised the whole question fairly and squarely, the whole question of the
+moral right of a naturally separated people to struggle for independence
+to the bitter end, the last ditch, extermination or whatever name you
+choose to give it, or as in the case of Ireland, the Armenians and the
+Poles without end.
+
+I do not mean to say that that was the only time that Washington had had
+the question brought squarely before him. It was a question that came up
+all over the country every day for seven years down to within a few
+months of the surrender of Cornwallis in 1781; for the year 1780 was as
+you know the darkest hour in our revolution. Every individual in those
+seven years had that question before him every day and hour, and as
+individuals settled it for themselves one way or the other they dropped
+in and out of the two sides of the contest.
+
+How did Washington settle it with Duché? The young clergyman made a
+powerful appeal to him. He said that the whole solution of the war
+rested with Washington alone. He alone could stop the fighting. He alone
+could persuade the other leaders in the name of God and humanity to give
+up a hopeless contest. This was somewhat of an exaggeration. The war was
+deeper than Washington just as the Boer war is deeper than Kruger. But
+never mind that. Duché's idea was that Washington should at the head of
+his army negotiate for some settlement short of independence.
+Independence, England would never grant.
+
+Awful and wicked as it now no doubt seems to you, Washington declined
+this honor. He sent Duché's letter to the wandering congress. It was
+copied and given a wide publicity. Your ancestor and the men of that
+time never dodged the question raised by that letter. Washington also
+sent a copy to Duché's brother-in-law, Francis Hopkinson, and if you
+want to read a stinging letter I can recommend the letter Hopkinson
+wrote to his perverted relative. The whole correspondence including
+Duché's letter is printed in the appendix to the edition of 1846 of
+Graydon's Memoirs. I shall quote just one passage from Hopkinson's
+letter:
+
+     "The whole force of the reasoning," he says to Duché, "contained in
+     your letter tends to this point: that virtue and honor require us
+     to stand by truth, as long as it can be done with safety, but that
+     her cause may be abandoned on the approach of danger; or in other
+     words, that the justice of the American cause ought to be squared
+     by the success of her arms."
+
+The moral or principle contained in that passage is repudiated by you
+and by every one who lives in England; by the Russians also, most of
+the Germans, many Frenchmen and in fact Europe generally. If you fear
+numbers you do well, no doubt, in repudiating it. But it was on that
+moral principle that our revolution was put through. Whoever denies that
+principle denies the United States, denies our foundation principle and
+our validity, denies the justice and righteousness of the struggles
+which created Switzerland, and all the South American republics
+including Cuba, struggles which are still carried on by the Armenians
+after seven hundred years of failure and by the Irish for the same
+period, struggles which in fact, originally created England, France,
+Germany and all the powers which now affect to despise them, struggles
+which create nationalities and all that is useful, honorable or valuable
+in civil or political life. When you deny the right of a naturally
+separated people to struggle without end for independence, you deny the
+most fundamental and necessary, the most powerful and far reaching, the
+most scientific and well settled principle of moral conduct that history
+has disclosed.
+
+I do not wish to take up too much space accumulating instances in our
+revolutionary history, but Franklin's conduct is perhaps worth
+considering. He was not what is called an enthusiast or fanatic. He was
+on the contrary one of the shrewd calculating kind. He had full
+knowledge of all the conditions. He resided in England as agent of
+Massachusetts and of the rebel cause in general from 1764 to 1775. It
+cannot be said that he did not know the power and merit of England. He
+admired the English political system. He was very fond of English life
+and preferred a residence among learned and cultivated people in England
+to one in America. Under these influences he at first believed that the
+colonists should submit after trying ordinary peaceful and so-called
+legal measures. In a word Franklin was at first of your opinion.
+
+But when he returned to America in 1775 and the spirit or influence of
+independence touched him he became the most unrelenting, obstinate and
+as you would say unreasoning, fanatical and blind stickler for absolute
+and unqualified independence at any price or at the price of
+extermination.
+
+The Continental Congress of which your ancestor was a member was, as
+late as the year 1780, so determined to keep up the struggle although in
+that year it was regarded as hopeless, that they arranged to have
+pictures prepared with short descriptions of what they considered
+British atrocities, but which were the milk of human kindness compared
+with Kitchener's Spanish concentration camps and other benevolences
+inflicted on the Boers. These pictures and descriptions were to be shown
+and taught to every American rebel child forever so as to burn into
+their minds eternal hatred and a struggle without end against the
+independence hating British brute.
+
+Just at the close of the revolution Franklin was preparing to have
+thirty-five of these pictures designed and engraved in France "in
+order," as he wrote to an Englishman, "to impress the minds of children
+and posterity with a deep sense of your bloody and insatiable malice and
+wickedness." If Franklin could apply such adjectives to England's
+comparatively mild attempts to suppress a rebellion, what would he say
+to-day of her worse than inhuman efforts to destroy two independent
+nations. Franklin believed that the success of our revolution had
+destroyed forever the inherent cruelty and despotic brutishness of the
+English tory. But the tory has gone on developing; and even the English
+liberal has less of the courage, intelligence and character which were
+such a brilliant and saving grace to him in the days of Burke, Chatham
+and Barré.
+
+I shall now consider what you say about the action of General Lee and
+the leaders of the confederacy. You assume that they were struggling for
+independence; and that is most extraordinary. It is an insult, as it
+seems to me, to the intelligence of the whole American people. I never
+before heard our civil war described in that way. That Lee or the
+confederacy were struggling for independence in the sense in which the
+American colonists of 1776, or the Boers of to-day or the Swiss or the
+Irish struggled for that object I most positively deny. If Lee and the
+confederacy had been struggling in that sense the civil war would not
+yet be over. The eleven southern states would be now either independent
+or in the condition of Ireland.
+
+First of all the southern states were not a naturally separate people.
+They were contiguous territory. There was no natural boundary dividing
+them from the North. They were of the same race, language and social
+status as the north. They had taken part with the north in making the
+whole country independent of England and with the north they had made
+the National Constitution.
+
+They had quarrelled with the north simply about the question of slavery.
+At one time they had disapproved of slavery in the abstract as much as
+the north did; but as their slaves were more profitable than slaves in
+the north they were slower about abolishing slavery than the north had
+been. Their slaves were guaranteed to them by the Constitution. The
+rising moral sentiment against slavery in the north, which seemed to
+them to threaten the abolition of slavery in the south by violence
+without regard to the Constitution and without compensation to owners
+drove them into war. Their confederacy which they formed was a mere
+make-shift to protect millions of dollars worth of slaves. There is no
+evidence of any passion for independence among them, such as has
+characterized the people already described, and as a matter of fact
+there was nothing in their unseparated situation that would cause that
+passion.
+
+High strung, intelligent men such as the southerners are, will fight a
+long time over millions of dollars worth of slaves, if they think they
+are to be suddenly and unfairly deprived of them, but not as they would
+fight for independence, for political existence. There was so little
+moral righteousness in slavery and they had always known so well its
+unrighteousness that when the point of scientific defeat was reached,
+when their regularly organized armies were formally defeated they gave
+up the game. The inspiration of the cause was not perennial. There was
+none of the eternal justness in it which inspired the cause of
+Washington and your ancestor, which has kept the Cubans struggling for
+thirty years, and the Irish and the Armenians for seven hundred.
+
+General Lee, who, as you say, set the example of giving up, was a man
+of peculiar views on the civil war. He was not a believer in slavery. He
+described it as a "moral and political evil" and "a greater evil to the
+white than to the colored race." He did not even believe in the right of
+secession. He spoke of it as an absurdity, and said that it was
+impossible to suppose that the framers of the Constitution could have
+contemplated anything of the sort. He had great misgivings and much
+mental struggle when Virginia seceded and he finally decided to go with
+his state because as he put it, "I have not been able to make up my mind
+to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home." He cared
+little or nothing for the confederacy. It was the invasion of Virginia
+against which he fought and he always commanded the army in Virginia.
+"Save in defence of my native state," he said, "I hope I may never be
+called on to draw my sword."
+
+Such a man easily dropped the contest for the confederacy when the point
+of scientific defeat had been reached. He fought to acquit his own honor
+as a man fights a duel until blood is drawn, and that done he has no
+more incentive for fighting.
+
+There is also another point you have forgotten. The terms which General
+Grant offered Lee were of a liberality beyond the capacity of any
+British general or statesman. Lee's whole army was paroled and told to
+go home taking their horses with them to cultivate their farms. There
+were to be no punishments or executions for treason. Afterwards when
+some people in the north foolishly clamored for punishment, Grant
+sternly insisted on the fulfillment of every condition in the surrender.
+Under such terms it was very easy and natural for Lee to ride quietly
+from the surrender to his own home, walk in and shut the door, and never
+trouble himself about the rebellion again.
+
+You say Lee's example influenced the other southern leaders. But it was
+Grant's example, the fair and honorable terms, which were the real
+influence, the real power that was accomplishing this result. It was
+very American and possible only among Americans. The English are too
+stupidly violent ever to achieve such a result as that.
+
+You may remember that some months ago Botha and some of the Boer leaders
+met Lord Kitchener to discuss terms of peace. And what were the British
+terms? Compare them with Grant's. Lord Kitchener said that immunity
+would be given to certain of the leaders, but no immunity could be
+promised to certain others. Could honorable men consent to surrender
+themselves and escape on condition that certain of their associates were
+to be hung?
+
+Suppose Grant had said to Lee, "You and your officers, if you will
+surrender, shall be guaranteed immunity; but Jefferson Davis, and
+Johnston and Beauregard are to be hung." Do you suppose Lee would have
+surrendered? I am inclined to think that if any such British policy had
+been carried out there would be guerilla war and Irish rebellion in the
+south to this hour.
+
+Lord Kitchener, you will also remember, would give the Boers no promise
+of local self-government. It was indefinitely postponed. They asked him
+about giving the right to vote to the black Kaffir population. But
+Kitchener refused to give any promise on that point.
+
+In other words they were asked to surrender without any agreement that
+the lives of the rebels in Cape Colony who had been assisting them
+should be spared the gallows, they had no definite promise of local
+self-government, and so far was the possibility of self-government
+removed that it was left uncertain whether or not the black Kaffir
+population would not be used to control them and outvote them if a sham
+of self-government were set up.
+
+Now let us suppose Grant offering similar terms to Lee. Let us suppose
+him saying that the eleven states of the confederacy would be held as
+crown colonies, or presidential subject colonies for an indefinite
+period, and that the north reserved the right to control the south by
+means of giving the vote to the recently freed black slaves and
+withholding it from the whites. Do we not all know what Lee's answer and
+what the answer of the whole south would have been to those terms?
+
+We all know what happened a few years afterwards in the reconstruction
+period when the blacks were to a certain extent put over the whites. We
+all know that the south immediately turned to guerilla methods or as
+they were called the Ku Klux societies, societies of secret
+assassination and terror, methods far worse than ordinary guerillaism.
+Moreover these Ku Klux methods were successful. They broke the dominion
+of the black man. They compelled the north to stop, to recall its carpet
+baggers, to reconsider its injustice; or as Mr. Page puts it the
+southerners reconquered their own country, and had it again under their
+own normal state governments. But if Lee and the other southern leaders
+had known all this was coming they would have begun the guerillaism at
+Appomatox.
+
+The Ku Klux methods were unpleasant, atrocious, unfortunate in many
+ways; for as most of us can remember, they fixed upon southern life the
+habit of assassination, which continued for many years in a manner most
+revolting and shocking to northern moral sense and it has only recently
+begun to die out. But who was to blame? England has in the same way
+turned the Irish into assassins, rioters and law breakers, and then
+cries out that they are barbarous and uncivilized and must be "coerced"
+and forced into more assassination, rioting and law breaking. I place
+the blame where it belongs; and I venture to predict that if England
+continues her inhuman, morally degrading and worse than Irish policy
+with the Boers she will turn them into a race of assassins or law
+breakers. They are now the very reverse of that. They have shown a
+higher regard for the sacredness of human life than we have to-day in
+America. They have shown more self-restraint, more respect for personal
+rights, have dealt more fairly with their opponents than we did in our
+revolution. They are the superiors of both ourselves and the English and
+they are inferior to us and the English only in numbers.
+
+There is a great deal of talk of England's success in ruling
+dependencies. She rules no doubt successfully enough over the servile,
+over toadies, flunkeys and weaklings or those who have no spirit or love
+of independence. Wherever she has attempted to rule an
+independence-loving people as in the case of the Irish, ourselves or the
+Boers, she has made a most shocking failure of it. Few people trouble
+themselves to read the long history of England's dealings with the South
+Africans for nearly a hundred years previous to the present war. It is
+all detailed in Theal's admirable volumes of the history of South
+Africa. Theal was himself an Englishman, an official in South Africa,
+and he prints all documents in full. I must confess I was astonished to
+read this long record of atrocious injustice, inhumanity, stupidity and
+cruelty which generation after generation has hammered the Boers into a
+separate people, given them a long list of martyrs and anniversaries of
+ferocity and built up in them a fell hatred of the English, which now
+astonishes men like yourself, who suppose this to be a mere sudden
+outbreak, and who have not the time, or will not take the trouble, to
+investigate the long chain of causes which led up to it.
+
+With an independence loving people England has only two methods of
+success, extermination or banishment. She always rules with complete
+success over the dead. When with Martinis and Lee Metfords she has
+slaughtered over 27,000 black or brown men, carrying spears or
+old-fashioned guns, with a loss on her side of only 387, and with a vast
+crop of medals and Victoria crosses for the supposed heroes of this
+supposed wonderful victory, she has unquestionably solved a "problem" in
+her way.
+
+When, after 700 years of conquests, "colonization," reform bills, final
+settlements, coercion acts, land acts, hangings, confiscations,
+corruptions, treachery and broken promises, a large part of the native
+Irish are living in the United States, where by their steadiness,
+industry, bright minds and success they contradict and disprove every
+charge and statement made against them by pottering English statesmen,
+England may undoubtedly be said to have successfully solved the problem
+of her "white man's burden" so far as concerns these Irish in the United
+States.
+
+As to those who remain in Ireland we again hear of coercion, are told
+that there is to be some more legislation for them which is to be a
+"final settlement." An Englishman has just written a book to prove that
+all settlements with such people as the Boers and the Irish should be
+"finalities" and settle the question. This, he says, is very important.
+
+I notice also that some Irish representatives arrived the other day in
+New York to collect from Irish-Americans subscriptions in money to
+enable them to discuss this "final settlement," which has been
+progressing for 700 years without arousing the least sense of humor in
+any Englishman whom I ever knew or heard of.
+
+I know however of one settlement which is supposed to have been final.
+It was a document signed in Paris in the year 1783, by an Englishman
+whose name is of no importance, but the persons who signed on the other
+side were Franklin, Adams and Jay. I am wrong to call this a final
+settlement. It gave us only independence on the land. England still
+ruled us on the ocean where she searched our ships as she pleased and
+claimed a suzerainty over us as she has claimed a suzerainty over the
+Boers, and for the same contemptible purpose, to enable her to watch her
+chance to destroy our independence.
+
+We remained semi-independent until 1812 when we fought what used to be
+called the Second War for Independence. There were a great many people
+in your part of the country who thought we ought not to fight that war.
+They used your argument. They said what is the use? It will waste money
+and destroy valuable property, both English and American. What is the
+use of fighting for a mere sentiment? Let us be governed by sense rather
+than sentiment. Let us be content with the substantial advantage and the
+liberty we already have rather than risk it all, and our material
+interests besides. And you carried this argument so far that you
+threatened to secede from the Union.
+
+England had secret emissaries here at that time to encourage secession
+and dissolution in the hope that at any rate she could turn New England
+and possibly the Middle States into dependencies again. A few years
+afterwards in our Civil War, she again did her utmost to dismember us;
+and she would to-day seize with eagerness any similar opportunity. She
+never gives up her purpose to destroy the political manhood of any
+people.
+
+If she had the courage of her convictions and intentions and was not
+afraid of the outcry of the civilized world, she would be much shorter
+and quicker in her work with the Boers. She would surround the
+concentration camps of Boer women and children with machine guns and
+pump into the mass of humanity until that heroic race was extinct. But
+she prefers the safer and more veiled, but equally infamous, method of
+slow starvation and disease, of banishment and imprisonment in distant
+countries to extinguish a race which she hates because she knows she has
+always done them evil and wrong and because they excel her own people in
+morals, military intelligence and courage.
+
+She hated our love of independence as she hated Ireland's and it was
+merely an accident that she did not make of us an Ireland. When she
+deals with an independence-loving people she makes of them either an
+Ireland or a United States. And that is the question in South Africa.
