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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The American Journal of Archaeology, 1893-1 + +Author: Various + +Editor: The American Journal of Archaeology + +Release Date: December 20, 2006 [EBook #20153] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ARCHAEOLOGY *** + + + + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Rénald Lévesque and the +Online Distributed Proofreaders Europe at +http://dp.rastko.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<p><a name="pi" id="pi"></a><span class="pagenum">Page i</span></p> + +<p class="mid"><img alt="" src="images/header.png"></p> + + +<h2>VOLUME VIII</h2> + +<h3>1893</h3> + + +<p class="mid"><i>PRINCETON</i>: THE BUSINESS MANAGER<br> +<i>LONDON</i>: TRÜBNER & CO. <i>PARIS</i>: E. LEROUX<br> +<i>TURIN</i>, <i>FLORENCE</i> and <i>ROME</i>: E. LOESCHER<br> +<i>LEIPZIG</i>: KARL W. HIERSEMANN.</p> + + +<br><br><br> +<p><a name="pii" id="pii"></a><span class="pagenum">Page ii</span></p> + + + + + +<h3>EDITORS.</h3> + +<p><i>Managing Editor</i>: Prof. A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., of Princeton +University, Princeton, N.J.</p> + +<p><i>Literary Editor</i>: Prof. H.N. FOWLER, of Western Reserve University, +Cleveland, Ohio.</p> + +<p><i>Editorial Committee on behalf of the Archæological Institute</i>: Prof. +A.C. MERRIAM, of Columbia College; Mr. T.W. LUDLOW, of +Yonkers, N.Y.</p> + +<p><i>Publication Committee for the Papers of the American School of Classical +Studies at Athens</i>: Prof. A.C. MERRIAM, of Columbia +College; Mr. T.W. LUDLOW, of Yonkers, N.Y.</p> + +<p><i>Business Manager</i>: Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, of Princeton University, +Princeton, N.J.</p> + +<p>All literary contributions should be addressed to the Managing +Editor; all business communications to the Business Manager.</p> + +<br><br> + + +<h3>CONTRIBUTORS.</h3> + +<p>The following are among the contributors to past volumes:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<p>M.E. BABELON, Conservateur an Cabinet des Médailles, National Library, Paris.</p> +<p>Prof. W.N. BATES, of Harvard University, Cambridge.</p> +<p>Mr. SAMUEL BESWICK, Hollidaysburg, Pa.</p> +<p>Mr. CARLETON L. BROWNSON, of Yale University, New Haven.</p> +<p>Prof. CARL D. BUCK, of University of Chicago, Ill.</p> +<p>Dr. A.A. CARUANA, Librarian and Director of Education, Malta.</p> +<p>Mr. JOSEPH T. CLARKE, Harrow, England.</p> +<p>Dr. NICHOLAS E. CROSBY, Princeton University.</p> +<p>Mr. HERBERT F. DE COU.</p> +<p>Dr. WILHELM DÖRPFELD, Secretary German Archæological Institute, Athens.</p> +<p>M. ÉMILE DUVAL, Director of the Musée Fol, Geneva.</p> +<p>Dr. M.L. EARLE, of Barnard College, New York.</p> +<p>Prof. ALFRED EMERSON, of Cornell University.</p> +<p>Mr. ANDREW FOSSUM, of St. Olaf College, Northfield, Mass.</p> +<p>Prof. HAROLD N. FOWLER, of Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio.</p> +<p>Prof. A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr., of Princeton University.</p> +<p>Dr. A. FURTWÄNGLER, Professor of Archæology in the University of Berlin.</p> +<a name="piii" id="piii"></a><span class="pagenum">Page iii</span> +<p>Mr. ERNEST A. GARDNER, Director of the British School of Archæology, Athens.</p> +<p>Padre GERMANO DI S. STANISLAO, Passionista, Rome.</p> +<p>Mr. WM. H. GOODYEAR, Curator, Brooklyn Institute.</p> +<p>Prof. W. HELBIG, former Secretary of the German Archæological Institute, Rome.</p> +<p>Prof. GUSTAV HIRSCHFELD, of Königsberg, Prussia.</p> +<p>Dr. GEO. B. HUSSEY, of University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Neb.</p> +<p>Dr. ALBERT L. LONG, of Robert College, Constantinople.</p> +<p>Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, of Princeton University.</p> +<p>Comte de MARSY, Director of the Soc. Franc. d'Archéologie, <i>Bulletin Monumental</i>, <i>etc.</i></p> +<p>Prof. ORAZIO MARUCCHI, member of Archæol. Commission of Rome, <i>etc.</i></p> +<p>Prof. A.C. MERRIAM, of Columbia College.</p> +<p>Prof. G. MASPERO, former Director of Antiq., Egypt; Prof. at Collège de France, Paris.</p> +<p>M. JOACHIM MENANT, of Rouen, France.</p> +<p>Mr. WILLIAM MERCER, of Gainsborough, England.</p> +<p>Prof. ADOLPH MICHAELIS, of the University of Strassburg.</p> +<p>Prof. WALTER MILLER, of Leland Stanford, Jr., University, Palo Alto, Cal.</p> +<p>Prof. THEODOR MOMMSEN, Berlin.</p> +<p>M. EUGÈNE MÜNTZ, Librarian and Conservateur of the École des Beaux-Arts, Paris.</p> +<p>A.S. MURRAY, Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum.</p> +<p>Prof. CHARLES E. NORTON, of Harvard University, Cambridge.</p> +<p>Rev. JOHN P. PETERS, Director of the Babylonian Expedition, New York City.</p> +<p>Mr. JOHN PICKARD, Professor in the University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. +<p>Mr. THEO. J. PINCHES, of the British Museum, London.</p> +<p>Prof. WM. C. POLAND, of Brown University, Providence, R.I.</p> +<p>Mr. W.M. RAMSAY, Professor in the University of Aberdeen.</p> +<p>Dr. FRANZ V. REBER, Professor in the University and Polytechnic of Munich, <i>etc.</i></p> +<p>M. SALOMON REINACH, Conservateur of the Musée National de St. Germain.</p> +<p>Prof. RUFUS B. RICHARDSON, of Dartmouth College, Hanover.</p> +<p>Prof. JOHN C. ROLFE, of University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.</p> +<p>Dr. TH. SCHREIBER, Prof. of Archæol. in the Univ., and Director of Museum, Leipzig.</p> +<p>Mr. ROBERT SEWELL, Madras Civil Service, F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S.</p> +<p>Mrs. CORNELIUS STEVENSON, Curator Museum University of Pa., Philadelphia.</p> +<p>Prof. FRANK B. TARBELL, of University of Chicago, Ill.</p> +<p>Mr. S.B.P. TROWBRIDGE, of New York.</p> +<p>Dr. CHARLES WALDSTEIN, of Cambridge University, England.</p> +<p>Dr. WM. HAYES WARD, President Am. Oriental Society, and Ed. <i>Independent</i>, N.Y.</p> +<p>Mr. HENRY S. WASHINGTON.</p> +<p>Prof. J.R. WHEELER, University of Vermont, Burlington.</p> +<p>Dr. PAUL WOLTERS, Secretary of the German Archæological Institute at Athens.</p> +<p>Hon. JOHN WORTHINGTON, U.S. Consul at Malta.</p> +<p>Prof. J.H. WRIGHT, of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</p> +<p>The Director and Members of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens.</p> +</div></div> + +<br><br> +<a name="piv" id="piv"></a><span class="pagenum">Page iv</span> + + + + +<h2>PROGRAM.</h2> + +<br><br> + + +<p>The JOURNAL treats of the various branches of archæology and art history--Oriental, +Classic, Christian and Early Renaissance. Its original articles are predominantly +classic on account of the fact that it has become the official organ of the +ARCHÆOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA and of the AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL +STUDIES AT ATHENS, and the JOURNAL will aim to further the interests for +which the Institute and the School were founded. In it are published the reports +on all the excavations undertaken in Greece and elsewhere by the Institute and the +School, and the studies carried on independently by the Directors and members of +the School. By decision of the Council of the Archæological Institute the JOURNAL +has been distributed during 1893 to all members of the Institute, and the same +distribution will be made during 1894.</p> + +<p>Beside articles the JOURNAL contains CORRESPONDENCE, BOOK NOTICES AND +REVIEWS AND ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS. It is its aim to give notices of all important +publications recently issued, sometimes written expressly for the JOURNAL, sometimes +summarized from authorized reviews in other publications.</p> + +<p>The department in which the JOURNAL stands quite alone is the RECORD OF +DISCOVERIES AND INVESTIGATIONS. While all periods and all countries are represented, +special attention is given to Egypt, Greece and Italy. Not merely are the +results of actual excavations chronicled, but everything in the way of novel views +and investigations as expressed in books and periodicals is noted. In order to secure +thoroughness, more than one hundred periodicals are consulted and utilized. By +these various methods, all important work is concentrated and made accessible in a +convenient but scholarly form, equally suited to the specialist and to the general +reader.</p> + +<p>It has been the aim of the editors that the JOURNAL, besides giving a survey of +the whole field of archæology, should be international in character. Its success in +this attempt is shown by the many noted European writers whose contributions +have appeared in its pages during the past eight years. Such are: MM. Babelon, +de Marsy, Maspero, Menant, Müntz and Reinach for France: MM. Dörpfeld, +Furtwängler, Hirschfeld, Michaelis, Mommsen, Schreiber and Wolters for Germany; +MM. Gardner, Murray, Pinches and Ramsay for England, <i>etc.</i></p> + +<p>The JOURNAL is published quarterly and forms, each year, a volume of between +500 and 600 pages royal 8vo, illustrated with colored, heliotype, phototype, half-tone +and other plates and numerous figures. The yearly subscription is $5.00 for +<a name="pv" id="pv"></a><span class="pagenum">Page v</span> +America; and for countries of the Postal Union, 27 francs, 21 shillings or marks, +post-paid.</p> + +<p>Vol. I, containing 489 pages, 11 plates and 16 figures; Vol. II, containing 521 +pages; 14 plates and 46 figures; Vol. III, containing 531 pages, 33 plates and 19 +figures; Vol. IV, containing 550 pages, 20 plates and 19 figures; Vol. V, containing +534 pages, 13 plates and 55 figures; Vol. VI, containing 612 pages, 23 plates +and 23 figures; Vol. VII, containing 578 pages; 26 plates and 8 figures; Vol. +VIII, containing 631 pages, 18 plates and 26 figures--will be sent bound for $5.50, +unbound for $5.00.</p> + +<p>Vol. I has lately been out of print, but will be reprinted shortly in view of the +increasing demand for back volumes; all who desire to complete their sets should +send in their application.</p> + + +<p class="mid"> +<table cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" border="0" + style="width: 80%; text-align: left; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; background-color: aqua;" + summary="1"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td style="vertical-align: top;"><span style="font-weight: bold;">Transcriber's +note: </span>While the following tables cover the entire year of 1893 (4 +issues) this document only reproduces the first quarter (January-March)<br> + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +<br><br> + +<a name="pvi" id="pvi"></a><span class="pagenum">Page vi</span> + +CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII, 1893. + + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<p>No. 1. JANUARY--MARCH.</p> + +<span class="rig">PAGE.</span><br> +<p> I.--<i>THE TEMPLE OF THE ACROPOLIS BURNT BY THE PERSIANS</i>,</p> +<span class="rig"><a href="#p1">1</a></span><p class="i30"> By HAROLD N. FOWLER,</p> +<br> +<p> II.--<i>NOTES ON THE SUBJECTS OF GREEK TEMPLE-SCULPTURES</i>,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p18">18</a></span> +<p class="i20">By F.B. TARBELL and W.N. BATES,</p> +<br> +<p>III.--<i>PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS</i>.</p> +<p class="i6"> I.--<i>THE RELATION OF THE ARCHAIC PEDIMENT RELIEFS FROM</i></p> +<p class="i8"> <i>THE ACROPOLIS TO VASE-PAINTING</i>,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p28">28</a></span> +<p class="i30"> By CARLETON L. BROWNSON,</p> +<p class="i6"> II.--<i>THE FRIEZE OF THE CHORAGIC MONUMENT OF LYSIKRATES</i></p> +<p class="i8"> <i>AT ATHENS</i>,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p42">42</a></span> +<p class="i30"> By HERBERT F. DE COU,</p> +<span class="rig"><a href="#p56">56</a></span> +<p class="i6"> III.--<i>DIONYSUS</i> εν Λίμναις, By JOHN PICKARD,</p> + +<br> +<p>CORRESPONDENCE.</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p83">83</a></span> +<p class="i6"> <i>Hunting della Rabbia Monuments in Italy</i>, By ALLAN MARQUAND,</p> + +<p>REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS.</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p87">87</a></span> +<p class="i6"> M. COLLIGNON, <i>Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque</i>, By A.M.</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p89">89</a></span> +<p class="i6"> HEINRICH BRUNN, <i>Griechische Götterideale</i>, By A.M.</p> + +<p>ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS.</p> +<p class="i6"> AFRICA (Egypt, Ethiopia, Algeria and Tunisia); ASIA (Hindustan,</p> +<p class="i8"> Thibet, China, Central Asia, Arabia, Babylonia, Persia, Syria,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p91">91</a></span> +<p class="i8"> Armenia, Caucasus, Asia Minor), By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr.,</p> +</div></div> + + + +<p>No. 2. APRIL--JUNE.</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<p>I.--<i>SOME UNPUBLISHED MONUMENTS BY LUCA DELLA ROBBIA</i>,</p><span class="rig">153</span> +<p class="i30"> By ALLAN MARQUAND,</p> +<br><span class="rig">171</span> +<p>II.--<i>EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY</i>, By SAMUEL BESWICK,</p> +<br> +<p>III.--<i>A SERIES OF CYPRIOTE HEADS IN THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM</i>,</p><span class="rig">184</span> +<p class="i30"> By A.C. MERRIAM,</p> +<br> +<p>IV.--<i>A TABLET REFERRING TO DUES PAID TO THE TEMPLE OF THE<br> SUN AT SIPPARA</i>,</p><span class="rig">190</span> +<p class="i30"> By THEO. G. PINCHES,</p> +<br> +<p>V.--<i>A SEPULCHRAL INSCRIPTION FROM ATHENS</i>,</p><span class="rig">191</span> +<p class="i30"> By WM. CAREY POLAND,</p> +<br> +<p>VI.--<i>PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS</i>.</p> +<p class="i6"> I.--<i>SOME SCULPTURES FROM THE ARGIVE HERAEUM</i> (reprinted),</p><span class="rig">199</span> +<p class="i30"> By CH. WALDSTEIN,</p> +<p class="i6"> II.--<i>EXCAVATIONS AT THE HERAEUM OF ARGOS</i>,</p><span class="rig">206</span> +<p class="i30"> By CARLETON L. BROWNSON,</p> +<br> +<a name="pvii" id="pvii"></a><span class="pagenum">Page vii</span> +<p>CORRESPONDENCE.</p><span class="rig">226</span> +<p class="i6"> MONTEFALCO IN UMBRIA, By WM. MERCER,</p><span class="rig">230</span> +<p class="i6"> LETTERS FROM GREECE, By F.B. TARBELL,</p> +<br> +<p>REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS.</p><span class="rig">239</span> +<p class="i6"> ORIENTAL ARCHÆOLOGY,</p><span class="rig">246</span> +<p class="i6"> CLASSICAL ARCHÆOLOGY,</p> +<br> +<p>ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS.</p> +<p class="i6"> AFRICA (Egypt, Central Africa, Algeria); ASIA (China, Cambodia, Asia</p> +<p class="i8"> Minor); EUROPE (Greece, Italy, Sicily, France, Spain),</p><span class="rig">251</span> +<p class="i8"> By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr.,</p> +</div></div> + +<p>No. 3. JULY-SEPTEMBER.</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="rig">325</span> +<p>I.--<i>NOTES OF EASTERN TRAVEL</i>, By JOHN P. PETERS,</p> +<br><span class="rig">335</span> +<p>II.--<i>THE TOPOGRAPHY OF SPARTA</i>, By NICHOLAS E. CROSBY,</p> +<br> +<p>III.--<i>THE NEATHERD IN THE ART OF THE MYCENÆAN PERIOD</i>,</p><span class="rig">374</span> +<p class="i8">By GEORGE B. HUSSEY,</p> +<br><span class="rig">381</span> +<p>IV.--<i>FASTIGIUM IN PLINY</i>, N.H. XXXV, 152, By HAROLD N. FOWLER,</p> +<br> +<p>V.--<i>PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT</i></p> +<p class="i8"><i>ATHENS</i>.</p> +<p class="i6"> I.--<i>EXCAVATIONS IN THE THEATRE AT SICYON IN 1891</i>,</p><span class="rig">388</span> +<p class="i8"> By M.L. EARLE,</p> +<p class="i6"> II.--<i>FURTHER EXCAVATIONS AT THE THEATRE OF SICYON IN 1891</i>,</p><span class="rig">397</span> +<p class="i8"> By C.L. BROWNSON and C.H. YOUNG,</p> +<br> +<p class="i6"> III.--<i>REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS AT SPARTA IN 1893</i>,</p><span class="rig">429</span> +<p class="i8"> By CH. WALDSTEIN and Z.M. PATON,</p> +<br> +<p>VI.--<i>NOTES ON ROMAN ARTISTS OF THE MIDDLE AGES</i>. IV. <i>THE CLOISTER</i></p><span class="rig">437</span> +<p><i>OF THE LATERAN BASILICA</i>, By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr.,</p> +<br><span class="rig">448</span> +<p>VII.--<i>SOME INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE ORIENT</i>, By A.C. MERRIAM,</p> +<br> +<p>REVIEWS AND NOTICES OF BOOKS.</p><span class="rig">456</span> +<p class="i6"> CLASSICAL ARCHÆOLOGY,</p><span class="rig">461</span> +<p class="i6"> CHRISTIAN ARCHÆOLOGY, </p><span class="rig">465</span> +<p class="i6"> RENAISSANCE, </p> +</div></div> + +<p>No. 4. OCTOBER-DECEMBER.</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<br><span class="rig">473</span> +<p>I.--<i>A HISTORY OF THE AKROPOLIS AT ATHENS</i>, By WALTER MlLLER,</p> +<br> + +<p>ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS.</p> +<p class="i6"> AFRICA (Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia); ASIA (Hindustan, Thibet, China,</p> +<p class="i8"> Central Asia, Western Asia, Babylonia, Assyria, Syria, Phœnicia,</p><span class="rig">557</span> +<p class="i8"> Palestine); EUROPE (Italy), By A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr.,</p> +</div></div> + +<a name="pviii" id="pviii"></a><span class="pagenum">Page viii</span> +<br><br> + + + +<h3>ALPHABETICAL TABLE.</h3> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<p>AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS, PAPERS OF:</p><span class="rig">Page</span> +<br><span class="rig"><a href="#p28">28</a></span> +<p class="i8"> I. The relation of the archaic pediment reliefs from the Akropolis to<br> vase painting,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p42">42</a></span> +<p class="i8"> II. The frieze of the choragic monument of Lysikrates at Athens,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p56">56</a></span> +<p class="i8"> III. Dionysus έν Λίμναις.</p><span class="rig">191</span> +<p class="i8"> IV. A Sepulchral inscription from Athens,</p><span class="rig">199</span> +<p class="i8"> V. Some Sculptures from the Argive Heræum,</p><span class="rig">205</span> +<p class="i8"> VI. Excavations at the Heræum of Argos,</p><span class="rig">388</span> +<p class="i8"> VII. Excavations in the Theatre at Sicyon in 1891,</p><span class="rig">397</span> +<p class="i8"> VIII. Further Excavations at the Theatre of Sicyon in 1891,</p><span class="rig">410</span> +<p class="i8"> IX. Report on Excavations at Sparta in 1893,</p><span class="rig">429</span> +<p class="i8"> X. Report on Excavations between Schenochori and Koutzopodi,<br> Argolis, in 1893,</p> +</div></div> +<br><br> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<p><b>ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS :</b></p><span class="rig">586</span> +<p class="i20"> Abyssinia,</p><span class="rig">254, 586</span> +<p class="i20"> Africa (Central),</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p113">113</a>, 255, 588</span> +<p class="i20"> Algeria,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p131">131</a>, 602</span> +<p class="i20"> Arabia,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p146">146</a></span> +<p class="i20"> Armenia,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p128">128</a></span> +<p class="i20"> Asia (Central),</p><span class="rig">604</span> +<p class="i20"> Asia (Western),</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p147">147</a>,256</span> +<p class="i20"> Asia Minor,</p><span class="rig">609</span> +<p class="i20"> Assyria,</p><span class="rig">181, 606</span> +<p class="i20"> Babylonia,</p><span class="rig">256</span> +<p class="i20"> Cambodia,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p146">146</a></span> +<p class="i20"> Caucasus,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p127">127</a>, 256, 600</span> +<p class="i20"> China,</p><span class="rig">270</span> +<p class="i20"> Crete,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p91">91</a>, 253, 557</span> +<p class="i20"> Egypt,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p111">111</a></span> +<p class="i20"> Ethiopia,</p><span class="rig">309</span> +<p class="i20"> France,</p><span class="rig">257</span> +<p class="i20"> Greece,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p118">118</a>, 589</span> +<p class="i20"> Hindustan,</p><span class="rig">272, 620</span> +<p class="i20"> Italy,</p><span class="rig">601</span> +<p class="i20"> Mongolia,</p><span class="rig">614</span> +<p class="i20"> Palestine,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p134">134</a></span> +<p class="i20"> Persia,</p><span class="rig">293</span> +<p class="i20"> Sicily,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p140">140</a>, 610</span> +<p class="i20"> Syria,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p127">127</a>, 598</span> +<p class="i20"> Thibet,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p114">114</a>, 588</span> +<p class="i20"> Tunisia,</p> +<a name="pix" id="pix"></a><span class="pagenum">Page ix</span> + +<br><span class="rig"><a href="#p18">18</a></span> +<p>BATES (W.N., and F.B. Tarbell). Notes on the subjects of Greek Temple<br> Sculptures,</p> +<br><span class="rig">171</span> +<p>BESWICK (Samuel). Egyptian Chronology,</p> +<br> +<p>BROWNSON (Carleton L.). The relation of the archaic pediment reliefs</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p28">28</a></span> +<p class="i6">from the Akropolis to vase-painting,</p><span class="rig">205</span> +<p class="i6"> Excavations at the Heræum of Argos,</p><span class="rig">397</span> +<p class="i6"> (and C.H. Young). Further Excavations at the Theatre of Sicyon in 1891,</p> +<br><span class="rig">335</span> +<p>CROSBY (Nicholas E.). The Topography of Sparta,</p> +<br> +<p>DE COU (Herbert F.). The frieze of the Choragic monument of Lysikrates</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p42">42</a></span> +<p class="i6">at Athens,</p> +<br><span class="rig">388</span> +<p>EARLE (M.L.). Excavations in the Theatre at Sicyon in 1891,</p> +<br><span class="rig">381</span> +<p>FOWLER (Harold N.). The temple of the Akropolis burnt by the Persians,</p> +<p class="i6"> Fastigium in Pliny, N.H. XXXV, 152.</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p1">1</a></span> +<p class="i6"> Reviews and Notices of Books:</p> +<p class="i8"> History of Art in Phrygia, Lydia, Caria and Lycia, by Perrot and</p><span class="rig">239</span> +<p class="i10"> Chipiez; and History of Art in Persia, by the same,</p><span class="rig">249</span> +<p class="i8"> Excursions in Greece to recently explored sites, etc., by Charles Diehl,</p> +<br> +<p>FROTHINGHAM (A.L., Jr.). Notes on the Roman Artists of the Middle</p><span class="rig">437</span> +<p class="i8">Ages, IV. The Cloister of the Lateran Basilica,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p91">91</a>, 251, 559</span> +<p class="i6"> Archæological News,</p> +<br> +<p>MARQUAND (Allan). Some unpublished monuments by Luca della Robbia,</p><span class="rig">153</span> +<p class="i6"> Correspondence:</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p83">83</a></span> +<p class="i8"> Hunting Della Robbia monuments in Italy,</p> +<p class="i6"> Reviews and Notices of Books;</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p87">87</a></span> +<p class="i8"> Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque, by Max Collignon,</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p89">89</a></span> +<p class="i8"> Griechische Götterideale, by Heinrich Brunn,</p> +<br><span class="rig">410</span> +<p>MEADER (C.L. and Ch. Waldstein). Report on Excavations at Sparta in 1893,</p> +<br><span class="rig">226</span> +<p>MERCER (William). Correspondence: Montefalco in Umbria,</p> +<br><span class="rig">184</span> +<p>MERRIAM (A.C.). A series of Cypriote heads in the Metropolitan Museum,</p><span class="rig">448</span> +<p class="i8"> Some inscriptions from the Orient,</p> +<br><span class="rig">473</span> +<p>MILLER (Walter). A History of the Akropolis of Athens,</p> +<br> +<p>PATON, (J.M. and Ch. Waldstein). Report on Excavations between</p><span class="rig">429</span> +<p class="i6">Schenochori and Koutzopodi, Argolis, in 1893,</p> +<br><span class="rig">325</span> +<p>PETERS (John P.). Notes of Eastern Travel,</p> +<br><span class="rig"><a href="#p56">56</a></span> +<p>PICKARD (John). Dionysus εν Λίμναις,</p> +<br><span class="rig">191</span> +<p>POLAND (Wm. Carey). A Sepulchral inscription from Athens,</p> +<br> +<p>TARBELL (Frank B. and W.N. Bates). Notes on the subjects of Greek Temple</p><span class="rig"><a href="#p18">18</a></span> +<p class="i6"> Sculptures,</p> +<p class="i6"> Correspondence:</p><span class="rig">230</span> +<p class="i8"> Letters from Greece,</p> +<br><span class="rig">199</span> +<p>WALDSTEIN (Charles). Some Sculptures from the Argive Heræum (reprinted),</p> +<br> +<p>YOUNG (C.H. and C.L. Brownson). Further Excavations at the Theatre of</p><span class="rig">397</span> +<p class="i6">Sicyon in 1891,</p> +</div></div> + +<a name="px" id="px"></a><span class="pagenum">Page x</span> + +<br><br> + + +<h2>PLATES.</h2> + + +<pre> + Pages in text. +I.--The Typhon Pediment of the Akropolis, 28-41 +II-III.--The frieze of the Choragic Monument of Lysikrates, 42-55 +IV.--Terracotta Medallions of Or San Michele, by Luca della Robbia,| +V.-- " " " " " " " " | +VI.--Altar of the Holy Cross, Impruneta, |- 153-170 +VII.--Altar of the Madonna, " | +VIII.--Crucifixion Relief, " | +IX.--Head of Hera, from the Argive Heræum, | +X.--Metope, " " " |- 199-225 +XI.--Heads and Sima, " " " | +XII.--Map of the Excavations at the Argive Heneum,| +XIII.--Hyponomos and Stage of the Theatre, Sicyon, 388-409 +XIV.--Cloister of S. John Lateran, Rome, 437-447 +XV.--Plan of the Akropolis at Athens, | +XVI.--Sections of the Akropolis Excavations,|- 473-556 +XVII.--Herakles and the Old Man of the Sea, | +XVIII.--Figure of Athena from a pediment, | +</pre> + +<a name="pxi" id="pxi"></a><span class="pagenum">Page xi</span> +<br><br> + +<h2>FIGURES.</h2> + +<pre> +Bull on a Babylonian contract tablet, 190 +Fac-simile of Sepulchral inscription from Athens, 192 +General Sketch-plan of Sparta, 338 +Sketch-plan of the Agora, Sparta, 341 + " " Street called Apheta, Sparta, 345 + " " Skias Street, Sparta, 349 + " " Western part of Sparta, 354 + " " Road from Booneta to Limnaion, Sparta, 365 + " " Akropolis, Sparta, 368 +Bull in a fresco at Tiryns, 374 +Bull from tomb at Gizeh, Egypt, 376 +Bull from Presse d'Avennes, 376 +Egyptian vintage scene, Gizeh, 377 +Bull on Vaphio Cup, 378 +Hyponomos in the theatre at Sicyon, plans and sections, 389 +End of conduit, etc., in theatre, Sicyon, 394 +Two stone blocks, theatre, Sicyon, 406 +Section of wall AA, Sicyon, 308 +Plan of circular building, Sparta, 411 +Section through wall, Sparta, 415 +Enlarged plan of poros blocks, Sparta, 418 +Some poros blocks in detail, Sparta, 420 +View of walls, Sparta, 426 +Plan of Excavations between Schenochori and Kontzopodi, 430 +The Pelargikon restored, 489 +The serpent (Echidna) in the poros pediment, Akropolis, Athens, 497 +</pre> + +<br><br><br> +<a name="pxii" id="pxii"></a><span class="pagenum">Page xii</span> + + +<p>COPYRIGHT, 1893, BY A.L. FROTHINGHAM, JR., AND ALLAN MARQUAND.<br> +PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS.</p> +<br><br><br> + +<a name="p1" id="p1"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 1</span> + + + + +<p class="mid"><img alt="" src="images/header2.png"></p> + + +<h2>THE TEMPLE ON THE ACROPOLIS BURNT BY<br> THE PERSIANS.</h2> + + +<p>The excavations conducted by the Greek Archæological Society +at Athens from 1883 to 1889 have laid bare the entire surface of +the Acropolis, and shed an unexpected light upon the early history +of Attic art. Many questions which once seemed unanswerable +are now definitively answered, and, on the other hand, many +new questions have been raised. When, in 1886, Kabbadias and +Dörpfeld unearthed the foundations of a great temple close by the +southern side of the Erechtheion, all questions concerning the +exact site, the ground-plan, and the elevation of the great temple +of Athena of the sixth century B.C. were decided once for all.<a id="footnotetag1" name="footnotetag1"></a> +<a href="#footnote1"><sup class="sml">1</sup></a> +On these points little or nothing can be added to what has been +done, and Dörpfeld's results must be accepted as final and certain.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote1" +name="footnote1"></a><b>Footote 1:</b><a href="#footnotetag1"> +(return) </a> +DÖRPFELD, Preliminary Report, <i>Mitth. Ath.</i>, X, p. 275; Plans and restorations, +<i>Antike Denkmäler</i>, I, pls. 1, 2; Description and discussion, <i>Mitth. Ath.</i>, XI, p. 337.</blockquote> + +<p>The history of the temple presents, however, several questions, +some of which seem still undecided. When was the temple +built? Was it all built at one time? Was it restored after its +destruction by the Persians? Did it continue in use after the +erection of the Parthenon? Was it in existence in the days of +Pausanias? Did Pausanias mention it in his description of the +Acropolis? Conflicting answers to nearly all of these questions +have appeared since the discovery of the temple. Only the first +<a name="p2" id="p2"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 2</span> +question has received one and the same answer from all. The +material and the technical execution of the peripteros, entablature, +<i>etc.</i>, of the temple show conclusively that this part, at least, was +erected in the time of Peisistratos.<a id="footnotetag2" name="footnotetag2"></a> +<a href="#footnote2"><sup class="sml">2</sup></a> We may therefore accept so +much without further discussion. Of the walls of the cella and +opisthodomos nothing remains, but the foundations of this part +are made of the hard blue limestone of the Acropolis, while +the foundations of the outer part are of reddish-gray limestone +from the Peiraieus. The foundations of the cella are also less +accurately laid than those of the peripteros. These differences +lead Dörpfeld to assume that the naos itself (the building contained +within the peristyle) existed before the time of Peisistratos, +although he does not deny the possibility that builders of one date +may have employed different materials and methods, as convenience +or economy dictated.