+Shall there be an Ireland in South Africa or a United States of South
+Africa?
+
+It is most dismal to read of Englishmen suggesting for the Boers the
+same old methods that were used in Ireland, "colonization," stamping out
+the native language, stamping out the love of independence, banishment,
+depriving of weapons, the greatest severity, no mercy. The Irish were
+deprived of their weapons, even of their shot guns. They were forbidden
+to have carving knives above a certain length or horses above a certain
+value. They were "colonized" and their lands taken away from them and
+given to Englishmen over and over again, in exactly the same manner that
+Cecil Rhoads now recommends for the Boers. Measures to exterminate their
+language and their Roman Catholic religion were taken over and over
+again and were of such relentless severity that no reasonable man could
+doubt that both the language and the religion would disappear within a
+generation.
+
+Cromwell went among them with scythes, bullets and Bibles and the war
+cry of his soldiers was "Jesus and no quarter." The town of Drogheda
+surrendered to him on his promise that their lives should be spared.
+
+     "But no sooner had they laid down their arms than Cromwell took
+     back his word and slaughtered every man, woman and child in the
+     city, so that five days are said to have been spent in this ghastly
+     massacre. At Wexford the same miserable scenes of treachery and
+     butchery were enacted." (Gregg's Irish History, p. 64.)
+
+Very few educated people in this country read Irish history. It is a
+sort of forbidden subject. It might reveal too much. From what I have
+read of it I am free to say that for stupid injustice, blind,
+unreasoning, brutal cruelty, treachery and corruption on the part of
+England from about the middle of the 12th century down to to-night it
+equals if it does not exceed in atrocity the rule of the Spaniard in
+South America.
+
+Yet all the wicked things that the atrocity was intended to exterminate
+are still alive and possibly stronger than they were in the twelfth
+century. Roman Catholicism is as strong as ever, the language still
+lives, and there has been a special revival of it within the last two
+years. The most wonderful part of all is that the Irishman is still
+alive, still an Irishman with children and grandchildren. He still loves
+his country, still loves independence and home rule, is still carrying
+on what you call guerilla tactics; and this very summer made a special
+outburst of guerillaism in the British parliament itself in the very
+heart of London.
+
+What does all this show? Simply that the spirit of independence, the
+natural nation-forming instinct of human beings, when once aroused, is
+usually inextinguishable except by the annihilation of every individual;
+and that this is a provision of nature for the formation of human
+societies in the world. Secondly that men will fight longer and more
+desperately for justice or against injustice than they will fight for
+money.
+
+It has been the consciousness of eternal justice that has kept the Irish
+and Armenians going for seven hundred years, that inspired the
+Netherlands to resist the Spaniard for eighty years, that kept your
+ancestor fighting for seven years and determined Washington to resort to
+"predatory" war rather than yield to the "benevolence and good
+government" of England.
+
+Justice is far superior to philanthropy, charity, "the white man's
+burden" or any other pious hypocrisy or fraud that the villainy of man
+has invented. It is more important than, and it must precede both morals
+and good government. After you have been just to a people you may begin
+to preach to them. Good government as well as agricultural, commercial
+and industrial prosperity, have been rendered impossible in Ireland for
+centuries because there has been no justice to the native and patriotic
+party among the people. Justice can purify most of the international
+horrors of the world far better than "benevolence."
+
+We are on the whole more just than other nations. We founded ourselves
+upon justice, upon the doctrine that a naturally separated people had a
+right to their independence, that all men were politically equal and
+equal before the law, and that no government could be just that did not
+rest on the consent of the governed. These doctrines are the highest
+development of justice that has been wrought out in the past and by that
+great movement called the Reformation. But England has never accepted
+them.
+
+We have taught England many things. The dread of our influence compelled
+her to give the Canadian French liberal institutions. Any rights the
+Canadians, the Australians or the East Indians enjoy are the result of
+our revolution and the Sepoy Mutiny. Without our example the English
+lower classes would still be serfs. Real liberty and free government,
+the rights of the laboring man, have grown during the last century in
+England out of American precept and example.
+
+We have compelled her to enlarge her elective franchise towards
+universal suffrage. Only a few years ago there were no cheap newspapers
+in England. No reform journals or periodicals favoring popular rights,
+could be started because there was a tax on the paper, a tax on the
+advertisements and a tax on each copy of the journal, so levied and
+manipulated that the tory aristocracy could kill at their pleasure any
+popular journalistic enterprise. But the example of free and cheap
+newspapers in America, under the guidance of a Gladstone, extinguished
+those taxes and from that time dates the development of popular rights
+in England. In the same way has England been compelled to adopt our
+system of the secret ballot in place of her method which placed every
+tenant at the mercy of the landlord and every mill hand at the mercy of
+the mill owner. She is now struggling in a comical way to adopt our
+public school system. It remains for us to teach her to be just to the
+Boers.
+
+With the greatest esteem for your distinguished ancestor and yourself, I
+have the honor to remain,
+
+Very truly yours,
+          SYDNEY G. FISHER.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Revolution and the Boer
+War, An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal", by Sydney G. Fisher
+
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Revolution and the Boer War,
+An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal", by Sydney G. Fisher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The American Revolution and the Boer War, An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal"
+
+Author: Sydney G. Fisher
+
+Release Date: November 21, 2006 [EBook #19895]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness, Taavi Kalju and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+book was produced from scanned images of public domain
+material from the Google Print project.)
+
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+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+<h1>The American Revolution</h1>
+
+<h3>and</h3>
+
+<h1>The Boer War</h1>
+
+
+<p class="center">An Open Letter to<br />
+Mr. Charles Francis Adams<br />
+on his Pamphlet<br />
+"The Confederacy and the Transvaal"</p>
+
+
+<h3>By</h3>
+
+<h2>SYDNEY G. FISHER</h2>
+
+<p class="center">Author of "Men, Women and Manners in Colonial Times"<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">"The Evolution of the Constitution"</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">"The True Benjamin Franklin," etc.</span></p>
+
+<h5>(Reprinted from the <i>Philadelphia Sunday Times</i>
+of January 19, 1902)
+</h5>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 20em;"><span class="smcap">Philadelphia</span>, January 14, 1902.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span class="smcap">Charles Francis Adams, Esq.</span>,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 10em;">Boston, Massachusetts.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i></p>
+
+<p>I have been handed a pamphlet written by you entitled "The Confederacy
+and the Transvaal," the burden of which is, that the Boers ought not to
+continue their irregular guerilla struggle against England, because it
+is destructive of themselves and wasteful of England's resources; or to
+use your own words "the contest drags wearily along, to the probable
+destruction of one of the combatants, to the great loss of the other,
+and, so far as can be seen, in utter disregard of the best interests of
+both."</p>
+
+<p>You argue that the Boers, when their regular armies were defeated some
+considerable time ago, should have surrendered, given up the struggle,
+and not have resorted to a prolongation of the contest by guerilla
+methods. In support of this you cite the action of General Lee at the
+close of our civil war, when, his regularly organized army being
+completely defeated, he surrendered it, went quietly to his home and set
+an example, followed by the other southern leaders, of not prolonging
+the strife by those irregular methods which, as is well known, can be so
+very effective for a long period in a mountainous country like
+Switzerland or in a country of vast distances like the United States or
+South Africa.</p>
+
+<p>In other words, you go so far as to say that when a people are fighting
+for their political integrity and independence, a hopeless struggle for
+it ought not to be prolonged beyond what may be called the point of
+scientific defeat. Rather than prolong it to desperation and death in
+the last ditch it is much better and more sensible to accept a dependent
+position of some sort, the position of a crown colony, or a charter
+colony with more or less varying degrees of colonial control, all of
+which your very unwise and altogether reckless great grandfather John
+Adams, and some of his friends used to describe as "political slavery."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>This doctrine of the wrongfulness of a struggle for independence against
+overwhelming odds has appeared at times of late in the newspapers. I
+noticed that Mr. Bourke Cockran in his speech at the recent pro-Boer
+meeting in Chicago said, that the doctrine did not apply to the Boers
+because their heroism had now placed them in a position to win. He did
+not say positively whether or not he approved of such a doctrine. I am
+myself willing to pass by a great deal of approval of it. But when the
+attempt is made to render such an infamous doctrine respectable by
+affixing to it the honored name of Adams, a protest is in order from all
+those who are at all familiar with our own history.</p>
+
+<p>I do not believe that our American people when their attention is really
+brought to the matter believe in any such doctrine. But their attention
+is not usually brought to it. We have been by our stupendous power far
+removed for a long time from the possibility of such a struggle. We are
+accustomed to the business method of settling serious disputes by
+yielding at once to overwhelming power; by acquiescing in the vote of
+the majority or the will of the richer man or clique that has bought up
+all the stock. When the political boss informs our corporation that the
+legislation we want passed must be paid for we pay without resorting to
+guerilla or any other tactics. When one holds the cards that will take
+all the remaining tricks he usually shows his hand saying, "the rest are
+mine," and everybody assents.</p>
+
+<p>But circumstances alter cases and all cases are not alike. If your
+doctrine is of universal application the ravisher who presents himself
+with overwhelming force must always be gently accepted without
+resistance to save time and avoid danger and expense. If the European
+powers, disgusted with the success of our protective tariff and rising
+commercial supremacy, should unite to abolish our lynch law, burning of
+negroes at the stake, municipal corruption and some other matters, their
+armies and fleets would outnumber us even more than the English
+outnumber the Boers; and I suppose if you are really as much of a
+"quitter" as you profess to be you would then still preach your doctrine
+of submission.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When you look closely at the matter and try to fix the point of
+scientific defeat in the Boer war I do not know why you should place it
+at the fall of Pretoria or whatever moment you decide upon for the
+defeat of the regularly organized armies. I should say it was just as
+well placed before the fighting began when England showed her cards; a
+population of 30,000,000, without counting the population of the
+colonies, against a population that does not number 2,000,000 counting
+the Cape Colony rebels; an army of 250,000 regulars against 40,000
+militia.</p>
+
+<p>If your doctrine is sound political morality, it applied then, and in
+the face of such stupendous odds, I should say, rather more than it does
+now.</p>
+
+<p>But I prefer to be guided somewhat in these matters by your great
+grandfather, John Adams, for whom I have always had a great fancy. If
+you will pardon me for saying so I think that his attention was more
+closely and intensely directed to these matters than yours has ever
+been. His neck was at stake as well as your own valuable existence and
+reputation. The British statute of that time provided a terrible
+punishment for what he was doing. Possibly you have never read it.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"That the offender be drawn to the gallows, and not be carried or
+walk; that he be hanged by the neck, and then cut down alive; that
+his entrails be taken and burnt while he is yet alive; that his
+head be cut off; that his body be divided into four parts; that his
+head and quarters be at the king's disposal."</p></div>
+
+<p>The disposal the king was accustomed to make of the heads and quarters
+of such people was to have the quarters hung about in conspicuous parts
+of London like quarters of beef; and the heads were set up on poles on
+Temple Bar or London Bridge to rot as a ghastly warning.</p>
+
+<p>I am inclined to think that the opinion of a man who from 1765 to 1780
+worked with that enactment hanging over his head is worth considering. I
+find on picking up the first life of him that comes to hand, that he was
+anything but blind to the consequences. England had shown her hand. She
+outnumbered the colonists four to one; and, in the same proportion, she
+could send a disciplined army against their undisciplined militia and
+guerilla forces.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It was even worse than that. The colonists were not united in resisting
+England; not nearly so unanimous as the Boers are. It was by no means
+certain that our colonial rebel party had a bare majority. The loyalists
+insisted and believed that they themselves had the majority. So if we
+cut off from the supposed 3,000,000 population of the colonies the black
+slaves who numbered about 800,000 and the loyalists who were even more
+numerous, we had at the utmost only about 1,400,000 whites who were
+prepared to resist the army, fleet, and 8,000,000 population of England
+without counting nearly a million loyalists in their own midst.</p>
+
+<p>In fact on the showing of hands it was an utterly hopeless contest, and
+within a few years proved itself to be such. All that saved your
+ancestor's party from complete annihilation was the assistance after
+1778 of the French army, fleet, provisions, clothes and loans of money
+followed by assistance from Spain, and at the last moment by the
+alliance of Holland. And even with all this assistance your ancestor's
+cause was even as late as the year 1780 generally believed to be a
+hopeless one.</p>
+
+<p>Your ancestor did not like the prospect. He was fully prepared for
+misery, beggary and his family blood attainted and rendered infamous to
+the last generation by the English law. Death was the least thing he
+dreaded.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"I go mourning in my heart all the day long," he writes to his
+wife, "though I say nothing. I am melancholy for the public and
+anxious for my family. As for myself a frock and trousers, a hoe
+and a spade would do for my remaining days."</p>
+
+<p>"I feel unutterable anxiety," he writes again. "God grant us wisdom
+and fortitude! Should the opposition be suppressed, should this
+country submit, what infamy, what ruin, God forbid! Death in any
+form is less terrible."</p>
+
+<p>"There is one ugly reflection," he says in a letter to Joseph
+Warren. "Brutus and Cassius were conquered and slain, Hampden died
+in the field, Sidney on the scaffold, Harrington in jail. This is
+cold comfort." (Morse's Adams, pp. 54, 60.)</p></div>
+
+<p>Your ancestor had still other difficulties to face of which it may be
+well to remind you. Long before actual fighting began in our revolution
+the rebel party, or perhaps I should say, the rougher elements of it,
+created by means of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> tar and feathers and other methods, a reign of
+terror throughout the whole country. They went about in parties taking
+weapons of all kinds out of loyalists' houses, although they have since
+put a clause in the National and all state constitutions that "the right
+to keep and bear arms shall never be infringed." Those documents also
+without exception, I believe, contain a clause guaranteeing freedom of
+speech and of the press; but the rebel party of your ancestor
+extinguished completely and utterly both of these rights; so completely
+that Rivington, the principal publisher of loyalist pamphlets, fled for
+his life to a British man-of-war; and loyalists scarcely dared refer to
+politics even indirectly in private letters.</p>
+
+<p>If the loyalists were really a majority, as they professed to be, the
+rebels were determined to break them up. Loyalists were ridden and
+tossed on fence rails, gagged and bound for days at a time, stoned,
+fastened in rooms with a fire and the chimney stopped on top, advertised
+as public enemies so that they would be cut off from all dealings with
+their neighbors; they had bullets shot into their bedrooms, their horses
+poisoned or mutilated; money or valuable plate extorted from them to
+save them from violence and on pretence of taking security for their
+good behavior; their houses and ships were burnt; they were compelled to
+pay the guards who watched them in their houses; and when carted about
+for the mob to stare at and abuse they were compelled to pay something
+at every town. For the three months of July, August and September of the
+year 1774, one can find in the American Archives alone, over thirty
+descriptions of outrages of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>In short, lynch law prevailed for many years during the revolution, and
+the habit became so fixed that we have never given it up. As has been
+recently shown the term lynch law originated during the revolution and
+was taken from the name of the brother of the man who founded Lynchburgh
+in Virginia.</p>
+
+<p>The revolution was not by any means the pretty social event that the
+ladies of the so-called patriotic societies suppose it to have been. It
+was on the contrary a rank and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> riotous rebellion against the long
+established authority of a nation which had saved us from France, built
+us up into prosperity and if she were ruling us to-day would, I am
+entirely willing to admit, abolish lynch law, negro burning, municipal
+and state legislative corruption and all the other evils about which
+reformers fret.</p>
+
+<p>But feeling that we were a naturally separated people, the rebel party
+among us insisted that we had the inalienable right to rule ourselves.
+We were seized with the spirit of independence, or as the people of your
+way of thinking at that time called it "a chimera of patriotism."
+Against this natural and inalienable right no authority, we declared, no
+matter how meritorious and venerable need be respected.</p>
+
+<p>The Boers, though receiving far greater provocation than we received,
+have behaved much better. They have not tarred and feathered Englishmen
+as we did or ridden them on rails, or suffocated them with smoke, or
+burnt their houses or hazed or tortured them in any way. Their conduct
+in the whole war has been most fair, honorable and meritorious, showing
+the high character of their intelligence and morals and their
+superiority to the British.</p>
+
+<p>In our revolution, wherever the rebel party were most successful with
+their reign of terror they drove all the judges from the bench and
+abolished the courts; and for a long time there were no courts or public
+administration of the law in many of the colonies, notably in New
+England.</p>
+
+<p>To people of the loyalist turn of mind all these lynching proceedings
+were an irrefragable proof, not only that the rebel party were wicked,
+but that their ideas of independence, of a country free from British
+control and British law, were ridiculous, silly delusions, dangerous to
+all good order and civilization. That such people could ever govern a
+country of their own and have in it that thing they were howling so much
+about, "liberty," was in their opinion beyond the bounds of intelligent
+belief.</p>
+
+<p>These lynching proceedings, the loyalists said, increased the loyalist
+party very fast and made them sure of a majority. I shall not discuss
+that question. But there is no doubt that many rebels went over to the
+loyalist side; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> many others who did not actually go over were shaken
+in their faith and hardly knew what to think. Your ancestor belonged to
+the party who did all this lynching and inaugurated the reign of terror
+and he has himself told us how it staggered him. The prospect of raising
+such men as the lynchers to power by a revolution was a serious matter.
+A man one day congratulated him on the anarchy, the mob violence, the
+insults to judges, the closing of the courts and the tar and feathers
+which the patriots and their congress were producing.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Oh Mr. Adams, what great things have you and your colleagues done
+for us! We can never be grateful enough to you. There are no courts
+of justice now in this province, and I hope there never will be
+another."</p></div>
+
+<p>For once in his life your ancestor could not reply.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Is this the object for which I have been contending, said I to
+myself; for I rode along without any answer to this wretch. Are
+these the sentiments of such people, and how many of them are there
+in the country? Half the nation for what I know; for half the
+nation are debtors, if not more; and these have been in all
+countries the sentiments of debtors. If the power of the country
+should get into such hands, and there is great danger that it will,
+to what purpose have we sacrificed our time, health and everything
+else?" (Works of John Adams, Vol. <span class="smcap lowercase">II</span>, p. 420.)</p></div>
+
+<p>I have made these lengthy statements and quotations for the sake of
+reminding you that the man who was responsible for your existence and
+also very largely for the existence of the revolution, faced with his
+eyes open the very state of affairs which you say should in conscience
+and good morals compel a man to surrender and give up. He faced a far
+worse state of affairs than the Boers face, and he had less excuse for
+his conduct.</p>
+
+<p>He, however, did not follow your advice; and one reason may have been
+that his wife, whose blood is also in your veins, would have despised
+him if he had. I need not quote those beautiful letters of hers which
+are in print, in which she declares not only her own unalterable
+affection, but her willingness, to go down with him to disaster and
+poverty and labor with her hands. Among all the men of that time I do
+not know of one who was more uncompromising, more obstinate, more
+determined as President Kruger<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> put it, to make Great Britain "pay a
+price that would stagger humanity," or according to your own theory,
+more immoral, than your own great grandfather and his wife.</p>
+
+<p>During the seven years fighting of the revolution Great Britain sent out
+peace commissioners and kept offering terms which steadily increased in
+liberality, entire freedom from taxation, in fact almost everything the
+rebel colonists had demanded, up even to a sort of semi-independence.
+Your great grandfather voted down everyone of them. He attended with
+Franklin the famous peace meeting with Lord Howe on Staten Island and
+rejected Lord Howe's terms. And why? Because none of them contained the
+one essential condition, absolute independence. Your great grandfather
+was a Kruger.</p>
+
+<p>But let us pass from him. Let us see what others thought and what was
+the general situation during the revolution.</p>
+
+<p>At the very beginning of that contest our forces were of an irregular
+and guerilla character. The farmers, who attacked the British regulars
+at Lexington and followed them back to Boston picking them off from
+behind stone fences and trees, were the most irregular fighters it is
+possible to imagine. They were not acting under the authority of any
+legitimate or even a <i>de facto</i> government. They were not even
+officered, directed or authorized by the rebel Continental Congress,
+which had met the year before in Philadelphia. They were acting in a
+purely voluntary manner in obedience to a mere sentiment of that faction
+of the colonists who resented an invasion from Great Britain and wanted
+this country for their own. They were acting in the same manner and on
+the same sentiment by which the Boers now act and which you say is a
+crime.</p>
+
+<p>It is very important to remember that the moral position of the Boers is
+vastly stronger than was ours. Before the present Boer war began the
+Boers were two independent nations whose independence had been
+acknowledged by England on two or three different occasions and in two
+or three different documents. We were not independent and never had
+been. We were colonies and some of our com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>munities were not even
+charter colonies; they were crown colonies; and one of the charter
+colonies, Pennsylvania, had a clause in its charter acknowledging the
+right of parliament to tax as it pleased. Our revolution was an out and
+out rebellion against legitimate control because we wanted to govern
+ourselves; because we did not want to be governed by people who lived
+three thousand miles away in another and far separated country; because
+we did not want to be taxed by the outsider; because we did not want him
+to maintain an army amongst us to keep us in order, because we did not
+want him to regulate our commerce or our manufacturing industries;
+because in short, we wanted to keep house for ourselves and believed
+that the colonial position was at its best essentially a degradation to
+manhood or as we called it at that time "political slavery." If the
+Boers are wrong in defending against England by guerilla methods an
+independence long since acknowledged, then we were ten thousand times
+wrong in supporting by the same methods a rebellion for independence
+against that same country which it is said can rule any people better
+than those people can rule themselves.</p>
+
+<p>The Boers at the beginning of the present war had the regularly
+organized armies of an independent nation. With the money obtained from
+the gold mines they had bought the most modern artillery, small arms and
+ammunition. We on the other hand being mere rebels had none of these
+things. Our guns were at first antiquated or blacksmith-made muskets and
+shot guns; and we were the ridicule of the British regulars because we
+had no bayonets. Whenever we had a chance we used the superior weapons
+taken from British prisoners just as the Boers now use the Lee-Metford
+rifles taken from their prisoners. We never were decently armed until
+France sent us shiploads of guns and ammunition. Many of the straps and
+cartouche boxes worn by our people had the British army letters G. R.
+stamped on them. Graydon relates in his memoirs how when he was taken
+prisoner a cartouche box with those letters on it was instantly wrenched
+with violence off his person.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>As our first meeting in arms with the British was irregular so was our
+second. Bunker Hill was so much of a guerilla battle so far as we were
+concerned that it is disputed to this day whether Putnam or Prescott was
+in command. As a matter of fact there was nobody in particular in
+command. It was a voluntary sort of affair; and the description of it
+reads exactly like a Boer battle.</p>
+
+<p>About fifteen hundred men, mostly farmers like the Boers, suddenly
+seized an important hill or kopje dangerously close to the British
+lines. They fortified themselves with breast works made of fence rails
+and hay in such a bucolic manner that all the regulars in Boston
+laughed. They could have been defeated very easily by sending a force on
+their flank and rear. But General Gage thought that would be ridiculous
+and unnecessary. A force of three thousand regulars could easily by a
+front attack sweep off these farmers, show them the uselessness of their
+methods, and possibly end the rebellion at once.</p>
+
+<p>You know the rest. But it must be very shocking to a person of your
+views to remember that the old Queen Anne muskets, shot guns and duck
+guns which your forefathers in such bad taste and contrary to all
+military science, levelled over those fence rails and hay at your
+friends the British in beautiful uniforms, were loaded with buckshot,
+slugs, old nails, and bits of iron from the blacksmith shops. That was
+our Majuba Hill, our Spion Kop.</p>
+
+<p>Let us move along still farther. The New England farmers for all the
+rest of the summer, autumn and following winter formed themselves into a
+most vulgar and absurd army and surrounded Boston, shutting in the
+British. The minds of those farmers were full almost to fanaticism of
+the principle of equality and the rights of man, "the levelling
+principles" as they were then called which now form the foundation of
+our American life. The officers among them were merely leaders and
+persuaders. It was not an uncommon sight to see a colonel shaving one of
+his own men. The men served a few weeks and then went home to get in the
+hay or see how their wives were getting on, and others came from the
+farms to take their places. In this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> way the army was kept up. Those who
+went home were very apt to take their powder and musket with them to
+shoot squirrels on the farm.</p>
+
+<p>A year later at New York our army was the same guerilla force and I
+shall let Captain Graydon describe it:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The appearance of things was not much calculated to excite
+sanguine expectations in the mind of a sober observer. Great
+numbers of people were indeed to be seen and those who are not
+accustomed to the sight of bodies under arms are always prone to
+exaggerate them. But the propensity to swell the mass, has not an
+equal tendency to convert it into soldiery; and the irregularity,
+want of discipline, bad arms, and defective equipment in all
+respects, of this multitudinous assemblage, gave no favorable
+impression of its prowess. The materials of which the eastern
+battalions were composed, were apparently the same as those of
+which I had seen so unpromising a specimen at Lake George. I speak
+particularly of the officers who were in no single respect
+distinguishable from the men, other than in the colored cockades,
+which for this very purpose had been prescribed in general orders;
+a different color being assigned to the officers of each grade. So
+far from aiming at a deportment which might raise them above their
+privates and thence prompt them to due respect and obedience to
+their commands, the object was, by humility, to preserve the
+existing blessing of equality, an illustrious instance of which was
+given by Colonel Putnam, the chief engineer of the army, and no
+less a personage than the nephew of the major-general of that name.
+'What,' says a person meeting him one day with a piece of meat in
+his hand, 'carrying home your rations yourself, colonel! 'Yes,'
+says he, 'and I do it to set the officers a good example.'"</p>
+
+<p>(Graydon's Memoirs, edition of 1846, p. 147.)</p></div>
+
+<p>We have grown into a habit of depicting all our revolutionary
+forefathers, both privates and officers, in beautiful buff and blue
+uniform as if we were from the start a regularly organized, independent
+nation, fighting regular battles with another independent nation. There
+were, I believe, at times a select few, more usually officers, who
+succeeded in having such a uniform. But the great mass of our rebel
+troops had no uniforms at all. They wore a hunting shirt or smock frock
+which was merely a cheap cotton shirt belted round the waist and with
+the ends hanging outside over the hips instead of being tucked into the
+trousers. Into the loose bosom of this garment above the belt could be
+stuffed bread, pork, and all sorts of articles including a frying pan.</p>
+
+<p>We of course do not like to have a picture of one of our ancestors
+painted in such a garment. It would not look<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> well. It is better to have
+some theoretical uniform, the uniform that our fathers would have had if
+they had had the money and time to get one, painted on top of a picture
+of our ancestor.</p>
+
+<p>Lafayette has described in his memoirs the rebel army he found in this
+country on his arrival in the summer of 1777:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Eleven thousand men, but tolerably armed and still worse clad,
+presented a singular spectacle in their parti-colored and often
+naked state; the best dresses were hunting shirts of brown linen.
+Their tactics were equally irregular. They were arranged without
+regard to size except that the smallest men were the front rank."</p></div>
+
+<p>When the French officers appeared among us after the alliance, our
+officers were often unable to entertain them for lack of decent clothes
+and food. Washington in an order of July 24, 1776, said:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The general, sensible of the difficulty and expense of providing
+clothes of almost any kind for the troops, feels an unwillingness
+to recommend, much more to order any kind of uniform; but as it is
+absolutely necessary that men should have clothes and appear decent
+and tight, he earnestly encourages the use of hunting shirts with
+long breeches made of the same cloth, gaiter fashion about the legs
+to all those yet unprovided." (Force 5th Series, Vol <span class="smcap lowercase">I</span>, pp. 676,
+677.)</p></div>
+
+<p>That was the sort of army Washington commanded; an army to which he
+could seldom give orders but only recommendations and suggestions. It
+often melted away before his eyes without any power on his part to stop
+desertion. At New York in 1776 he collected as you know by the utmost
+exertion about 18,000 men, but so afflicted with camp fevers and disease
+that only 14,000 of them were effective, and these were more of a rabble
+than an army. At the battle of Long Island and other engagements round
+New York they were easily beaten by General Howe's huge army of 34,000,
+and as is generally believed could have been annihilated or exterminated
+if that general had chosen to do so. As it was they were so broken up
+and scattered that they disappeared to their homes, and Washington fled
+across New Jersey and crossed the Delaware with only 3,300 men.</p>
+
+<p>The Continental Congress fled from Philadelphia. It was a migrating
+congress for many a day afterwards;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> travelling from one place of refuge
+to another with its little printing press and papers carried in a wagon.</p>
+
+<p>If you had been living in those days you would have said that the
+rebellion had now certainly reached the point of scientific defeat and
+should be abandoned and all hope of independence given up. Thousands of
+people at that time said so. The loyalists of course said so; and many
+who had been rebels, or had been watching to see if the rebellion had
+any chance at all, now turned against it and took the British oath of
+allegiance. That is unquestionably what you would have done if you had
+been living at that time with your present opinions. Your great
+grandfather however was not of that mind, nor was Washington.</p>
+
+<p>In fact, Washington prepared to become the worst kind of a guerilla; and
+you will find his letter on the subject in the second volume of Irving's
+life of him, chapter XLI. In case of being further pressed he said, "We
+must then retire to Augusta county, in Virginia. Numbers will repair to
+us for safety and we will then try a predatory war. If overpowered we
+must cross the Allegheny mountains."</p>
+
+<p>What do you think of that? What a wicked man he must have been. He
+intended to abandon the seaboard colonies, taking with him all the
+rebels who would follow him; and a great many including your ancestor
+would have to follow him, for if they remained behind they would be
+hung. He proposed a "grand trek" to get away from those British who are
+said to govern so well, just as the Boers "treked" away from them into
+the deserts of South Africa nearly a hundred years ago, because they did
+not fancy what they had experienced of that supposed excellent
+government.</p>
+
+<p>Having secured a refuge for the rebel congress and his followers on the
+edge of what was then the Western Wilderness, Washington proposes to
+maintain himself there by what he calls "predatory war," and I suppose
+you know what that is. If unsuccessful in that, he intended to cross the
+Allegheny mountains and plunge into that vast unknown region with the
+Indians and the buffaloes, which stretched away 3,000 miles to the
+Pacific ocean. There, assisted by the great distances he could play
+havoc with an invading British<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> force; cut their slender communications
+and their cordons of blockhouses as the Boers are doing to-day in South
+Africa.</p>
+
+<p>This last resort of the rebel colonists was so obvious that it was often
+discussed not only in the colonies but in England. It was greatly feared
+by the tory ministry, because it might indefinitely prolong the war. The
+whigs prophesied disaster from it; and Burke in one of his speeches
+refers to it in an eloquent passage in which he describes the rebel
+colonists retreating to that vast interior of fertile plains where they
+would grow into marvels of hardihood and desperation; how they would
+become myriads of American Tartars and pour down a fierce and
+irresistible cavalry upon the narrow strip of sea coast, sweeping before
+them "your governors, your councillors, your collectors and comptrollers
+and all the slaves that adhere to them."</p>
+
+<p>In other words the tories dreaded what not so very long afterwards they
+accomplished in South Africa. They forced the Boers out of Cape Colony
+and they went by the grand trek into the interior plains where they
+founded two fierce and free republics, such as Washington might very
+readily have founded west of the Alleghenies. A turn of the hand, the
+failure of the French Alliance might have placed the United States in a
+position somewhat similar to that of South Africa or to that of Ireland
+if you like. The effect of British brutal and stupid violence on a high
+strung and independence-loving people will always be very much the same
+everywhere.</p>
+
+<p>But to return to Washington's letter. You very likely read it when as a
+young man you read Irving's life of him; but it never occurred to you to
+think that his "predatory" and guerilla war was wicked. It was on your
+side; you believed that his desire for the independence of the country
+was just and right, and being so, could be rightfully supported by
+predatory as well as regular warfare. Your youthful instinct was sound.
+You had not then learned to worship mere financeering. You had not then
+imbibed a passion for that part of the British constitution which
+declares that any resistance whether in support of independ<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>ence, home
+or anything else which interferes with the operations of a financial
+clique in London is a crime.</p>
+
+<p>But when you see the principles and tactics of Washington and your own
+great grandfather repeated in a country far off they seem different, and
+when you see them turned against a country which gradually has come to
+embody in your mind fashionable society, you think them very dreadful.