<a id="footnotetag3" name="footnotetag3"></a> +<a href="#footnote3"><sup class="sml">3</sup></a> Positive proof is not to be hoped +for in the absence of the upper walls of the naos, but probability +is in favor of Dörpfeld's assumption, that the naos is older than +the peristyle, <i>etc.</i><a id="footnotetag4" name="footnotetag4"></a> +<a href="#footnote4"><sup class="sml">4</sup></a> It is further certain, that this temple was +called in the sixth century Β.C. το 'Εκατόμπεδον (see below p. 9). +So far, we have the most positive possible evidence--that of the +remains of the temple itself and the inscription giving its name. +The evidence regarding the subsequent history of the temple is +not so simple.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote2" +name="footnote2"></a><b>Footnote 2:</b><a href="#footnotetag2"> +(return) </a> DÖRPFELD, <i>Mitth. Ath.</i>, XI, p. 349.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote3" +name="footnote3"></a><b>Footnote 3:</b><a href="#footnotetag3"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. Ath.</i>, XI, p. 345.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote4" +name="footnote4"></a><b>Footnote 4:</b><a href="#footnotetag4"> +(return) </a> On the other hand, see PETERSEN, <i>Mitth. Ath.</i>, XII, p. 66.</blockquote> + +<p>Dörpfeld (<i>Mitth. Ath.</i>, XII, p. 25 ff.) arrives at the following +conclusions: (1) The temple was restored after the departure of +the Persians; (2) it was injured by fire B.C. 406; (3) it was +repaired and continued in use; (4) it was seen and described by +Pausanias I. 24.3 in a lost passage. Let us take up these points +in inverse order. The passage of Pausanias reads in our texts:--Λέλκται +δέ μοι καί πρότρον (17.1), ώς Άθηναίοις περισσότερόν τι +ή τοις άλλοις ές τα θειά εστι σπουδης· πρώτοι μεν γαρ Άθηνάν +έπωνόμασαν Έργάνην, πρωτοι δ' άκώλους Έρμάς ... όμού δέ σφισιν +εν τω ναώ Σπουδαίων δαίμων εστίν. Dörpfeld marks a lacuna +between Έρμάς and όμού, as do those editors who do not supply a +<a name="p3" id="p3"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 3</span> +recommendation. Dörpfeld, however, thinks the gap is far greater than +has been supposed, including certainly the mention and probably +the full description of the temple under discussion. His reasons +are in substance about as follows: (1) Pausanias has reached a +point in his periegesis where he would naturally mention this +temple, because he is standing beside it,<a id="footnotetag5" name="footnotetag5"></a> +<a href="#footnote5"><sup class="sml">5</sup></a> and (2) the phrase όμου +δέ σφισιν εν τω ναω Σπουδαίων δαίμων eστίν implies that a temple +has just been mentioned. These are, at least, the main arguments, +those deduced from the passage following the description of the +Erechtheion being merely accessory.</p> + +<p>Now, if Pausanias followed precisely the route laid down for +him by Dörpfeld (<i>i.e.</i>, if he described the two rows of statues +between the Propylaia and the eastern front of the Parthenon, +taking first the southern and then the northern row), he would +come to stand where Dörpfeld suggests. If, however, he followed +some other order (<i>e.g.</i>, that suggested by Wernicke, <i>Mitth.</i>, XII, +p. 187), he would not be where Dörpfeld thinks. Pausanias does +not say that the statues he mentions are set up in two rows.<a id="footnotetag6" name="footnotetag6"></a> +<a href="#footnote6"><sup class="sml">6</sup></a> It +may be that the Acropolis was so thickly peopled with statues +that each side of the path was bordered with a double or triple +row, or that the statues were not arranged in rows at all, and +that Pausanias merely picks out from his memory (or his Polemon) +a few noticeable figures with only general reference to their relative +positions. Be this as it may, the assumption that Pausanias, +when he mentions the Σπουδαίων (or σπουδαιων?) δαίμων, is standing, +or imagines that he stands, beside the old temple rests upon +very slight foundations.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote5" +name="footnote5"></a><b>Footnote 5:</b><a href="#footnotetag5"> +(return) </a> DÖRPFELD'S arguments for the continued existence of the temple, without which +his theory that Pausanias mentioned it must of course fall to the ground, will be +discussed below. It seemed to me advisable to discuss the Pausanias question first, +because, if he mentioned the temple, it must have existed, if not to his time, at least +to that of Polemon or of his other (unknown) authority.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote6" +name="footnote6"></a><b>Footnote 6:</b><a href="#footnotetag6"> +(return) </a> The most than can be deduced from the use of πέραν (c. 24.1) is, that the statues +were on both sides of the path.</blockquote> + +<p>Whether Pausanias, in what he says of Ergane, the legless +Hermæ, <i>etc.</i>, is, as Wernicke (<i>Mitth.</i>, XII, p. 185) would have it, +merely inserting a bit of misunderstood learning, is of little +moment. I am not one of those who picture to themselves +<a name="p4" id="p4"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 4</span> +Pausanias going about copying inscriptions, asking questions, +and forming his own judgments, referring only occasionally to +books when he wished to refresh his memory or look up some +matter of history. The labors of Kalkmann, Wilamowitz, and +others have shown conclusively, that a large part of Pausanias' +periegesis is adopted from the works of previous writers, and +adopted in some cases with little care by a man of no very striking +intellectual ability. It is convenient to speak as if Pausanias +visited all the places and saw all the things he describes, but it is +certain that he does not mention all he must in that case have +seen, and perhaps possible that he describes things he never can +have seen. Whether Pausanias travelled about Greece and then +wrote his description with the aid (largely employed) of previous +works, or wrote it without travelling, makes little difference +except when it is important to know the exact topographical +order of objects mentioned. In any case, however, his accuracy +in detail is hardly to be accepted without question, especially in +his description of the Acropolis, where he has to try his prentice +hand upon a material far too great for him. A useless bit of lore +stupidly applied may not be an impossibility for Pausanias, but, +however low our opinion of his intellect may be, he is the best we +have,<a id="footnotetag7" name="footnotetag7"></a> +<a href="#footnote7"><sup class="sml">7</sup></a> and must be treated accordingly. The passage about +Ergane, <i>etc.</i>, must not be simply cast aside as misunderstood lore, +but neither should it be enriched by inserting the description of a +temple together with the state-treasury. The passage must be +explained without doing violence to the Ms. tradition. That this +is possible has lately been shown by A.W. Verrall.<a id="footnotetag8" name="footnotetag8"></a> +<a href="#footnote8"><sup class="sml">8</sup></a> He says: +<i>'What Pausanias actually says is this--:</i> "The Athenians are +specially distinguished by religious zeal. The name of Ergane +was first given by them, and the name Hermæ; and in the temple +along with them is a Good Fortune of the Zealous"<i>--words which +are quite as apt for the meaning above explained</i> (<i>i.e.</i>, a note on the +piety of the Athenians) <i>as those of the author often are in such cases.'</i></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote7" +name="footnote7"></a><b>Footnote 7:</b><a href="#footnotetag7"> +(return) </a> I think it is F.G. WELCKEK to whom the saying is attributed: <i>Pausanias ist +ein Schaf, aber ein Schaf mit goldenem Vliesse.</i></blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote8" +name="footnote8"></a><b>Footnote 8:</b><a href="#footnotetag8"> +(return) </a> HARRISON and VERRALL, <i>Mythology and Monuments of Athens</i>, p. 610. I am +not sure that a colorless verb has not fallen out after Έρμαs, though the assumption +of a gap is not strictly necessary, as Prof. Verrall shows.</blockquote> + +<a name="p5" id="p5"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 5</span> + +<p>Whether we read Σπουδαίων δαίμων or σπουδαίων Δαίμων is, for +our purposes immaterial. In either case, Verrall is right in calling +attention to the connection between ες τα θεΐα σπουδή and the +δαίμων Σπουδαίων (σπουδαίων), a connection which is now very +striking, but which is utterly lost by inserting the description of +a temple. At this point, then, the temple is not mentioned by +Pausanias.</p> + +<p>But, if not at this point, perhaps elsewhere, for this also has +been tried. Miss Harrison<a id="footnotetag9" name="footnotetag9"></a> +<a href="#footnote9"><sup class="sml">9</sup></a> thinks the temple in question is +mentioned by Pausanias, c. 27.1. He has been describing the +Erechtheion, has just mentioned the old αγάλμα and the lamp of +Kallimachos, which were certainly in the Erechtheion,<a id="footnotetag10" name="footnotetag10"></a> +<a href="#footnote10"><sup class="sml">10</sup></a> and continues: +κειται δε εν τω ναω της πολιάδος Έρμης ξύλου, κτέ., +giving a list of anathemata, followed by the story of the +miraculous growth of the sacred olive after its destruction by the +Persians, and passing to the description of the Pandroseion with +the words, τω ναω δε της 'Αθηνάς Πανδρόσου ναός συνεχής εστι. +Miss Harrison thinks that, since Athena is Polias, the ναός της +πολιάδος and the ναός της 'Αθήνας are one and the same, an opinion +in which I heartily concur.<a id="footnotetag11" name="footnotetag11"></a> +<a href="#footnote11"><sup class="sml">11</sup></a> It remains to be decided whether this +temple is the newly discovered old temple or the eastern cella of +the Erechtheion. The passages cited by Jahn-Michaelis<a id="footnotetag12" name="footnotetag12"></a> +<a href="#footnote12"><sup class="sml">12</sup></a> show +that the old άγαλμα bore the special appellation πολιάς, and we +know that the old άγαλμα was in the Erechtheion. That does not, +to be sure, prove that the Erechtheion was also called, in whole or +in part ναός της πολιάδος (or της 'Αθήνας), but it awakens suspicion +to read of an ancient άγαλμα which we know was called Polias, +and which was perhaps the Polias κατ' εξοχήν, and immediately +after, with no introduction or explanation, to read of a temple of +Polias in which that άγαλμα is not. Nothing is known of a statue +in the newly discovered old temple.<a id="footnotetag13" name="footnotetag13"></a> +<a href="#footnote13"><sup class="sml">13</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote9" +name="footnote9"></a><b>Footnote 9:</b><a href="#footnotetag9"> +(return) </a> <i>Myth. and Mon. of Athens</i>, p. 608 ff.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote10" +name="footnote10"></a><b>Footnote 10:</b><a href="#footnotetag10"> +(return) </a> <i>CIA.</i>, I. 322, § 1 with the passage of Pausanias.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote11" +name="footnote11"></a><b>Footnote 11:</b><a href="#footnotetag11"> +(return) </a> DÖRPFELD (<i>Mitth.</i>, XII, p. 58 f.) thinks the ναός της πολιάδος is the eastern +cella of the Erechtheion, the ναός της 'Αθήνας the newly discovered old temple, but +is opposed by Petersen (see below) and Miss Harrison.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote12" +name="footnote12"></a><b>Footnote 12:</b><a href="#footnotetag12"> +(return) </a> <i>Pausanias, Descr. Arcis Athen.</i>, c. 26.6.35.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote13" +name="footnote13"></a><b>Footnote 13:</b><a href="#footnotetag13"> +(return) </a> For LOLLING'S opposing opinion, see below.</blockquote> + +<a name="p6" id="p6"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 6</span> + +<p>In the Erechtheion there was, then, a very ancient statue called Polias; in the temple beside +the Erechtheion was no statue about which anything is known, +and yet, according to Miss Harrison, the new found "old temple" +is the ναος της πολιάδος, while the πολιάς in bodily form dwells +next door. That seems to me an untenable position. Again, the +dog mentioned by Philochoros<a id="footnotetag14" name="footnotetag14"></a> +<a href="#footnote14"><sup class="sml">14</sup></a> which went into the temple of +Polias, and, passing into the Pandroseion, lay down (δυσα εις το +πανδρόσειον ... κατέκειτο), can hardly have gone into the temple +alongside of the Erechtheion, because there was no means of passing +from the cella of that temple into the opisthodomos, and in +order to reach the Pandroseion the dog would have had to come +out from the temple by the door by which he entered it. The fact +that the dog went into this temple could have nothing to do with +his progress into the Pandroseion, whereas from the eastern cella +of the Erechtheion he could very well pass down through the lower +apartments and reach the Pandroseion. It seems after all that +when Pausanias says ναος της πολιάδος, he means the eastern cella +of the Erechtheion. But the ναος της Αθηνας is also the Erechtheion, +for E. Petersen has already observed (<i>Mitth.</i> XII, p. 63) +that, if the temple of Pandrosos was συνεχης τω ναω της Αθηνας, +the temple of Athena must be identified with the Erechtheion, not +with the temple beside it, for the reason that the temple of Pandrosos, +situated west of the Erechtheion, cannot be συνεχής +("adjoining" in the strict sense of the word) to the old temple, +which stood upon the higher level to the south. If Pausanias +had wished to pass from the Erechtheion to the temple of Athena +standing(?) beside it, the opening words of c. 26.6 (Ίερα μεν της +Αθηνς εστiν η τε αλλη πόλις κτέ.) would have formed the best +possible transition; but those words introduce the mention of the +ancient <i>αγαλμα</i> which was in the Erechtheion. That Pausanias +then, without any warning, jumps into another temple of Athena, +is something of which even his detractors would hardly accuse +him, and I hope I have shown that he is innocent of that offence.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote14" +name="footnote14"></a><b>Footnote 14:</b><a href="#footnotetag14"> +(return) </a> Frg. 146, JAHN-MICH., <i>Paus. Discr. Arcis. Ath.</i>, c. 27.2.8.</blockquote> + +<p>Pausanias, then, does not mention the temple under discussion.</p> + +<p>Xenophon (<i>Hell</i>.I. 6) says that, in the year 406 Β.C. ό παλαιος +ναος της Άθηνας ενεπρήσθη. Until recently this statement was +<a name="p7" id="p7"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 7</span> +supposed to apply to the Erechtheion, called "ancient temple" +because it took the place of the original temple of Athena, from +which the great temple (the Parthenon) was to be distinguished. +Of course, the new <i>building</i> of the Erechtheion was not properly +entitled to the epithet "ancient," but as a <i>temple</i> it could be called +ancient, being regarded as the original temple in renewed form. +If, however, the newly discovered temple was in existence alongside +the Erechtheion in 406, the expression παλαιὸς ναός applied to +the Erechtheion would be confusing, for the other temple was a +much older <i>building</i> than the Erechtheion. If the temple discovered +in 1886 existed in 406 B.C., it would be natural to suppose +that it was referred to by Xenophon as ὁ παλαιὸς ναός. But this +passage is not enough to prove that the temple existed in 406 B.C.</p> +<p>Demosthenes (xxiv, 136) speaks of a fire in the opisthodomos. +This is taken by Dörpfeld (<i>Mitth</i>., xii, p. 44) as a reference to the +opisthodomos of the temple under discussion, and this fire is identified +with the fire mentioned by Xenophon. But hitherto the +opisthodomos in question has been supposed to be the rear part +of the Parthenon, and there is no direct proof that Demosthenes +and Xenophon refer to the same fire. If the temple discovered in +1886 existed in 406 B.C., it is highly probable that the passages +mentioned refer to it, but the passages do not prove that it existed.</p> + +<p>It remains for us to sift the evidence for the existence of the +temple from the Persian War to 406 B.C. This has been collected +by Dörpfeld<a id="footnotetag15" name="footnotetag15"></a> +<a href="#footnote15"><sup class="sml">15</sup></a> and Lolling,<a id="footnotetag16" name="footnotetag16"></a> +<a href="#footnote16"><sup class="sml">16</sup></a> who agree in thinking that +the temple continued in existence throughout the fifth and fourth +centuries, however much their views differ in other respects. But +it seems to me that even thus much is not proved. I believe that, +after the departure of the Persians, the Athenians partially restored +the temple as soon as possible, because I do not see how they could +have got along without it, inasmuch as it was used as the public +treasury; but my belief, being founded upon little or no positive +evidence, does not claim the force of proof.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote15" +name="footnote15"></a><b>Footnote 15:</b><a href="#footnotetag15"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth.</i>, XII, p. 25, ff.; 190 ff.; XV, p. 420, ff.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote16" +name="footnote16"></a><b>Footnote 16:</b><a href="#footnotetag16"> +(return) </a>Έκατόμπεδον in the periodical Άθηνα 1890, p. 628, ff. The inscription there published +appears also in the Δελτίον Άρχαιολογικόν, 1890, p. 12, and its most important +part is copied, with some corrections, by Dörpfeld, XV, p. 421.</blockquote> + +<a name="p8" id="p8"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 8</span> + +<p>Dörpfeld (XV, p. 424) says that the Persians left the walls of the +temple and the outer portico standing; that this is evident "from +the present condition of the architraves, triglyphs and cornices, +which are built into the Acropolis wall. These architectural members +were ... taken from the building while it still stood, +and built into the northern wall of the citadel."But, if the +Athenians had wished to restore the temple as quickly as possible, +they would have left these members where they were. It seems, +at least, rather extravagant to take them carefully away and then +restore the temple without a peristyle, for the restored building +would probably need at least cornices if not triglyphs or architraves; +then why not repair the old ones? It appears by no +means impossible that, as Lolling (p. 655) suggests, only a part of +the temple was restored.<a id="footnotetag17" name="footnotetag17"></a> +<a href="#footnote17"><sup class="sml">17</sup></a> Still more natural is the assumption, +that the Athenians carried off the whole temple while they were +about it. I do not, however, dare to proceed to this assumption, +because I do not know where the Athenians would have kept +their public monies if the entire building had been removed. +Perhaps part of the peristyle was so badly injured by the Persians +that it could not be repaired. At any rate, the Athenians intended +(as Dörpfeld, XII, p. 202, also believes) to remove the whole building +so soon as the great new temple should be completed. I think +they carried out their intention.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote17" +name="footnote17"></a><b>Footnote 17:</b><a href="#footnotetag17"> +(return) </a> LOLLING does not say how much of the temple was restored; but, as he assumes +the continuation of a worship connected with the building, he would seem to imply +that at least part (and in that case, doubtless, the whole) of the cella was restored, +and he also maintains the continued existence of the opisthodomos and the two small +chambers. E. CURTIUS, <i>Stadtgeschichte von Athen</i>, p. 132, believes that only the +western half of the temple was restored. DÖRPFELD, p. 425, suggests the possibility +that the entire building, even the peristyle, was restored, and that the peristyle +remained until the erection of the Erechtheion.</blockquote> + +<p>This brings us to the discussion of the names and uses of the +various parts of the older temple and of the new one (the Parthenon), +the evidence for the continued existence of the older temple +being based upon the occurrence of these names in inscriptions +and elsewhere. As these matters have been fully discussed by +Dörpfeld and Lolling, I shall accept as facts without further discussion +all points which seem to me to have been definitively +settled by them.</p> + +<a name="p9" id="p9"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 9</span> + +<p>Lolling, in the article referred to above, publishes an inscription +put together by him from forty-one fragments. It belongs to the +last quarter of the sixth century B.C., and relates to the pre-Persian +temple. Part of the inscription is too fragmentary to admit +of interpretation, but the meaning of the greater part (republished +by Dörpfeld) is clear at least in a general way. The ταμίαι are +to make a list of certain objects on the Acropolis with certain +exceptions. The servants of the temple, priests, <i>etc</i>., are to follow +certain rules or be punished by fines. The ταμίαι are to open in +person the doors of the chambers in the temple. These rules +would not concern us except for the fact that the various parts of +the building are mentioned. The whole building is called το Έκατόμπεδον; +parts of it are the προνήϊον, the νεώς, the οίκημα ταμιείον +and τα οίκήματα. There can be no doubt that these are respectively +the eastern porch, the main cella, the large western room and the +two smaller chambers of the pre-Persian temple. But most +important of all is the fact that the whole building was called in +the sixth century B.C. το Έκατόμπεδον. The word οπισθόδομος +does not occur in the inscription, and we cannot tell whether the +western half of the building was called opisthodomos in the sixth +century or not. Very likely it was.</p> + +<p>Lolling (p. 637) says: "No one, I think, will doubt that το +Έκατόμπεδον is the νεως ό Έκατόμπεδος often mentioned in the +inscriptions of the ταμίαι and elsewhere." If this is correct, the +eastern cella of the Parthenon cannot be the νεως ό Έκατόμπεδος. +Lolling maintains that the eastern cella of the Parthenon was the +<i>Parthenon</i> proper, that the western room of the Parthenon was the +opisthodomos, and that the νεως ό Έκατόμπεδος was the pre-Persian +temple. Besides the official name Έκατόμπεδον or νεως ό Έκατόμπεδος, +Lolling thinks the pre-Persian temple was also called αρχαιος +(παλαιος) νεώς.<a id="footnotetag18" name="footnotetag18"></a> +<a href="#footnote18"><sup class="sml">18</sup></a> Dörpfeld maintains that the western cella of the +Parthenon was the <i>Parthenon</i> proper, the western part of the "old +temple" was the opisthodomos, and the eastern cella of the Parthenon +<a name="p10" id="p10"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 10</span> +was the <i>νεως ό Έκατόμπεδος</i>, leaving the question undecided +whether the "old temple" was still called <i>το Έκατόμπεδον</i> in the +fifth century, but laying great stress upon the difference in the +expressions το Έκατόμπεδον and ό νεως ό Έκατόμπεδος.<a id="footnotetag19" name="footnotetag19"></a> +<a href="#footnote19"><sup class="sml">19</sup></a> Both +Lolling and Dörpfeld agree that the <i>πρόνεως</i> of the inscriptions of +the fifth century is the porch of the Parthenon.<a id="footnotetag20" name="footnotetag20"></a> +<a href="#footnote20"><sup class="sml">20</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote18" +name="footnote18"></a><b>Footnote 18:</b><a href="#footnotetag18"> +(return) </a> LOLLING (p. 643) thinks the αρχαιος νεώς of the inscriptions of the ταμίαι CIA, +II, 753, 758 (<i>cf</i>. 650, 672) is the old temple of Brauronian Artemis, because in the +same inscriptions the ἐπιστάται of Brauronian Artemis are mentioned. This seems +to me insufficient reason for assuming that αρχαιος νεώς means sometimes one temple +and sometimes another.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote19" +name="footnote19"></a><b>Footnote 19:</b><a href="#footnotetag19"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth.</i>, xv, p. 427 ff.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote20" +name="footnote20"></a><b>Footnote 20:</b><a href="#footnotetag20"> +(return) </a> LOLLING (p. 644) thinks the expression <i>εν τω νεω τω Έκατόμπεδον</i> could not be +used of a part of a building of which <i>πρόνεως</i> and <i>Παρθενών</i> were parts, <i>i.e.</i>, that a +part of a temple could not be called <i>νεώς</i>. Yet in the inscription published by +Lolling the <i>προνέιον</i> and the <i>νεώς</i> are mentioned in apparent contradistinction to +<i>απαν το Έκατόμπεδον</i>. It seems, as Dörpfeld says, only natural that the <i>νεώς</i> should +belong to the same building as the <i>πρόνεως</i>.</blockquote> + +<p>Among the objects mentioned in the lists of treasure handed +over by one board of <i>ταμίαι</i> to the next (<i>Ueberyab-Urkunden</i> or +"transmission-lists") are parts of a statue of Athena with a base +and a <i>Νίκη</i> and a, shield <i>εν τω Έκατόμπεδω</i>. The material of this +statue is gold and ivory. The only gold and ivory statue of +Athena on the Acropolis was, so far as is known, the so-called +<i>Parthenos</i> of Pheidias. Those inscriptions therefore prove that +the Parthenos stood in the Hekatompedos (or Hekatompedon); +that is, that the eastern cella of the Parthenon was called <i>Έκατόμπεδος (ον)</i> +in the fifth century.<a id="footnotetag21" name="footnotetag21"></a> +<a href="#footnote21"><sup class="sml">21</sup></a> Certainly, if there had been +a second chryselephantine statue of Athena on the Acropolis, we +should know of its existence.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote21" +name="footnote21"></a><b>Footnote 21:</b><a href="#footnotetag21"> +(return) </a> This was shown by U. KÖHLER. <i>Mitth</i>., v, p. 89 ff., and again by DÖRPFELD, +xv, 480 ff , who quote the inscriptions. LOLLING'S distinction between <i>το αγαλμα</i> +and <i>το χρυσουν αγαλμα</i> cannot be maintained. <i>cf. U. Köhler, Sitzungsber, d. Berlin. +Akad.</i>, 1889, p. 223.</blockquote> + +<p>When the Athenians built the great western room of the Parthenon, +they certainly did not intend it to serve merely as a +store-room for the objects described in the transmission-lists as +<i>εν τω Παρθενωνι</i> or <i>εκ του Παρθενωνος</i>, these being mostly of little +value or broken.<a id="footnotetag22" name="footnotetag22"></a> +<a href="#footnote22"><sup class="sml">22</sup></a> Now the treasury of Athens was the opisthodomos, +and the western room of the Parthenon was, from the +moment of the completion of the building, the greatest opisthodomos +in Athens. It is natural to regard this (with Lolling) as +<a name="p11" id="p11"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 11</span> +the opisthodomos where the treasure was kept. This room was +doubtless divided into three parts by two partitions of some sort, +probably of metal,<a id="footnotetag23" name="footnotetag23"></a> +<a href="#footnote23"><sup class="sml">23</sup></a> running from the eastern and western wall to +the nearest columns and connecting the columns. This arrangement +agrees with the provision (<i>CIA</i>, I, 32) that the monies of +Athena be cared for έv τω έπι δεξια του όπισθοδόμου, those of the +other gods έv τω eπ' άριοτερά. Until the completion of the Parthenon, +the opisthodomos of the pre-Persian temple might properly +be <i>the</i> opisthodomos κατ' εξοχήν, but so soon as the Parthenon +was finished, the new treasure-house would naturally usurp the +name as well as the functions of its predecessor.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote22" +name="footnote22"></a><b>Footnote 22:</b><a href="#footnotetag22"> +(return) </a> A general view of these transmission-lists may be found at the back of +MICHAELIS' <i>der Parthenon</i>: See also H. LEHNER, <i>Ueber die attischen Schatzverzeichnisse des vierten Jahrhunderts</i> (which Lolling cites. I have not seen it.)</blockquote> + + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote23" +name="footnote23"></a><b>Footnote 23:</b><a href="#footnotetag23"> +(return) </a> See plans of the Parthenon, for instance, the one in the plan of the Acropolis +accompanying Dörpfeld's article, <i>Mitth.</i>, XII, <i>Taf. 1</i>.</blockquote> + +<p>But, if the western room of the Periclean temple was the +opisthodomos, where was the Παρθενών proper? It cannot be +identical with the νεώς ό Έκατόμπεδος nor with the opisthodomos, +for the three appellations occur at the same date evidently +designating three different places. It would be easier to tell +where the Παρθενών proper was, if we knew why it was called +Παρθενών. The name was in all probability not derived from the +Parthenos, but rather the statue was named from the <i>Parthenon</i> +after the latter appellation had been extended to the whole building, +for there is no evidence that the great statue was called +Parthenos from the first. Its official title was, so far as is known, +never Parthenos.<a id="footnotetag24" name="footnotetag24"></a> +<a href="#footnote24"><sup class="sml">24</sup></a> The Parthenon was not so named because it +contained the Parthenos, but why it was so named we do not +know. The πρόνεως is certainly the front porch, the Έκατόμπεδος +νεώς is certainly the cella, 100 feet long, the οπισθόδομος is the +rear apartment (of some building, even if I have not made it seem +probable that it is the rear apartment of the Parthenon). These +names carry their explanation with them. But the name Παρθενών +gives us no information. It was a part of the great Periclean +temple, for the name was in later times applied to the whole +building, and the only part of the building not named is the +western porch. It is, however, incredible that the Athenians +should use this porch, so prominently exposed to the eyes of +<a name="p12" id="p12"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 12</span> +every sight-seer, as a storehouse for festival apparatus, <i>etc</i>. It is +more probable that the Παρθενών proper was within the walls of +the building but separated from the other parts in some way. +The middle division of the western room, separated by columns +and metal partitions from the treasury of Athena on the right +and that of the other gods on the left, was large enough and, +being directly in front of the western door, prominent enough, to +deserve a name of its own. If this room was the Παρθενών proper, +it is evident that a fire in the opisthodomos would cause the +Παρθενών to be emptied of its contents, which would then naturally +be inventoried as εκ του Παρθενώνος, while another list could properly +be headed εκ του οπισθοδομον referring to the treasure-chambers.