+From your great grandfather's time to yours is a very short distance in
+history but a long distance, it seems, in political morals.</p>
+
+<p>The proposition for which you contend, or for which you profess to
+contend, for I decline to believe that anyone of your name really
+accepts such stuff, is nothing but the old principle of the bully and
+brute. The little man must yield where his case is shown to be hopeless
+and save the brute's time and money. After every battle of the
+revolution the British and the loyalists thought that your ancestor and
+his friends ought to give it up, and this went on for over seven years
+in spite of the assistance of France.</p>
+
+<p>I am inclined to think that if you were really put to the test you would
+not live up to your own principles. I am inclined to think that if I and
+several others, outnumbering you in the proportion of the English to the
+Boers, should present revolvers and say that being men of better
+business capacity we would now kindly take charge of your private
+affairs and manage them for you to your great advantage, you would not
+act quite as piously as you preach. The one or two drops of the blood of
+old John, which are still hidden in your veins, somewhere down in your
+boots, would suddenly rush to your heart and inflame it. You would duck
+under those revolver muzzles and come at our stomachs in a way that
+would keep us moving. We should undoubtedly very soon have your dead
+body with which to conduct some sort of brutal and stupid British
+triumph; but we should never be able to say that we had made a political
+slave of a living Adams.</p>
+
+<p>I have not space here to take you all through the revolution and remind
+you of every scene in which your ancestor figured. But I shall finish
+what I was saying about<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> Washington when his army was reduced to 3,300
+and he was prepared for a grand trek to the Alleghenies. He did not have
+to resort to that because General Howe did not press him any further.
+For political reasons, which we cannot go into here, Howe preferred that
+Washington should raise another army if he could.</p>
+
+<p>Howe retired to New York and spent the winter there with his large force
+of 30,000; but at Trenton and Bordentown on the Delaware River some
+fifty miles away he placed two isolated outposts of about 1,500 Hessians
+each. Washington collected more men until his 3,300 had become 6,000 and
+with these raw militia he gobbled up those Hessian outposts just as the
+Boers have been gobbling up similarly placed British outposts. When a
+force of 8,000 British came out from New York to reoccupy Trenton,
+Washington cut in behind them, and at Princeton, finding some more
+British coming up widely separated and unable to support one another, he
+beat them in detail.</p>
+
+<p>This was brilliant, irregular Boer warfare on outposts and weak
+detachments. Washington was able to do it because his whole system was
+like that of the Boers, an irregular one. If he had had a regularly
+organized army and it had been reduced down to 3,300 it would never have
+been brought together again. He would have been done for. But his army
+was always one of the come and go kind. He had a small nucleus that
+could be relied upon to stay; but most of his force was composed of men
+who came from all parts of the colonies to serve three weeks, three
+months or six months then return home and have others come in their
+places. It was by this Boer method that all the armies of the rebel
+party during the revolution were kept going. When seriously defeated or
+when they had accomplished an object they would scatter as the Boers do
+and make it very difficult to destroy that which did not exist.</p>
+
+<p>Now that we have settled down and become a great nation all this seems
+like very foolish business to some of us who cut off coupons or sit at
+roll top desks endorsing the backs of documents until we have lost the
+natural feeling of vigorous manhood so characteristic of the Boers and
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> followers of Washington. We have forgotten our revolution. Our own
+acts in it now seem too heroic for our stomachs when we see others
+practicing them. Ireland has been practicing similar methods against
+England for hundreds of years. It may be a foolish game, but it can be
+made a very long one. It has lasted some seven hundred years in Ireland
+without success on either side. It lasted some thirty years in Cuba and
+was successful and we have set the seal of our approval on that success.</p>
+
+<p>I shall now restore to your recollection the famous Duch&eacute; letter which
+was written in the autumn of 1777. Duch&eacute; was a brilliant young clergyman
+of the Church of England and was settled in Philadelphia. He was
+inclined to take sides with the rebel colonists, and would have been
+very glad to see them attain what they wished if it could have been done
+peaceably and in the manner of ordinary business negotiations; and he
+was even willing to go a little farther than this and have the rebel
+colonists make a certain amount of armed resistance up to a certain
+point, not beyond the bounds of good taste. In short he was very much of
+your professed way of thinking, and he represented a large class of
+people who were of that way of thinking. At the meeting of the first
+Continental Congress he opened the session with a prayer so eloquent and
+suitable that it attracted universal attention, and gave him at once a
+political standing of some little importance.</p>
+
+<p>But after three years of Boer tactics, irregular methods, hopelessness,
+evident failure, the rise into power of men who were not gentlemen,
+petty peculation and fraud in the rebel army, apparent deterioration in
+character of the men in the rebel congress, the undignified runaway,
+wandering habit of that congress with its papers hauled from one refuge
+to another in a wagon, and similar things which make a deep impression
+on men of a certain kind of education and refinement, he saw so clearly
+the unutterable folly and wickedness of the attempt at independence that
+he could stand it no longer.</p>
+
+<p>There were many others who thought just as he did; but they usually
+either went to live in England or Canada<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> or kept quiet in
+semi-concealment waiting until the power of Britain should restore order
+and good government to the colonies. But Duch&eacute;, feeling that he was in
+somewhat of a public position, argued out the whole subject in a long
+letter to General Washington, calling on him in the name of God and
+humanity to put an end to the frightful state of affairs so mutually
+destructive to the best interests of both the colonies and England.</p>
+
+<p>He was horrified he said to find that rather than give up the idol
+independence the rebels "would deluge this country in blood." In short
+he was horrified at the Krugerism of Washington who intended to make
+England "pay a price that would stagger humanity." As to the rebel army
+its existence depended on one man. Most of its officers were from "the
+lowest of the people." "Take away those who surround your person, how
+few are there that you can ask to sit at your table." The rebels had
+hoped for aid from France: but after three years of waiting it had not
+come and there were no signs of it. The whig party in England was
+growing smaller. The whole English nation, "all orders and ranks of men
+are now unanimous and determined to risk their all on the contest."</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"Under so many discouraging circumstances, can virtue, can honor,
+can the love of your country prompt you to persevere. Humanity
+itself (and sure I am humanity is no stranger to your breast) calls
+upon you to desist. Your army must perish for want of common
+necessaries, or thousands of innocent families must perish to
+support them. Wherever they encamp the country must be
+impoverished. Wherever they march the troops of Britain will pursue
+and must complete the devastation which America herself has begun."</p>
+
+<p>"Perhaps it may be said, 'it is better to die than to be slaves.'
+This indeed is a splendid maxim in theory: and perhaps in some
+instances, may be found experimentally true. But where there is the
+least probability of a happy accommodation surely wisdom and
+humanity call for some sacrifices to be made to prevent inevitable
+destruction."</p></div>
+
+<p>It reads almost as if you had written it yourself, does it not? It
+raised the whole question fairly and squarely, the whole question of the
+moral right of a naturally separated people to struggle for independence
+to the bitter end, the last ditch, extermination or whatever name you
+choose to give it, or as in the case of Ireland, the Armenians and the
+Poles without end.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>I do not mean to say that that was the only time that Washington had had
+the question brought squarely before him. It was a question that came up
+all over the country every day for seven years down to within a few
+months of the surrender of Cornwallis in 1781; for the year 1780 was as
+you know the darkest hour in our revolution. Every individual in those
+seven years had that question before him every day and hour, and as
+individuals settled it for themselves one way or the other they dropped
+in and out of the two sides of the contest.</p>
+
+<p>How did Washington settle it with Duch&eacute;? The young clergyman made a
+powerful appeal to him. He said that the whole solution of the war
+rested with Washington alone. He alone could stop the fighting. He alone
+could persuade the other leaders in the name of God and humanity to give
+up a hopeless contest. This was somewhat of an exaggeration. The war was
+deeper than Washington just as the Boer war is deeper than Kruger. But
+never mind that. Duch&eacute;'s idea was that Washington should at the head of
+his army negotiate for some settlement short of independence.
+Independence, England would never grant.</p>
+
+<p>Awful and wicked as it now no doubt seems to you, Washington declined
+this honor. He sent Duch&eacute;'s letter to the wandering congress. It was
+copied and given a wide publicity. Your ancestor and the men of that
+time never dodged the question raised by that letter. Washington also
+sent a copy to Duch&eacute;'s brother-in-law, Francis Hopkinson, and if you
+want to read a stinging letter I can recommend the letter Hopkinson
+wrote to his perverted relative. The whole correspondence including
+Duch&eacute;'s letter is printed in the appendix to the edition of 1846 of
+Graydon's Memoirs. I shall quote just one passage from Hopkinson's
+letter:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The whole force of the reasoning," he says to Duch&eacute;, "contained in
+your letter tends to this point: that virtue and honor require us
+to stand by truth, as long as it can be done with safety, but that
+her cause may be abandoned on the approach of danger; or in other
+words, that the justice of the American cause ought to be squared
+by the success of her arms."</p></div>
+
+<p>The moral or principle contained in that passage is repudiated by you
+and by every one who lives in England;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> by the Russians also, most of
+the Germans, many Frenchmen and in fact Europe generally. If you fear
+numbers you do well, no doubt, in repudiating it. But it was on that
+moral principle that our revolution was put through. Whoever denies that
+principle denies the United States, denies our foundation principle and
+our validity, denies the justice and righteousness of the struggles
+which created Switzerland, and all the South American republics
+including Cuba, struggles which are still carried on by the Armenians
+after seven hundred years of failure and by the Irish for the same
+period, struggles which in fact, originally created England, France,
+Germany and all the powers which now affect to despise them, struggles
+which create nationalities and all that is useful, honorable or valuable
+in civil or political life. When you deny the right of a naturally
+separated people to struggle without end for independence, you deny the
+most fundamental and necessary, the most powerful and far reaching, the
+most scientific and well settled principle of moral conduct that history
+has disclosed.</p>
+
+<p>I do not wish to take up too much space accumulating instances in our
+revolutionary history, but Franklin's conduct is perhaps worth
+considering. He was not what is called an enthusiast or fanatic. He was
+on the contrary one of the shrewd calculating kind. He had full
+knowledge of all the conditions. He resided in England as agent of
+Massachusetts and of the rebel cause in general from 1764 to 1775. It
+cannot be said that he did not know the power and merit of England. He
+admired the English political system. He was very fond of English life
+and preferred a residence among learned and cultivated people in England
+to one in America. Under these influences he at first believed that the
+colonists should submit after trying ordinary peaceful and so-called
+legal measures. In a word Franklin was at first of your opinion.</p>
+
+<p>But when he returned to America in 1775 and the spirit or influence of
+independence touched him he became the most unrelenting, obstinate and
+as you would say unreasoning, fanatical and blind stickler for absolute
+and unqualified independence at any price or at the price of
+extermination.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Continental Congress of which your ancestor was a member was, as
+late as the year 1780, so determined to keep up the struggle although in
+that year it was regarded as hopeless, that they arranged to have
+pictures prepared with short descriptions of what they considered
+British atrocities, but which were the milk of human kindness compared
+with Kitchener's Spanish concentration camps and other benevolences
+inflicted on the Boers. These pictures and descriptions were to be shown
+and taught to every American rebel child forever so as to burn into
+their minds eternal hatred and a struggle without end against the
+independence hating British brute.</p>
+
+<p>Just at the close of the revolution Franklin was preparing to have
+thirty-five of these pictures designed and engraved in France "in
+order," as he wrote to an Englishman, "to impress the minds of children
+and posterity with a deep sense of your bloody and insatiable malice and
+wickedness." If Franklin could apply such adjectives to England's
+comparatively mild attempts to suppress a rebellion, what would he say
+to-day of her worse than inhuman efforts to destroy two independent
+nations. Franklin believed that the success of our revolution had
+destroyed forever the inherent cruelty and despotic brutishness of the
+English tory. But the tory has gone on developing; and even the English
+liberal has less of the courage, intelligence and character which were
+such a brilliant and saving grace to him in the days of Burke, Chatham
+and Barr&eacute;.</p>
+
+<p>I shall now consider what you say about the action of General Lee and
+the leaders of the confederacy. You assume that they were struggling for
+independence; and that is most extraordinary. It is an insult, as it
+seems to me, to the intelligence of the whole American people. I never
+before heard our civil war described in that way. That Lee or the
+confederacy were struggling for independence in the sense in which the
+American colonists of 1776, or the Boers of to-day or the Swiss or the
+Irish struggled for that object I most positively deny. If Lee and the
+confederacy had been struggling in that sense the civil war would not
+yet be over. The eleven southern states would be now either independent
+or in the condition of Ireland.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>First of all the southern states were not a naturally separate people.
+They were contiguous territory. There was no natural boundary dividing
+them from the North. They were of the same race, language and social
+status as the north. They had taken part with the north in making the
+whole country independent of England and with the north they had made
+the National Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>They had quarrelled with the north simply about the question of slavery.
+At one time they had disapproved of slavery in the abstract as much as
+the north did; but as their slaves were more profitable than slaves in
+the north they were slower about abolishing slavery than the north had
+been. Their slaves were guaranteed to them by the Constitution. The
+rising moral sentiment against slavery in the north, which seemed to
+them to threaten the abolition of slavery in the south by violence
+without regard to the Constitution and without compensation to owners
+drove them into war. Their confederacy which they formed was a mere
+make-shift to protect millions of dollars worth of slaves. There is no
+evidence of any passion for independence among them, such as has
+characterized the people already described, and as a matter of fact
+there was nothing in their unseparated situation that would cause that
+passion.</p>
+
+<p>High strung, intelligent men such as the southerners are, will fight a
+long time over millions of dollars worth of slaves, if they think they
+are to be suddenly and unfairly deprived of them, but not as they would
+fight for independence, for political existence. There was so little
+moral righteousness in slavery and they had always known so well its
+unrighteousness that when the point of scientific defeat was reached,
+when their regularly organized armies were formally defeated they gave
+up the game. The inspiration of the cause was not perennial. There was
+none of the eternal justness in it which inspired the cause of
+Washington and your ancestor, which has kept the Cubans struggling for
+thirty years, and the Irish and the Armenians for seven hundred.</p>
+
+<p>General Lee, who, as you say, set the example of giving<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> up, was a man
+of peculiar views on the civil war. He was not a believer in slavery. He
+described it as a "moral and political evil" and "a greater evil to the
+white than to the colored race." He did not even believe in the right of
+secession. He spoke of it as an absurdity, and said that it was
+impossible to suppose that the framers of the Constitution could have
+contemplated anything of the sort. He had great misgivings and much
+mental struggle when Virginia seceded and he finally decided to go with
+his state because as he put it, "I have not been able to make up my mind
+to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home." He cared
+little or nothing for the confederacy. It was the invasion of Virginia
+against which he fought and he always commanded the army in Virginia.
+"Save in defence of my native state," he said, "I hope I may never be
+called on to draw my sword."</p>
+
+<p>Such a man easily dropped the contest for the confederacy when the point
+of scientific defeat had been reached. He fought to acquit his own honor
+as a man fights a duel until blood is drawn, and that done he has no
+more incentive for fighting.</p>
+
+<p>There is also another point you have forgotten. The terms which General
+Grant offered Lee were of a liberality beyond the capacity of any
+British general or statesman. Lee's whole army was paroled and told to
+go home taking their horses with them to cultivate their farms. There
+were to be no punishments or executions for treason. Afterwards when
+some people in the north foolishly clamored for punishment, Grant
+sternly insisted on the fulfillment of every condition in the surrender.
+Under such terms it was very easy and natural for Lee to ride quietly
+from the surrender to his own home, walk in and shut the door, and never
+trouble himself about the rebellion again.</p>
+
+<p>You say Lee's example influenced the other southern leaders. But it was
+Grant's example, the fair and honorable terms, which were the real
+influence, the real power that was accomplishing this result. It was
+very American and possible only among Americans. The English are too
+stupidly violent ever to achieve such a result as that.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>You may remember that some months ago Botha and some of the Boer leaders
+met Lord Kitchener to discuss terms of peace. And what were the British
+terms? Compare them with Grant's. Lord Kitchener said that immunity
+would be given to certain of the leaders, but no immunity could be
+promised to certain others. Could honorable men consent to surrender
+themselves and escape on condition that certain of their associates were
+to be hung?</p>
+
+<p>Suppose Grant had said to Lee, "You and your officers, if you will
+surrender, shall be guaranteed immunity; but Jefferson Davis, and
+Johnston and Beauregard are to be hung." Do you suppose Lee would have
+surrendered? I am inclined to think that if any such British policy had
+been carried out there would be guerilla war and Irish rebellion in the
+south to this hour.</p>
+
+<p>Lord Kitchener, you will also remember, would give the Boers no promise
+of local self-government. It was indefinitely postponed. They asked him
+about giving the right to vote to the black Kaffir population. But
+Kitchener refused to give any promise on that point.</p>
+
+<p>In other words they were asked to surrender without any agreement that
+the lives of the rebels in Cape Colony who had been assisting them
+should be spared the gallows, they had no definite promise of local
+self-government, and so far was the possibility of self-government
+removed that it was left uncertain whether or not the black Kaffir
+population would not be used to control them and outvote them if a sham
+of self-government were set up.</p>
+
+<p>Now let us suppose Grant offering similar terms to Lee. Let us suppose
+him saying that the eleven states of the confederacy would be held as
+crown colonies, or presidential subject colonies for an indefinite
+period, and that the north reserved the right to control the south by
+means of giving the vote to the recently freed black slaves and
+withholding it from the whites. Do we not all know what Lee's answer and
+what the answer of the whole south would have been to those terms?</p>
+
+<p>We all know what happened a few years afterwards in the reconstruction
+period when the blacks were to a certain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> extent put over the whites. We
+all know that the south immediately turned to guerilla methods or as
+they were called the Ku Klux societies, societies of secret
+assassination and terror, methods far worse than ordinary guerillaism.
+Moreover these Ku Klux methods were successful. They broke the dominion
+of the black man. They compelled the north to stop, to recall its carpet
+baggers, to reconsider its injustice; or as Mr. Page puts it the
+southerners reconquered their own country, and had it again under their
+own normal state governments. But if Lee and the other southern leaders
+had known all this was coming they would have begun the guerillaism at
+Appomatox.</p>
+
+<p>The Ku Klux methods were unpleasant, atrocious, unfortunate in many
+ways; for as most of us can remember, they fixed upon southern life the
+habit of assassination, which continued for many years in a manner most
+revolting and shocking to northern moral sense and it has only recently
+begun to die out. But who was to blame? England has in the same way
+turned the Irish into assassins, rioters and law breakers, and then
+cries out that they are barbarous and uncivilized and must be "coerced"
+and forced into more assassination, rioting and law breaking. I place
+the blame where it belongs; and I venture to predict that if England
+continues her inhuman, morally degrading and worse than Irish policy
+with the Boers she will turn them into a race of assassins or law
+breakers. They are now the very reverse of that. They have shown a
+higher regard for the sacredness of human life than we have to-day in
+America. They have shown more self-restraint, more respect for personal
+rights, have dealt more fairly with their opponents than we did in our
+revolution. They are the superiors of both ourselves and the English and
+they are inferior to us and the English only in numbers.</p>
+
+<p>There is a great deal of talk of England's success in ruling
+dependencies. She rules no doubt successfully enough over the servile,
+over toadies, flunkeys and weaklings or those who have no spirit or love
+of independence. Wherever she has attempted to rule an
+independence-loving people as in the case of the Irish, ourselves or the
+Boers,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> she has made a most shocking failure of it. Few people trouble
+themselves to read the long history of England's dealings with the South
+Africans for nearly a hundred years previous to the present war. It is
+all detailed in Theal's admirable volumes of the history of South
+Africa. Theal was himself an Englishman, an official in South Africa,
+and he prints all documents in full. I must confess I was astonished to
+read this long record of atrocious injustice, inhumanity, stupidity and
+cruelty which generation after generation has hammered the Boers into a
+separate people, given them a long list of martyrs and anniversaries of
+ferocity and built up in them a fell hatred of the English, which now
+astonishes men like yourself, who suppose this to be a mere sudden
+outbreak, and who have not the time, or will not take the trouble, to
+investigate the long chain of causes which led up to it.</p>
+
+<p>With an independence loving people England has only two methods of
+success, extermination or banishment. She always rules with complete
+success over the dead. When with Martinis and Lee Metfords she has
+slaughtered over 27,000 black or brown men, carrying spears or
+old-fashioned guns, with a loss on her side of only 387, and with a vast
+crop of medals and Victoria crosses for the supposed heroes of this
+supposed wonderful victory, she has unquestionably solved a "problem" in
+her way.</p>
+
+<p>When, after 700 years of conquests, "colonization," reform bills, final
+settlements, coercion acts, land acts, hangings, confiscations,
+corruptions, treachery and broken promises, a large part of the native
+Irish are living in the United States, where by their steadiness,
+industry, bright minds and success they contradict and disprove every
+charge and statement made against them by pottering English statesmen,
+England may undoubtedly be said to have successfully solved the problem
+of her "white man's burden" so far as concerns these Irish in the United
+States.</p>
+
+<p>As to those who remain in Ireland we again hear of coercion, are told
+that there is to be some more legislation for them which is to be a
+"final settlement." An Englishman has just written a book to prove that
+all settlements with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> such people as the Boers and the Irish should be
+"finalities" and settle the question. This, he says, is very important.</p>
+
+<p>I notice also that some Irish representatives arrived the other day in
+New York to collect from Irish-Americans subscriptions in money to
+enable them to discuss this "final settlement," which has been
+progressing for 700 years without arousing the least sense of humor in
+any Englishman whom I ever knew or heard of.</p>
+
+<p>I know however of one settlement which is supposed to have been final.
+It was a document signed in Paris in the year 1783, by an Englishman
+whose name is of no importance, but the persons who signed on the other
+side were Franklin, Adams and Jay. I am wrong to call this a final
+settlement. It gave us only independence on the land. England still
+ruled us on the ocean where she searched our ships as she pleased and
+claimed a suzerainty over us as she has claimed a suzerainty over the
+Boers, and for the same contemptible purpose, to enable her to watch her
+chance to destroy our independence.</p>
+
+<p>We remained semi-independent until 1812 when we fought what used to be
+called the Second War for Independence. There were a great many people
+in your part of the country who thought we ought not to fight that war.
+They used your argument. They said what is the use? It will waste money
+and destroy valuable property, both English and American. What is the
+use of fighting for a mere sentiment? Let us be governed by sense rather
+than sentiment. Let us be content with the substantial advantage and the
+liberty we already have rather than risk it all, and our material
+interests besides. And you carried this argument so far that you
+threatened to secede from the Union.</p>
+
+<p>England had secret emissaries here at that time to encourage secession
+and dissolution in the hope that at any rate she could turn New England
+and possibly the Middle States into dependencies again. A few years
+afterwards in our Civil War, she again did her utmost to dismember us;
+and she would to-day seize with eagerness any similar opportunity. She
+never gives up her purpose to destroy the political manhood of any
+people.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>If she had the courage of her convictions and intentions and was not
+afraid of the outcry of the civilized world, she would be much shorter
+and quicker in her work with the Boers. She would surround the
+concentration camps of Boer women and children with machine guns and
+pump into the mass of humanity until that heroic race was extinct. But
+she prefers the safer and more veiled, but equally infamous, method of
+slow starvation and disease, of banishment and imprisonment in distant
+countries to extinguish a race which she hates because she knows she has
+always done them evil and wrong and because they excel her own people in
+morals, military intelligence and courage.</p>
+
+<p>She hated our love of independence as she hated Ireland's and it was
+merely an accident that she did not make of us an Ireland. When she
+deals with an independence-loving people she makes of them either an
+Ireland or a United States. And that is the question in South Africa.
+Shall there be an Ireland in South Africa or a United States of South
+Africa?</p>
+
+<p>It is most dismal to read of Englishmen suggesting for the Boers the
+same old methods that were used in Ireland, "colonization," stamping out
+the native language, stamping out the love of independence, banishment,
+depriving of weapons, the greatest severity, no mercy. The Irish were
+deprived of their weapons, even of their shot guns. They were forbidden
+to have carving knives above a certain length or horses above a certain
+value. They were "colonized" and their lands taken away from them and
+given to Englishmen over and over again, in exactly the same manner that
+Cecil Rhoads now recommends for the Boers. Measures to exterminate their
+language and their Roman Catholic religion were taken over and over
+again and were of such relentless severity that no reasonable man could
+doubt that both the language and the religion would disappear within a
+generation.</p>
+
+<p>Cromwell went among them with scythes, bullets and Bibles and the war
+cry of his soldiers was "Jesus and no quarter." The town of Drogheda
+surrendered to him on his promise that their lives should be spared.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"But no sooner had they laid down their arms than Cromwell took
+back his word and slaughtered every man, woman and child in the
+city, so that five days are said to have been spent in this ghastly
+massacre. At Wexford the same miserable scenes of treachery and
+butchery were enacted." (Gregg's Irish History, p. 64.)</p></div>
+
+<p>Very few educated people in this country read Irish history. It is a
+sort of forbidden subject. It might reveal too much. From what I have
+read of it I am free to say that for stupid injustice, blind,
+unreasoning, brutal cruelty, treachery and corruption on the part of
+England from about the middle of the 12th century down to to-night it
+equals if it does not exceed in atrocity the rule of the Spaniard in
+South America.</p>
+
+<p>Yet all the wicked things that the atrocity was intended to exterminate
+are still alive and possibly stronger than they were in the twelfth
+century. Roman Catholicism is as strong as ever, the language still
+lives, and there has been a special revival of it within the last two
+years. The most wonderful part of all is that the Irishman is still
+alive, still an Irishman with children and grandchildren. He still loves
+his country, still loves independence and home rule, is still carrying
+on what you call guerilla tactics; and this very summer made a special
+outburst of guerillaism in the British parliament itself in the very
+heart of London.</p>
+
+<p>What does all this show? Simply that the spirit of independence, the
+natural nation-forming instinct of human beings, when once aroused, is
+usually inextinguishable except by the annihilation of every individual;
+and that this is a provision of nature for the formation of human
+societies in the world. Secondly that men will fight longer and more
+desperately for justice or against injustice than they will fight for
+money.</p>
+
+<p>It has been the consciousness of eternal justice that has kept the Irish
+and Armenians going for seven hundred years, that inspired the
+Netherlands to resist the Spaniard for eighty years, that kept your
+ancestor fighting for seven years and determined Washington to resort to
+"predatory" war rather than yield to the "benevolence and good
+government" of England.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Justice is far superior to philanthropy, charity, "the white man's
+burden" or any other pious hypocrisy or fraud that the villainy of man
+has invented. It is more important than, and it must precede both morals
+and good government. After you have been just to a people you may begin
+to preach to them. Good government as well as agricultural, commercial
+and industrial prosperity, have been rendered impossible in Ireland for
+centuries because there has been no justice to the native and patriotic
+party among the people. Justice can purify most of the international
+horrors of the world far better than "benevolence."</p>
+
+<p>We are on the whole more just than other nations. We founded ourselves
+upon justice, upon the doctrine that a naturally separated people had a
+right to their independence, that all men were politically equal and
+equal before the law, and that no government could be just that did not
+rest on the consent of the governed. These doctrines are the highest
+development of justice that has been wrought out in the past and by that
+great movement called the Reformation. But England has never accepted
+them.</p>
+
+<p>We have taught England many things. The dread of our influence compelled
+her to give the Canadian French liberal institutions. Any rights the
+Canadians, the Australians or the East Indians enjoy are the result of
+our revolution and the Sepoy Mutiny. Without our example the English
+lower classes would still be serfs. Real liberty and free government,
+the rights of the laboring man, have grown during the last century in
+England out of American precept and example.</p>
+
+<p>We have compelled her to enlarge her elective franchise towards
+universal suffrage. Only a few years ago there were no cheap newspapers
+in England. No reform journals or periodicals favoring popular rights,
+could be started because there was a tax on the paper, a tax on the
+advertisements and a tax on each copy of the journal, so levied and
+manipulated that the tory aristocracy could kill at their pleasure any
+popular journalistic enterprise. But the example of free and cheap
+newspapers in America, under the guidance of a Gladstone, extinguished
+those taxes and from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> that time dates the development of popular rights
+in England. In the same way has England been compelled to adopt our
+system of the secret ballot in place of her method which placed every
+tenant at the mercy of the landlord and every mill hand at the mercy of
+the mill owner. She is now struggling in a comical way to adopt our
+public school system. It remains for us to teach her to be just to the
+Boers.</p>
+
+<p>With the greatest esteem for your distinguished ancestor and yourself, I
+have the honor to remain,</p>
+
+<p>
+Very truly yours,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 5em;"><span class="smcap">Sydney G. Fisher</span>.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Revolution and the Boer
+War, An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal", by Sydney G. Fisher
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Revolution and the Boer War,
+An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal", by Sydney G. Fisher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The American Revolution and the Boer War, An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal"
+
+Author: Sydney G. Fisher
+
+Release Date: November 21, 2006 [EBook #19895]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness, Taavi Kalju and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
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+
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+
+
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+
+
+
+The American Revolution
+
+and
+
+The Boer War
+
+
+An Open Letter to
+Mr. Charles Francis Adams
+on his Pamphlet
+"The Confederacy and the Transvaal"
+
+
+By
+
+SYDNEY G. FISHER
+
+Author of "Men, Women and Manners in Colonial Times"
+          "The Evolution of the Constitution"
+          "The True Benjamin Franklin," etc.
+
+(Reprinted from the _Philadelphia Sunday Times_
+of January 19, 1902)
+
+
+
+
+
+                                 PHILADELPHIA, January 14, 1902.
+
+CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, ESQ.,
+                      Boston, Massachusetts.
+
+_Dear Sir:_
+
+I have been handed a pamphlet written by you entitled "The Confederacy
+and the Transvaal," the burden of which is, that the Boers ought not to
+continue their irregular guerilla struggle against England, because it
+is destructive of themselves and wasteful of England's resources; or to
+use your own words "the contest drags wearily along, to the probable
+destruction of one of the combatants, to the great loss of the other,
+and, so far as can be seen, in utter disregard of the best interests of
+both."
+
+You argue that the Boers, when their regular armies were defeated some
+considerable time ago, should have surrendered, given up the struggle,
+and not have resorted to a prolongation of the contest by guerilla
+methods. In support of this you cite the action of General Lee at the
+close of our civil war, when, his regularly organized army being
+completely defeated, he surrendered it, went quietly to his home and set
+an example, followed by the other southern leaders, of not prolonging
+the strife by those irregular methods which, as is well known, can be so
+very effective for a long period in a mountainous country like
+Switzerland or in a country of vast distances like the United States or
+South Africa.
+
+In other words, you go so far as to say that when a people are fighting
+for their political integrity and independence, a hopeless struggle for
+it ought not to be prolonged beyond what may be called the point of
+scientific defeat. Rather than prolong it to desperation and death in
+the last ditch it is much better and more sensible to accept a dependent
+position of some sort, the position of a crown colony, or a charter
+colony with more or less varying degrees of colonial control, all of
+which your very unwise and altogether reckless great grandfather John
+Adams, and some of his friends used to describe as "political slavery."
+
+This doctrine of the wrongfulness of a struggle for independence against
+overwhelming odds has appeared at times of late in the newspapers. I
+noticed that Mr. Bourke Cockran in his speech at the recent pro-Boer
+meeting in Chicago said, that the doctrine did not apply to the Boers
+because their heroism had now placed them in a position to win. He did
+not say positively whether or not he approved of such a doctrine. I am
+myself willing to pass by a great deal of approval of it. But when the
+attempt is made to render such an infamous doctrine respectable by
+affixing to it the honored name of Adams, a protest is in order from all
+those who are at all familiar with our own history.
+
+I do not believe that our American people when their attention is really
+brought to the matter believe in any such doctrine. But their attention
+is not usually brought to it. We have been by our stupendous power far
+removed for a long time from the possibility of such a struggle. We are
+accustomed to the business method of settling serious disputes by
+yielding at once to overwhelming power; by acquiescing in the vote of
+the majority or the will of the richer man or clique that has bought up
+all the stock. When the political boss informs our corporation that the
+legislation we want passed must be paid for we pay without resorting to
+guerilla or any other tactics. When one holds the cards that will take
+all the remaining tricks he usually shows his hand saying, "the rest are
+mine," and everybody assents.
+
+But circumstances alter cases and all cases are not alike. If your
+doctrine is of universal application the ravisher who presents himself
+with overwhelming force must always be gently accepted without
+resistance to save time and avoid danger and expense. If the European
+powers, disgusted with the success of our protective tariff and rising
+commercial supremacy, should unite to abolish our lynch law, burning of
+negroes at the stake, municipal corruption and some other matters, their
+armies and fleets would outnumber us even more than the English
+outnumber the Boers; and I suppose if you are really as much of a
+"quitter" as you profess to be you would then still preach your doctrine
+of submission.
+
+When you look closely at the matter and try to fix the point of
+scientific defeat in the Boer war I do not know why you should place it
+at the fall of Pretoria or whatever moment you decide upon for the
+defeat of the regularly organized armies. I should say it was just as
+well placed before the fighting began when England showed her cards; a
+population of 30,000,000, without counting the population of the
+colonies, against a population that does not number 2,000,000 counting
+the Cape Colony rebels; an army of 250,000 regulars against 40,000
+militia.
+
+If your doctrine is sound political morality, it applied then, and in
+the face of such stupendous odds, I should say, rather more than it does
+now.
+
+But I prefer to be guided somewhat in these matters by your great
+grandfather, John Adams, for whom I have always had a great fancy. If
+you will pardon me for saying so I think that his attention was more
+closely and intensely directed to these matters than yours has ever
+been. His neck was at stake as well as your own valuable existence and
+reputation. The British statute of that time provided a terrible
+punishment for what he was doing. Possibly you have never read it.