<a id="footnotetag25" name="footnotetag25"></a> +<a href="#footnote25"><sup class="sml">25</sup></a> +The name Parthenon might then be extended first +to the entire western part of the building and then to the whole +edifice. This is not a <i>proof</i> that the Παρθενών was the central part +of the western room of the great temple. A complete proof is +impossible. All I claim is that this hypothesis fulfils all the +necessary conditions.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote24" +name="footnote24"></a><b>Footnote 24:</b><a href="#footnotetag24"> +(return) </a> DÖRPFELD, XV, p. 480.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote25" +name="footnote25"></a><b>Footnote 25:</b><a href="#footnotetag25"> +(return) </a> DÖRPFELD, XII, p. 203 f., argues that these headings show that the treasure +was moved after the fire of 406 from the opisthodomos of the old temple into the +Παρθενών proper, which was emptied of its contents to make room. But the +explanation given above seems equally possible. Dörpfeld, (Mitth., vi, p. 283, ff.) +proved conclusively that the Παρθενών was not the eastern cella of the Parthenon. +His proof that it was the great western room is based primarily upon the assumption +(p. 300) that <i>Der Name Opisthodom bezeichnet hei alien Tempeln die dem Pronaos entsprechende Hinterhalle</i>. But for that assumption the Παρθενών might just as well +be the western porch. Since the discovery of the pre-Persian temple, however, +Dörpfeld maintains that the opisthodomos κατ εξοχήν was the entire western portion +of that temple, consisting of three rooms besides the porch (though he does not +expressly include the porch). There is, then, no reason in the nature of things why +the whole western part of the Parthenon should not be called opisthodomos.</blockquote> + +<p>Let us now compare the nomenclature of the pre-Persian and +Periclean temples. Both were temples of Athena and more especially +of Athena as guardian of the city, Athena Polias; a <i>pronaos</i> +or <i>proneion</i> formed part of each; one temple was called το Έκατόμεδον, +and the main cella of the other was called ό Έκατομπεδοs +νεως<a id="footnotetag26" name="footnotetag26"></a> +<a href="#footnote26"><sup class="sml">26</sup></a>, and this name was extended to the whole building. An +opisthodomos was a part of each building, and, if I was right in +<a name="p13" id="p13"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 13</span> +my observations above, the new one, like the old, was called +simply ο οπισθόδομος. As soon as the great Periclean temple was +completed, the temple burnt by the Persians was quietly removed +as had been intended from the first, the treasure was deposited in +the great new opisthodomos, the old ceremonies which might still +cling to the temple of the sixth century were transferred, along +with the old names, to the splendid new building; the greatest +temple on the Acropolis was now as before the house of the patron +goddess of the land, and contained her treasure and that of her +faithful worshippers, but the two temples did not exist side by side. +There was, then, no reason for differentiating between the two +temples, as, for instance, by calling the one that had been removed +ό αρχαίος veas, because the one that had been removed +was no longer in existence. That the designation αρχαίος +(παλαιός) νεώς is applicable to the Erechtheion has been accepted +for many years and has been explained anew by Petersen.<a id="footnotetag27" name="footnotetag27"></a> +<a href="#footnote27"><sup class="sml">27</sup></a> If the +temple burnt by the Persians had continued to exist alongside +of the Parthenon, one might doubt whether it or the Erechtheion +was meant by the expression ό αρχαίος νεώς, but if one of the two +temples was no longer in existence, the name must belong to the +other. It is just possible that in Hesychios, 'Εκατό μπεδος· νεώς ev +τη άκροπόλεί τη Παρθενω κατασκευασθείς υπό Αθηναίων, μείζων του +εμπρησθεντος υπό των Περσών ποσΐ πεντήκοντα, the expression +του έμπρησθεντος υπό των Περσών (yea or possibly 'Εκατόμπέδου +νεώ) was originally chosen because the expression αρχαίου νεώ +(which would otherwise be very appropriate here) was regularly +used to designate the Erechtheion.<a id="footnotetag28" name="footnotetag28"></a> +<a href="#footnote28"><sup class="sml">28</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote26" +name="footnote26"></a><b>Footnote 26:</b><a href="#footnotetag26"> +(return) </a> Or το Έκατόμπεδον. Even after Dörpfeld's arguments, I cannot believe that +any great difference in the use of the two expressions can be found.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote27" +name="footnote27"></a><b>Footnote 27:</b><a href="#footnotetag27"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth</i>., XII, p. 63 ff. Comparison of modern with ancient instances is frequently +misleading, but sometimes furnishes a useful illustration. There is in +Boston, Mass., a church called the <i>Old South</i> church. This became too small and +too inconvenient for its congregation, so a new church was built in a distant part of +the city. The intention then was to destroy the old building, in which case the +new one (though new and in a different part of the city) would have been called the +Old South church. The old building was, however, preserved, and the new one now +goes by the name of the New Old South church, though I have also heard it called +the Old South in spite of the continued existence of the old building. So the new +building of the Erechtheion retained the name άρχαιος νεως which had belonged +to its predecessor on the same spot.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote28" +name="footnote28"></a><b>Footnote 28:</b><a href="#footnotetag28"> +(return) </a> LOLLING (p. 638 ff.) discusses the measurements of the Parthenon and the old +Hekatompedon, and finds a slight inaccuracy in the statement of Hesychios. He +thinks, however, (p. 641) that Hesychios would not compare the two unless they +had both been standing at the same time. Possibly any inaccuracy may be accounted +for by the fact that the older temple was no longer standing when the comparison +was first made. Possibly, too, the name Hekatompedon was not originally meant +to be taken quite literally, but rather, as Curtitis, <i>Stadtgeschichte,</i> p. 72, seems to +think, as a proud designation of a grand new building.</blockquote> + +<a name="p14" id="p14"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 14</span> + +<p>At the end of his last article on this subject, Dörpfeld calls +attention to the fact that "not only the lower step (<i>Unterstufe</i>) of +the temple, but also a stone of the stylobate are still in their old +position, and several stylobate-stones are still lying about upon +the temple," and says that the whole stylobate, with the exception +of the part cut away by the Erechtheion, must therefore have +existed in Roman times. I do not see why quite so much is to be +assumed. Even granting that we know the exact level of the +surface of the Acropolis in classical times at every point, we certainly +do not know all the objects--votive offerings and the like--set +up in various places. Some small part of the stylobate of the +ruined temple may have been used as a foundation for some group +of statuary or other offering,<a id="footnotetag29" name="footnotetag29"></a> +<a href="#footnote29"><sup class="sml">29</sup></a> or a fragment of the building itself +may have been left as a reminder to future generations of the +devastations of the barbarians. The existence of these stones is +called by Dörpfeld "a fact hitherto insufficiently considered" +(<i>eine bishеr nicht genügend beаchtete Thatsache</i>). I cannot believe +that the fact would have remained so long "insufficiently considered" +by Dörpfeld and others if it were really in itself a sufficient +proof that the pre-Persian temple continued in existence until the +end of ancient Athens. If I am right in thinking that the temple +did not exist during the last centuries of classical antiquity, it +must have ceased to exist when the Parthenon was completed. +Dörpfeld is certainly justified in saying<a id="footnotetag30" name="footnotetag30"></a> +<a href="#footnote30"><sup class="sml">30</sup></a> that "he who concedes +the continued existence of the temple until the end of the fourth +<a name="p15" id="p15"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 15</span> +century has no right to let the temple disappear in silence later" +(<i>darf den Tempel nicht spater ohne weiteres verschwinden lassen</i>).</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote29" +name="footnote29"></a><b>Footnote 29:</b><a href="#footnotetag29"> +(return) </a> Whether the present condition of the stone of the stylobate still <i>in situ</i> favors +this conjecture, is for those on the spot to decide. It looks in Dörpfeld's plans (<i>Ant. +Denkm.,</i> ı, I, and <i>Mitth.,</i> XI, p. 337) as if it had a hole in it, such as are found in +the pedestals of statues.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote30" +name="footnote30"></a><b>Footnote 30:</b><a href="#footnotetag30"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth.,</i> xv, 438. This is directed against the closing paragraph of Lolling's +article, where he says: "We cannot determine exactly when this (the removal of +the temple) happened, but it seems that the temple no longer existed in the times of +Plutarch," <i>etc.</i></blockquote> + +<p>In the above discussion I have purposely passed over some +points because I wished to confine myself to what was necessary. +So I have not reviewed in detail the passages containing the +expression άρχαίος (παλαίòς) νεώς, as they have been sufficiently +discussed by others. So, too, I have omitted all mention of the +μέγαρον τò πρòς έσπέραν τετραμμένον,<a id="footnotetag31" name="footnotetag31"></a> +<a href="#footnote31"><sup class="sml">31</sup></a> the παραστάδες,<a id="footnotetag32" name="footnotetag32x"></a> +<a href="#footnote32"><sup class="sml">32</sup></a> the passages +in Homer,<a id="footnotetag33" name="footnotetag33"></a> +<a href="#footnote33"><sup class="sml">33</sup></a> Aristophanes,<a id="footnotetag34" name="footnotetag34"></a> +<a href="#footnote34"><sup class="sml">34</sup></a> and some other writers, because these +references and allusions, being more or less uncertain or indefinite, +may be (and have been) explained, according to the wish of the +interpreter, as evidence for or against the continued existence of +the temple burnt by the Persians. Those who agree with me will +interpret the passages in question accordingly.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote31" +name="footnote31"></a><b>Footnote 31:</b><a href="#footnotetag31"> +(return) </a> HEROD, v, 77.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote32" +name="footnote32"></a><b>Footnote 32:</b><a href="#footnotetag32"> +(return) </a> <i>CIA</i>, II, 733, 735, 708.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote33" +name="footnote33"></a><b>Footnote 33:</b><a href="#footnotetag33"> +(return) </a> <i>Od.</i>, VII. 80 f.; <i>Il.</i>, II. 546 ff. <i>Mitth.</i>, XII, pp. 26, 62, 207.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote34" +name="footnote34"></a><b>Footnote 34:</b><a href="#footnotetag34"> +(return) </a> PLUT., 1191 ff. <i>cf. Mitth.</i>, XII., pp. 69, 206.</blockquote> + +<p>To recapitulate briefly, I hope that I have shown: (1) that +Pausanias does not mention the temple excavated in 1886, and +(2) that the existence of that temple during the latter part of the +fifth and the fourth centuries is not proved. I believe that the +temple continued to exist in some form until the completion of +the Parthenon, but this belief is founded not so much upon documentary +evidence as upon the consideration that the Athenians +and their goddess must have had a treasure-house during the time +from the Persian invasion to the completion of the Parthenon; +especially after the treasure of the confederacy of Delos was moved +to Athens in 454 B.C. As soon, however, as the Parthenon was +completed, the temple burnt by the Persians was removed. This +was before the fire of 406 B.C. The fire, therefore, injured, as +has been supposed hitherto, the Erechtheion. The opisthodomos, +which was injured by fire at some time not definitely ascertained +(but probably not very far from the date of the fire in the Erechtheion), +was the opisthodomos of the Parthenon.</p> + + + +<p>It will, I hope, be observed, that I do not claim to have <i>proved</i> +the non-existence of the earlier temple after the completion of the +Parthenon. All I claim is that its existence is not proved. Now +<a name="p16" id="p16"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 16</span> +if, as I hope I have shown, the temple is not mentioned by +Pausanias,<a id="footnotetag35" name="footnotetag35"></a> +<a href="#footnote35"><sup class="sml">35</sup></a> +and there is no reasonable likelihood of its silent disappearance +between 435 B.C. and the time of Pausanias, the +probabilities are in favor of its disappearance about 435 B.C., +when it was supplanted by the Parthenon. No one, however, +would welcome more gladly than I any further evidence either +for or against its continued existence.</p> + +<p>HAROLD N. FOWLER.<br> + +<i>Exeter, New Hampshire</i>, March, 1892.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote35" +name="footnote35"></a><b>Footnote 35:</b><a href="#footnotetag35"> +(return) </a> The fact that Pausanias does not mention this temple is not a certain proof that +he might not have seen it, for he fails to mention other things that certainly existed +in his day. This temple, however, if it then existed, must have been in marked +contrast to almost every other building in the Acropolis, and would have had special +attractions for a person of Pausanias' archæological tastes.</blockquote> + + +<p>POSTSCRIPT.--This article had already left my hands when I +received the <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i> (XII. 2), containing an article +by Mr. Penrose, <i>On the Ancient Hecatompedon which occupied the +site of the Parthenon on the Acropolis of Athens</i>. Mr. Penrose contends +that the old Hekatompedon was a temple of unusual length +in proportion to its width, that it stood on the site of the Parthenon, +and was built 100 years or more before the Persian invasion. +He thinks, too, that the Doric architectural members built into +the Acropolis-wall, which are referred by Dörpfeld to the archaic +temple beside the Erechtheion, belonged to the building on the +site of the Parthenon. He is led to these assumptions chiefly by +masons' marks on some of the stones of the sub-structure of the +Parthenon. He holds it "as incontrovertible that the marks have +reference to the building on which they are found." The distances +between these marks offer certain numerical relations which must, +Mr. Penrose thinks, correspond to some of the dimensions of the +building to which the marks refer. "If they had reference to the +Parthenon, they would have shown a number of exact coincidences +with the important sub-divisions of the temple." Of these coincidences +Mr. Penrose has found but three, which he considers +fortuitous. As accessory arguments he adduces the condition of +the filling in to the south of the Parthenon, and the absence of +<a name="p17" id="p17"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 17</span> +old architectural material in the sub-structure of the Parthenon, +<i>etc</i>. He seems, however, to rest his case chiefly upon the masons' +marks.</p> + +<p>I cannot even attempt to discuss this new theory in detail, but +would mention one or two things which seem to tell against Mr. +Penrose's view. The inscription published by Lolling mentions +an <i>οίκημα ταμιείον</i> and <i>οίκήματα</i> as parts of the Hekatompedon, +and such apartments evidently existed in the temple beside the +Erechtheion. Mr. Penrose assumes that the temple beside the +Erechtheion antedates his Hekatompedon, without regard to the +fact that the use of the stone employed in the outer foundations +of the archaic temple points to a much later period. The archaic +temple was (at least approximately) 100 feet long, which makes +it seem almost impossible that a new temple should be built on +the Acropolis and called the Hundred-foot-temple (Hekatompedon). +I cannot avoid attaching more importance to these considerations +than to the arguments advanced by Mr. Penrose. It may +be, however, that answers to these and other objections will be +found.</p> + +<p>If Mr. Penrose's theory is correct, it is evident that the old +Hekatompedon must have ceased to exist before the building of +the Parthenon. Whether the archaic temple excavated in 1886 +continued to exist or not is, then, another matter. My main contention +(that there is no good reason for assuming the continued +existence through the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. of the archaic +temple) is not affected by Mr. Penrose's theory, and I leave my +arguments, such as they are, for the consideration alike of those +who do and who do not agree with Mr. Penrose. Much of my +article will appear irrelevant to the former class, but, as Mr. +Penrose's views may not be at once generally accepted, it is as +well to leave the discussion of previous theories as it was before +the appearance of Mr. Penrose's article.</p> + +<p>Η. Ν. F.</p> + + +<p>NOTE. -- For a discussion of Mr. Penrose's theories and conclusions, see now +(Nov. 1892), Dörpfeld, <i>Ath. Mitth.,</i> XVII, pp. 158, ff.</p> + +<a name="p18" id="p18"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 18</span> +<br><br> + + + +<h3>NOTES ON THE SUBJECTS OF GREEK TEMPLE<br> +SCULPTURES.</h3> + + +<p>The following compilation is intended to present in compact +form the evidence at present available on this question: How far +did the Greeks choose, for the sculptured decorations of a temple, +subjects connected with the principal divinity or divinities worshiped +in that temple? We have omitted some examples of +sculpture in very exceptional situations, <i>e.g.</i>, the sculptured drums +of the sixth century and fourth century temples of Artemis at +Ephesos. Acroteria have also been omitted. But we have +attempted to include every Greek temple known to have had +pediment-figures or sculptured metopes or frieze, and have thus, +for the sake of completeness, registered some examples which are +valueless for the main question. The groups from Delos, attributed +on their first discovery to the pediments of the Apollon-temple, +have been proved by Furtwängler to have been acroteria (<i>Arch, +Zeitung</i>, 1882, p. 336 ff.) It does not appear that Lebas had any +good grounds for attributing to a temple the relief found by him +at Rhamnus (<i>Voyage archéologique Monuments figurés</i>, No. 19,) and +now in Munich. The frieze from Priene representing a gigantomachy +was not a part of the temple there (Wolters, <i>Jahrbuch des +deutschen arch. Instituts</i>, I, pp. 56, ff.) The Poseidon and Amphitrite +frieze in Munich (Brunn, <i>Beschreibung der Glyptothek</i>, No. 115) +has been, by some, taken for a piece of temple decoration, but is +too doubtful an example to be catalogued. The statement of +Pausanias (II. 11. 8) about the pediment-sculptures (<i>τà έν τοίς +àετοίς</i>) of the Asklepieion at Titane is hopelessly inadequate and +perhaps inaccurate.</p> + +<p>The order of arrangement in the following table is roughly +chronological, absolute precision being impossible. Ionic temples +<a name="p19" id="p19"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 19</span> +are designated by a prefixed asterisk, the one Corinthian by +a dagger. The others are Doric, and, in the ease of these, +"Sculptures of the Exterior Frieze" refers, of course, to sculptured +metopes.</p> + +<p>It has not been our purpose to discuss at length the conclusions +to be drawn from this evidence. Briefly, the results may be +summarized as follows:</p> + +<p>The principal sculpture (<i>i.e.</i>, sculpture of the principal pediment, +or, in the absence of pediment-sculpture, the frieze in the +most important situation) included the figure of the temple +divinity, generally in central position, in the following numbers: +<a id="footnotetagA" name="footnotetagA"></a> +<a href="#footnoteA"><sup class="sml">A</sup></a> 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 16, 18, 19, 26. If 12, 14 and 32 had no pediment-sculptures, +they should be added; probably also 33 and 34. +In 30 the subject of the pediment-sculpture, if correctly divined by +Conze, was, at any rate, closely related to the temple-divinities.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnoteA" +name="footnoteA"></a><b>Footnote A:</b><a href="#footnotetagA"> +(return) </a> In counting the Aigina temple we commit deliberately a <i>circulus in probando</i>.</blockquote> + +<p>The principal sculpture apparently did not include or especially +refer to the temple-divinity in the following: 20, 24, 25. Practice +would seem to have become somewhat relaxed after about 425 +B.C. The very singular temple of Assos, (No. 5), though earlier, +should perhaps be added. + +<p>The temple-divinity was represented in the western pediments +of 7, 13 and perhaps of 20, but not of that in 9, 11, 24 (?) or 25.</p> + +<p>The subjects of sculptured metopes and friezes were largely or +wholly without obvious relation to the temple-divinity in the +following: 1, 5, 9, 11, 12, 14, 1.9, 23, 29, 32.</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<p>P.B. TARBELL.</p> +<p>W.N. BATES.</p> +</div></div> + + + +<a name="p20" id="p20"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 20</span> +<br><br> + +<pre> + PLACE. DIVINITY. DATE. PEDIMENT-SCULPTURES. + + B.C. +1 Selinous Apollon (?) <i>ca.</i> 625 + (Temple C) + +2 Selinous <i>ca.</i> 625 + +3 Athens <i>ca.</i> 600 E.: (?) Zeus fighting Typhon; + (Acropolis) Herakles fighting + serpent. + W. (?): Herakles fighting + Triton; Kerkopes(?) + +4 Athens <i>ca.</i> 600 E. (?): Herakles fighting + (Acropolis) Hydra. + W. (?): Herakles fighting + Triton. + +5 Assos VI cent. (?) + +6 Metapontum Apollon VI cent. (?) Subject unknown + +7 Aigina Athena <i>ca.</i> 530 (?) E. & W.: Combats of + Greeks and Trojans; + Athena in centre. + +8 Athens Athena <i>ca.</i> 530 (?) E. (?): Gigantomachy, + (Acropolis) including Athena (in + centre?) + +9 Delphi Apollon VI cent. after E.: Apollon, Artemis, + 548 Leto, Muses. + W.: Dionysos, Thyiads, + Setting Sun, <i>etc.</i> + +10 Selinous VI cent. + (Temple F) + +11 Olympia Zeus <i>ca.</i> 460 E.: Preparations for + chariot-race of Pelops + and Oinomaos; + Zeus as arbiter in + centre. + W.: Centauromachy; + Apollon (?) in centre. +</pre> +<a name="p21" id="p21"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 21</span> +<br><br> +<pre> + OTHER + SCULPTURES OF EXTERIOR FRIEZE SCULPTURED DECORATIONS. + +1 E.: in centre, two quadrigae + with unidentified figs., also + Perseus slaying Medusa, Herakles + carrying Kerkopes, <i>etc.</i> + W.: Subjects unknown. + +2 Europa on bull, winged sphinx, + <i>etc.</i> + +3 + + +4 + + +5 E. (and W. ?): Pair of sphinxes, Exterior architrave: pairs + Centaur, wild hog, man pursuing of sphinxes in centre of E. & + woman, two men in combat, W. fronts (?), Herakles and + <i>etc.</i> Triton, Herakles and Centaurs, + symposium, combats + of animals. + + +6 + +7 None. + +8 + + +9 Herakles killing Hydra, Bellerophon + killing Chimaera, + combats of gods and giants, + <i>etc.</i> + +10 E.: Scenes from Gigantomachy. + +11 12 metopes over columns and + antæ of pronaos and opisthodomos: + labors of Herakles. +</pre> +<a name="p22" id="p22"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 22</span> +<br><br> + +<pre> +=================================================================== + | PLACE. | DIVINITY. | DATE. |PEDIMENT-SCULPTURES. +---+-----------+-----------+-----------+--------------------------- + | | | B.C. | + | Selinous | Hera (?) |ca. 450 (?)| + 12| (Temple E)| | | + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | + 13| Athens | Athena |ca. 445-438|E.: Birth of Athena. + |(Acropolis)| | |W.: Contest of Athena + | | | | and Poseidon for Attika. + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | + 14| Sunjon | Athena |ca. 435 (?)| + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | + 15| Athens | |ca. 435 (?)|E. & W.: Lost; subjects + | | | |unknown. + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | +*16| Athens | Athena | ca. 432 |None + |(Acropolis)| Nike | | + | | | | + 17| Kroton | Hera | V cent., |Undescribed. + | | | 2d half | + 18| Agrigentum| Zeus | V cent., | + | | | before 405| + 19| Bassae | Apollon |ca. 425 (?)|None. + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | + | | | | +</pre> + +<a name="p23" id="p23"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 23</span> + +<pre> +=================================================================== + |SCULPTURES OF EXTERIOR FRIEZE| OTHER SCULPTURED DECORATIONS. +---+-----------------------------+--------------------------------- + | | + 12| None. |Metopes over pronaos: Herakles + | | and Amazon, Zeus and + | | Hera, Artemis and Aktaion, + | | etc. + | |Metopes over opisthodomos: + | | Athena and Enkelados, <i>etc.</i> + 13|E.: Gigantomachy; Athena |Ionic frieze around cella, + | over central | pronaos and opisthodomos: + | intercolumniation. | Panathenaic procession. + |W.: Amazonomachy. | + |S.: Centauromachy and seven | + | scenes from Iliupersis. | + |N.: Iliupersis and nine | + | scenes from Centauromachy. | + 14| |Ionic frieze on four inner sides + | | of E. vestibule, between + | | pronaos and outer columns: + | | Gigantomachy, including + | | Athena (over entrance to + | | pronaos (?), Centauromachy, + | | exploits of Theseus. + 15|E.: Labors of Herakles. |Ionic frieze over pronaos + |N. & S., at E. end (four | and across pteroma: battle + | metopes on each side): | scene. + | exploits of Theseus. |Ionic frieze over opisthodomos, + | | Centauromachy. +*16|E.: assemblage of gods, | + | Athena in centre. | + |N. W. S.: battle-scenes. | + 17| | + | | + 18|E.: Gigantomachy. | + |W.: Iliupersis. | + 19|None. |Metopes over pronaos: Apolline + | | and Dionysiac scenes. + | | Interior cella-frieze: + | | Amazonomachy, Centauromachy + | | (Apollon and Artemis + | | represented.) +</pre> + +<a name="p24" id="p24"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 24</span> + +<pre> +=================================================================== + | PLACE. | DIVINITY. | DATE. |PEDIMENT-SCULPTURES. +---+-----------+-----------+-----------+--------------------------- + | | | B.C. | + 20| near Argos| Hera | ca. 420. |E.: Birth of Zeus (?) + | | | |W.: Battle of Greeks + | | | | and Trojans. (?) +*21| Athens |Erechtheus | 420-408 |None. + |(Acropolis)| | | +*22| Locri | | V cent., |E.: Lost. + |Epizephyrii| |latter part|W.: Subject unknown, + | | | | including Dioscuri (?) +*23|Samothrace | Cabiri | ca. 400 | + 24| Tegea | Athena | IV cent., |E.: Calydonian boar-hunt + | | Alea |first half | (no divinity + | | | | represented.) + | | | |W.: Contest of Telephos + | | | | and Achilles. + 25| Epidauros | Asklepios |ca. 375 (?)|E.: Centauromachy. + | | | |W.: Amazonomachy. + 26| Thebes | Herakles |ca. 370 (?)|Labors of Herakles. +*27| Ephesos | Artemis | ca. 330 | +*28| Troad | Apollon | III cent. | + | | Smintheus | | +*29| Magnesia | Artemis | III cent. | + 30|Samothrace | Cabiri | III cent. |N.: Demeter seeking + | | | III cent. | Persephone (?) +†31| Lagina | Hekate | | + 32| Ilium | Athena (?)|II cent.(?)| + | Novum | | | + | | | | +*33| Teos | Dionysos |Roman times| +*34| Knidos |Dionysos(?)|Roman times| +</pre> +<a name="p25" id="p25"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 25</span> + +<pre> +=================================================================== + |SCULPTURES OF EXTERIOR FRIEZE| OTHER SCULPTURED DECORATIONS. +---+-----------------------------+--------------------------------- + | | + 20|E.: Gigantomachy (?) | + |W.: Iliupersis (?) | + | | +*21|Uninterpreted. | + | | +*22| | + | | + | | +*23|Dancing women. | + 24| | + | | + | | + | | + | | + 25| | + | | + 26| | +*27|Mythological scenes. | +*28|Scenes of combat. | + | | +*29|Amazonomachy. | + 30| | + | | +†31|Subjects unknown. | + 32|Helios in chariot, Athena and| + | Enkelados, other scenes of | + | combat. | +*33|Dionysiac procession. | +*34|Dionysiac scenes, etc. | +</pre> + +<a name="p26" id="p26"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 26</span> + +<p>[Line 1: BENNDORF, <i>Metopen von Selinunt</i>, pp. 38-50; SERRADIFALCO, <i>Antichità di +Sicilia</i>, II, p. 16.]</p> + +<p>[Line 2: <i>Μonumenti Antichi</i>, I, p. 950 ff.]</p> + +<p>[Line 3: BRÜCKNER, <i>Athenische Mittheilungen</i>, 1889, pp. 67 ff.; 1890, pp. 84 ff.]</p> + +<p>[Line 4: MEIER, <i>Ath. Mitth.</i>, 1885, pp. 237 ff., 322 ff.]</p> + +<p>[Line 5: CLARAC, <i>Musée de Sculpture</i>, II, pp. 1149 ff.; CLARKE, <i>Report on Investigations +at Assos</i>, pp. 105-121. This temple has been usually assigned to the sixth +century. Mr. Clarke brings it down to about the middle of the fifth. His +arguments have not yet been published in full.] + +<p>[Line 6: LACAVA, <i>Topografia e Storia di Metaponto</i>, p. 81.]</p> + +<p>[Line 7: Since the inscription which was at one time supposed to fix the divinity of this +temple has been disposed of (by LOLLING, in <i>Arch. Zeitung</i>, XXXI (1874, p. 58, +the designation given above rests solely on the prominence given to Athena in +the pediment-sculptures. As for the date, the building is assigned by Dörpfeld +to the sixth cent. (<i>Olympia</i>, <i>Textband</i> II, p. 20). The pediment-sculptures +might be later, but are now confidently carried by STUDNICZKA (<i>Ath. Mitth.</i>, +1886, pp. 197-8) some decades back in the sixth century.]</p> + +<p>[Line 8: STUDNICZKA, <i>Ath. Mitth.</i>, 1886. pp. 185, ff.; MAYER, <i>Giganten and Titanen</i>, +pp. 290-91. According to DÖRPFELD, the metopes of this temple, or some of +them, may have been sculptured.]</p> + +<p>[Line 9: PAUS., X, 19. 4. EURIP., <i>Ion</i>, 184 ff. The temple seems to have been long in +building. If AISCH, <i>contra Cles.</i>, § 116, is to be believed, the dedication did +not take place till after 479. According to Pausanias, the pediment-sculptures +were the work of Praxias and Androsthenes. These sculptures have been +generally supposed to have been executed about 424, but may have been considerably +earlier, so far as Pausanias goes to show. The excavations now in +progress will, it is to be hoped, clear up the whole subject.] + +<p>[Line 10: BENNDORF, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 50-52.]</p> + +<p>[Line 11: PAUS., V., 10. 6-9. For the date, see DÖRPFELD, <i>Olympia</i>, <i>Textband</i> II, pp. +19 ff. FLASCH, in Baumeister's <i>Denkmäler</i>, pp. 1098-1100.]</p> + +<p>[Line 12: BENNDORF, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 53-60. The attribution of the temple to Hera rests on +the dubious ground of a single votive inscription to Hera found within the +cella; <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 34.]</p> + +<p>[Line 13: PAUS., I. 24. 5; MICHAELIS, <i>Der Parthenon</i>, pp. 107-265; ROBERT, <i>Arch. +Zeit</i>, 1884, pp. 47-58; MAYER, <i>Giganten and Titanen</i>, pp. 366-370.] + +<p>[Line 14: FABRICIUS, <i>Ath. Mitth.</i>, 1884, 338 ff.; for the date, DÖRPFELD, <i>ibid.</i> p. 336.]</p> + +<p>[Line 15: The so-called Theseion.]</p> + +<p>[Line 16: ROSS, <i>Temple der Nike Apteros</i>, pls. 11-12; FRIEDERICHS, <i>Bausteine</i>, (ed. +Wolters) Nos. 747-760. On the date, see WOLTERS, <i>Bonger Studien Reinhard +Kekulé gewidmet</i>, pp. 92-101.]</p> + +<p>[Line 17: <i>Eighth Annual Report of the Archæological Institute of America</i>, pp. 42 ff.]</p> + +<p>[Line 18: DIOD. SIC., XIII. 82. It is disputed whether Diodoros speaks of pediment-sculptures +or metopes; see PETERSEN, <i>Kunst des Pheidias</i>, p. 208, Note 4. +Nothing can be made of the existing fragments; published by SERRADIFALCO, +<i>Antichità di Sicilia</i>, III, pl. 25.]</p> + +<p>[Line 19: COCKERELL. <i>Temples of Aegina and Bassae</i>, pp. 49-50, 52.]</p> + +<p>[Line 20: PAUS, II. 17. 3. The distribution of subjects given above is that proposed by +Dr. Waldstein, in the light of the discoveries made on the site of the Heraion +<a name="p27" id="p27"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 27</span> +under his direction in the spring of 1892. See Thirteenth <i>Annual Report of +the Archæological Institute of America</i>, p. 64.]</p> + +<p>[Line 21: FRIEDERICHS, Bausteine (ed. Wolters) Nos. 812-820. On the date see MICHAELIS, +Ath. Mitth., 1889, pp. 349 ff.]</p> + +<p>[Line 22: <i>Notiziz degli Scavi</i>, 1890, pp. 255-57; PETERSEN, <i>Bull, dell' Istituto</i>, 1890, pp. +201-27.]</p> + +<p>[Line 23: CONZE, <i>etc., Arch. Untersuchungen auf Samothrake</i>, II, pp. 13-14, 23-25.]</p> + +<p>[Line 24: PAUS., VIII. 45. 4-7; TREU, Ath. Mitth., 1881, pp. 393-423; WEIL, in +Baumeister's Denkmäler, 1666-69.]</p> + +<p>[Line 25. Έφημερίς Άρχαιολογική, 1884, pp. 49-60; 1885, pp. 41-44. For the date see +FOUCART, <i>Bull, de corr. hellén.</i>, 1890, pp. 589-92.]</p> + +<p>[Line 26: PAUS., IX. 11. 4. The date given above conforms to the view of BRUNN, +<i>Sitzungsber. d. Münch. Akademie</i>, 1880, pp. 435 ff.]</p> + +<p>[Line 27: WOOD, <i>Discoveries at Ephesus</i>, p. 271.]</p> + +<p>[Line 28: <i>Antiquities of Ionia</i>, IV. p. 46. Mr. Pullan is inclined to date the temple after +Alexander; Prof. Middleton somewhat earlier (<i>Smith's, Dict, of Antiq.</i>, 3d ed., +II, p. 785).]</p> + +<p>[Line 29: CLARAC, <i>Musée de Sculpture</i>, II, pp. 1193-1233; pls. 117 C-J. Additional +pieces of the frieze have recently been found in the course of excavations conducted +by the German Archæological Institute. The date given above for the +building is that suggested by DÖRPFELD, <i>Ath. Mitth.</i>, 1891, pp. 264-5. Most +of the sculpture is generally regarded as of much later date.]</p> + +<p>[Line 30: CONZE, <i>etc.</i>, <i>Untersuchungen auf Samothrake</i>, I, pp. 24-7, 43-4.]</p> + +<p>[Line 31: NEWTON, <i>Discoveries at Halicarnassus</i>, <i>etc.</i>, II, pp. 554-67.]</p> + +<p>[Line 32: MAYER, <i>Giganten und Titanen</i>, pp. 370-71.]</p> + +<p>[Line 33: <i>Antiquities of Ionia</i>, IV, pp. 38-9.]</p> + +<p>[Line 34. NEWTON, <i>Discoveries at Halicarnassus</i>, <i>etc.</i>, II, pp. 449-50, 633.]</p> + +<a name="p28" id="p28"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 28</span> + +<br><br><br> + + +<h3>PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL<br> +STUDIES AT ATHENS.<br> +THE RELATION OF THE ARCHAIC PEDIMENT<br> +RELIEFS FROM THE ACROPOLIS TO<br> +VASE-PAINTING.</h3> + +<h3>[PLATE I.]</h3> + +<p class="mid"><img alt="" src="images/002-small.png"><br> +<a href="images/002-large.png">Enlarge</a></p> + +<p>From one point of view it is a misfortune in the study of +archæology that, with the progress of excavation, fresh discoveries +are continually being made. If only the evidence of the facts were +all in, the case might be summed up and a final judgment pronounced +on points in dispute. As it is, the ablest scholar must +feel cautious about expressing a decided opinion; for the whole +fabric of his argument may be overturned any day by the unearthing +of a fragment of pottery or a sculptured head. Years ago, it +was easy to demonstrate the absurdity of any theory of polychrome +decoration. The few who dared to believe that the Greek temple +was not in every part as white as the original marble subjected +themselves to the pitying scorn of their fellows. Only the discoveries +of recent years have brought proof too positive to be gainsaid. +The process of unlearning and throwing over old and +cherished notions is always hard; perhaps it has been especially so +in archæology.</p> + +<p>The thorough investigation of the soil and rock of the Acropolis +lately finished by the Greek Government has brought to light +so much that is new and strange that definite explanations and +conclusions are still far away. The pediment-reliefs in poros +which now occupy the second and third rooms of the Acropolis +Museum have already been somewhat fully treated, especially in +their architectural bearings. Dr. Brückner of the German Institute +<a name="p29" id="p29"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 29</span> +has written a full monograph on the subject,<a id="footnotetag36" name="footnotetag36"></a> +<a href="#footnote36"><sup class="sml">36</sup></a> and it has also been +fully treated by Lechat in the <i>Revue Archeologique</i>.<a id="footnotetag37" name="footnotetag37"></a> +<a href="#footnote37"><sup class="sml">37</sup></a> Shorter papers +have appeared in the <i>Mittheilungen</i> by Studniczka<a id="footnotetag38" name="footnotetag38"></a> +<a href="#footnote38"><sup class="sml">38</sup></a> and P.J. +Meier.<a id="footnotetag39" name="footnotetag39"></a> +<a href="#footnote39"><sup class="sml">39</sup></a> Dr. Waldstein in a recent peripatetic lecture suggested a +new point of view in the connection between these reliefs and Greek +vase-paintings. It is this suggestion that I have tried to follow +out.</p> + +<p>The groups in question are too well known to need a detailed +description here. The first,<a id="footnotetag40" name="footnotetag40"></a> +<a href="#footnote40"><sup class="sml">40</sup></a> in a fairly good state of preservation, +represents Herakles in his conflict with the Hydra, and at the left +Iolaos, his charioteer, as a spectator. Corresponding to this, is the +second group,<a id="footnotetag41" name="footnotetag41"></a> +<a href="#footnote41"><sup class="sml">41</sup></a> with Herakles overpowering the Triton; but the +whole of this is so damaged that it is scarcely recognizable. Then +there are two larger pediments in much higher relief, the one<a id="footnotetag42" name="footnotetag42"></a> +<a href="#footnote42"><sup class="sml">42</sup></a> +repeating the scene of Herakles and the Triton, the other<a id="footnotetag43" name="footnotetag43"></a> +<a href="#footnote43"><sup class="sml">43</sup></a> representing +the three-headed Typhon in conflict, as supposed, with +Zeus. All four of these groups have been reconstructed from a +great number of fragments. Many more pieces which are to be +seen in these two rooms of the Museum surely belonged to the +original works, though their relations and position cannot be determined. +The circumstances of their discovery between the south +supporting-wall of the Parthenon and Kimon's inner Acropolis +wall make it certain that we are dealing with pre-Persian art. It +is quite as certain, in spite of the fragmentary condition of the +remains, that they were pedimental compositions and the earliest +of the kind yet known.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote36" +name="footnote36"></a><b>Footnote 36:</b><a href="#footnotetag36"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. deutsch. arch. Inst. Athen.</i>, XIV, p. 67; XV, p. 84.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote37" +name="footnote37"></a><b>Footnote 37:</b><a href="#footnotetag37"> +(return) </a> <i>Rev. Arch.</i>, XVII, p. +304; XVIII, pp. 12, 137.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote38" +name="footnote38"></a><b>Footnote 38:</b><a href="#footnotetag38"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. Athen.</i>, XI, p. 61.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote39" +name="footnote39"></a><b>Footnote 39:</b><a href="#footnotetag39"> +(return) </a> X, pp. 237, 322. <i>Cf. Studniczka</i>, +<i>Jahrbuch deutsch. arch. Inst.</i>, I, p. 87; <i>Purgold</i>, <i>Έφημερίς Άρχαιολογική</i>, 1884, p. 147, +1885, p. 234.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote40" +name="footnote40"></a><b>Footnote 40:</b><a href="#footnotetag40"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. Athen.</i>, X, cut opposite p. 237; <i>Έφημερίς</i>, 1884, πίναξ 7.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote41" +name="footnote41"></a><b>Footnote 41:</b><a href="#footnotetag41"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. Athen.</i>, XI, <i>Taf.</i> II.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote42" +name="footnote42"></a><b>Footnote 42:</b><a href="#footnotetag42"> +(return) </a> <i>Idem</i>, XV, <i>Taf.</i> II.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote43" +name="footnote43"></a><b>Footnote 43:</b><a href="#footnotetag43"> +(return) </a> <i>Idem</i>, XIV, <i>Taf.</i> II, III.</blockquote> + +<p>The first question which presents itself in the present consideration +is: Why should these pedimental groups follow vase paintings? +We might say that in vases we have practically the first +products of Greek art; and further we might show resemblances, +more or less material, between these archaic reliefs and vase pictures. +But the proof of any connection between the two would +still be wanting. Here the discoveries made by the Germans at +<a name="p30" id="p30"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 30</span> +Olympia and confirmed by later researches in Sicily and Magna +Graecia, are of the utmost importance.<a id="footnotetag44" name="footnotetag44"></a> +<a href="#footnote44"><sup class="sml">44</sup></a> In the Byzantine west +wall at Olympia were found great numbers of painted terracotta +plates<a id="footnotetag45" name="footnotetag45"></a> +<a href="#footnote45"><sup class="sml">45</sup></a> which examination proved to have covered the cornices of +the Geloan Treasury. They were fastened to the stone by iron +nails, the distance between the nail-holes in terracottas and cornice +blocks corresponding exactly. The fact that the stone, where +covered, was only roughly worked made the connection still more +sure. These plates were used on the cornice of the long side, and +bounded the pediment space above and below. The corresponding +cyma was of the same material and similarly decorated.</p> + +<p>It seems surprising that such a terracotta sheathing should be +applied on a structure of stone. For a wooden building, on the +other hand, it would be altogether natural. It was possible to +protect wooden columns, architraves and triglyphs from the weather +by means of a wide cornice. But the cornice itself could not but +be exposed, and so this means of protection was devised. Of +course no visible proof of all this is at hand in the shape of wooden +temples yet remaining. But Dr. Dörpfeld's demonstration<a id="footnotetag46" name="footnotetag46"></a> +<a href="#footnote46"><sup class="sml">46</sup></a> removes +all possible doubt. Pausanias<a id="footnotetag47" name="footnotetag47"></a> +<a href="#footnote47"><sup class="sml">47</sup></a> tells us that in the Heraion +at Olympia there was still preserved in his day an old wooden +column. Now from the same temple no trace of architrave, triglyph +or cornice has been found; a fact that is true of no other +building in Olympia and seems to make it certain that here wood +never was replaced by stone. When temples came to be built of +stone, it seems that this plan of terracotta covering was retained +for a time, partly from habit, partly because of its fine decorative +effect. But it was soon found that marble was capable of withstanding +the wear of weather and that the ornament could be applied +to it directly by painting.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote44" +name="footnote44"></a><b>Footnote 44:</b><a href="#footnotetag44"> +(return) </a> I follow closely Dr. Dörpfeld's account and explanation of these discoveries in +<i>Ausgrabungen zu Olympia</i>, v, 30 <i>seq</i>. See also <i>Programm zum Winckelmannsfeste</i>, +Berlin, 1881. <i>Ueber die Verwendung Terracotten</i>, by Messrs. DÖRPFELD, GRÄBER, +BORRMANN, and SIEBOLD.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote45" +name="footnote45"></a><b>Footnote 45:</b><a href="#footnotetag45"> +(return) </a> Reproduced in <i>Ausgrabungen zu Olympia</i>, V, <i>Taf.</i> XXXIV. BAUMEISTER, <i>Denkmäler +des klassischen Altertums</i>, <i>Taf.</i> XLV. RAYET et COLLIGNON, <i>Histoire de +la Céramique Grecque</i>, pl. XV.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote46" +name="footnote46"></a><b>Footnote 46:</b><a href="#footnotetag46"> +(return) </a> <i>Historische und philologische Aufsätze</i>, <i>Ernst Cartius gewidmet</i>. Berlin, 1884, +p. 137 <i>seq</i>.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote47" +name="footnote47"></a><b>Footnote 47:</b><a href="#footnotetag47"> +(return) </a> V, 20. 6.</blockquote> + +<a name="p31" id="p31"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 31</span> + +<p>In order to carry the investigation a step further Messrs. +Dörpfeld, Gräber, Borrmann and Siebold undertook a journey +to Gela and the neighboring cities of Sicily and Magna Graecia.<a id="footnotetag48" name="footnotetag48"></a> +<a href="#footnote48"><sup class="sml">48</sup></a> +The results of this journey were most satisfactory. Not only +in Gela, but in Syracuse, Selinous, Akrai, Kroton, Metapontum +and Paestum, precisely similar terracottas were found to have +been employed in the same way. Furthermore just such cyma +pieces have been discovered belonging to other structures in Olympia +and amid the pre-Persian ruins on the Acropolis of Athens. +It is not yet proven that this method of decoration was universal +or even widespread in Greece; but of course the fragile nature of +terracotta and the fact that it was employed only in the oldest +structures, would make discoveries rare.</p> + +<p>Another important argument is furnished by the certain use of +terracotta plates as acroteria. Pausanias<a id="footnotetag49" name="footnotetag49"></a> +<a href="#footnote49"><sup class="sml">49</sup></a> mentions such acroteria +on the Stoa Basileios on the agora of Athens. Pliny<a id="footnotetag50" name="footnotetag50"></a> +<a href="#footnote50"><sup class="sml">50</sup></a> says that +such works existed down to his day, and speaks of their great +antiquity. Fortunately a notable example has been preserved in +the acroterium of the gable of the Heraion at Olympia,<a id="footnotetag51" name="footnotetag51"></a> +<a href="#footnote51"><sup class="sml">51</sup></a> a great +disk of clay over seven feet in diameter. It forms a part, says +Dr. Dörpfeld, of the oldest artistic roof construction that has remained +to us from Greek antiquity. That is, the original material +of the acroteria was the same used in the whole covering of the +roof, namely terracotta. The gargoyles also, which later were +always of stone, were originally of terracotta. Further we find +reliefs in terracotta pierced with nail-holes and evidently intended +for the covering of various wooden objects; sometimes, it is safe +to say, for wooden sarcophagi. Here appears clearly the connection +that these works may have had with the later reliefs in marble.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote48" +name="footnote48"></a><b>Footnote 48:</b><a href="#footnotetag48"> +(return) </a> <i>Cf. supra, Programm zum +Winckelmannsfeste</i>.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote49" +name="footnote49"></a><b>Footnote 49:</b><a href="#footnotetag49"> +(return) </a> I, 3. 1.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote50" +name="footnote50"></a><b>Footnote 50:</b><a href="#footnotetag50"> +(return) </a> His. Nat., xxxv, 158.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote51" +name="footnote51"></a><b>Footnote 51:</b><a href="#footnotetag51"> +(return) </a> <i>Ausgrabungen zu Olympia</i>, v, 35 and <i>Taf</i>. XXXIV.</blockquote> + +<p>To make now a definite application, it is evident that the connection +between vase-paintings and painted terracottas must from +the nature of the case be a very close one. But when these terracottas +are found to reproduce throughout the exact designs and +figures of vase-paintings, the line between the two fades away. +All the most familiar ornaments of vase technic recur again and +<a name="p32" id="p32"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 32</span> +again, maeanders, palmettes, lotuses, the scale and lattice-work +patterns, the bar-and-tooth ornament, besides spirals of all descriptions. +In exception, also, the parallel is quite as close. In the +great acroterium of the Heraion, for example, the surface was first +covered with a dark varnish-like coating on which the drawing +was incised down to the original clay. Then the outlines were +filled in black, red and white. Here the bearing becomes clear of +an incidental remark of Pausanias in his description of Olympia. +He says (v. 10.): εν δε Ολυμπια (of the Zeus temple) λεβης +επιχρυσος επι 'εκαστω του οροφου τω περατι επικειται. That is +originally aeroteria were only vases set up at the apex and on +the end of the gable. Naturally enough the later terracottas +would keep close to the old tradition.</p> + +<p>It is interesting also to find relief-work in terracotta as well as +painting on a plane surface. An example where color and relief +thus unite, which comes from a temple in Caere,<a id="footnotetag52" name="footnotetag52"></a> +<a href="#footnote52"><sup class="sml">52</sup></a> might very well +have been copied from a vase design. It represents a female face +in relief, as occurs so often in Greek pottery, surrounded by an ornament +of lotus, maeander and palmette. Such a raised surface is +far from unusual; and we seem to find here an intermediate stage +between painting and sculpture. The step is indeed a slight one. +A terracotta figurine<a id="footnotetag53" name="footnotetag53"></a> +<a href="#footnote53"><sup class="sml">53</sup></a> from Tarentum helps to make the connection +complete. It is moulded fully in the round, but by way of +adornment, in close agreement with the tradition of vase-painting, +the head is wreathed with rosettes and crowned by a single palmette. +So these smaller covering plates just spoken of, which +were devoted to minor uses, recall continually not only the identical +manner of representation but the identical scenes of vase paintings,--such +favorite subjects, to cite only one example, as the meeting +of Agamemnon's children at his tomb.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote52" +name="footnote52"></a><b>Footnote 52:</b><a href="#footnotetag52"> +(return) </a> <i>Arch. Zeitung</i>, xxix, 1872, <i>Taf.</i> 41; RAYET et COLLIGNON, <i>Hist. Céram. +Grecque</i>, fig. 143.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote53" +name="footnote53"></a><b>Footnote 53:</b><a href="#footnotetag53"> +(return) </a> <i>Arch. Zeitung</i>, 1882, <i>Taf.</i> 13.</blockquote> + +<p>From this point of view, it does not seem impossible that pedimental +groups might have fallen under the influence of vase +technic. The whole architectural adornment of the oldest +temple was of pottery. It covered the cornice of the sides, completely +bounded the pedimental space, above and below, and finally +<a name="p33" id="p33"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 33</span> +crowned the whole structure in the acroteria. It would surely +be strange if the pedimental group, framed in this way by vase +designs, were in no way influenced by them. The painted decoration +of these terracottas is that of the bounding friezes in +vase-pictures. The vase-painter employs them to frame and set off the +central scene. Might not the same end have been served by the +terracottas on the temple, with reference to the scene within the +typanum? We must remember, also, that at this early time +the sculptor's art was in its infancy while painting and the +ceramic art had reached a considerable development. Even if all +analogy did not lead the other way, an artist would shrink from +trying to fill up a pediment with statues in the round. The most +natural method was also the easiest for him.</p> + +<p>On the question of the original character of the pedimental group, +the Heraion at Olympia, probably the oldest Greek columnar structure +known, furnishes important light. Pausanias says nothing +whatever of any pedimental figures. Of course his silence does not +prove that there were none; but with all the finds of acroteria, +terracottas and the like, no trace of any such sculptures was discovered. +The inference seems certain that the pedimental decoration, +if present at all, was either of wood or of terracotta, or was +merely painted on a smooth surface. The weight of authority +inclines to the last view. It is held that, if artists had become +accustomed to carving pedimental groups in wood, the first examples +that we have in stone would not show so great inability to +deal with the conditions of pedimental composition. If ever the +tympanum was simply painted or filled with a group in terracotta, +it is easy to see why the fashion died and why consequently we can +bring forward no direct proof to-day. It was simply that only +figures in the round can satisfy the requirements of a pedimental +composition. The strong shadows thrown by the cornice, the distance +from the spectator, and the height, must combine to confuse +the lines of a scene painted on a plane surface, or even of a low +relief. So soon as this was discovered and so soon as the art of +sculpture found itself able to supply the want, a new period in +pedimental decoration began.</p> + +<p>Literary evidence to support this theory of the origin of pediment +sculpture is not lacking. Pliny says in his Natural History +<a name="p34" id="p34"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 34</span> +(xxxv. 156.): <i>Laudat</i> (Varro) <i>et Pasitelen qui plasticen matrem caelaturæ +et statuariæ sculpturaeque dixit et cum esset in omnibus his summus +nihil unquam fecit antequam finxit</i>. Also (xxxiv. 35.): <i>Similitudines +exprimendi quae prima fuerit origo, in ea quam plasticen Graeci vocant +dici convenientius erit, etenim prior quam statuaria fuit</i>. In both these +cases the meaning of "plasticen" is clearly working, that is, moulding, +in clay. Pliny, again (xxxv. 152.), tells us of the Corinthian +Butades: <i>Butadis inventum est rubricam addere aut ex rubra creta +fingere, primusque personas tegularum extremis imbricibus inposuit, +quae inter initia prostypa vocavit, postea idem ectypa fecit. hinc et +fastigia templorum orta</i>. The phrase <i>hinc et fastigia templorum orla</i>, +has been bracketed by some editors because they could not believe +the fact which it stated. <i>Fastigia</i> may from the whole connection +and the Latin mean "pediments." This is quite in accord with +the famous passage in Pindar,<a id="footnotetag54" name="footnotetag54"></a> +<a href="#footnote54"><sup class="sml">54</sup></a> attributing to the Corinthians the +invention of pedimental composition. Here then we have stated +approximately the conclusion which seems at least probable on +other grounds, namely, that the tympanum of the pediment was +originally filled with a group in terracotta, beyond doubt painted +and in low relief.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote54" +name="footnote54"></a><b>Footnote 54:</b><a href="#footnotetag54"> +(return) </a> <i>Olymp.</i>, XIII, 21.</blockquote> + +<p>But if we assume that the pedimental group could have originated +in this way, we must be prepared to explain the course of +its development up to the pediments of Aegina and the Parthenon, +in which we find an entirely different principle, namely, the filling +of these tympana with figures in the round. It is maintained by +some scholars, notably by Koepp,<a id="footnotetag55" name="footnotetag55"></a> +<a href="#footnote55"><sup class="sml">55</sup></a> that no connection can be +established between high relief and low relief, much less between +statues entirely in the round and low relief. High relief follows +all the principles of sculpture, while low relief may almost be considered +as a branch of the painter's art. But this view seems +opposed to the evidence of the facts. For there still exists a +continuous series of pedimental groups, first in low relief then in +high relief, and finally standing altogether free from the background, +and becoming sculpture in the round. Examples in low +relief are the Hydra pediment from the Acropolis and the pediment +of the Megarian Treasury at Olympia, which, on artistic +<a name="p35" id="p35"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 35</span> +grounds, can be set down as the two earliest now in existence. Then +follow, in order of time and development, the Triton and Typhon +pediments, in high relief, from the Acropolis; and after these the +idea of relief is lost, and the pediment becomes merely a space +destined to be adorned with statuary. Can we reasonably believe +that the Hydra and Triton pediments, standing side by side on the +Acropolis, so close to each other in time and in technic, owe their +origin to entirely different motives, merely for the reason that the +figures of one stand further out from the background than those +of the other? Is it not easier to suppose that the higher reliefs, +as they follow the older low reliefs in time, are developed from +them, than to assume that just at the dividing-line a new principle +came into operation?</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote55" +name="footnote55"></a><b>Footnote 55:</b><a href="#footnotetag55"> +(return) </a> <i>Jahrbuch deutschen archäol. Instituts</i>, II, 118.</blockquote> + +<p>It is a commonplace to say that sculpture in relief is only one +branch of painting. Conze<a id="footnotetag56" name="footnotetag56"></a> +<a href="#footnote56"><sup class="sml">56</sup></a> publishes a sepulchral monument +which seems to him to mark the first stage of growth. The +surface of the figure and that of the surrounding ground +remain the same; they are separated only by a shallow incised +line. Conze says of it; "The tracing of the outline is no more +than, and is in fact exactly the same as, the tracing employed +by the Greek vase-painter when he outlined his figure with a +brush full of black paint before he filled in with black the +ground about it." The next step naturally is to cut away the +surface outside and beyond the figures; the representation is still +a picture except in the clearer marking of the bounding-line. +The entire further growth and development of the Greek relief is +in the direction of rounding these lines and of detaching the relief +more and more from the back surface. This primitive picturesque +method of treatment is found as well in high relief as in low. +How then can the process of development be different for the +two? I quote from Friedrichs-Wolters<a id="footnotetag57" name="footnotetag57"></a> +<a href="#footnote57"><sup class="sml">57</sup></a> on the metopes of the +temple of Apollon at Selinous, which are distinctly in high relief: +"The relief of these works stands very near to the origin of relief-style. +The surface of the figures is kept flat throughout, although +the effort to represent them in their full roundness is not to be +<a name="p36" id="p36"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 36</span> +mistaken. Only later were relief-figures rounded on the front +and sides after the manner of free figures. Originally, whether +in high or in low relief, they were flat forms, modelled for the +plane surface whose ornament they were to be." As the sculptured +works were brought out further and further from the background, +this background tended to disappear. It was no longer a distinctly +marked surface on which the figures were projected, but now +higher and now lower, serving only to hold the figures together. +When this point was reached, the entire separation of the figures +from one another and from the background, became easy. That is, +the change in conception is an easy step by which the relief was +lost and free-standing figures substituted. This process of change +was especially rapid in pedimental groups, for the reason stated +above. The pediment field from its architectonic conditions was +never suited to decoration in relief. But we find from the works +before us that such a system was at least attempted, that painting +and an increased projection of relief were employed as aids. We are +bound to seek a logical explanation of the facts and of their bearing +on the later history of art, and it is safer to assume a process +of regular development than a series of anomalous changes. Koepp +(<i>cf. supra</i>), for example, assumes that these two pediments in low +relief are simply exceptions to the general rule, accounting for +them by the fact that it was difficult to work out high reliefs from +the poros stone of which they were made. He seems to forget +that the higher reliefs from the Acropolis are of the same poros. +This material in fact appears to have been chosen by the artist +because it was almost as easy to incise and carve as the wood and +clay to which he had been accustomed. The monuments of later +Greek art give no hint of a distinction to be drawn between high +and low relief. We find on the same stele figures barely attached +to the ground, and others in mere outline. If then there are reasons +for finding the origin of pedimental decoration in a plane or low-relief +composition of terracotta, made more effective both by a +framing of like material and technic, and by the acroteria at either +extremity and above, then the process of development which leads +at length to the pediments at Aegina and the Parthenon becomes +at once easy and natural. We note first the change from terracotta +to a low painted relief in stone, then this relief becomes, +<a name="p37" id="p37"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 37</span> +from the necessities of the case, higher and higher until finally it +gives place to free figures.