+
+     "That the offender be drawn to the gallows, and not be carried or
+     walk; that he be hanged by the neck, and then cut down alive; that
+     his entrails be taken and burnt while he is yet alive; that his
+     head be cut off; that his body be divided into four parts; that his
+     head and quarters be at the king's disposal."
+
+The disposal the king was accustomed to make of the heads and quarters
+of such people was to have the quarters hung about in conspicuous parts
+of London like quarters of beef; and the heads were set up on poles on
+Temple Bar or London Bridge to rot as a ghastly warning.
+
+I am inclined to think that the opinion of a man who from 1765 to 1780
+worked with that enactment hanging over his head is worth considering. I
+find on picking up the first life of him that comes to hand, that he was
+anything but blind to the consequences. England had shown her hand. She
+outnumbered the colonists four to one; and, in the same proportion, she
+could send a disciplined army against their undisciplined militia and
+guerilla forces.
+
+It was even worse than that. The colonists were not united in resisting
+England; not nearly so unanimous as the Boers are. It was by no means
+certain that our colonial rebel party had a bare majority. The loyalists
+insisted and believed that they themselves had the majority. So if we
+cut off from the supposed 3,000,000 population of the colonies the black
+slaves who numbered about 800,000 and the loyalists who were even more
+numerous, we had at the utmost only about 1,400,000 whites who were
+prepared to resist the army, fleet, and 8,000,000 population of England
+without counting nearly a million loyalists in their own midst.
+
+In fact on the showing of hands it was an utterly hopeless contest, and
+within a few years proved itself to be such. All that saved your
+ancestor's party from complete annihilation was the assistance after
+1778 of the French army, fleet, provisions, clothes and loans of money
+followed by assistance from Spain, and at the last moment by the
+alliance of Holland. And even with all this assistance your ancestor's
+cause was even as late as the year 1780 generally believed to be a
+hopeless one.
+
+Your ancestor did not like the prospect. He was fully prepared for
+misery, beggary and his family blood attainted and rendered infamous to
+the last generation by the English law. Death was the least thing he
+dreaded.
+
+     "I go mourning in my heart all the day long," he writes to his
+     wife, "though I say nothing. I am melancholy for the public and
+     anxious for my family. As for myself a frock and trousers, a hoe
+     and a spade would do for my remaining days."
+
+     "I feel unutterable anxiety," he writes again. "God grant us wisdom
+     and fortitude! Should the opposition be suppressed, should this
+     country submit, what infamy, what ruin, God forbid! Death in any
+     form is less terrible."
+
+     "There is one ugly reflection," he says in a letter to Joseph
+     Warren. "Brutus and Cassius were conquered and slain, Hampden died
+     in the field, Sidney on the scaffold, Harrington in jail. This is
+     cold comfort." (Morse's Adams, pp. 54, 60.)
+
+Your ancestor had still other difficulties to face of which it may be
+well to remind you. Long before actual fighting began in our revolution
+the rebel party, or perhaps I should say, the rougher elements of it,
+created by means of tar and feathers and other methods, a reign of
+terror throughout the whole country. They went about in parties taking
+weapons of all kinds out of loyalists' houses, although they have since
+put a clause in the National and all state constitutions that "the right
+to keep and bear arms shall never be infringed." Those documents also
+without exception, I believe, contain a clause guaranteeing freedom of
+speech and of the press; but the rebel party of your ancestor
+extinguished completely and utterly both of these rights; so completely
+that Rivington, the principal publisher of loyalist pamphlets, fled for
+his life to a British man-of-war; and loyalists scarcely dared refer to
+politics even indirectly in private letters.
+
+If the loyalists were really a majority, as they professed to be, the
+rebels were determined to break them up. Loyalists were ridden and
+tossed on fence rails, gagged and bound for days at a time, stoned,
+fastened in rooms with a fire and the chimney stopped on top, advertised
+as public enemies so that they would be cut off from all dealings with
+their neighbors; they had bullets shot into their bedrooms, their horses
+poisoned or mutilated; money or valuable plate extorted from them to
+save them from violence and on pretence of taking security for their
+good behavior; their houses and ships were burnt; they were compelled to
+pay the guards who watched them in their houses; and when carted about
+for the mob to stare at and abuse they were compelled to pay something
+at every town. For the three months of July, August and September of the
+year 1774, one can find in the American Archives alone, over thirty
+descriptions of outrages of this kind.
+
+In short, lynch law prevailed for many years during the revolution, and
+the habit became so fixed that we have never given it up. As has been
+recently shown the term lynch law originated during the revolution and
+was taken from the name of the brother of the man who founded Lynchburgh
+in Virginia.
+
+The revolution was not by any means the pretty social event that the
+ladies of the so-called patriotic societies suppose it to have been. It
+was on the contrary a rank and riotous rebellion against the long
+established authority of a nation which had saved us from France, built
+us up into prosperity and if she were ruling us to-day would, I am
+entirely willing to admit, abolish lynch law, negro burning, municipal
+and state legislative corruption and all the other evils about which
+reformers fret.
+
+But feeling that we were a naturally separated people, the rebel party
+among us insisted that we had the inalienable right to rule ourselves.
+We were seized with the spirit of independence, or as the people of your
+way of thinking at that time called it "a chimera of patriotism."
+Against this natural and inalienable right no authority, we declared, no
+matter how meritorious and venerable need be respected.
+
+The Boers, though receiving far greater provocation than we received,
+have behaved much better. They have not tarred and feathered Englishmen
+as we did or ridden them on rails, or suffocated them with smoke, or
+burnt their houses or hazed or tortured them in any way. Their conduct
+in the whole war has been most fair, honorable and meritorious, showing
+the high character of their intelligence and morals and their
+superiority to the British.
+
+In our revolution, wherever the rebel party were most successful with
+their reign of terror they drove all the judges from the bench and
+abolished the courts; and for a long time there were no courts or public
+administration of the law in many of the colonies, notably in New
+England.
+
+To people of the loyalist turn of mind all these lynching proceedings
+were an irrefragable proof, not only that the rebel party were wicked,
+but that their ideas of independence, of a country free from British
+control and British law, were ridiculous, silly delusions, dangerous to
+all good order and civilization. That such people could ever govern a
+country of their own and have in it that thing they were howling so much
+about, "liberty," was in their opinion beyond the bounds of intelligent
+belief.
+
+These lynching proceedings, the loyalists said, increased the loyalist
+party very fast and made them sure of a majority. I shall not discuss
+that question. But there is no doubt that many rebels went over to the
+loyalist side; and many others who did not actually go over were shaken
+in their faith and hardly knew what to think. Your ancestor belonged to
+the party who did all this lynching and inaugurated the reign of terror
+and he has himself told us how it staggered him. The prospect of raising
+such men as the lynchers to power by a revolution was a serious matter.
+A man one day congratulated him on the anarchy, the mob violence, the
+insults to judges, the closing of the courts and the tar and feathers
+which the patriots and their congress were producing.
+
+     "Oh Mr. Adams, what great things have you and your colleagues done
+     for us! We can never be grateful enough to you. There are no courts
+     of justice now in this province, and I hope there never will be
+     another."
+
+For once in his life your ancestor could not reply.
+
+     "Is this the object for which I have been contending, said I to
+     myself; for I rode along without any answer to this wretch. Are
+     these the sentiments of such people, and how many of them are there
+     in the country? Half the nation for what I know; for half the
+     nation are debtors, if not more; and these have been in all
+     countries the sentiments of debtors. If the power of the country
+     should get into such hands, and there is great danger that it will,
+     to what purpose have we sacrificed our time, health and everything
+     else?" (Works of John Adams, Vol. II, p. 420.)
+
+I have made these lengthy statements and quotations for the sake of
+reminding you that the man who was responsible for your existence and
+also very largely for the existence of the revolution, faced with his
+eyes open the very state of affairs which you say should in conscience
+and good morals compel a man to surrender and give up. He faced a far
+worse state of affairs than the Boers face, and he had less excuse for
+his conduct.
+
+He, however, did not follow your advice; and one reason may have been
+that his wife, whose blood is also in your veins, would have despised
+him if he had. I need not quote those beautiful letters of hers which
+are in print, in which she declares not only her own unalterable
+affection, but her willingness, to go down with him to disaster and
+poverty and labor with her hands. Among all the men of that time I do
+not know of one who was more uncompromising, more obstinate, more
+determined as President Kruger put it, to make Great Britain "pay a
+price that would stagger humanity," or according to your own theory,
+more immoral, than your own great grandfather and his wife.
+
+During the seven years fighting of the revolution Great Britain sent out
+peace commissioners and kept offering terms which steadily increased in
+liberality, entire freedom from taxation, in fact almost everything the
+rebel colonists had demanded, up even to a sort of semi-independence.
+Your great grandfather voted down everyone of them. He attended with
+Franklin the famous peace meeting with Lord Howe on Staten Island and
+rejected Lord Howe's terms. And why? Because none of them contained the
+one essential condition, absolute independence. Your great grandfather
+was a Kruger.
+
+But let us pass from him. Let us see what others thought and what was
+the general situation during the revolution.
+
+At the very beginning of that contest our forces were of an irregular
+and guerilla character. The farmers, who attacked the British regulars
+at Lexington and followed them back to Boston picking them off from
+behind stone fences and trees, were the most irregular fighters it is
+possible to imagine. They were not acting under the authority of any
+legitimate or even a _de facto_ government. They were not even
+officered, directed or authorized by the rebel Continental Congress,
+which had met the year before in Philadelphia. They were acting in a
+purely voluntary manner in obedience to a mere sentiment of that faction
+of the colonists who resented an invasion from Great Britain and wanted
+this country for their own. They were acting in the same manner and on
+the same sentiment by which the Boers now act and which you say is a
+crime.
+
+It is very important to remember that the moral position of the Boers is
+vastly stronger than was ours. Before the present Boer war began the
+Boers were two independent nations whose independence had been
+acknowledged by England on two or three different occasions and in two
+or three different documents. We were not independent and never had
+been. We were colonies and some of our communities were not even
+charter colonies; they were crown colonies; and one of the charter
+colonies, Pennsylvania, had a clause in its charter acknowledging the
+right of parliament to tax as it pleased. Our revolution was an out and
+out rebellion against legitimate control because we wanted to govern
+ourselves; because we did not want to be governed by people who lived
+three thousand miles away in another and far separated country; because
+we did not want to be taxed by the outsider; because we did not want him
+to maintain an army amongst us to keep us in order, because we did not
+want him to regulate our commerce or our manufacturing industries;
+because in short, we wanted to keep house for ourselves and believed
+that the colonial position was at its best essentially a degradation to
+manhood or as we called it at that time "political slavery." If the
+Boers are wrong in defending against England by guerilla methods an
+independence long since acknowledged, then we were ten thousand times
+wrong in supporting by the same methods a rebellion for independence
+against that same country which it is said can rule any people better
+than those people can rule themselves.
+
+The Boers at the beginning of the present war had the regularly
+organized armies of an independent nation. With the money obtained from
+the gold mines they had bought the most modern artillery, small arms and
+ammunition. We on the other hand being mere rebels had none of these
+things. Our guns were at first antiquated or blacksmith-made muskets and
+shot guns; and we were the ridicule of the British regulars because we
+had no bayonets. Whenever we had a chance we used the superior weapons
+taken from British prisoners just as the Boers now use the Lee-Metford
+rifles taken from their prisoners. We never were decently armed until
+France sent us shiploads of guns and ammunition. Many of the straps and
+cartouche boxes worn by our people had the British army letters G. R.
+stamped on them. Graydon relates in his memoirs how when he was taken
+prisoner a cartouche box with those letters on it was instantly wrenched
+with violence off his person.
+
+As our first meeting in arms with the British was irregular so was our
+second. Bunker Hill was so much of a guerilla battle so far as we were
+concerned that it is disputed to this day whether Putnam or Prescott was
+in command. As a matter of fact there was nobody in particular in
+command. It was a voluntary sort of affair; and the description of it
+reads exactly like a Boer battle.
+
+About fifteen hundred men, mostly farmers like the Boers, suddenly
+seized an important hill or kopje dangerously close to the British
+lines. They fortified themselves with breast works made of fence rails
+and hay in such a bucolic manner that all the regulars in Boston
+laughed. They could have been defeated very easily by sending a force on
+their flank and rear. But General Gage thought that would be ridiculous
+and unnecessary. A force of three thousand regulars could easily by a
+front attack sweep off these farmers, show them the uselessness of their
+methods, and possibly end the rebellion at once.
+
+You know the rest. But it must be very shocking to a person of your
+views to remember that the old Queen Anne muskets, shot guns and duck
+guns which your forefathers in such bad taste and contrary to all
+military science, levelled over those fence rails and hay at your
+friends the British in beautiful uniforms, were loaded with buckshot,
+slugs, old nails, and bits of iron from the blacksmith shops. That was
+our Majuba Hill, our Spion Kop.
+
+Let us move along still farther. The New England farmers for all the
+rest of the summer, autumn and following winter formed themselves into a
+most vulgar and absurd army and surrounded Boston, shutting in the
+British. The minds of those farmers were full almost to fanaticism of
+the principle of equality and the rights of man, "the levelling
+principles" as they were then called which now form the foundation of
+our American life. The officers among them were merely leaders and
+persuaders. It was not an uncommon sight to see a colonel shaving one of
+his own men. The men served a few weeks and then went home to get in the
+hay or see how their wives were getting on, and others came from the
+farms to take their places. In this way the army was kept up. Those who
+went home were very apt to take their powder and musket with them to
+shoot squirrels on the farm.
+
+A year later at New York our army was the same guerilla force and I
+shall let Captain Graydon describe it:
+
+     "The appearance of things was not much calculated to excite
+     sanguine expectations in the mind of a sober observer. Great
+     numbers of people were indeed to be seen and those who are not
+     accustomed to the sight of bodies under arms are always prone to
+     exaggerate them. But the propensity to swell the mass, has not an
+     equal tendency to convert it into soldiery; and the irregularity,
+     want of discipline, bad arms, and defective equipment in all
+     respects, of this multitudinous assemblage, gave no favorable
+     impression of its prowess. The materials of which the eastern
+     battalions were composed, were apparently the same as those of
+     which I had seen so unpromising a specimen at Lake George. I speak
+     particularly of the officers who were in no single respect
+     distinguishable from the men, other than in the colored cockades,
+     which for this very purpose had been prescribed in general orders;
+     a different color being assigned to the officers of each grade. So
+     far from aiming at a deportment which might raise them above their
+     privates and thence prompt them to due respect and obedience to
+     their commands, the object was, by humility, to preserve the
+     existing blessing of equality, an illustrious instance of which was
+     given by Colonel Putnam, the chief engineer of the army, and no
+     less a personage than the nephew of the major-general of that name.
+     'What,' says a person meeting him one day with a piece of meat in
+     his hand, 'carrying home your rations yourself, colonel! 'Yes,'
+     says he, 'and I do it to set the officers a good example.'"
+
+     (Graydon's Memoirs, edition of 1846, p. 147.)
+
+We have grown into a habit of depicting all our revolutionary
+forefathers, both privates and officers, in beautiful buff and blue
+uniform as if we were from the start a regularly organized, independent
+nation, fighting regular battles with another independent nation. There
+were, I believe, at times a select few, more usually officers, who
+succeeded in having such a uniform. But the great mass of our rebel
+troops had no uniforms at all. They wore a hunting shirt or smock frock
+which was merely a cheap cotton shirt belted round the waist and with
+the ends hanging outside over the hips instead of being tucked into the
+trousers. Into the loose bosom of this garment above the belt could be
+stuffed bread, pork, and all sorts of articles including a frying pan.
+
+We of course do not like to have a picture of one of our ancestors
+painted in such a garment. It would not look well. It is better to have
+some theoretical uniform, the uniform that our fathers would have had if
+they had had the money and time to get one, painted on top of a picture
+of our ancestor.
+
+Lafayette has described in his memoirs the rebel army he found in this
+country on his arrival in the summer of 1777:
+
+     "Eleven thousand men, but tolerably armed and still worse clad,
+     presented a singular spectacle in their parti-colored and often
+     naked state; the best dresses were hunting shirts of brown linen.
+     Their tactics were equally irregular. They were arranged without
+     regard to size except that the smallest men were the front rank."