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote56" +name="footnote56"></a><b>Footnote 56:</b><a href="#footnotetag56"> +(return) </a> <i>Das Relief bei den Griechen. Sitzungs-Berichte der Berliner Akademie</i>, 1882, 567.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote57" +name="footnote57"></a><b>Footnote 57:</b><a href="#footnotetag57"> +(return) </a> <i>Gipsabgüsse antiker Bilderwerke</i>, Nos. 149-151.</blockquote> + +<p>If ceramic art really did exert such an influence on temple-sculpture, +we should be able to trace analogies in other lines. +The most interesting is found in the design and execution of +sepulchral monuments. Milchhoefer<a id="footnotetag58" name="footnotetag58"></a> +<a href="#footnote58"><sup class="sml">58</sup></a> is of the opinion that the +tomb was not originally marked by an upright slab with sculptured +figures. He finds what he thinks the oldest representation of +sepulchral ornament in a black-figured vase of the so-called "prothesis" +class.<a id="footnotetag59" name="footnotetag59"></a> +<a href="#footnote59"><sup class="sml">59</sup></a> Here are two women weeping about a sepulchral +mound on which rests an amphora of like form to the one that +bears the scene. He maintains then that such a prothesis vase +was the first sepulchral monument, that this was later replaced by +a vase of the same description in marble, of course on account of +the fragile nature of pottery. For this reason, too, we find no +certain proof of the fact in the old tombs, though Dr. Wolters<a id="footnotetag60" name="footnotetag60"></a> +<a href="#footnote60"><sup class="sml">60</sup></a> +thinks that the discovery of fragments of vases on undisturbed +tombs makes the case a very strong one. The use of such vases or +urns of marble for this purpose became very prevalent. They are +nearly always without ornament, save for a single small group, in +relief or sometimes in color, representing the dead and the bereaved +ones. A very evident connecting-link between these urns +and the later sepulchral stele appears in monuments which show +just such urns projected in relief upon a plane surface. The relief is +sometimes bounded by the outlines of the urn itself,<a id="footnotetag61" name="footnotetag61"></a> +<a href="#footnote61"><sup class="sml">61</sup></a> sometimes a +surrounding background is indicated. In many cases this background +assumes the form of the ordinary sepulchral stele. The +Central Museum at Athens is especially rich in examples of this +kind. On two steles which I have noticed there, three urns are +represented side by side. A still more interesting specimen is +a stone so divided that its lower part is occupied by an urn in +relief, above which is sculptured the usual scene of parting. This +<a name="p38" id="p38"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 38</span> +scene has its normal place as a relief or a drawing in color on the +surface of the urn itself; here, where the step in advance of +choosing the plane stele to bear the relief seems already taken, +the strength of tradition still asserts itself, and a similar group is +repeated on the rounded face of the urn below. The transition to +the more common form of sepulchral monument has now become +easy; but the characteristics which point to its genesis in the +funeral vase are still prominent.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote58" +name="footnote58"></a><b>Footnote 58:</b><a href="#footnotetag58"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. Athen.</i>, v, 164.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote59" +name="footnote59"></a><b>Footnote 59:</b><a href="#footnotetag59"> +(return) </a> <i>Monumenti dell' Inst.</i>, viii, <i>tav.</i> v. 1. <i>g.h.</i>: found near Cape Kolias; at +present in the Polytechnic Museum at Athens.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote60" +name="footnote60"></a><b>Footnote 60:</b><a href="#footnotetag60"> +(return) </a> <i>Attische Grabvasen</i>, a paper read before the German Institute in Athens, Dec. 9, +1890.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote61" +name="footnote61"></a><b>Footnote 61:</b><a href="#footnotetag61"> +(return) </a> Examples are Nos. 2099 and 2100 in the archaic room of the Louvre. I +remember having seen nothing similar in any other European museum.</blockquote> + +<p>This process of development, so far as can be judged from existing +types, reaches down to the beginning of the fourth century +B.C. Steles of a different class are found, dating from a period +long before this. Instead of a group, they bear only the dead +man in a way to suggest his position, or vocation during life. All +show distinctly a clinging to the technic of ceramic art. Sculptured +steles and others merely painted exist side by side. The best +known of the latter class is the Lyseas stele, in the Central Museum +at Athens. Many more of the same sort have been discovered, +differing from their vase predecessors in material and form, but +keeping to the old principles. The outlines, for example, are first +incised, and then the picture is finished with color. The Aristion +stele may be taken as an example of the second order. Relief +plays here the leading part; but it must still be assisted by painting, +while the resemblance to vase-figures in position, arrangement +of clothing, proportion and profile, remains as close as in the +simply painted stele. An ever present feature, also, is the palmette +acroterium, treated in conventional ceramic style. Loeschke +thinks that the origin of red-figured pottery is to be found in +the dark ground and light coloring of these steles. Whether +the opinion be correct or not, it points to a very close connection +between the two forms of art.</p> + +<p>The influence of ceramic decoration spread still further. Large +numbers of steles and bases for votive offerings have been discovered +on the Acropolis, which alike repeat over and over again +conventional vase-patterns, and show the use of incised lines and +other peculiarities of the technic of pottery.<a id="footnotetag62" name="footnotetag62"></a> +<a href="#footnote62"><sup class="sml">62</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote62" +name="footnote62"></a><b>Footnote 62:</b><a href="#footnotetag62"> +(return) </a> BORRMANN, <i>Jahrbuch des Instituts</i>, III, 274.</blockquote> + +<p>As to specific resemblances between the pediments of the Acropolis +and vase-pictures, the subjects of all the groups are such +<a name="p39" id="p39"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 39</span> +as appear very frequently on vases of all periods. About seventy +Attic vases are known which deal with the contest of Herakles +and Triton. One of these is a hydria at present in the Berlin +Museum, No. 1906.<a id="footnotetag63" name="footnotetag63"></a> +<a href="#footnote63"><sup class="sml">63</sup></a> Herakles is represented astride the Triton, +and he clasps him with both arms as in the Acropolis group. +The Triton's scaly length, his fins and tail, are drawn in quite the +same way. It is very noticeable that on the vase the contortions +of the Triton's body seem much more violent; here the sculptor +could not well follow the vase-painter so closely. It was far easier +for him to work out the figure in milder curves; but he followed +the vase-type as closely as possible. On the other hand, if the +potter had copied the pedimental group the copy could perfectly +well have been an exact one. The group is very similar also to a +scene in the Assos frieze, with regard to which I quote from +Friedrichs-Wolters;<a id="footnotetag64" name="footnotetag64"></a> +<a href="#footnote64"><sup class="sml">64</sup></a> "It corresponds to the oldest Greek vase-paintings, +in which we find beast fights borrowed from Oriental +art, united with Greek myths and represented after the Greek +manner." This frieze is ascribed to the sixth century B.C., and is +not much later than our pediments.</p> + +<p>For the Hydra pediment, there exists a still closer parallel, in +an archaic Corinthian amphora, published by Gerhard.<a id="footnotetag65" name="footnotetag65"></a> +<a href="#footnote65"><sup class="sml">65</sup></a> Athena +appears here as a spectator, though she has no part in the pedimental +group; but in every other point, in the drawing of the +Hydra, of Herakles and Iolaos, the identity is almost complete. +Athena seems to have been omitted, because the artist found it +difficult to introduce another figure in the narrow space. Evidently +the vase must have represented a type known to the sculptor +and copied by him.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote63" +name="footnote63"></a><b>Footnote 63:</b><a href="#footnotetag63"> +(return) </a> Published by GERHARD, <i>Auserlesene griechische Vasenbilder</i>, No. 111; RAYET +et COLLIGNON, <i>Hist. Céram. Grecque</i>. fig. 57, p. 125. In the National Museum at +Naples, No. 3419, is a black-figured amphora which repeats the same scene. The +drawing and position of the two contestants is just as on the Berlin vase, the Triton +seeking with one hand to break Herakles' hold about his neck, while with the other +he holds a fish as attribute. Athena stands close by, watching the struggle.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote64" +name="footnote64"></a><b>Footnote 64:</b><a href="#footnotetag64"> +(return) </a> <i>Gipsabgüsse antiker Bildwerke</i>, Nos. 8-12.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote65" +name="footnote65"></a><b>Footnote 65:</b><a href="#footnotetag65"> +(return) </a> <i>Auserlesene Vasenbilder</i>, Nos. 95, 96.</blockquote> + +<p>For the Typhon pediment, no such close analogies are possible, +at least in the form and arrangement of figures. It would seem +that this is so simply because no vase-picture of this subject that +<a name="p40" id="p40"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 40</span> +we know so far answers the conditions of a pedimental group +that it could be used as a pattern. In matters of detail, a hydria +in Munich, No. 125,<a id="footnotetag66" name="footnotetag66"></a> +<a href="#footnote66"><sup class="sml">66</sup></a> offers the best illustration. For example, +the vase-painting and the relief show quite the same treatment of +hair, beard and wings in the figure of Typhon.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote66" +name="footnote66"></a><b>Footnote 66:</b><a href="#footnotetag66"> +(return) </a> <i>Ibid.</i>, No. 287.</blockquote> + +<p>Speaking more generally, we find continually in the pediments +reminiscences of ceramic drawing and treatment. The acroteria, +painted in black and red on the natural surface of poros stone, +take the shape of palmettes and lotuses. The cornices above and +below are of clay or poros, painted in just such designs as appear +on the Olympian terracottas; and these designs are frequently +repeated in the sculptures themselves. The feathers of Typhon's +wings are conventionally represented by a scale-pattern; the arc +of the scales has been drawn with compass; we observe still the hole +left in the centre by the leg of the compass. The larger pinions at +the ends of the wings have been outlined, regularly by incised lines, +and then filled up with color. All this is as like the treatment of +vase-figures, as it unlike anything else in plastic art. In the former +the scale-pattern is used conventionally to denote almost anything. +Fragments of vases found on the Acropolis itself picture wings in +just this way; or it may be Athena's aegis, the fleece of a sheep +or the earth's surface that is so represented. On the body of the +Triton and the Echidna of the pediments no attempt is made to +indicate movement and contortion by the position of the scales; it +is everywhere the lifeless conventionality of archaic vase-drawing. +In sculptured representations the scale device is dropped, and with +it the rigid regularity in the ordering of the pinions. Further, in +drawing the scales of the Triton, the artist has dropped usual +patterns and copied exactly a so-called bar-ornament which decorates +the cornice just over the pediment. Here again he chooses +one of the most common motives on vases. For the body of the +Echidna, on the other hand, it is the so-called lattice-work pattern +which represents the scale covering,--a pattern employed in vases +for the most varied purposes, and found on the earliest Cypriote +pottery. Even the roll of the snake-bodies of Typhon seems +to follow a conventional spiral which we find on old Rhodian +ware.</p> + +<a name="p41" id="p41"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 41</span> + +<p>The outlining and coloring of the figures is most interesting. +The poros stone of the reliefs is so soft that it could easily be +worked with a knife; so incised lines are constantly used, and +regular geometrical designs traced. Quite an assortment of colors +is employed: black, white, red, dark brown, apparent green, +and in the Typhon group, blue. It is very noticeable that these +reliefs, unlike the others which in general furnish the closest +analogies, the metopes of the temple at Selinous and the pediment +of the Megarian Treasury at Olympia, have the ground unpainted. +This is distinctly after the manner of the oldest Greek pottery +and of archaic wall paintings. Herein they resemble also another +archaic pedimental relief, found near the old temple of Dionysos +at Athens, and representing just such a procession of satyrs and +mænads as appears so often on vases.</p> + +<p>To give a local habitation to the class of pottery which most +nearly influenced the artist of these reliefs, is not easy. Perhaps +it is a reasonable conjecture to make it Kamiros of Rhodes. +Kamiros ware shows just such an admixture of oriental and +geometrical designs as characterizes our pediments. Strange +monsters of all kinds are represented there; while in the reliefs +before us a goodly number of such monsters are translated to +Greek soil.</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<p>CARLETON L. BROWNSON.</p> +<p>American School of Classical Studies,</p> +<p>Athens, Nov. 10, 1891.</p> +</div></div> + + +<a name="p42" id="p42"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 42</span> +<br><br><br> + + + +<h3>PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL<br> +STUDIES AT ATHENS.<br> +THE FRIEZE OF THE CHORAGIC MONUMENT OF<br> +LYSIKRATES AT ATHENS.<a id="footnotetag67" name="footnotetag67"></a> +<a href="#footnote67"><sup class="sml">67</sup></a></h3> + +<h3>[PLATE II-III.]</h3> + +<p class="mid"><img alt="" src="images/001-small.png"> +<a href="images/001-large.png">enlarge</a></p> + +<p>The small circular Corinthian edifice, called among the common +people the Lantern of Diogenes,<a id="footnotetag68" name="footnotetag68"></a> +<a href="#footnote68"><sup class="sml">68</sup></a> and erected, as we know from +the inscription<a id="footnotetag69" name="footnotetag69"></a> +<a href="#footnote69"><sup class="sml">69</sup></a> on the architrave, to commemorate a choragic +victory won by Lysikrates, son of Lysitheides, with a boy-chorus +of the tribe Akamantis, in the archonship of Euainetos (B.C. 335/4), +has long been one of the most familiar of the lesser remains of +ancient Athens. The monument was originally crowned by the +tripod which was the prize of the successful chorus, and it doubtless +was one of many buildings of similar character along the famous +"Street of Tripods."<a id="footnotetag70" name="footnotetag70"></a> +<a href="#footnote70"><sup class="sml">70</sup></a> It is the aim of this paper to show, that the +earliest publications of the sculptured reliefs on this monument +have given a faulty representation of them, owing to the transposition +of two sets of figures; that this mistake has been repeated +in most subsequent publications down to our day; that inferences +deduced therefrom have in so far been vitiated; and that new +instructive facts concerning Greek composition in sculpture can +be derived from a corrected rendering of the original.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote67" +name="footnote67"></a><b>Footnote 67:</b><a href="#footnotetag67"> +(return) </a> It is a pleasure to acknowledge my obligations to the Director of the School, Dr. +Waldstein, who has kindly assisted me in the preparation of this paper by personal +suggestions.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote68" +name="footnote68"></a><b>Footnote 68:</b><a href="#footnotetag68"> +(return) </a> This does not exclude the tolerably well-attested fact, that the name "Lantern +of Diogenes" formerly belonged to another similar building near by, which had disappeared +by 1676.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote69" +name="footnote69"></a><b>Footnote 69:</b><a href="#footnotetag69"> +(return) </a> <i>C.</i> 1. <i>G.</i> 221.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote70" +name="footnote70"></a><b>Footnote 70:</b><a href="#footnotetag70"> +(return) </a> <i>Cf.</i> PAUS., I, 20, 1.</blockquote> + +<p>Although we are not now concerned either with the subsequent +fortunes of the monument arid the story of its preservation, or +with its architectural features and the various attempts which +<a name="p43" id="p43"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 43</span> +have been made to restore the original design, it may be convenient +to recall briefly a few of the more important facts pertaining +to these questions. The Monument of Lysikrates first +became an object of antiquarian interest in 1669, when it was +purchased by the Capuchin monks, whose mission had succeeded +that of the Jesuits in 1658, and it was partially enclosed in their +<i>hospitium</i>.<a id="footnotetag71" name="footnotetag71"></a> +<a href="#footnote71"><sup class="sml">71</sup></a> The first attempt to explain its purpose and meaning +was made by a Prussian soldier, Johann Georg Transfeldt, who, +after escaping from slavery in the latter part of 1674, fled to +Athens, where he lived for more than a year.<a id="footnotetag72" name="footnotetag72"></a> +<a href="#footnote72"><sup class="sml">72</sup></a> Transfeldt deciphered +the inscription, but was unable to decide whether the +building was a "<i>templum Demosthenis</i>" or a "<i>Gymnasium a Lysicrate +* * * exstructum propter juventutem Atheniensem ex tribu Acamantia</i>."<a id="footnotetag73" name="footnotetag73"></a> +<a href="#footnote73"><sup class="sml">73</sup></a> +Much more important for the interpretation of the +monument was the visit of Dr. Jacob Spon of Lyons, who arrived +at Athens early in the year 1676. Spon also read the inscription,<a id="footnotetag74" name="footnotetag74"></a> +<a href="#footnote74"><sup class="sml">74</sup></a> +and, from a comparison with other similar inscriptions, determined +the true purpose of edifices of this class.<a id="footnotetag75" name="footnotetag75"></a> +<a href="#footnote75"><sup class="sml">75</sup></a> Finally the first volume +of Stuart and Revett's <i>Antiquities of Athens</i>, which appeared in +1762, confirmed, corrected and extended Spon's results. Careful +and exhaustive drawings accompanied the description of the +monument.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote71" +name="footnote71"></a><b>Footnote 71:</b><a href="#footnotetag71"> +(return) </a> SPON, <i>Voyage</i>, II, p. 244; LABORDE, <i>Athènes</i>, I, p. 75 and note 2.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote72" +name="footnote72"></a><b>Footnote 72:</b><a href="#footnotetag72"> +(return) </a> MICHAELIS, <i>Mitth. Athen</i>., I, p. 103.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote73" +name="footnote73"></a><b>Footnote 73:</b><a href="#footnotetag73"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. Athen.</i>, I, p. 114.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote74" +name="footnote74"></a><b>Footnote 74:</b><a href="#footnotetag74"> +(return) </a> SPON, III, 2, p. 21 f.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote75" +name="footnote75"></a><b>Footnote 75:</b><a href="#footnotetag75"> +(return) </a> SPON, II, p. 174.</blockquote> + +<p>In the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the +nineteenth century, Athens was visited by many strangers from +western Europe, and the hospitable convent of the Capuchins and +the enclosed "Lantern," which at this time was used as a closet +for books, acquired some notoriety. Late in the year 1821, however, +during the occupation of Athens by the Turkish troops +under Omer Vrioni, the convent was accidentally burned, and +its most precious treasure was liberated, to be sure, but, as may still +be seen, sadly damaged by the fire, and what was still more +unfortunate, left unprotected and exposed to the destructive mischief +of Athenian street-arabs and their less innocent elders.</p> + +<p>Aside from some slight repairs and the clearing away of rubbish, +the monument remained in this condition until 1867, when the +<a name="p44" id="p44"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 44</span> +French Minister at Athens, M. de Gobineau, acting on behalf of +his government, into whose possession the site of the former monastery +had fallen, employed the architect Boulanger to make such +restorations as were necessary to save the monument from falling +to pieces.<a id="footnotetag76" name="footnotetag76"></a> +<a href="#footnote76"><sup class="sml">76</sup></a> At the same time the last remains of the old convent +were removed, and some measures taken to prevent further injury +to the ruin. Repairs were again being made under the direction +of the French School at Athens, when I left Greece, in April, 1892.</p> + +<p>For the architectural study of the monument of Lysikrates little +has been done since Stuart's time. In the year 1845 and in 1859, +the architect Theoph. Hansen made a new series of drawings from +the monument, and upon them based a restoration which differs +somewhat from that of Stuart, especially in the decoration of the +roof. This work is discussed in the monograph of Von Lützow.<a id="footnotetag77" name="footnotetag77"></a> +<a href="#footnote77"><sup class="sml">77</sup></a></p> + +<p>Confining our attention to the sculptures of the frieze, we will +examine certain inaccuracies of detail which have hitherto prevailed +in the treatment of this important landmark in the history +of decorative reliefs of the fourth century. The frieze, carved in +low relief upon a single block of marble, runs continuously around +the entire circumference of the structure. Its height is only +.012 m. (lower, rectangular moulding) + .23 m. (between mouldings) ++ .015 m. (upper, rounded moulding).<a id="footnotetag78" name="footnotetag78"></a> +<a href="#footnote78"><sup class="sml">78</sup></a> It is to be noticed +that the figures rest upon the lower moulding, while they are +often (in fourteen cases) carried to the top of the upper moulding.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote76" +name="footnote76"></a><b>Footnote 76:</b><a href="#footnotetag76"> +(return) </a> VON LÜTZOW, <i>Zeitschr für bildende Kunst</i>, III, pp. 23, 236 f.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote77" +name="footnote77"></a><b>Footnote 77:</b><a href="#footnotetag77"> +(return) </a> Pp. 239 ff., 264 ff. For another restoration of the roof <i>cf.</i> SEMPER, <i>Der Stil</i>, vol. +II, p. 242.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote78" +name="footnote78"></a><b>Footnote 78:</b><a href="#footnotetag78"> +(return) </a> My own measurements.</blockquote> + +<p>The question as to the subject of the relief was a sore puzzle to +the early travellers. Père Babin finds "<i>des dieux marins</i>";<a id="footnotetag79" name="footnotetag79"></a> +<a href="#footnote79"><sup class="sml">79</sup></a> Transfeldt, +"<i>varias gymnasticorum figuras</i>," which he thought represented +certain games held "<i>in Aegena insula</i>" in honor of Demosthenes.<a id="footnotetag80" name="footnotetag80"></a> +<a href="#footnote80"><sup class="sml">80</sup></a> +Vernon (1676), who regarded the monument as a temple of Hercules, +sees his labors depicted in the sculptures of the frieze.<a id="footnotetag81" name="footnotetag81"></a> +<a href="#footnote81"><sup class="sml">51</sup></a> +Spon, while not accepting this view, admitted that some, at +least, of the acts of Herakles were represented; so that the building, +apart from its monumental purpose, might also have been sacred +<a name="p45" id="p45"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 45</span> +to that deity.<a id="footnotetag82" name="footnotetag82"></a> +<a href="#footnote82"><sup class="sml">82</sup></a> To Stuart and Revett<a id="footnotetag83" name="footnotetag83"></a> +<a href="#footnote83"><sup class="sml">83</sup></a> is due the credit of being +the first to recognize in these reliefs the story of Dionysos and +the pirates, which is told first in the Homeric Hymn to Dionysos. +In the Homeric version, Dionysos, in the guise of a fair youth +with dark locks and purple mantle, appears by the seashore, when +he is espied by Tyrrhenian pirates, who seize him and hale him on +board their ship, hoping to obtain a rich ransom. But when they +proceed to bind him the fetters fall from his limbs, whereupon the +pilot, recognizing his divinity, vainly endeavors to dissuade his +comrades from their purpose. Soon the ship flows with wine; +then a vine with hanging clusters stretches along the sail-top, and +the mast is entwined with ivy. Too late the marauders perceive +their error and try to head for the shore; but straightway the god +assumes the form of a lion and drives them, all save the pious +pilot, terror-stricken into the sea, where they become dolphins.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote79" +name="footnote79"></a><b>Footnote 79:</b><a href="#footnotetag79"> +(return) </a> WACHSMUTH, <i>Die Stadt Athen</i>, I, p. 757.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote80" +name="footnote80"></a><b>Footnote 80:</b><a href="#footnotetag80"> +(return) </a> <i>Mitth. Athen.</i>, I, p. 113.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote81" +name="footnote81"></a><b>Footnote 81:</b><a href="#footnotetag81"> +(return) </a> LABORDE, I, pp. 249 f.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote82" +name="footnote82"></a><b>Footnote 82:</b><a href="#footnotetag82"> +(return) </a> SPON, II, p. 175.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote83" +name="footnote83"></a><b>Footnote 83:</b><a href="#footnotetag83"> +(return) </a> I, p. 27.</blockquote> + +<p>In the principal post-Homeric versions, the Tyrrhenians endeavor +to kidnap Dionysos under pretext of conveying him to Naxos, the +circumstances being variously related. Thus in the Ναξίακά of +Aglaosthenes (<i>apud</i> HYGIN. Poet. Astronom. II. 17), the child +Dionysos and his companions are to be taken to the nymphs, his +nurses. According to Ovid,<a id="footnotetag84" name="footnotetag84"></a> +<a href="#footnote84"><sup class="sml">84</sup></a> the pirates find the god on the shore +of Chios, stupid with sleep and wine, and bring him on board +their vessel. On awaking he desires to be conveyed to Naxos, +but the pirates turn to the left, whereupon, as they give no heed to +his remonstrances, they are changed to dolphins and leap into the +sea. Similarly Servius, <i>Ad. Verg. Aen.</i>, I. 67. In the <i>Fabulæ</i> of +Hyginus (CXXXIV), and in Pseudo-Apollodorus,<a id="footnotetag85" name="footnotetag85"></a> +<a href="#footnote85"><sup class="sml">85</sup></a> Dionysos engages +passage with the Tyrrhenians. Nonnus, however, returns to the +Homeric story, which he has modified, extended, and embellished +in his own peculiar way.<a id="footnotetag86" name="footnotetag86"></a> +<a href="#footnote86"><sup class="sml">86</sup></a> These versions, to which may be added +that of Seneca,<a id="footnotetag87" name="footnotetag87"></a> +<a href="#footnote87"><sup class="sml">87</sup></a> all agree in making the scene take place on shipboard, +and, if we except the "comites" of Aglaosthenes, in none of +them is the god accompanied by a retinue of satyrs. But Philostratus<a id="footnotetag88" name="footnotetag88"></a> +<a href="#footnote88"><sup class="sml">88</sup></a> +pretends to describe a painting, in which two ships are +<a name="p46" id="p46"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 46</span> +portrayed, the pirate-craft lying in ambush for the other, which +bears Dionysos and his rout.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote84" +name="footnote84"></a><b>Footnote 84:</b><a href="#footnotetag84"> +(return) </a> <i>Met.</i>, III. 605 ff.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote85" +name="footnote85"></a><b>Footnote 85:</b><a href="#footnotetag85"> +(return) </a> <i>Bibliotheca</i>, III. 5. 3.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote86" +name="footnote86"></a><b>Footnote 86:</b><a href="#footnotetag86"> +(return) </a> <i>Dionys.</i>, XLV. 119 ff.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote87" +name="footnote87"></a><b>Footnote 87:</b><a href="#footnotetag87"> +(return) </a> <i>Œdipus</i>, VV. 455-473.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote88" +name="footnote88"></a><b>Footnote 88:</b><a href="#footnotetag88"> +(return) </a> <i>Imag.</i>, I. 19.</blockquote> + +<p>In our frieze, however, the myth is represented in an entirely +different manner. The scene is not laid on shipboard, but near +the shore of the sea, where, as the action shows, Dionysos and his +attendant satyrs are enjoying the contents of two large craters, +when they are attacked by pirates. The satyrs who are characterized +as such by their tails, and in most cases (9 + 2:7) by the +panther-skin, forthwith take summary vengeance upon their +assailants, of whom some are bound, others beaten and burned, +while others take refuge in the sea, only to be changed into dolphins +by the invisible power of the god.</p> + +<p>These modifications of the traditional form of the story have +usually<a id="footnotetag89" name="footnotetag89"></a> +<a href="#footnote89"><sup class="sml">89</sup></a> been accounted for by the necessities of plastic art; and +this view has in its favor that the representation in sculpture of +any of the other versions which are known to us, would be +attended by great difficulties of composition, and would certainly +be much less effective. Reisch, however, has suggested<a id="footnotetag90" name="footnotetag90"></a> +<a href="#footnote90"><sup class="sml">90</sup></a> that this +frieze illustrates the dithyrambus which won the prize on this +occasion, and that the variations in the details of the story are due +to this. There is no evidence for this hypothesis, inasmuch as +we have no basis upon which to found an analogy, and know +nothing whatever of the nature of the piece in which the chorus +had figured.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote89" +name="footnote89"></a><b>Footnote 89:</b><a href="#footnotetag89"> +(return) </a> <i>E.g.</i> OVERBECK, <i>Plastik</i>,<sup>3</sup> II. p. 92; Friedrichs-Wolters, <i>Bausteine</i>, p. 488.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote90" +name="footnote90"></a><b>Footnote 90:</b><a href="#footnotetag90"> +(return) </a> <i>Griech. Weihgeschenke</i>, p. 102.</blockquote> + +<p>The general arrangement and technic of this relief, the skill +with which unity of design is preserved despite the circular form, +the energy of the action, and the variety of the grouping, have +often been pointed out. More particularly, the harmony and +symmetry, which the composition exhibits, have been noticed by +most of the later writers who have had occasion to describe the +frieze. It is here, however, that we find the divergencies and +inaccuracies which have been alluded to above, and these are such +as to merit a closer examination.</p> + +<p>To begin with the central scene, which is characterized as such +by the symmetrical grouping of two pairs of satyrs about the god +<a name="p47" id="p47"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 47</span> +Dionysos and his panther and is externally defined by a crater at +either side, we observe that, while the two satyrs immediately to +the right (I¹) and left (I) of Dionysos (0), correspond in youth and +in their attitude toward him, the satyr at the left (I) has a thyrsus +and a mantle which the other does not possess. These figures +have unfortunately suffered much; the central group is throughout +badly damaged, the upper part of the body and the head of +Dionysos especially so. Of the tail of the panther as drawn in +Stuart's work, no trace exists. The faces of the two satyrs and +the head of the thyrsus are also much mutilated. The other two +satyrs (II:II¹), whose faces are also mutilated, correspond very +closely in youth, action, and nudity. In these two pairs of figures +it is also to be noticed that the heads of I and II at the left face +the central group, while the heads of I¹ and II¹ at the right are +turned away from the centre, toward the right. By this device +the sculptor has obviated any awkwardness which might arise +from the necessity of placing Dionysos in profile.</p> + +<p>Passing now to the scenes outside of the vases, we observe that, +of the first pair of satyrs, the bearded figure at the left (III), leans +upon a tree-stump, over which is thrown his panther-skin, as he +contemplates the contest between his fellows and the pirates, +while against his right side rests a thyrsus. The corresponding +satyr on the right (III¹), also bearded, but with his head now nearly +effaced, wears his mantle slung over the left shoulder as he advances +to the right, offering with his right hand the freshly filled +wine-cup to a youthful companion (IV¹). The latter, with panther-skin +over left shoulder and arm, and club (partially effaced) in +outstretched right hand, is moving rapidly to the right, as if to +join in the battle; his face (also somewhat mutilated) is partly +turned to the left, and despite his attitude of refusal he forms a +sort of group with his neighbor on that side (III¹), and has no connection, +as has been wrongly assumed,<a id="footnotetag91" name="footnotetag91"></a> +<a href="#footnote91"><sup class="sml">91</sup></a> with the following group +to the right (V¹). Corresponding with this youthful satyr, we have +on the left (IV) a nude bearded satyr (face somewhat damaged,) +armed with a torch instead of a club, moving swiftly to the left +to take part in the contest. He has no group-relation with his +<a name="p48" id="p48"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 48</span> +neighbor on the right (III), although he maybe supposed to have +just left him. The relation is not sufficiently marked in the case +of the corresponding figures on the other side (III¹, IV¹) to injure the +symmetry.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote91" +name="footnote91"></a><b>Footnote 91:</b><a href="#footnotetag91"> +(return) </a> <i>British Museum Marbles,</i> IX, p. 114.</blockquote> + +<p>These two pairs of satyrs serve to express the transition from +the untroubled ease of Dionysos and his immediate attendants, to +the violence and confusion of the struggle. Thus the first pair +(III:III¹) seem to feel that their active participation is unnecessary, +and so belong rather to the central scene; while the second +pair (iv:iv¹), hurrying to the combat, are to be reckoned rather +with those who are actively engaged. This is also emphasized by +the symmetrical alternation of young and old satyrs, <i>i.e.</i>:</p> + +<pre> + old young old young old young + VIa Vb IV IV¹ V¹b VI¹b +</pre> + +<p>and by their correspondence to VII:VII¹.</p> + +<p>On the left side we have next a group, turned toward the right, +consisting of a young satyr with flowing panther-skin (Vb), who +places his left knee on the back of a prostrate pirate (Va) whom +he is about to strike with a club which he holds in his uplifted +right hand. The pirate (face now somewhat damaged) is, like all +of his fellows, youthful and nude. The corresponding group on +the right, faces the left, and represents a nude bearded satyr (V¹,) +with left knee on the hip of a fallen pirate (V¹a), whose hands he +is about to bind behind his back. Thus the arrangement of the +two groups corresponds, but the action is somewhat different.</p> + +<p>I now wish to point out an error which is interesting and +instructive as illustrating how mistakes creep into standard archæological +literature to the detriment of a proper appreciation of +the original monuments; and I may perhaps hope not only to +correct this error once for all, but also, in so doing, to make +clearer certain noteworthy artistic qualities of this composition.</p> + +<p>If we turn to the reproductions of the Lysikrates frieze in the +common manuals of Greek sculpture, we find that the group (V¹) +has exchanged places with the next group to the right (VI¹) while +the corresponding groups on the left side (V, VI) retain their proper +position. In order to detect the source of this confusion, we have +only to examine the drawings of Stuart and Revett, from which +nearly all the subsequent illustrations are more or less directly +<a name="p49" id="p49"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 49</span> +derived. In the first volume of Stuart and Revett, the groups +(V¹, IV¹) occupy plates XIII and XIV, and it is evident that the drawings +have been in some way misplaced. These plates have been +reproduced on a reduced scale in Meyer's <i>Gesch. d. bildenden +Künste<a id="footnotetag92" name="footnotetag92"></a> +<a href="#footnote92"><sup class="sml">92</sup></a></i> (1825); Müller-Wieseler<a id="footnotetag93" name="footnotetag93"></a> +<a href="#footnote93"><sup class="sml">93</sup></a> (1854); Overbeck,<a id="footnotetag94" name="footnotetag94"></a> +<a href="#footnote94"><sup class="sml">94</sup></a> <i>Plastik³</i> +(1882); W.C. Perry, <i>History of Greek Sculpture<a id="footnotetag95" name="footnotetag95"></a> +<a href="#footnote95"><sup class="sml">95</sup></a></i> (1882); Mrs. L.M. +Mitchell, <i>History of Ancient Sculpture;<a id="footnotetag96" name="footnotetag96"></a> +<a href="#footnote96"><sup class="sml">96</sup></a></i> Baumeister, <i>Denkmäler<a id="footnotetag97" name="footnotetag97"></a> +<a href="#footnote97"><sup class="sml">97</sup></a></i> +(1887); Harrison and Verrall, <i>Andent Athens<a id="footnotetag98" name="footnotetag98"></a> +<a href="#footnote98"><sup class="sml">98</sup></a></i> (1890), and in all +with the same misarrangement.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless correct reproductions of the frieze, derived from +other sources, have not been wholly lacking. There is, for example, +a drawing of the whole monument by S. Pomardi in Dodwell's +<i>Tour through Greece<a id="footnotetag99" name="footnotetag99"></a> +<a href="#footnote99"><sup class="sml">99</sup></a></i> (1819), in which the correct position of these +groups is clearly indicated. In 1842 appeared volume IX of the +<i>British Museum Marbles</i> containing engravings of a cast made by +direction of Lord Elgin, about 1800.<a id="footnotetag100" name="footnotetag100"></a> +<a href="#footnote100"><sup class="sml">100</sup></a> Inasmuch as this cast or +similar copies have always been the chief sources for the study of +the relief, owing to the unsatisfactory preservation of the original, +it is the more strange that this mistake should have remained so +long uncorrected,<a id="footnotetag101" name="footnotetag101"></a> +<a href="#footnote101"><sup class="sml">101</sup></a> or that Müller-Wieseler should imply<a id="footnotetag102" name="footnotetag102"></a> +<a href="#footnote102"><sup class="sml">102</sup></a> that +their engraving was corrected from the British Museum publication, +when no trace of such correction is to be found. A third +drawing in which the true arrangement is shown, is the engraving +after Hansen's restoration of the whole monument, published in +Von Lützow's monograph<a id="footnotetag103" name="footnotetag103"></a> +<a href="#footnote103"><sup class="sml">103</sup></a> (1868). Although Stuart's arrangement +violates the symmetry maintained between the other groups +of the frieze, yet Overbeck<a id="footnotetag104" name="footnotetag104"></a> +<a href="#footnote104"><sup class="sml">104</sup></a> especially commends the symmetry +shown in the composition of these portions of the relief.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote92" +name="footnote92"></a><b>Footnote 92:</b><a href="#footnotetag92"> +(return) </a> <i>Tajel</i> 25.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote93" +name="footnote93"></a><b>Footnote 93:</b><a href="#footnotetag93"> +(return) </a> I <i>Taf.</i> 37.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote94" +name="footnote94"></a><b>Footnote 94:</b><a href="#footnotetag94"> +(return) </a> II, p. 91.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote95" +name="footnote95"></a><b>Footnote 95:</b><a href="#footnotetag95"> +(return) </a> P. 474.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote96" +name="footnote96"></a><b>Footnote 96:</b><a href="#footnotetag96"> +(return) </a> P. 487.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote97" +name="footnote97"></a><b>Footnote 97:</b><a href="#footnotetag97"> +(return) </a> II, p. 841.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote98" +name="footnote98"></a><b>Footnote 98:</b><a href="#footnotetag98"> +(return) </a> P. 248.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote99" +name="footnote99"></a><b>Footnote 99:</b><a href="#footnotetag99"> +(return) </a> I, opposite p. 289.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote100" +name="footnote100"></a><b>Footnote 100:</b><a href="#footnotetag100"> +(return) </a> H. MEYER, <i>Gesch. der bildenden Künste</i>, II, p. 242. note 313.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote101" +name="footnote101"></a><b>Footnote 101:</b><a href="#footnotetag101"> +(return) </a> Since I first noticed the error from study of the original monument, it gives me +pleasure to observe that Mr. Murray in his <i>History of Greek Sculpture</i>, II, p. 333, +note, has remarked that there is a difference between Stuart's drawing and the cast, +without, however, being able to determine positively which is correct, owing to lack +of means of verification. He was inclined to agree with the cast.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote102" +name="footnote102"></a><b>Footnote 102:</b><a href="#footnotetag102"> +(return) </a> I, <i>Taf.</i>, note 150: <i>Mit Berücksichtigung der Abbildungen nach später genommenen +Gypsabgüssen in Ancient Marbles in the Brit, Mus.</i></blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote103" +name="footnote103"></a><b>Footnote 103:</b><a href="#footnotetag103"> +(return) </a> Between pp. 240 and 241.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote104" +name="footnote104"></a><b>Footnote 104:</b><a href="#footnotetag104"> +(return) </a> Plastik³, II, p. 94.</blockquote> + +<a name="p50" id="p50"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 50</span> + +<p>Now let us examine the symmetry as manifested in the corrected +arrangement. After the figures which we have found to have a +thoroughly symmetrical disposition, we have on the left side a +group consisting of a bearded satyr (face damaged), with panther-skin +(VI a), about to strike with his thyrsus a pirate kneeling at the +left (VI b), with his hands bound behind his back. The face of this +figure is also somewhat injured. The corresponding group on +the right (VI¹ instead of the erroneous V¹), represents a youthful +satyr with panther-skin thrown over his arm (VI¹ a), about to strike +with the club which he holds in his uplifted right hand, a pirate +(VI¹ b), who has been thrown on his back, and raises his left arm, +partly in supplication and partly to ward off the blow. As in +the groups V:V¹, so in VI:VI¹, persons, action, and arrangement, +are closely symmetrical, while a graceful variety and harmony is +effected by so modifying each of these elements as to repeat scarcely +a detail in the several corresponding figures.</p> + +<p>After these five fighters, we observe on the left a powerful +bearded satyr (face much injured), with flowing panther-skin, facing +the right, and wrenching away a branch from a tree (VII). The +corresponding figure on the right side (VII¹) is a nude, bearded satyr, +who is breaking down a branch of a tree. At first the correspondence +does not seem to be maintained, for this satyr faces the right, +whereas after the analogy of figures VII and IV we might expect him +to face the left. But a closer examination shows that this lack of +symmetry is apparent only when figures VII:VII¹ are considered +individually, and apart from the scenes to which they belong. +For while IV and VII, the outside figures of the main scene on the +left, appropriately face each other, the figures IV¹ and VII¹, which +occupy the same position with regard to the chief scene on the +right, are placed so as to face in opposite directions. By this +subtle device, for which the relation between the figures III¹ and IV¹ +furnishes an evident motive, the sculptor has contrived to indicate +distinctly the limits of these scenes, while the symmetry existing +between them is heightened and emphasized by the avoidance +of rigid uniformity.</p> + +<p>The trees serve also to mark the end of the preceding scenes, +and to contrast the land, upon which they stand, with the sea, of +which we behold a portion on either side, while a pair of corresponding, +<a name="p51" id="p51"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 51</span> +semi-human dolphins (VIII : VIII¹) are just leaping into +the element which is to form their home. These dolphins are not +quite accurately drawn in Stuart and Revett, for what appears as +an under jaw is, as Dodwell<a id="footnotetag105" name="footnotetag105"></a> +<a href="#footnote105"><sup class="sml">105</sup></a> rightly pointed out, a fin, and their +mouths are closed; the teeth, which are seen in Stuart's drawing +and all subsequent reproductions of it, do not exist on the monument. +The correct form of the head may be seen in the British +Museum publication.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote105" +name="footnote105"></a><b>Footnote 105:</b><a href="#footnotetag105"> +(return) </a> I, p. 290.</blockquote> + +<p>After these dolphins, we have on each side another piece of +land succeeded again by a stretch of sea. On these pieces of land +are seen on each side two groups of two figures each, while a +third incipient dolphin (0¹), which does not stand in group-relation +with any of the other figures, leaps into the sea between them. In +these groups there is a general correspondence, but it does not +extend to particular positions or to accessories.</p> + +<p>At the left we observe first a bearded satyr with torch and flowing +panther-skin (IX a), pursuing a pirate, who flees to the left (IX b). +The space between the satyr and his victim is in part occupied by +a hole, which was probably cut for a beam at the time when the +monument was built into the convent. In the corresponding +places on the right side, we have a bearded satyr with panther-skin +(IX¹ a), about to strike with the forked club which he holds in +his uplifted right hand, a seated and bound pirate (IX¹ b), whose +hair the satyr has clutched with his left hand. The heads of both +figures are considerably damaged, and the lower part of the right +leg of the pirate is quite effaced. To return to the left side, the +tree at the left of the fleeing pirate (IX b), does not correspond with +any thing on the right side. It serves to indicate the shore of the +sea, while on the other side this is effected by the high rocks upon +which the pirate (X¹ b) is seated.</p> + +<p>The next group on the left is represented as at the very edge of +the water, and consists of a nude bearded satyr (X b), who is +dragging an overthrown pirate (X a) by the foot, with the evident +intention of hurling him into the sea. The legs and the right arm +of this pirate have been destroyed by another hole, similar to that +which is found between figures IX and IX a. On the right side, a +<a name="p52" id="p52"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 52</span> +bearded satyr, with flowing panther-skin (x¹ a) rushes to the right, +thrusting a torch into the face of a pirate who is seated on a rock +(x¹ b), with his hands bound behind his back. In his shoulder +are fastened the fangs of a serpent, which is in keeping here as +sacred to Dionysos. Perhaps, as Stuart has suggested,<a id="footnotetag106" name="footnotetag106"></a> +<a href="#footnote106"><sup class="sml">106</sup></a> he may +be a metamorphosis of the cord with which the pirate's hands are +bound; but the sculptor has not made this clear. The figures of +this group, which were in tolerable preservation at the time when +Lord Elgin's cast was made, have since been nearly effaced, particularly +the face, legs and torch of the satyr, and the face and legs of +the pirate, also the rocks upon which he is seated, and the serpent. +Between these figures and the following dolphin, there is a third +hole, similar to those mentioned already, and measuring 15x16 +centimetres.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote106" +name="footnote106"></a><b>Footnote 106:</b><a href="#footnotetag106"> +(return) </a> I, p. 34. Stuart cites Nonnus, <i>Dionys.</i> XLV. 137. <i>Cf.</i> also <i>Ancient Marbles +in the British Mus.</i> IX. p. 115.</blockquote> + +<p>The less rigid correspondence of these groups (x, ix : ix¹, x¹), +has caused some difficulty. In the text of the <i>British Museum +Marbles</i><a id="footnotetag107" name="footnotetag107"></a> +<a href="#footnote107"><sup class="sml">107</sup></a>, all that falls between the pair of dolphins (VII : VIII¹), is +regarded as belonging to a separate composition, grouped about +the single dolphin (0¹). But such an interpolated composition, +besides having no purpose in itself, would vitiate the unity of the +entire relief. For, although the circular form is less favorable to +a strongly marked symmetry than is the plane, at least in compositions +of small extent, still the individual figures and groups +must bear some relation to a common centre, and there can be no +division of interest, or mere stringing together of disconnected +figures or groups of figures. Such a stringing together is assumed +by Mr. Murray, when, in his <i>History of Greek Sculpture</i>,<a id="footnotetag108" name="footnotetag108"></a> +<a href="#footnote108"><sup class="sml">108</sup></a> he speaks +of seven figures after the pair of dolphins, which, "though without +direct responsion among themselves, still indicate the continued +punishment of the pirates." In the pirate seated on the rocks +(x b), however, Mr. Murray<a id="footnotetag109" name="footnotetag109"></a> +<a href="#footnote109"><sup class="sml">109</sup></a> finds what he calls a "sort of echo" +of Dionysos, inasmuch as he is seated in a commanding position, +and is attacked by the god's serpent. There is, to be sure, a certain +external resemblance in the attitudes of the two figures, but +direct connection cannot be assumed without separating x¹ a +<a name="p53" id="p53"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 53</span> +from x¹ b, with which, however, it obviously forms a group, and +entirely disregarding the relations which the groups x, ix: ix¹, x¹ +bear to one another and to the dolphin 0¹. And this Mr. Murray +does, when he takes seven figures, among which x¹ b is evidently +to be considered as central instead of what is plainly four groups +of two figures each, <i>plus</i> one dolphin.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote107" +name="footnote107"></a><b>Footnote 107:</b><a href="#footnotetag107"> +(return) </a> 107: IX, p. 115.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote108" +name="footnote108"></a><b>Footnote 108:</b><a href="#footnotetag108"> +(return) </a> II, p. 333.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote109" +name="footnote109"></a><b>Footnote 109:</b><a href="#footnotetag109"> +(return) </a> II, p. 332.</blockquote> + +<p>There is, as we have already said, a general correspondence +between these groups. This is effected, in such a way that the +group ix resembles x¹ in action and arrangement, rather than 9¹, +which, on the other hand, resembles group x, rather than group +ix. In other words, the diagonalism which we have noticed above +in the arrangement of young and old satyrs (vi a, v b, iv : iv¹, +v¹ b, vi¹ a), is extended here to the groups themselves.</p> + +<p>Moreover, the stretches of sea with the paired dolphins (viii : +viii¹), which are introduced between these groups and those which +had preceded, are not to be regarded as separating the composition +into two parts, but as connecting the central scene with similar +scenes in a different locality. These scenes are again joined +by another stretch of sea with the single dolphin (0¹), which +thus forms the centre of the back of the relief, opposite Dionysos, +and the terminus of the action which proceeds from the +god toward either side.</p> + +<p>I do not mean to say, however, that these scenes beyond the +dolphins (viii: viii¹), are to be looked upon as a mere repetition of +those which have preceded, distinguished only by greater license +in the symmetry, or that the changes of locality have no other +purpose than to lend variety to the action. On the contrary, if we +examine the indications of scenery in this relief, we see that those +features by which the artist has characterized the place of this +part of the action as the seashore, the trees near the water's edge, +the alternating stretches of land and sea, the dolphins, the satyr +pulling the pirate into the water (x), are confined to the space +beyond the trees. In the scenes on the other side of the trees, +there is not only no suggestion of the sea, but the rocks and the +sequence of figures up to Dionysos indicate rather that his place of +repose is some elevation near the seashore. The contrast between +the more peaceful and luxurious surroundings of the god and the +violent contest with the pirates, is thus carried out and enforced +<a name="p54" id="p54"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 54</span> +by the sculptural indications of landscape, as well as by the leading +lines of the composition. Though I would not imply that the +composition of this frieze was in any way governed by the laws +which rule similar compositions in pediments, it is interesting and +instructive to note that the general principles of distribution of +subject which have been followed, are somewhat similar to those +which we can trace in the best-known pediments extant; thus, as +the god in his more elevated position would occupy the centre of +the pediment, so the low-lying seashore and the scenes which are +being enacted upon it correspond to the wings at either side.</p> + +<p>To recapitulate, the concordance of figures in this relief is then +briefly as follows: In the central scene, <i>i.e.</i>, inside the vases, and +in the first pair of transitional figures (III, II, I:I¹, II¹, III¹), equality +of persons, but not of accessories (drapery, thyrsi); action symmetrical. +In the immediately adjacent scenes, including the second +pair of transitional figures and the satyrs at the trees (VII, VI, V, +IV:IV¹, V¹, VI¹ , VII¹), the persons are diagonally symmetrical in +VIa, Vb, IV:IV¹, V¹b, VI¹a (<i>i.e.</i>, old, young, old: young, old, +young), equal in VII:VII¹. The drapery is diagonally symmetrical +in Vb, IV:IV¹, V¹b (<i>i.e.</i>, panther-skin, nudity: panther-skin, +nudity), equal in VIa:VI¹a, not symmetrical in VII:VII¹, and the +weapons are not symmetrical, except in VII:VII¹ (<i>i.e.</i>, thyrsus, +club, torch: club, no weapon, club). The action is symmetrical +throughout, although not exactly the same in V:V¹. In the +scenes beyond the dolphins, the persons are equivalent (X, IX: +IX¹, X¹), while the action, drapery and weapons are harmonious, +but not diagonally symmetrical (<i>i.e.</i>, IXa = X¹a, but Xb < IX¹a). +At the left, a tree, at the right, a pile of rocks and a serpent.--The +persons are, accordingly, symmetrical throughout; the action +is so until past the dolphins (VIII:VIII¹); the drapery only in II: +II¹, and in VI, V, IV:IV¹, V¹, VI¹; and the weapons not at all.</p> + +<p>It is thus apparent that the correspondence of the figures in +this frieze is by no means rigid and schematic or devoid of life, +but that, on the contrary, the same principles of symmetry obtain +which have been pointed out by many authorities as prevalent +in Greek art.<a id="footnotetag110" name="footnotetag110"></a> +<a href="#footnote110"><sup class="sml">110</sup></a> The whole composition exhibits freedom and +<a name="p55" id="p55"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 55</span> +elasticity, not so indulged in as to produce discord, but peculiarly +appropriate to the element of mirth and comedy which characterizes +the story, and upon which the sculptor has laid especial +stress.</p> + +<p>HERBERT F. DE COU<br> +Berlin, August 19, 1892.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote110" +name="footnote110"></a><b>Footnote 110:</b><a href="#footnotetag110"> +(return) </a> Brunn, <i>Bildwerke des Parthenon</i>; Flasch, <i>Zum Parthenonfries</i> pp. 65 ff.; +and Waldstein, <i>Essays on the Art of Pheidias</i>, pp. 80f., 114ff., 153ff., 194f., 205, 210.</blockquote> + +<br><br> +<a name="p56" id="p56"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 56</span> + + + + +<h3>PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL<br> +STUDIES AT ATHENS.<br> +DIONYSUS εν Λίμναις.<a id="footnotetagB" name="footnotetagB"></a> +<a href="#footnoteB"><sup class="sml">B</sup></a></h3> + + +<p>The dispute over the number of Dionysiac festivals in the Attic +calendar, more particularly with regard to the date of the so-called +Lenaea, is one of long duration.