+
+When the French officers appeared among us after the alliance, our
+officers were often unable to entertain them for lack of decent clothes
+and food. Washington in an order of July 24, 1776, said:
+
+     "The general, sensible of the difficulty and expense of providing
+     clothes of almost any kind for the troops, feels an unwillingness
+     to recommend, much more to order any kind of uniform; but as it is
+     absolutely necessary that men should have clothes and appear decent
+     and tight, he earnestly encourages the use of hunting shirts with
+     long breeches made of the same cloth, gaiter fashion about the legs
+     to all those yet unprovided." (Force 5th Series, Vol I, pp. 676,
+     677.)
+
+That was the sort of army Washington commanded; an army to which he
+could seldom give orders but only recommendations and suggestions. It
+often melted away before his eyes without any power on his part to stop
+desertion. At New York in 1776 he collected as you know by the utmost
+exertion about 18,000 men, but so afflicted with camp fevers and disease
+that only 14,000 of them were effective, and these were more of a rabble
+than an army. At the battle of Long Island and other engagements round
+New York they were easily beaten by General Howe's huge army of 34,000,
+and as is generally believed could have been annihilated or exterminated
+if that general had chosen to do so. As it was they were so broken up
+and scattered that they disappeared to their homes, and Washington fled
+across New Jersey and crossed the Delaware with only 3,300 men.
+
+The Continental Congress fled from Philadelphia. It was a migrating
+congress for many a day afterwards; travelling from one place of refuge
+to another with its little printing press and papers carried in a wagon.
+
+If you had been living in those days you would have said that the
+rebellion had now certainly reached the point of scientific defeat and
+should be abandoned and all hope of independence given up. Thousands of
+people at that time said so. The loyalists of course said so; and many
+who had been rebels, or had been watching to see if the rebellion had
+any chance at all, now turned against it and took the British oath of
+allegiance. That is unquestionably what you would have done if you had
+been living at that time with your present opinions. Your great
+grandfather however was not of that mind, nor was Washington.
+
+In fact, Washington prepared to become the worst kind of a guerilla; and
+you will find his letter on the subject in the second volume of Irving's
+life of him, chapter XLI. In case of being further pressed he said, "We
+must then retire to Augusta county, in Virginia. Numbers will repair to
+us for safety and we will then try a predatory war. If overpowered we
+must cross the Allegheny mountains."
+
+What do you think of that? What a wicked man he must have been. He
+intended to abandon the seaboard colonies, taking with him all the
+rebels who would follow him; and a great many including your ancestor
+would have to follow him, for if they remained behind they would be
+hung. He proposed a "grand trek" to get away from those British who are
+said to govern so well, just as the Boers "treked" away from them into
+the deserts of South Africa nearly a hundred years ago, because they did
+not fancy what they had experienced of that supposed excellent
+government.
+
+Having secured a refuge for the rebel congress and his followers on the
+edge of what was then the Western Wilderness, Washington proposes to
+maintain himself there by what he calls "predatory war," and I suppose
+you know what that is. If unsuccessful in that, he intended to cross the
+Allegheny mountains and plunge into that vast unknown region with the
+Indians and the buffaloes, which stretched away 3,000 miles to the
+Pacific ocean. There, assisted by the great distances he could play
+havoc with an invading British force; cut their slender communications
+and their cordons of blockhouses as the Boers are doing to-day in South
+Africa.
+
+This last resort of the rebel colonists was so obvious that it was often
+discussed not only in the colonies but in England. It was greatly feared
+by the tory ministry, because it might indefinitely prolong the war. The
+whigs prophesied disaster from it; and Burke in one of his speeches
+refers to it in an eloquent passage in which he describes the rebel
+colonists retreating to that vast interior of fertile plains where they
+would grow into marvels of hardihood and desperation; how they would
+become myriads of American Tartars and pour down a fierce and
+irresistible cavalry upon the narrow strip of sea coast, sweeping before
+them "your governors, your councillors, your collectors and comptrollers
+and all the slaves that adhere to them."
+
+In other words the tories dreaded what not so very long afterwards they
+accomplished in South Africa. They forced the Boers out of Cape Colony
+and they went by the grand trek into the interior plains where they
+founded two fierce and free republics, such as Washington might very
+readily have founded west of the Alleghenies. A turn of the hand, the
+failure of the French Alliance might have placed the United States in a
+position somewhat similar to that of South Africa or to that of Ireland
+if you like. The effect of British brutal and stupid violence on a high
+strung and independence-loving people will always be very much the same
+everywhere.
+
+But to return to Washington's letter. You very likely read it when as a
+young man you read Irving's life of him; but it never occurred to you to
+think that his "predatory" and guerilla war was wicked. It was on your
+side; you believed that his desire for the independence of the country
+was just and right, and being so, could be rightfully supported by
+predatory as well as regular warfare. Your youthful instinct was sound.
+You had not then learned to worship mere financeering. You had not then
+imbibed a passion for that part of the British constitution which
+declares that any resistance whether in support of independence, home
+or anything else which interferes with the operations of a financial
+clique in London is a crime.
+
+But when you see the principles and tactics of Washington and your own
+great grandfather repeated in a country far off they seem different, and
+when you see them turned against a country which gradually has come to
+embody in your mind fashionable society, you think them very dreadful.
+From your great grandfather's time to yours is a very short distance in
+history but a long distance, it seems, in political morals.
+
+The proposition for which you contend, or for which you profess to
+contend, for I decline to believe that anyone of your name really
+accepts such stuff, is nothing but the old principle of the bully and
+brute. The little man must yield where his case is shown to be hopeless
+and save the brute's time and money. After every battle of the
+revolution the British and the loyalists thought that your ancestor and
+his friends ought to give it up, and this went on for over seven years
+in spite of the assistance of France.
+
+I am inclined to think that if you were really put to the test you would
+not live up to your own principles. I am inclined to think that if I and
+several others, outnumbering you in the proportion of the English to the
+Boers, should present revolvers and say that being men of better
+business capacity we would now kindly take charge of your private
+affairs and manage them for you to your great advantage, you would not
+act quite as piously as you preach. The one or two drops of the blood of
+old John, which are still hidden in your veins, somewhere down in your
+boots, would suddenly rush to your heart and inflame it. You would duck
+under those revolver muzzles and come at our stomachs in a way that
+would keep us moving. We should undoubtedly very soon have your dead
+body with which to conduct some sort of brutal and stupid British
+triumph; but we should never be able to say that we had made a political
+slave of a living Adams.
+
+I have not space here to take you all through the revolution and remind
+you of every scene in which your ancestor figured. But I shall finish
+what I was saying about Washington when his army was reduced to 3,300
+and he was prepared for a grand trek to the Alleghenies. He did not have
+to resort to that because General Howe did not press him any further.
+For political reasons, which we cannot go into here, Howe preferred that
+Washington should raise another army if he could.
+
+Howe retired to New York and spent the winter there with his large force
+of 30,000; but at Trenton and Bordentown on the Delaware River some
+fifty miles away he placed two isolated outposts of about 1,500 Hessians
+each. Washington collected more men until his 3,300 had become 6,000 and
+with these raw militia he gobbled up those Hessian outposts just as the
+Boers have been gobbling up similarly placed British outposts. When a
+force of 8,000 British came out from New York to reoccupy Trenton,
+Washington cut in behind them, and at Princeton, finding some more
+British coming up widely separated and unable to support one another, he
+beat them in detail.
+
+This was brilliant, irregular Boer warfare on outposts and weak
+detachments. Washington was able to do it because his whole system was
+like that of the Boers, an irregular one. If he had had a regularly
+organized army and it had been reduced down to 3,300 it would never have
+been brought together again. He would have been done for. But his army
+was always one of the come and go kind. He had a small nucleus that
+could be relied upon to stay; but most of his force was composed of men
+who came from all parts of the colonies to serve three weeks, three
+months or six months then return home and have others come in their
+places. It was by this Boer method that all the armies of the rebel
+party during the revolution were kept going. When seriously defeated or
+when they had accomplished an object they would scatter as the Boers do
+and make it very difficult to destroy that which did not exist.
+
+Now that we have settled down and become a great nation all this seems
+like very foolish business to some of us who cut off coupons or sit at
+roll top desks endorsing the backs of documents until we have lost the
+natural feeling of vigorous manhood so characteristic of the Boers and
+the followers of Washington. We have forgotten our revolution. Our own
+acts in it now seem too heroic for our stomachs when we see others
+practicing them. Ireland has been practicing similar methods against
+England for hundreds of years. It may be a foolish game, but it can be
+made a very long one. It has lasted some seven hundred years in Ireland
+without success on either side. It lasted some thirty years in Cuba and
+was successful and we have set the seal of our approval on that success.
+
+I shall now restore to your recollection the famous Duche letter which
+was written in the autumn of 1777. Duche was a brilliant young clergyman
+of the Church of England and was settled in Philadelphia. He was
+inclined to take sides with the rebel colonists, and would have been
+very glad to see them attain what they wished if it could have been done
+peaceably and in the manner of ordinary business negotiations; and he
+was even willing to go a little farther than this and have the rebel
+colonists make a certain amount of armed resistance up to a certain
+point, not beyond the bounds of good taste. In short he was very much of
+your professed way of thinking, and he represented a large class of
+people who were of that way of thinking. At the meeting of the first
+Continental Congress he opened the session with a prayer so eloquent and
+suitable that it attracted universal attention, and gave him at once a
+political standing of some little importance.
+
+But after three years of Boer tactics, irregular methods, hopelessness,
+evident failure, the rise into power of men who were not gentlemen,
+petty peculation and fraud in the rebel army, apparent deterioration in
+character of the men in the rebel congress, the undignified runaway,
+wandering habit of that congress with its papers hauled from one refuge
+to another in a wagon, and similar things which make a deep impression
+on men of a certain kind of education and refinement, he saw so clearly
+the unutterable folly and wickedness of the attempt at independence that
+he could stand it no longer.
+
+There were many others who thought just as he did; but they usually
+either went to live in England or Canada or kept quiet in
+semi-concealment waiting until the power of Britain should restore order
+and good government to the colonies. But Duche, feeling that he was in
+somewhat of a public position, argued out the whole subject in a long
+letter to General Washington, calling on him in the name of God and
+humanity to put an end to the frightful state of affairs so mutually
+destructive to the best interests of both the colonies and England.
+
+He was horrified he said to find that rather than give up the idol
+independence the rebels "would deluge this country in blood." In short
+he was horrified at the Krugerism of Washington who intended to make
+England "pay a price that would stagger humanity." As to the rebel army
+its existence depended on one man. Most of its officers were from "the
+lowest of the people." "Take away those who surround your person, how
+few are there that you can ask to sit at your table." The rebels had
+hoped for aid from France: but after three years of waiting it had not
+come and there were no signs of it. The whig party in England was
+growing smaller. The whole English nation, "all orders and ranks of men
+are now unanimous and determined to risk their all on the contest."
+
+     "Under so many discouraging circumstances, can virtue, can honor,
+     can the love of your country prompt you to persevere. Humanity
+     itself (and sure I am humanity is no stranger to your breast) calls
+     upon you to desist. Your army must perish for want of common
+     necessaries, or thousands of innocent families must perish to
+     support them. Wherever they encamp the country must be
+     impoverished. Wherever they march the troops of Britain will pursue
+     and must complete the devastation which America herself has begun."
+
+     "Perhaps it may be said, 'it is better to die than to be slaves.'
+     This indeed is a splendid maxim in theory: and perhaps in some
+     instances, may be found experimentally true. But where there is the
+     least probability of a happy accommodation surely wisdom and
+     humanity call for some sacrifices to be made to prevent inevitable
+     destruction."
+
+It reads almost as if you had written it yourself, does it not? It
+raised the whole question fairly and squarely, the whole question of the
+moral right of a naturally separated people to struggle for independence
+to the bitter end, the last ditch, extermination or whatever name you
+choose to give it, or as in the case of Ireland, the Armenians and the
+Poles without end.
+
+I do not mean to say that that was the only time that Washington had had
+the question brought squarely before him. It was a question that came up
+all over the country every day for seven years down to within a few
+months of the surrender of Cornwallis in 1781; for the year 1780 was as
+you know the darkest hour in our revolution. Every individual in those
+seven years had that question before him every day and hour, and as
+individuals settled it for themselves one way or the other they dropped
+in and out of the two sides of the contest.
+
+How did Washington settle it with Duche? The young clergyman made a
+powerful appeal to him. He said that the whole solution of the war
+rested with Washington alone. He alone could stop the fighting. He alone
+could persuade the other leaders in the name of God and humanity to give
+up a hopeless contest. This was somewhat of an exaggeration. The war was
+deeper than Washington just as the Boer war is deeper than Kruger. But
+never mind that. Duche's idea was that Washington should at the head of
+his army negotiate for some settlement short of independence.
+Independence, England would never grant.
+
+Awful and wicked as it now no doubt seems to you, Washington declined
+this honor. He sent Duche's letter to the wandering congress. It was
+copied and given a wide publicity. Your ancestor and the men of that
+time never dodged the question raised by that letter. Washington also
+sent a copy to Duche's brother-in-law, Francis Hopkinson, and if you
+want to read a stinging letter I can recommend the letter Hopkinson
+wrote to his perverted relative. The whole correspondence including
+Duche's letter is printed in the appendix to the edition of 1846 of
+Graydon's Memoirs. I shall quote just one passage from Hopkinson's
+letter:
+
+     "The whole force of the reasoning," he says to Duche, "contained in
+     your letter tends to this point: that virtue and honor require us
+     to stand by truth, as long as it can be done with safety, but that
+     her cause may be abandoned on the approach of danger; or in other
+     words, that the justice of the American cause ought to be squared
+     by the success of her arms."
+
+The moral or principle contained in that passage is repudiated by you
+and by every one who lives in England; by the Russians also, most of
+the Germans, many Frenchmen and in fact Europe generally. If you fear
+numbers you do well, no doubt, in repudiating it. But it was on that
+moral principle that our revolution was put through. Whoever denies that
+principle denies the United States, denies our foundation principle and
+our validity, denies the justice and righteousness of the struggles
+which created Switzerland, and all the South American republics
+including Cuba, struggles which are still carried on by the Armenians
+after seven hundred years of failure and by the Irish for the same
+period, struggles which in fact, originally created England, France,
+Germany and all the powers which now affect to despise them, struggles
+which create nationalities and all that is useful, honorable or valuable
+in civil or political life. When you deny the right of a naturally
+separated people to struggle without end for independence, you deny the
+most fundamental and necessary, the most powerful and far reaching, the
+most scientific and well settled principle of moral conduct that history
+has disclosed.
+
+I do not wish to take up too much space accumulating instances in our
+revolutionary history, but Franklin's conduct is perhaps worth
+considering. He was not what is called an enthusiast or fanatic. He was
+on the contrary one of the shrewd calculating kind. He had full
+knowledge of all the conditions. He resided in England as agent of
+Massachusetts and of the rebel cause in general from 1764 to 1775. It
+cannot be said that he did not know the power and merit of England. He
+admired the English political system. He was very fond of English life
+and preferred a residence among learned and cultivated people in England
+to one in America. Under these influences he at first believed that the
+colonists should submit after trying ordinary peaceful and so-called
+legal measures. In a word Franklin was at first of your opinion.
+
+But when he returned to America in 1775 and the spirit or influence of
+independence touched him he became the most unrelenting, obstinate and
+as you would say unreasoning, fanatical and blind stickler for absolute
+and unqualified independence at any price or at the price of
+extermination.
+
+The Continental Congress of which your ancestor was a member was, as
+late as the year 1780, so determined to keep up the struggle although in
+that year it was regarded as hopeless, that they arranged to have
+pictures prepared with short descriptions of what they considered
+British atrocities, but which were the milk of human kindness compared
+with Kitchener's Spanish concentration camps and other benevolences
+inflicted on the Boers. These pictures and descriptions were to be shown
+and taught to every American rebel child forever so as to burn into
+their minds eternal hatred and a struggle without end against the
+independence hating British brute.
+
+Just at the close of the revolution Franklin was preparing to have
+thirty-five of these pictures designed and engraved in France "in
+order," as he wrote to an Englishman, "to impress the minds of children
+and posterity with a deep sense of your bloody and insatiable malice and
+wickedness." If Franklin could apply such adjectives to England's
+comparatively mild attempts to suppress a rebellion, what would he say
+to-day of her worse than inhuman efforts to destroy two independent
+nations. Franklin believed that the success of our revolution had
+destroyed forever the inherent cruelty and despotic brutishness of the
+English tory. But the tory has gone on developing; and even the English
+liberal has less of the courage, intelligence and character which were
+such a brilliant and saving grace to him in the days of Burke, Chatham
+and Barre.