<a id="footnotetag111" name="footnotetag111"></a> +<a href="#footnote111"><sup class="sml">111</sup></a> Boeckh maintained that the +Lenaea were a separate festival celebrated in the month Gamelio. +To this opinion August Mommsen in the <i>Heortologie</i> returns; and +maintained as it is by 0. Ribbeck,<a id="footnotetag112" name="footnotetag112"></a> +<a href="#footnote112"><sup class="sml">112</sup></a> by Albert Müller,<a id="footnotetag113" name="footnotetag113"></a> +<a href="#footnote113"><sup class="sml">113</sup></a> by A.E. +Haigh,<a id="footnotetag114" name="footnotetag114"></a> +<a href="#footnote114"><sup class="sml">114</sup></a> and by G. Oehmichen,<a id="footnotetag115" name="footnotetag115"></a> +<a href="#footnote115"><sup class="sml">115</sup></a> it may fairly be said to be the +accepted theory to-day. This opinion, however, is by no means +universally received. For example, O. Gilbert<a id="footnotetag116" name="footnotetag116"></a> +<a href="#footnote116"><sup class="sml">116</sup></a> has attempted to +prove that the country Dionysia, Lenaea, and Anthesteria were +only parts of the same festival.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnoteB" +name="footnoteB"></a><b>Footnote B:</b><a href="#footnotetagB"> +(return) </a> I wish to express my hearty thanks to Prof. U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff +of the University of Göttingen, Prof. K. Schöll of the University of Munich, Prof. +A.C. Merriam of Columbia College, and Dr. Charles Waldstein and Prof. R.Β. +Richardson, Directors of the American School at Athens, for many valuable criticisms +and suggestions.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote111" +name="footnote111"></a><b>Footnote 111:</b><a href="#footnotetag111"> +(return) </a> <i>Vom Unterschied der Lenäen, Anthesterien und ländlichen Dionysien, in den +Abhdl. der k. Akad. der Wiss. zu Berlin</i>, 1816-17.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote112" +name="footnote112"></a><b>Footnote 112:</b><a href="#footnotetag112"> +(return) </a> <i>Die Anfänge und Entwickelung des Dionysoscultus in Attika.</i></blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote113" +name="footnote113"></a><b>Footnote 113:</b><a href="#footnotetag113"> +(return) </a> <i>Bühnen-Alterthümer.</i></blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote114" +name="footnote114"></a><b>Footnote 114:</b><a href="#footnotetag114"> +(return) </a> <i>The Attic Theatre.</i></blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote115" +name="footnote115"></a><b>Footnote 115:</b><a href="#footnotetag115"> +(return) </a> <i>Das Bühnenwesen der Griechen und Römer.</i></blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote116" +name="footnote116"></a><b>Footnote 116:</b><a href="#footnotetag116"> +(return) </a> <i>Die Festzeit der Attischen Dionysien.</i></blockquote> + +<p>But while the date of the so-called Lenaea has been so long open +to question, until recently it has been universally held that some +portion at least of all the festivals at Athens in honor of the wine-god +was held in the precinct by the extant theatre of Dionysus. +With the ruins of this magnificent structure before the eyes, and +no other theatre in sight, the temptation was certainly a strong +one to find in this neighborhood the Limnae mentioned in the +records of the ancients. When Pervanoglu found a handful of +rushes in the neighborhood of the present military hospital, the +matter seemed finally settled. So, on the maps and charts of +<a name="p57" id="p57"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 57</span> +Athens we find the word <i>Limnae</i> printed across that region lying +to the south of the theatre, beyond the boulevard and the hospital. +When, therefore, <i>Mythology and Monuments of Athens</i>, by Harrison +and Verrall, appeared over a year ago, those familiar with the +topography of Athens as laid down by Curtius and Kaupert were +astonished to find, on the little plan facing page 5, that the Limnae +had been removed from their time-honored position and located +between the Coloneus Agoraeus and the Dipylum. That map +incited the preparation of the present article.</p> + +<p>While investigating the reasons for and against so revolutionary +a change, the writer has become convinced that here, Dr. Dörpfeld, +the author of the new view, has built upon a sure foundation. +How much in this paper is due to the direct teaching of Dr. +Dörpfeld in the course of his invaluable lectures <i>An Ort und Stelle</i> +on the topography of Athens, I need not say to those who have +listened to his talks. How much besides he has given to me of +both information and suggestion I would gladly acknowledge +in detail; but as this may not always be possible, I will say now +that the views presented here after several months of study, in the +main correspond with those held by Dr. Dörpfeld. The facts and +authorities here cited, and the reasoning deduced from these, are, +however, nearly all results of independent investigation. So I +shall content myself in general with presenting the reasons which +have led me to my own conclusions; for it would require a volume +to set forth all the arguments of those who hold opposing views.</p> + +<p>The passage Thucydides, II. 15, is the authority deemed most +weighty for the placing of the Limnae to the south of the Acropolis. +The question of the location of this section of Athens is +so intimately connected with the whole topography of the ancient +city, that it cannot be treated by itself. I quote therefore the +entire passage:</p> + +<p>το δέ προ τουτου η ακρόπολις ή νυν ούσα πόλις ην, καΐ το υπ' αυτήν +προς νότον μάλιστα τετραμμενον. τεκμηριον δε · τα γaρ ιeρa εv αυτη +τη άκροπόλει και άλλων θεών εστί, καΐ τα εζω προς τοuτο το μέρος +της πολεως μάλλον ΐδρυται, το τε του Διός του Όλυμπίου, καϊ το +Πύθιον, καϊ το της Γης, καΐ το εν Αίμναις Διονύσου, ω τα αρχαιότερα +Διονύσια τη δωδέκατη ποιείται eν μηνΐ Άνθεστηριώνι · ώσπερ καΐ οι +απ' 'Αθηναίων Ιωveς ετι καΐ νυν νομιζουσιν. ΐδρυται δε καΐ αλλά ιερα +<a name="p58" id="p58"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 58</span> +ταύτη αρχαια. και τη κρήνη τη νnν μeν των τυράννων ουτω σκευασάυτων +Έννεακρούνω καλουμένη, το δε πάλαι φανερων των πηγων +ούσων Καλλιρρόη ωνομασμένη, εκείνη τε εγγυς ουση τα πλείστου +αξια εχρωντο, και νυν ετι απο του αρχαίου προ τε γαμικων και ες +αλλα των ιερων νομίζεται τω uδατι χρησθαι.</p> + +<p>Two assumptions are made from this text by those who place +the Limnae by the extant theatre. The first is that υπ' αυτήν includes +the whole of the extensive section to the south of the +Acropolis extending to the Ilissus, and reaching to the east far +enough to include the existing Olympieum, with the Pythium and +Callirrhoe, which lay near. The second assumption is that these +are the particular localities mentioned under the τεκμήριον δε. Let +us see if this is not stretching υπ' αυτήν a little. I will summarize, +so far as may be necessary for our present purpose, the views of +Dr. Dörpfeld on the land lying υπο την ακρόπολιν, or the Pelasgicum.</p> + +<p>That the Pelasgicum was of considerable size is known from +the fact that it was one of the sacred precincts occupied when +the people came crowding in from the country at the beginning +of the Peloponnesian War,<a id="footnotetag117" name="footnotetag117"></a> +<a href="#footnote117"><sup class="sml">117</sup></a> and from the inscription<a id="footnotetag118" name="footnotetag118"></a> +<a href="#footnote118"><sup class="sml">118</sup></a> which +forbade that stone should be quarried in or carried from the precinct, +or that earth should be removed therefrom. That the +Pelasgicum with its nine gates was on the south, west, and southwest +slopes, the formation of the Acropolis rock proves, since it is +only here that the Acropolis can be ascended easily. That it +should include all that position of the hillside between the spring +in the Aesculapieum on the south and the Clepsydra on the northwest, +was necessary; for in the space thus included lay the springs +which formed the source of the water-supply for the fortifications. +That the citadel was divided into two parts, the Acropolis proper, +and the Pelasgicum, we know.<a id="footnotetag119" name="footnotetag119"></a> +<a href="#footnote119"><sup class="sml">119</sup></a> One of the two questions in each +of the two passages from Aristophanes refers to the Acropolis, +and the other to the Pelasgicum, and the two are mentioned as +parts of the citadel. That the Pelasgicum actually did extend +from the Aesculapieum to the Clepsydra we know from Lucian.<a id="footnotetag120" name="footnotetag120"></a> +<a href="#footnote120"><sup class="sml">120</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote117" +name="footnote117"></a><b>Footnote 117:</b><a href="#footnotetag117"> +(return) </a> THUCYDEDES, II. 17.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote118" +name="footnote118"></a><b>Footnote 118:</b><a href="#footnotetag118"> +(return) </a> DITTENBERGER, <i>S. I. G.</i> 13, 55 ff.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote119" +name="footnote119"></a><b>Footnote 119:</b><a href="#footnotetag119"> +(return) </a> THUCYDEDES, II. 17; ARISTOPHANES, <i>Birds</i>, 829 ff.; <i>Lysistrata</i>, 480 ff.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote120" +name="footnote120"></a><b>Footnote 120:</b><a href="#footnotetag120"> +(return) </a> <i>Piscator</i>, 42.</blockquote> + +<a name="p59" id="p59"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 59</span> + +<p>The people are represented as coming up to the Acropolis in +crowds, filling the road. The way becoming blocked by numbers, +in their eagerness they begin to climb up by ladders, first from +he Pelasgicum itself, through which the road passes. As this +space became filled, they placed their ladders a little further from +the road, in the Aesculapieum to the right and by the Areopagus +to the left. Still others come, and they must move still further +out to find room, to the grave of Talos beyond the Aesculapieum +and to the Anaceum beyond the Areopagus. In another passage +of Lucian,<a id="footnotetag121" name="footnotetag121"></a> +<a href="#footnote121"><sup class="sml">121</sup></a> Hermes declares that Pan dwells just above the Pelasgicum; +so it reached at least as far as Pan's grotto.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote121" +name="footnote121"></a><b>Footnote 121:</b><a href="#footnotetag121"> +(return) </a> <i>Bis Accus</i>, 9.</blockquote> + +<p>The fortifications of Mycenæ and Tiryns prove that it was not +uncommon in ancient Greek cities to divide the Acropolis, the +most ancient city, into an upper and a lower citadel.</p> + +<p>Finally, that the strip of hillside in question was in fact the Pelasgicum, +we are assured by the existing foundations of the ancient +walls. A Pelasgic wall extends as a boundary-wall below the +Aesculapieum, then onward at about the same level until interrupted +by the Odeum of Herodes Atticus. At this point there are plain +indications that before the construction of this building, this old +wall extended across the space now occupied by the auditorium. +Higher up the hill behind the Odeum, and both within and without +the Beulé gate, we find traces of still other walls which +separated the terraces of the Pelasgicum and probably contained +the nine gates which characterized it. Here then we have the +ancient city of Cecrops, the city before Theseus, consisting of the +Acropolis and the part close beneath, particularly to the south, +the Pelasgicum. We shall find for other reasons also that there is +no need to stretch the meaning of the words ὑπ αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον +to make them cover territory something like half a mile to the +eastward, and to include the later Olympieum within the limits of +our early city.</p> + +<p>Wachsmuth has well said,<a id="footnotetag122" name="footnotetag122"></a> +<a href="#footnote122"><sup class="sml">122</sup></a> although this is not invariably true,<a id="footnotetag123" name="footnotetag123"></a> +<a href="#footnote123"><sup class="sml">123</sup></a> +that υπο την ακρόπολιν and υπο τη ακροπόλει are used with reference +<a name="p60" id="p60"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 60</span> +to objects lying halfway up the slope of the Acropolis. On +the next page he adds, however, that Thucydides could not have +meant to describe as the ancient city simply the ground enclosed +within the Pelasgic fortifications, or he would have mentioned +these in the τεκμήρια. Thucydides, in the passage quoted, +wished to show that the city of Cecrops was very small in comparison +with the later city of Theseus; that the Acropolis was +inhabited; and that the habitations did not extend beyond the +narrow limits of the fortifications. He distinctly says that before +the time of Theseus, the Acropolis was the city. He proceeds to +give the reasons for his view: The presence of the ancient temples +on the Acropolis itself, the fact that the ancient precincts outside +the Acropolis were προς τουτο το μέρος της πολεως, and the neighborhood +of the fountain Enneacrounus. We know, that the Acropolis +was still officially called πολις in Thucydides' day; and πόλις so +used would have no meaning if the Acropolis itself was not the +ancient city. Προς τουτο το μέρος, in the passage quoted, refers to +the city of Cecrops, the Acropolis and Pelasgicum taken together; +and της πολεως refers to the entire later city as it existed in the time +of Thucydides. It is, however, in the four temples outside the +Acropolis included under the τεκμήριον δέ that we are particularly +interested. The Pythium of the passage cannot be that Pythium +close by the present Olympieum, which was founded by Pisistratus. +Pausanias (I. 28, 4,) says: "On the descent [from the Acropolis], +not in the lower part of the city but just below the Propylæa, is a +spring of water, and close by a shrine of Apollo in a cave. It is +believed that here Apollo met Creusa." Probably it was because +this cave was the earliest abode of Apollo in Athens that +Euripides placed here the scene of the meeting of Apollo and +Creusa.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote122" +name="footnote122"></a><b>Footnote 122:</b><a href="#footnotetag122"> +(return) </a> <i>Berichte der philol.-histor. Classe der Königl. Sächs. Gesell. der Wiss.</i>, 1887, +p. 383.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote123" +name="footnote123"></a><b>Footnote 123:</b><a href="#footnotetag123"> +(return) </a> <i>Am. Jour. of Archæology</i>, III. 38, ff.</blockquote> + +<p>According to Dr. Dörpfeld it was opposite this Pythium that the +Panathenaic ship came to rest.<a id="footnotetag124" name="footnotetag124"></a> +<a href="#footnote124"><sup class="sml">124</sup></a> In <i>Ion</i>, 285, Euripides makes it +clear that, from the wall near the Pythium, the watchers looked +toward Harma for that lightning which was the signal for the +sending of the offering to Delphi. This passage would have no +meaning if referred to lightning to be seen by looking toward +<a name="p61" id="p61"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 61</span> +Harma from any position near the existing Olympieum; for the +rocks referred to by Euripides are to the northwest, and so could +not be visible from the later Pythium. To be sure, in later times +the official title of the Apollo of the cave seems to have been υπ' +ακραίω or εν ακραις, but this was only after such a distinction +became necessary from the increased number of Apollo precincts +in the city. The inscriptions referring to the cave in this manner +are without exception of Roman date.<a id="footnotetag125" name="footnotetag125"></a> +<a href="#footnote125"><sup class="sml">125</sup></a> From Strabo we learn<a id="footnotetag126" name="footnotetag126"></a> +<a href="#footnote126"><sup class="sml">126</sup></a> +that the watch looked "toward Harma" from an altar to Zeus +Astrapæus on the wall between the Pythium and the Olympieum. +This wall has always been a source of trouble to those who place +the Pythium in question near the present Olympieum. But this +difficulty vanishes if we accept the authority of Euripides, for the +altar of Zeus Astrapæus becomes located on the northwest wall +of the Acropolis; and from this lofty position above the Pythium, +with an unobstructed view of the whole northern horizon, it is +most natural to expect to see these flashes from Harma.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote124" +name="footnote124"></a><b>Footnote 124:</b><a href="#footnotetag124"> +(return) </a> PHILOSTRAT. <i>Vit. Sophist.</i> II p. 236.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote125" +name="footnote125"></a><b>Footnote 125:</b><a href="#footnotetag125"> +(return) </a> HARRISON and Verrall, <i>Mythology and Monuments</i>, p. 541.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote126" +name="footnote126"></a><b>Footnote 126:</b><a href="#footnotetag126"> +(return) </a> STRABO, p. 404.</blockquote> + +<p>The Olympieum mentioned by Strabo and Thucydides cannot +therefore be the famous structure begun by Pisistratus and dedicated +by Hadrian: we must look for another on the northwest +side of the Acropolis. Here, it must be admitted we could wish for +fuller evidence. Pausanias (I. 18. 8) informs us that "they say +Deucalion built the old sanctuary of Zeus Olympius." Unfortunately +he does not say where it was located.</p> + +<p>Mr. Penrose in an interesting paper read before the British +School at Athens in the spring of 1891, setting forth the results +of his latest investigations at the Olympieum, said that in the +course of his investigations there appeared foundations which he +could ascribe to no other building than this most ancient temple. +But Dr. Dörpfeld, after a careful examination of these remains, +declares that they could by no possibility belong to the sanctuary +of the legendary Deucalion.<a id="footnotetag127" name="footnotetag127"></a> +<a href="#footnote127"><sup class="sml">127</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote127" +name="footnote127"></a><b>Footnote 127:</b><a href="#footnotetag127"> +(return) </a> It has been held that Pausanias mentions the tomb of Deucalion, which was +near the existing Olympieum, as a proof that Deucalion's temple was also here. +Pausanias however merely says in this passage that this tomb was pointed out in his +day only as a proof that Deucalion sojourned at Athens.</blockquote> + +<a name="p62" id="p62"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 62</span> + +<p>The abandonment of work on the great temple of the Olympian +Zeus from the time of the Pisistratids to that of Antiochus Epiphanes, +would have left the Athenians without a temple of Zeus +for 400 years, unless there existed elsewhere a foundation in his +honor. It is on its face improbable that the citizens would have +allowed so long a time to pass unless they already possessed some +shrine to which they attached the worship and festivals of the chief +of the gods.</p> + +<p>The spade has taught us that the literary record of old sanctuaries +is far from being complete. The new cutting for the Piræus +railroad has brought to light inscriptions referring to a hitherto +unknown precinct in the Ceramicus.</p> + +<p>Mommsen declares<a id="footnotetag128" name="footnotetag128"></a> +<a href="#footnote128"><sup class="sml">128</sup></a> that the Olympia were celebrated at the +Olympieum which was begun by Pisistratus; and he adds that +the festival was probably established by him. Of the more ancient +celebration in honor of Zeus, the Diasia, he can only say surely +that it was held outside the city. Certainly we should expect the +older festival to have its seat at the older sanctuary.</p> + +<p>The εξω της πολεως<a id="footnotetag129" name="footnotetag129"></a> +<a href="#footnote129"><sup class="sml">129</sup></a>, which is Mommsen's authority in the +passage referred to above, has apparently the same meaning as the +τα εξω (της πολεως) already quoted from Thucydides; <i>i.e.</i>, outside +of the ancient city--the Acropolis and Pelasgicum. The list of +dual sanctuaries, the earlier by the entrance to the Acropolis, the +later to the southeast, is quite a long one. We find two precincts +of Apollo, of Zeus, of Ge, and, as we shall see later, of Dionysus.</p> + +<p>Of Ge Olympia we learn<a id="footnotetag130" name="footnotetag130"></a> +<a href="#footnote130"><sup class="sml">130</sup></a> that she had a precinct within the +enclosure of the later Olympieum. Pausanias by his mention of +the cleft in the earth through which the waters of the flood disappeared +and of the yearly offerings of the honey-cake in connection +with this, shows the high antiquity of certain rites here celebrated. +It is indeed most probable that these ceremonies formed +a part of the Chytri; for what seems the more ancient portion +of this festival pertains also to the worship of those who perished +in Deucalion's flood. The worship of Ge <i>Kourotrophos</i> goes +back to times immemorial. Pausanias mentions<a id="footnotetag131" name="footnotetag131"></a> +<a href="#footnote131"><sup class="sml">131</sup></a> as the last shrines +<a name="p63" id="p63"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 63</span> +which he sees before entering the upper city, those of Ge <i>Kourotrophos</i> +and Demeter Chloe, which must therefore have been +situated on the southwest slope of the Acropolis. Here again +near the entrance to the Pelasgic fortification, is where we should +expect <i>a priori</i> to find the oldest religious foundations "outside +the Polis."</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote128" +name="footnote128"></a><b>Footnote 128:</b><a href="#footnotetag128"> +(return) </a> Heortologie, p. 413.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote129" +name="footnote129"></a><b>Footnote 129:</b><a href="#footnotetag129"> +(return) </a> THUCYDIDES 126.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote130" +name="footnote130"></a><b>Footnote 130:</b><a href="#footnotetag130"> +(return) </a> ΡAUS. I. 18. 7.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote131" +name="footnote131"></a><b>Footnote 131:</b><a href="#footnotetag131"> +(return) </a> ΡAUS. I. 22. 33. SUIDAS, κουροτρόφος.</blockquote> + +<p>The location of the fourth <i>hieron</i> of Thucydides can best be +determined by means of the festivals, more particularly the dramatic +festivals of Dionysus. That the dramatic representations +at the Greater Dionysia, the more splendid of the festivals, were +held on the site of the existing theatre of Dionysus, perhaps from +the beginning, at least from a very early period, all are agreed. +Here was the precinct containing two temples of Dionysus, in the +older of which was the xoanon<a id="footnotetag132" name="footnotetag132"></a> +<a href="#footnote132"><sup class="sml">132</sup></a> brought from Eleutherae by +Pegasus. That in early times, at least, all dramatic contests were +not held here we have strong assurance. Pausanias<a id="footnotetag133" name="footnotetag133"></a> +<a href="#footnote133"><sup class="sml">133</sup></a> the lexicographer, +mentions the wooden seats in the agora from which the +people viewed the dramatic contests before the theatre έn Διονύσου +was constructed--plainly the existing theatre. Hesychius confirms +this testimony.<a id="footnotetag134" name="footnotetag134"></a> +<a href="#footnote134"><sup class="sml">134</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote132" +name="footnote132"></a><b>Footnote 132:</b><a href="#footnotetag132"> +(return) </a> ΡAUS I. 2, 5 and I. 20, 3.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote133" +name="footnote133"></a><b>Footnote 133:</b><a href="#footnotetag133"> +(return) </a> ΡAUS., <i>Lexikoq.</i> ϊκρια· τα, εν τη αγορα, αφ' ων έθεωντο τους Διονυσιακούς ayôvas +πρίν η κατασκευασθηναι το έν Διονύσου θέατρον. Cf. EUSTATH. <i>Comment. Hom.</i> 1472.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote134" +name="footnote134"></a><b>Footnote 134:</b><a href="#footnotetag134"> +(return) </a> HESYCH, άπ' αίγείρων.</blockquote> + +<p>Bekker's <i>Anecdota</i> include mention, also,<a id="footnotetag135" name="footnotetag135"></a> +<a href="#footnote135"><sup class="sml">135</sup></a> of the wooden seats +of this temporary theatre. Pollux adds<a id="footnotetag136" name="footnotetag136"></a> +<a href="#footnote136"><sup class="sml">136</sup></a> his testimony that the +wooden seats were in the agora. Photius gives the further important +information that the orchestra first received its name in the +agora.<a id="footnotetag137" name="footnotetag137"></a> +<a href="#footnote137"><sup class="sml">137</sup></a> There can be no doubt that in very early times, there +were dramatic representations in the agora in honor of Dionysus; +and there must therefore have been a shrine or a precinct of the +god in or close to the agora. The possibility of presentation of +dramas at Athens, especially in these early times, unconnected +with the worship of Dionysus and with some shrine sacred to him, +cannot be entertained for a moment. It is commonly accepted +<a name="p64" id="p64"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 64</span> +that dramas were represented during two festivals in Athens,--at +the contest at the Lenaeum and at the City Dionysia. The +plays of the latter festival were undoubtedly given in the extant +theatre; but of the former contest we have an entirely different +record. Harpocration say<a id="footnotetag138" name="footnotetag138"></a> +<a href="#footnote138"><sup class="138">138</sup></a> merely that the Limnae were a +locality in Athens where Dionysus was honored. A reference in +Bekker's <i>Anecdota</i> is<a id="footnotetag139" name="footnotetag139"></a> +<a href="#footnote139"><sup class="sml">139</sup></a> more explicit. Here the Lenaeum is described +as a place sacred to (ιερον) Dionysus where the contests +were established before the building of the theatre. In the +Etymologicum Magnum<a id="footnotetag140" name="footnotetag140"></a> +<a href="#footnote140"><sup class="140">140</sup></a> the Lenaeum is said to be an enclosure +(περίαυλος) in which is a sanctuary of Dionysus Lenaeus. Photius +declares<a id="footnotetag141" name="footnotetag141"></a> +<a href="#footnote141"><sup class="sml">141</sup></a> that the Lenaeum is a large peribolus in which were held +the so-called contests at the Lenaeum before the theatre was built, +and that in this peribolus there was the sanctuary of Dionysus +Lenaeus. The scholiast to Aristophanes' <i>Frogs</i> says<a id="footnotetag142" name="footnotetag142"></a> +<a href="#footnote142"><sup class="sml">142</sup></a> that the Limnae +were a locality sacred to Dionysus, and that a temple and another +building (οϊκος) of the god stood therein. Hesychius mentions<a id="footnotetag143" name="footnotetag143"></a> +<a href="#footnote143"><sup class="sml">143</sup></a> +the Limnae as a locality where the Lenaea were held, and says that +the Lenaeum was a large peribolus within the city, in which was +the sanctuary of Dionysus Lenaeus, and that the Athenians held +contests in this peribolos before they built the theatre. Pollux +speaks<a id="footnotetag144" name="footnotetag144"></a> +<a href="#footnote144"><sup class="sml">144</sup></a> of the two theatres, καϊ Διoνυσίακòν θέατρον καϊ ληναϊκóν. +Stephanus of Byzantium quotes<a id="footnotetag145" name="footnotetag145"></a> +<a href="#footnote145"><sup class="sml">145</sup></a> from Apollodorus that the +"Lenaion Agon" is a contest in the fields by the wine-press. +Plato implies<a id="footnotetag146" name="footnotetag146"></a> +<a href="#footnote146"><sup class="sml">146</sup></a> the existence of a second theatre by stating that +Pherecrates exhibited dramas at the Lenaeum. If the Lenaea and +the City Dionysia were held in the same locality, it is peculiar +that in all the passages concerning the Lenaeum and the Limnae +we find no mention of the Greater Dionysia. But our list of +authorities goes still further. Aristophanes speaks<a id="footnotetag147" name="footnotetag147"></a> +<a href="#footnote147"><sup class="sml">147</sup></a> of the contest +<a name="p65" id="p65"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 65</span> +κατ' αγρούς. The scholiast declares that he refers to the +Lenaea, that the Lenaeum was a place sacred (ιερόν) to Dionysus, +eν αγρούς) and that the word Λήναιον came from the fact that here +first stood the ληνος or wine-press. He adds<a id="footnotetag148" name="footnotetag148"></a> +<a href="#footnote148"><sup class="sml">148</sup></a> that the contests +in honor of Dionysus took place twice in the year, first in the city +in the spring, and the second time εν αγροϊς at the Lenaeum in the +winter. The precinct by the present theatre, as we know, was +sacred to Dionysus Eleuthereus. In this temenus no mention has +been found of Dionysus Λίμναιος or Λήναιος.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote135" +name="footnote135"></a><b>Footnote 135:</b><a href="#footnotetag135"> +(return) </a> BEKKER, <i>Anecdota</i> p. 354; <i>ibid.</i>, p. 419.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote136" +name="footnote136"></a><b>Footnote 136:</b><a href="#footnotetag136"> +(return) </a> POLLUX, VII. 125.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote137" +name="footnote137"></a><b>Footnote 137:</b><a href="#footnotetag137"> +(return) </a> PHOTIUS, p. 106; <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 351.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote138" +name="footnote138"></a><b>Footnote 138:</b><a href="#footnotetag138"> +(return) </a> HARP. ed. Dind. p. 114. 1. 14.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote139" +name="footnote139"></a><b>Footnote 139:</b><a href="#footnotetag139"> +(return) </a> BEKKER, Anecdota, p. 278, 1. 8.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote140" +name="footnote140"></a><b>Footnote 140:</b><a href="#footnotetag140"> +(return) </a> Et. Mag. Έπ Λίληναίω.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote141" +name="footnote141"></a><b>Footnote 141:</b><a href="#footnotetag141"> +(return) </a> PHOTIUS, p. 101.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote142" +name="footnote142"></a><b>Footnote 142:</b><a href="#footnotetag142"> +(return) </a> Schol. <i>Frogs</i>, 216.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote143" +name="footnote143"></a><b>Footnote 143:</b><a href="#footnotetag143"> +(return) </a> HESYCH., Λίμναί. Ibid, επί Ληναίυ αγων.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote144" +name="footnote144"></a><b>Footnote 144:</b><a href="#footnotetag144"> +(return) </a> POLLUX, iv. 121.