+
+I shall now consider what you say about the action of General Lee and
+the leaders of the confederacy. You assume that they were struggling for
+independence; and that is most extraordinary. It is an insult, as it
+seems to me, to the intelligence of the whole American people. I never
+before heard our civil war described in that way. That Lee or the
+confederacy were struggling for independence in the sense in which the
+American colonists of 1776, or the Boers of to-day or the Swiss or the
+Irish struggled for that object I most positively deny. If Lee and the
+confederacy had been struggling in that sense the civil war would not
+yet be over. The eleven southern states would be now either independent
+or in the condition of Ireland.
+
+First of all the southern states were not a naturally separate people.
+They were contiguous territory. There was no natural boundary dividing
+them from the North. They were of the same race, language and social
+status as the north. They had taken part with the north in making the
+whole country independent of England and with the north they had made
+the National Constitution.
+
+They had quarrelled with the north simply about the question of slavery.
+At one time they had disapproved of slavery in the abstract as much as
+the north did; but as their slaves were more profitable than slaves in
+the north they were slower about abolishing slavery than the north had
+been. Their slaves were guaranteed to them by the Constitution. The
+rising moral sentiment against slavery in the north, which seemed to
+them to threaten the abolition of slavery in the south by violence
+without regard to the Constitution and without compensation to owners
+drove them into war. Their confederacy which they formed was a mere
+make-shift to protect millions of dollars worth of slaves. There is no
+evidence of any passion for independence among them, such as has
+characterized the people already described, and as a matter of fact
+there was nothing in their unseparated situation that would cause that
+passion.
+
+High strung, intelligent men such as the southerners are, will fight a
+long time over millions of dollars worth of slaves, if they think they
+are to be suddenly and unfairly deprived of them, but not as they would
+fight for independence, for political existence. There was so little
+moral righteousness in slavery and they had always known so well its
+unrighteousness that when the point of scientific defeat was reached,
+when their regularly organized armies were formally defeated they gave
+up the game. The inspiration of the cause was not perennial. There was
+none of the eternal justness in it which inspired the cause of
+Washington and your ancestor, which has kept the Cubans struggling for
+thirty years, and the Irish and the Armenians for seven hundred.
+
+General Lee, who, as you say, set the example of giving up, was a man
+of peculiar views on the civil war. He was not a believer in slavery. He
+described it as a "moral and political evil" and "a greater evil to the
+white than to the colored race." He did not even believe in the right of
+secession. He spoke of it as an absurdity, and said that it was
+impossible to suppose that the framers of the Constitution could have
+contemplated anything of the sort. He had great misgivings and much
+mental struggle when Virginia seceded and he finally decided to go with
+his state because as he put it, "I have not been able to make up my mind
+to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home." He cared
+little or nothing for the confederacy. It was the invasion of Virginia
+against which he fought and he always commanded the army in Virginia.
+"Save in defence of my native state," he said, "I hope I may never be
+called on to draw my sword."
+
+Such a man easily dropped the contest for the confederacy when the point
+of scientific defeat had been reached. He fought to acquit his own honor
+as a man fights a duel until blood is drawn, and that done he has no
+more incentive for fighting.
+
+There is also another point you have forgotten. The terms which General
+Grant offered Lee were of a liberality beyond the capacity of any
+British general or statesman. Lee's whole army was paroled and told to
+go home taking their horses with them to cultivate their farms. There
+were to be no punishments or executions for treason. Afterwards when
+some people in the north foolishly clamored for punishment, Grant
+sternly insisted on the fulfillment of every condition in the surrender.
+Under such terms it was very easy and natural for Lee to ride quietly
+from the surrender to his own home, walk in and shut the door, and never
+trouble himself about the rebellion again.
+
+You say Lee's example influenced the other southern leaders. But it was
+Grant's example, the fair and honorable terms, which were the real
+influence, the real power that was accomplishing this result. It was
+very American and possible only among Americans. The English are too
+stupidly violent ever to achieve such a result as that.
+
+You may remember that some months ago Botha and some of the Boer leaders
+met Lord Kitchener to discuss terms of peace. And what were the British
+terms? Compare them with Grant's. Lord Kitchener said that immunity
+would be given to certain of the leaders, but no immunity could be
+promised to certain others. Could honorable men consent to surrender
+themselves and escape on condition that certain of their associates were
+to be hung?
+
+Suppose Grant had said to Lee, "You and your officers, if you will
+surrender, shall be guaranteed immunity; but Jefferson Davis, and
+Johnston and Beauregard are to be hung." Do you suppose Lee would have
+surrendered? I am inclined to think that if any such British policy had
+been carried out there would be guerilla war and Irish rebellion in the
+south to this hour.
+
+Lord Kitchener, you will also remember, would give the Boers no promise
+of local self-government. It was indefinitely postponed. They asked him
+about giving the right to vote to the black Kaffir population. But
+Kitchener refused to give any promise on that point.
+
+In other words they were asked to surrender without any agreement that
+the lives of the rebels in Cape Colony who had been assisting them
+should be spared the gallows, they had no definite promise of local
+self-government, and so far was the possibility of self-government
+removed that it was left uncertain whether or not the black Kaffir
+population would not be used to control them and outvote them if a sham
+of self-government were set up.
+
+Now let us suppose Grant offering similar terms to Lee. Let us suppose
+him saying that the eleven states of the confederacy would be held as
+crown colonies, or presidential subject colonies for an indefinite
+period, and that the north reserved the right to control the south by
+means of giving the vote to the recently freed black slaves and
+withholding it from the whites. Do we not all know what Lee's answer and
+what the answer of the whole south would have been to those terms?
+
+We all know what happened a few years afterwards in the reconstruction
+period when the blacks were to a certain extent put over the whites. We
+all know that the south immediately turned to guerilla methods or as
+they were called the Ku Klux societies, societies of secret
+assassination and terror, methods far worse than ordinary guerillaism.
+Moreover these Ku Klux methods were successful. They broke the dominion
+of the black man. They compelled the north to stop, to recall its carpet
+baggers, to reconsider its injustice; or as Mr. Page puts it the
+southerners reconquered their own country, and had it again under their
+own normal state governments. But if Lee and the other southern leaders
+had known all this was coming they would have begun the guerillaism at
+Appomatox.
+
+The Ku Klux methods were unpleasant, atrocious, unfortunate in many
+ways; for as most of us can remember, they fixed upon southern life the
+habit of assassination, which continued for many years in a manner most
+revolting and shocking to northern moral sense and it has only recently
+begun to die out. But who was to blame? England has in the same way
+turned the Irish into assassins, rioters and law breakers, and then
+cries out that they are barbarous and uncivilized and must be "coerced"
+and forced into more assassination, rioting and law breaking. I place
+the blame where it belongs; and I venture to predict that if England
+continues her inhuman, morally degrading and worse than Irish policy
+with the Boers she will turn them into a race of assassins or law
+breakers. They are now the very reverse of that. They have shown a
+higher regard for the sacredness of human life than we have to-day in
+America. They have shown more self-restraint, more respect for personal
+rights, have dealt more fairly with their opponents than we did in our
+revolution. They are the superiors of both ourselves and the English and
+they are inferior to us and the English only in numbers.
+
+There is a great deal of talk of England's success in ruling
+dependencies. She rules no doubt successfully enough over the servile,
+over toadies, flunkeys and weaklings or those who have no spirit or love
+of independence. Wherever she has attempted to rule an
+independence-loving people as in the case of the Irish, ourselves or the
+Boers, she has made a most shocking failure of it. Few people trouble
+themselves to read the long history of England's dealings with the South
+Africans for nearly a hundred years previous to the present war. It is
+all detailed in Theal's admirable volumes of the history of South
+Africa. Theal was himself an Englishman, an official in South Africa,
+and he prints all documents in full. I must confess I was astonished to
+read this long record of atrocious injustice, inhumanity, stupidity and
+cruelty which generation after generation has hammered the Boers into a
+separate people, given them a long list of martyrs and anniversaries of
+ferocity and built up in them a fell hatred of the English, which now
+astonishes men like yourself, who suppose this to be a mere sudden
+outbreak, and who have not the time, or will not take the trouble, to
+investigate the long chain of causes which led up to it.
+
+With an independence loving people England has only two methods of
+success, extermination or banishment. She always rules with complete
+success over the dead. When with Martinis and Lee Metfords she has
+slaughtered over 27,000 black or brown men, carrying spears or
+old-fashioned guns, with a loss on her side of only 387, and with a vast
+crop of medals and Victoria crosses for the supposed heroes of this
+supposed wonderful victory, she has unquestionably solved a "problem" in
+her way.
+
+When, after 700 years of conquests, "colonization," reform bills, final
+settlements, coercion acts, land acts, hangings, confiscations,
+corruptions, treachery and broken promises, a large part of the native
+Irish are living in the United States, where by their steadiness,
+industry, bright minds and success they contradict and disprove every
+charge and statement made against them by pottering English statesmen,
+England may undoubtedly be said to have successfully solved the problem
+of her "white man's burden" so far as concerns these Irish in the United
+States.
+
+As to those who remain in Ireland we again hear of coercion, are told
+that there is to be some more legislation for them which is to be a
+"final settlement." An Englishman has just written a book to prove that
+all settlements with such people as the Boers and the Irish should be
+"finalities" and settle the question. This, he says, is very important.
+
+I notice also that some Irish representatives arrived the other day in
+New York to collect from Irish-Americans subscriptions in money to
+enable them to discuss this "final settlement," which has been
+progressing for 700 years without arousing the least sense of humor in
+any Englishman whom I ever knew or heard of.
+
+I know however of one settlement which is supposed to have been final.
+It was a document signed in Paris in the year 1783, by an Englishman
+whose name is of no importance, but the persons who signed on the other
+side were Franklin, Adams and Jay. I am wrong to call this a final
+settlement. It gave us only independence on the land. England still
+ruled us on the ocean where she searched our ships as she pleased and
+claimed a suzerainty over us as she has claimed a suzerainty over the
+Boers, and for the same contemptible purpose, to enable her to watch her
+chance to destroy our independence.
+
+We remained semi-independent until 1812 when we fought what used to be
+called the Second War for Independence. There were a great many people
+in your part of the country who thought we ought not to fight that war.
+They used your argument. They said what is the use? It will waste money
+and destroy valuable property, both English and American. What is the
+use of fighting for a mere sentiment? Let us be governed by sense rather
+than sentiment. Let us be content with the substantial advantage and the
+liberty we already have rather than risk it all, and our material
+interests besides. And you carried this argument so far that you
+threatened to secede from the Union.
+
+England had secret emissaries here at that time to encourage secession
+and dissolution in the hope that at any rate she could turn New England
+and possibly the Middle States into dependencies again. A few years
+afterwards in our Civil War, she again did her utmost to dismember us;
+and she would to-day seize with eagerness any similar opportunity. She
+never gives up her purpose to destroy the political manhood of any
+people.
+
+If she had the courage of her convictions and intentions and was not
+afraid of the outcry of the civilized world, she would be much shorter
+and quicker in her work with the Boers. She would surround the
+concentration camps of Boer women and children with machine guns and
+pump into the mass of humanity until that heroic race was extinct. But
+she prefers the safer and more veiled, but equally infamous, method of
+slow starvation and disease, of banishment and imprisonment in distant
+countries to extinguish a race which she hates because she knows she has
+always done them evil and wrong and because they excel her own people in
+morals, military intelligence and courage.
+
+She hated our love of independence as she hated Ireland's and it was
+merely an accident that she did not make of us an Ireland. When she
+deals with an independence-loving people she makes of them either an
+Ireland or a United States. And that is the question in South Africa.
+Shall there be an Ireland in South Africa or a United States of South
+Africa?
+
+It is most dismal to read of Englishmen suggesting for the Boers the
+same old methods that were used in Ireland, "colonization," stamping out
+the native language, stamping out the love of independence, banishment,
+depriving of weapons, the greatest severity, no mercy. The Irish were
+deprived of their weapons, even of their shot guns. They were forbidden
+to have carving knives above a certain length or horses above a certain
+value. They were "colonized" and their lands taken away from them and
+given to Englishmen over and over again, in exactly the same manner that
+Cecil Rhoads now recommends for the Boers. Measures to exterminate their
+language and their Roman Catholic religion were taken over and over
+again and were of such relentless severity that no reasonable man could
+doubt that both the language and the religion would disappear within a
+generation.
+
+Cromwell went among them with scythes, bullets and Bibles and the war
+cry of his soldiers was "Jesus and no quarter." The town of Drogheda
+surrendered to him on his promise that their lives should be spared.
+
+     "But no sooner had they laid down their arms than Cromwell took
+     back his word and slaughtered every man, woman and child in the
+     city, so that five days are said to have been spent in this ghastly
+     massacre. At Wexford the same miserable scenes of treachery and
+     butchery were enacted." (Gregg's Irish History, p. 64.)
+
+Very few educated people in this country read Irish history. It is a
+sort of forbidden subject. It might reveal too much. From what I have
+read of it I am free to say that for stupid injustice, blind,
+unreasoning, brutal cruelty, treachery and corruption on the part of
+England from about the middle of the 12th century down to to-night it
+equals if it does not exceed in atrocity the rule of the Spaniard in
+South America.
+
+Yet all the wicked things that the atrocity was intended to exterminate
+are still alive and possibly stronger than they were in the twelfth
+century. Roman Catholicism is as strong as ever, the language still
+lives, and there has been a special revival of it within the last two
+years. The most wonderful part of all is that the Irishman is still
+alive, still an Irishman with children and grandchildren. He still loves
+his country, still loves independence and home rule, is still carrying
+on what you call guerilla tactics; and this very summer made a special
+outburst of guerillaism in the British parliament itself in the very
+heart of London.
+
+What does all this show? Simply that the spirit of independence, the
+natural nation-forming instinct of human beings, when once aroused, is
+usually inextinguishable except by the annihilation of every individual;
+and that this is a provision of nature for the formation of human
+societies in the world. Secondly that men will fight longer and more
+desperately for justice or against injustice than they will fight for
+money.
+
+It has been the consciousness of eternal justice that has kept the Irish
+and Armenians going for seven hundred years, that inspired the
+Netherlands to resist the Spaniard for eighty years, that kept your
+ancestor fighting for seven years and determined Washington to resort to
+"predatory" war rather than yield to the "benevolence and good
+government" of England.
+
+Justice is far superior to philanthropy, charity, "the white man's
+burden" or any other pious hypocrisy or fraud that the villainy of man
+has invented. It is more important than, and it must precede both morals
+and good government. After you have been just to a people you may begin
+to preach to them. Good government as well as agricultural, commercial
+and industrial prosperity, have been rendered impossible in Ireland for
+centuries because there has been no justice to the native and patriotic
+party among the people. Justice can purify most of the international
+horrors of the world far better than "benevolence."
+
+We are on the whole more just than other nations. We founded ourselves
+upon justice, upon the doctrine that a naturally separated people had a
+right to their independence, that all men were politically equal and
+equal before the law, and that no government could be just that did not
+rest on the consent of the governed. These doctrines are the highest
+development of justice that has been wrought out in the past and by that
+great movement called the Reformation. But England has never accepted
+them.
+
+We have taught England many things. The dread of our influence compelled
+her to give the Canadian French liberal institutions. Any rights the
+Canadians, the Australians or the East Indians enjoy are the result of
+our revolution and the Sepoy Mutiny. Without our example the English
+lower classes would still be serfs. Real liberty and free government,
+the rights of the laboring man, have grown during the last century in
+England out of American precept and example.
+
+We have compelled her to enlarge her elective franchise towards
+universal suffrage. Only a few years ago there were no cheap newspapers
+in England. No reform journals or periodicals favoring popular rights,
+could be started because there was a tax on the paper, a tax on the
+advertisements and a tax on each copy of the journal, so levied and
+manipulated that the tory aristocracy could kill at their pleasure any
+popular journalistic enterprise. But the example of free and cheap
+newspapers in America, under the guidance of a Gladstone, extinguished
+those taxes and from that time dates the development of popular rights
+in England. In the same way has England been compelled to adopt our
+system of the secret ballot in place of her method which placed every
+tenant at the mercy of the landlord and every mill hand at the mercy of
+the mill owner. She is now struggling in a comical way to adopt our
+public school system. It remains for us to teach her to be just to the
+Boers.
+
+With the greatest esteem for your distinguished ancestor and yourself, I
+have the honor to remain,
+
+Very truly yours,
+          SYDNEY G. FISHER.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Revolution and the Boer
+War, An Open Letter to Mr. Charles Francis Adams on His Pamphlet "The Confederacy and the Transvaal", by Sydney G. Fisher
+
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