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote145" +name="footnote145"></a><b>Footnote 145:</b><a href="#footnotetag145"> +(return) </a> STEPH. BYZ., Λήναιος.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote146" +name="footnote146"></a><b>Footnote 146:</b><a href="#footnotetag146"> +(return) </a> PLATO, <i>Protag.</i>, 327 w.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote147" +name="footnote147"></a><b>Footnote 147:</b><a href="#footnotetag147"> +(return) </a> <i>Achar.</i>, 202, and schol.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote148" +name="footnote148"></a><b>Footnote 148:</b><a href="#footnotetag148"> +(return) </a> <i>Schol. Aristoph. Achar.</i>, 504.</blockquote> + +<p>Demosthenes tells us<a id="footnotetag149" name="footnotetag149"></a> +<a href="#footnote149"><sup class="sml">149</sup></a> that the Athenians, having inscribed a +certain law (concerning the festivals of Dionysus) on a stone stele, +set this up in the sanctuary of Dionysus εν Λίμναις, beside the +altar. "This stele was set up," he continues, "in the most +ancient and most sacred precinct<a id="footnotetag150" name="footnotetag150"></a> +<a href="#footnote150"><sup class="sml">150</sup></a> of Dionysus, so that but few +should see what had been written; for the precinct is opened only +once every year, on the 12th of the month Anthesterio.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote149" +name="footnote149"></a><b>Footnote 149:</b><a href="#footnotetag149"> +(return) </a> <i>Near.</i> 76.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote150" +name="footnote150"></a><b>Footnote 150:</b><a href="#footnotetag150"> +(return) </a> I have translated ιερω by precinct. This is liable to the objection +that ιερον +may also mean temple; and ανοίγεται "is opened" of the passage may naturally +be applied to the opening of a temple. But "hieron" often refers to a sacred precinct, +and there is nothing to prevent the verb in question from being used of a +"hieron" in this sense. If we consult the passages in which this particular precinct +is mentioned we find, in those quoted from Photius and the <i>Etymologicum +Magnum</i>, that the Lenaeum contains a hieron of the Lenaean Dionysus. This might +be either temple or precinct. In the citation from Bekker's <i>Anecdota</i> the Lenaeum +is the hieron at which were held the theatrical contests. This implies that the hieron +was a precinct of some size. The Scholiast to <i>Achar.</i> 202 makes the Lenaeum the +hieron of the Lenaean Dionysus. Here "hieron" is certainly a precinct. Hesych. +(επi Ληναίω αγών) renders this still more distinct by saying that the Lenaeum contained +the hieron of the Lenaean Dionysus, in which the theatrical contests were held. +But Demosthenes in the <i>Neaera</i> declares that the decree was engraved on a stone +stele. It was the custom to set up such inscriptions in the open air. This stele +was also beside the altar. There were indeed often altars in the Greek temple, but +the chief altar (βωμος of the passage) was in the open air. Furthermore, if the decree +had been placed in the small temple, the designation "alongside the altar" +would have been superfluous. But in the larger precinct such a particular location +was necessary. Nor can it be urged, in view of the secret rites in connection with +the marriage of the King Archon's wife to Dionysus on the 12th of Anthesterio, +that hieron must mean temple; since the new Aristotle manuscript tells us that this +ceremony took place in the Bucoleum.</blockquote> + +<p>The stele being then visible to the public on but one day of the +year it follows that the entire precinct of Dionysus εν Λίμναις +<a name="p66" id="p66"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 66</span> +must have been closed during the remainder of the year. This +could not be unless we grant that, in the time of Demosthenes at +least, the Lenaea and the Megala Dionysia were held in different +precincts, and that the Lenaea and Anthesteria were one and the +same festival.</p> + +<p>Pausanias tells us<a id="footnotetag151" name="footnotetag151"></a> +<a href="#footnote151"><sup class="sml">151</sup></a> that the xoanon brought from Eleutherae +was in one of the two temples in the theatre-precinct, while the +other contained the chryselephantine statue of Alcamenes. We +know, both from the method of construction and from literary +notices, that these two temples were in existence in the time of +Demosthenes. Pausanias says<a id="footnotetag152" name="footnotetag152"></a> +<a href="#footnote152"><sup class="sml">152</sup></a> that on fixed days every year, the +statue of the god was borne to a little temple of Dionysus near +the Academy. Pausanias' use of the plural in τεταγμέναις ημέραις +is excellent authority that the temple of the xoanon was opened +at least on more than one day of every year.</p> + +<p>From all these considerations it seems to be impossible that the +precinct of the older temple by the extant theatre and the sanctuary +εν Λίμναις could be the same. The suggestion that the gold and +ivory statue of Alcamenes could have been the one borne in procession +at the time of the Greater Dionysia is, of course, untenable +from the delicate construction of such figures. The massive +base on which it stood shows, too, that its size was considerable. +The image borne in procession was clearly the xoanon which +was brought by Pegasus from Eleutherae.</p> + +<p>Wilamowitz calls attention<a id="footnotetag153" name="footnotetag153"></a> +<a href="#footnote153"><sup class="sml">153</sup></a> to another fact. In classic times +the contests of the Lenaea are Διονύσια τα επι Ληναίω, and the +victories are νικαι Ληναϊκαί; the Megala Dionysia are always τα +εν αστει, and the victories here νικαι αστικαί. These words certainly +imply a distinction of place. How early these expressions +may have been used, we learn from the account of Thespis. +Suidas<a id="footnotetag154" name="footnotetag154"></a> +<a href="#footnote154"><sup class="sml">154</sup></a> is authority that Thespis first exhibited a play in 536 +B.C.; and the Parian Marble records<a id="footnotetag155" name="footnotetag155"></a> +<a href="#footnote155"><sup class="sml">155</sup></a> that he was the first to +exhibit a drama and to receive the tragic prize εν αστει.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote151" +name="footnote151"></a><b>Footnote 151:</b><a href="#footnotetag151"> +(return) </a> I. 20. 3.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote152" +name="footnote152"></a><b>Footnote 152:</b><a href="#footnotetag152"> +(return) </a> I. 29. 2.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote153" +name="footnote153"></a><b>Footnote 153:</b><a href="#footnotetag153"> +(return) </a> <i>Die Bühne des Aeschylos</i>.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote154" +name="footnote154"></a><b>Footnote 154:</b><a href="#footnotetag154"> +(return) </a> <i>v. Thespis</i>.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote155" +name="footnote155"></a><b>Footnote 155:</b><a href="#footnotetag155"> +(return) </a> <i>C.I.G.</i>, II. 2374.</blockquote> + +<a name="p67" id="p67"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 67</span> + +<p>But it has also been contended that Limnae and Lemaeum do +not refer to the same locality. It is clear from what has been said, +however, that the Lenaea and the Greater Dionysia must have +been held in different localities. So if Limnae and the Lenaeum +do not refer at least to the same region, there must have been +three separate sanctuaries of Dionysus; for no one will claim that +the Greater Dionysia can have been held in the Limnae if the +Lenaea were not celebrated there. But as we have seen, Hesychius +(v. Λίμναι) declares that the Lenaea were held εν Λίμναις. The +scholiast to Aristophanes says<a id="footnotetag156" name="footnotetag156"></a> +<a href="#footnote156"><sup class="sml">156</sup></a> that the Chytri were a festival of +Dionysus Lenaeus; so the Chytri as well as the Lenaea must +have been celebrated in the Lenaeum. Athenæus in the story of +Orestes and Pandion speaks<a id="footnotetag157" name="footnotetag157"></a> +<a href="#footnote157"><sup class="sml">157</sup></a> of the temenus εν Λίμναις in connection +with the Choes. In Suidas (χόες), however, we learn that +either Limnaeus or Lenaeus could be used in referring to the same +Dionysus. Such positive testimony for the identity of the Lenaeum +and the sanctuary in the Limnae, cannot be rejected.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote156" +name="footnote156"></a><b>Footnote 156:</b><a href="#footnotetag156"> +(return) </a> <i>Acharnians</i> 960.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote157" +name="footnote157"></a><b>Footnote 157:</b><a href="#footnotetag157"> +(return) </a> X, 437 d.</blockquote> + +<p>We have still more convincing testimony that in the great +period of the drama the two annual contests at which dramas +were brought out were held in different places, in the record of +the time when the wooden theatre εν Λίμναις was finally given up, +and ό επι Ληναίω αγών became a thing of the past. The change +comes exactly when we should look for it, when the existing +theatre had been splendidly rebuilt by Lycurgus. The passage +is in Plutarch, where he says<a id="footnotetag158" name="footnotetag158"></a> +<a href="#footnote158"><sup class="sml">158</sup></a> that this orator also introduced +a law that the contest of the comedians at the Chytri should take +place in the theatre, and that the victor should be reckoned eις +άστυ, as had not been done before. He further implies that the +contest at the Chytri had fallen into disuse, for he adds that +Lycurgus thus restored an agon that had been omitted. This +last authority, however, concerns a contest at the Chytri, the +Anthesteria, and is only one of many passages which tend to show +that ό επι Ληναίω αγών was held at this festival. The most weighty +testimony for making the Lenaea an independent festival, even in +historic times, is given by Proclus in a scholium to Hesiod.<a id="footnotetag159" name="footnotetag159"></a> +<a href="#footnote159"><sup class="sml">159</sup></a> He +<a name="p68" id="p68"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 68</span> +quotes from Plutarch the statement that there was no month +Lenaeo among the Boeotians. He adds that this month was the +Attic Gamelio in which the Lenaea were held. Hesychius makes +the same citation from Plutarch<a id="footnotetag160" name="footnotetag160"></a> +<a href="#footnote160"><sup class="sml">160</sup></a> as to a non-existence of a Boeotian +month Lenaeo, and continues: "But some say that this +month is the (Boeotian) Hermaio, and this is true, for the +Athenians [held] in this month (εν αυτω) the festival of the Lenaea." +The great similarity of the two passages renders it very probable +that both were drawn from the same sources. The omission of +Gamelio by Hesychius, by referring the εν αυτω back to Lenaeo, +makes him authority that the Lenaea were held in that month. +This, in turn implies that Proclus may have inserted Gamelio in +order to bring the statement into relation with the Attic months +of his own day. In the authorities referring to this month is a +suggestion of several facts and a curious struggle to account for +them. Proclus cites Plutarch to the effect that there was no month +Lenaeo among the Boeotians, but, being probably misled by the +very passage in Hesiod for which he has quoted Plutarch, he +adds<a id="footnotetag161" name="footnotetag161"></a> +<a href="#footnote161"><sup class="sml">161</sup></a> that they had such a month. He goes on to state that the +month is so called from the Lenaea, or from the Ambrosia. Moschopulus,<a id="footnotetag162" name="footnotetag162"></a> +<a href="#footnote162"><sup class="sml">162</sup></a> +Tzetzes,<a id="footnotetag163" name="footnotetag163"></a> +<a href="#footnote163"><sup class="sml">163</sup></a> and the Etymologicum Magnum<a id="footnotetag164" name="footnotetag164"></a> +<a href="#footnote164"><sup class="sml">164</sup></a> repeat this +last statement. An inscription<a id="footnotetag165" name="footnotetag165"></a> +<a href="#footnote165"><sup class="sml">165</sup></a> referring to a crowning of Bacchus +on the 18th of Gamelio may refer to the same festival. +Tzetzes alone is responsible for the statement that the <i>Pithoigia</i> +came in this month. Through Proclus and Hesychius we are +assured of the belief that there was once an Attic month Lenaeo. +Proclus, Hesychius and Moschopulus tell us that the Lenaea +were at some period held in this month; while Proclus, Moschopulus, +Tzetzes, and the inscription assure us that there was another +festival of Dionysus in this month; and the first three of these +authorities name this festival Ambrosia. A tradition running +with such persistency through so many authors affords a strong +<a name="p69" id="p69"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 69</span> +presumption that there once existed an Attic month Lenaeo, and +that the Lenaea were celebrated in that month.</p> + + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote158" +name="footnote158"></a><b>Footnote 158:</b><a href="#footnotetag155"> +(return) </a> [Plut.] <i>Vit.</i> 10 <i>Or.</i>: LYCURG. <i>Orat.</i> VII. 1. 10 p. 841.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote159" +name="footnote159"></a><b>Footnote 159:</b><a href="#footnotetag159">(return) </a> <i>Ptoclus</i> to Hesiod, Op. 504.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote160" +name="footnote160"></a><b>Footnote 160:</b><a href="#footnotetag160"> +(return) </a> HESYCHIUS, Ληναιων μην.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote161" +name="footnote161"></a><b>Footnote 161:</b><a href="#footnotetag161"> +(return) </a> PROCLUS<, To Hesiod Op. 504.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote162" +name="footnote162"></a><b>Footnote 162:</b><a href="#footnotetag162"> +(return) </a> MOSCHPUL., κατα τον μηνα τον Ληναιωνα.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote163" +name="footnote163"></a><b>Footnote 163:</b><a href="#footnotetag163"> +(return) </a> TZETZES, μηνα δε Ληναιών.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote164" +name="footnote164"></a><b>Footnote 164:</b><a href="#footnotetag164"> +(return) </a> Et. Mag., Ληναιωνα.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote165" +name="footnote165"></a><b>Footnote 165:</b><a href="#footnotetag165"> +(return) </a> <i>C.I.G.</i>, I. 523. Γαμηλιωνος κιττωσεις Διονωσον θί.</blockquote> + +<p>Thucydides tells us<a id="footnotetag166" name="footnotetag166"></a> +<a href="#footnote166"><sup class="sml">166</sup></a> that the Ionian Athenians carried the +festival Anthesteria with them from Athens, and that they continued +until his day to celebrate it. The Anthesteria are thus +older than the Ionic migration, which took place under the sons +of Codrus.<a id="footnotetag167" name="footnotetag167"></a> +<a href="#footnote167"><sup class="sml">167</sup></a> The story of Pandion and Orestes from Apollodorus +places the establishment of the Choes in the time of this mythical +Athenian king. The first and third months of the Ionic year<a id="footnotetag168" name="footnotetag168"></a> +<a href="#footnote168"><sup class="sml">168</sup></a> are +the same as those of the Attic. There can hardly be a doubt, +then, that their second month, Lenaeo, was also carried with the +emigrants from the parent city, where at that time it obtained.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote166" +name="footnote166"></a><b>Footnote 166:</b><a href="#footnotetag166"> +(return) </a> II. 15.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote167" +name="footnote167"></a><b>Footnote 167:</b><a href="#footnotetag167"> +(return) </a> BOECKII <i>Vom Unterschied der Lena.</i>, <i>Anthest. und Dion.</i> s. 52.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote168" +name="footnote168"></a><b>Footnote 168:</b><a href="#footnotetag168"> +(return) </a> The entire argument on the question of the month is open to the objection that +too much weight is given to such men as Tzetzes and all the tribe of minor scholiasts, +whose opportunities for accurate knowledge were, in many respects, vastly inferior +to those of scholars of our own day. It is easy indeed to say that their testimony is +worth nothing. But where shall we stop? It is urged that the connection of the +Lenaea with an Attic month Lenaeo arose from an attempt on the part of the commentators +to explain names as they found them. It is said that this conflict of the +authorities proves that there never was an Attic Lenaeo. This may be true; and +the man who will prove it to be so, and furthermore will give us the accurate history +of the Attic and the Ionic calendars, will do a great service to Greek scholarship. +But he must have at hand better sources than we possess to-day. Though +the later Greek commentators on the classics have made many amusing and stupid +blunders, though we need not hesitate to disregard their teaching when it comes into +conflict with better authority, or with plain reason, still they have told us that which +is true. They often furnish us with all that we know of older and better authors, +whose works were their authority. Therefore, unless I have found testimony against +them, I have followed their teaching. Both here and elsewhere I give their words +for what they are worth; not that I rank Proclus with Thucydides, or the Et. Mag. +with Aristophanes,--but from the conviction that so remarkable a concurrence of +testimony in so many different writers has not yet been successfully explained away, +and could not indeed exist unless their testimony were founded on a basis of fact.</blockquote> + +<p>This gives a time, however remote it may be, when the Athenians +still had the month Lenaeo, yet we hear of no festival +Lenaea among the Ionian cities. It would thus seem that this had +lost its force as an independent festival before the migration.</p> + +<p>Gamelio is said to have received its name from the Gamelia, +the festival of Zeus and Hera. It is hard to believe that while +the much more brilliant Lenaea remained in the month, the name +<a name="p70" id="p70"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 70</span> +should have passed to the always somewhat unimportant Gamelia. +What reason could be found for this naming, unless that the +Lenaea had first been transferred to the Anthesteria, as all the +testimony tends to prove? This supposition gives an easy explanation +of the repeated reference to Lenaeo as an Attic month, of +the change of the name to Gamelio, and even Tzetzes' association +of the Pithoigia with the Lenaea,--an association which arises +necessarily, if the Lenaea once formed part of the Anthesteria. +The impossibility of transferring in its entirety a festival which +has become rooted in the customs of a people, is also seen. That +remnant of the Lenaea in Lenaeo, the Ambrosia, survived till +quite late in Attic history. It is not difficult, then, to understand +why the other references to the Lenaea as a separate festival do +not agree as to the month.</p> + +<p>A triad of contests is given by Demosthenes<a id="footnotetag169" name="footnotetag169"></a> +<a href="#footnote169"><sup class="sml">169</sup></a> where he quotes +the law of Evegoras with reference to the Dionysiac festivals: the +one in Piræus with its comedies and tragedies, η επι Ληναίω πομπή +with its tragedies and comedies, and the City Dionysia with the +chorus of boys, procession, comedies and tragedies. Here are +three different contests in three different places; and the Anthesteria +and Lenaea are included under η επι Ληναίω πομπή. The +purpose of the law was to preserve absolute security and freedom +to both person and property on the days of the festivals named. +Not even an overdue debt could be collected. In so sweeping a +law the Anthesteria could hardly fail to be included; for at no +Attic festival was there more absolute liberty and equality. In +Suidas<a id="footnotetag170" name="footnotetag170"></a> +<a href="#footnote170"><sup class="sml">170</sup></a> we learn that the revellers at the Chytri, going about +on carts, jested and made sport of the passers by, and that later +they did the same at the Lenaea. Thus he gives another proof +of the connection between the two festivals, and shows that ο επι +Ληναίω αγων became a part of the older Anthesteria after the invention +of comedy, and that even then the old custom was kept +up. In Athenæus we find<a id="footnotetag171" name="footnotetag171"></a> +<a href="#footnote171"><sup class="sml">171</sup></a> the Samian Lynceus sojourning in +Athens and commiserated as passing his time listening to the lectures +of Theophrastus and seeing the Lenaea and Chytri, in +<a name="p71" id="p71"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 71</span> +contrast to the lavish Macedonian feasts of his correspondent. +The latter in the same connection says<a id="footnotetag172" name="footnotetag172"></a> +<a href="#footnote172"><sup class="sml">172</sup></a> that certain men, probably +players, who had filled a part in Athens at the Chytri, came +in to amuse the guests. The marriage which he is attending +then took place after the Chytri. It is not likely, therefore, that +in "the Lenaea and Chytri" he is referring to two festivals +separated by a month of time. He speaks, rather, of two acts of +the same celebration.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote169" +name="footnote169"></a><b>Footnote 169:</b><a href="#footnotetag169"> +(return) </a> <i>Mid.</i> 10.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote170" +name="footnote170"></a><b>Footnote 170:</b><a href="#footnotetag170"> +(return) </a> SUIDAS, εκ των αμαξων σώωμματα.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote171" +name="footnote171"></a><b>Footnote 171:</b><a href="#footnotetag171"> +(return) </a> ATHENÆUS, IV. p. 130.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote172" +name="footnote172"></a><b>Footnote 172:</b><a href="#footnotetag172"> +(return) </a> Ibid. III. 129.</blockquote> + +<p>The frogs in Aristophanes claim the temenus Λίμναις and +speak of their song at the Chytri. The scholiast cites<a id="footnotetag173" name="footnotetag173"></a> +<a href="#footnote173"><sup class="sml">173</sup></a> Philochorus, +saying that the contests referred to were the χύτρινοι.</p> + +<p>A suspected passage in Diogenes Laertius declares (III 56) that +it was the custom to contend with tetralogies at four festivals, the +Dionysia, Lenaea, Panathenaea, and Chytri. If the passage is +worth anything, it adds new testimony that there were dramatic +representations at the Anthesteria. The Menander of Alciphron, +also, would hardly exclaim<a id="footnotetag174" name="footnotetag174"></a> +<a href="#footnote174"><sup class="sml">174</sup></a> over ποίους χύτρους, unless the contest +were one in which he, as dramatist, could have a part.</p> + +<p>No other of the extant dramas has been so much discussed in +connection with the question as the <i>Acharnians</i>. Those who hold +that the Lenaea and Anthesteria were entirely separate, have +affirmed that the play opens on the Pnyx in Athens, that the scene +changes to the country-house of Dicaeopolis in Cholleidae, at the +season of the country Dionysia in the month Posideo. Later +the time of the Lenaea in the month Gamelio is represented. +Finally the locality is again Athens at the Anthesteria in Anthesterio. +In fact, we are told, the poet has, in the <i>Acharnians</i>, +shown his true greatness by overleaping all restraints of time and +place and giving his fancy free rein. But this is making the +<i>Acharnians</i> an isolated example among the Greek plays which +have come down to us. Changes of scene are foreign to the +nature of the Greek drama, as is acknowledged by A. Miller.<a id="footnotetag175" name="footnotetag175"></a> +<a href="#footnote175"><sup class="sml">175</sup></a></p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote173" +name="footnote173"></a><b>Footnote 173:</b><a href="#footnotetag173"> +(return) </a> <i>Schol.</i> ARIST. <i>Frogs.</i> 218.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote174" +name="footnote174"></a><b>Footnote 174:</b><a href="#footnotetag174"> +(return) </a> <i>Alciphron Ep.</i> II. 3. 11.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote175" +name="footnote175"></a><b>Footnote 175:</b><a href="#footnotetag175"> +(return) </a> <i>Bühnenalt</i>., 161.</blockquote> + +<p>That the beginning of the play is on the Pnyx, there is no +question. In v. 202, Dicaeopolis declares: "I will go in and +<a name="p72" id="p72"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 72</span> +celebrate the Country Dionysia." This is held to be a statement +of the actual time of year represented in this portion of the play, +and also to indicate the change of place from Athens to the +country. That the country festivals to the wine-god in the different +demes were held on different dates, we learn from the fact +that companies of actors went out from Athens to make the tour +of these provincial festivals.<a id="footnotetag176" name="footnotetag176"></a> +<a href="#footnote176"><sup class="sml">176</sup></a> We know, too, that these rural +celebrations were under charge of the demarchs.<a id="footnotetag177" name="footnotetag177"></a> +<a href="#footnote177"><sup class="sml">177</sup></a> In the passage +from the <i>Acharnians</i> just cited, there is no statement that this is +the season when the demes were accustomed to hold their annual +Bacchic celebrations. Rather, in his joy in his newly concluded +peace, the hero declares that he will <i>now</i> hold this festival in honor +of the god of the vine. No surprise is felt at this exceptional +date, particularly as, by his statement below,<a id="footnotetag178" name="footnotetag178"></a> +<a href="#footnote178"><sup class="sml">178</sup></a> he has been prevented +for six years from holding the festival at its proper season. +This last passage, however, is the strongest authority for a change +of place in the action. Certainly, if the reading is correct, in the +light of all the remainder of the comedy we should naturally +translate: "in the sixth year, having come into my deme, I salute +you gladly." But we do no violence to the construction if we +say that ελθών ες τον δημον means "going (<i>forth</i>) to my deme." +Unquestionably up to the end of the first choral ode at v. 236, the +action has gone on in Athens. But here, we are told, comes the +change of place. In v. 202 Dicaeopolis has declared that he is +"going in." What does he enter but his house in the city? At +v. 236 the chorus also is in Athens. In v. 237, the voice of Dicaeopolis is heard from within--his <i>country</i> house, it is said; and +in v. 238 the chorus is as suddenly before this same house! Such +rapid changes might easily take place on a modern stage, but are +of a character to excite remark in an ancient theatre. If there +was a change here, the second scene must have represented Cholleidae +with the three houses of Dicaeopolis, Lamachus, and Euripides; +and the three must be in the same deme; for the Bacchic +procession of Dicaeopolis appears at v. 241, and is broken up by +the chorus at v. 280. As soon as Dicaeopolis, by his by-play, has +<a name="p73" id="p73"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 73</span> +obtained permission to plead his cause, he turns (v. 394) to the +house of Euripides to borrow the wardrobe of one of the tragic +heroes. Then, when his defense has divided the chorus, the first +half call upon the gorgon-helmeted Lamachus (v. 566) to bear +them aid, and that warrior appears from his house.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote176" +name="footnote176"></a><b>Footnote 176:</b><a href="#footnotetag176"> +(return) </a> HAIGH, <i>Attic Theatre</i>, p. 47.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote177" +name="footnote177"></a><b>Footnote 177:</b><a href="#footnotetag177"> +(return) </a> ΟEHMICHEN, <i>Bühnenwesen</i>, s. 195.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote178" +name="footnote178"></a><b>Footnote 178:</b><a href="#footnotetag178"> +(return) </a> <i>Achar.</i>, 266 f.</blockquote> + +<p>Now the common enemy has prevented the celebration of the +Country Dionysia for six years. How is it possible, under such +circumstances, to conceive of Euripides as composing tragedies in +the country? How could the general Lamachus be living out of +the city in such a time of danger? Certainly the play itself +gives us authority that this scene also is in Athens. At v. 241 +Dicaeopolis would go forth with his procession to hold the rural +Dionysia in his deme. Prevented from doing so, he is from this +on busy with the duties and pleasures of the Choes. His altercation +with the chorus and with Lamachus ended, he (v. 623 f.) +announces that he will open a market for all Boeotians, Megarians, +and Peloponnesians. He sets up (v. 719) the bounds of his +markets, and appoints three "himantes" as agoranomi. These +officials are suggestive of those busy at the Anthesteria.<a id="footnotetag179" name="footnotetag179"></a> +<a href="#footnote179"><sup class="sml">179</sup></a> The first +customer, from Megara comes in with: "Hail, agora in <i>Athens</i>" +(v. 729), and brings for sale pigs suitable for sacrifice at the +Mysteries (v. 747 and 764). The Lesser Mysteries came in Anthesterio +first after the Anthesteria.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote179" +name="footnote179"></a><b>Footnote 179:</b><a href="#footnotetag179"> +(return) </a> MOMMSEN, <i>Heortologie v. Anthesteria.</i></blockquote> + +<p>There is no change of place in the course of the action. The +scene, the Pnyx with the houses of Dicaeopolis, Lamachus, and +Euripides near by, remains the same. There is no indication of a +jump in time from Posideo to Gamelio, and again from Gamelio +to Anthesterio.</p> + +<p>Amid all the preparations for the Anthesteria made in the +play, two statements cannot fail to attract attention. In v. 504 f. +the poet informs us that this is not the Greater Dionysia, when +strangers, tribute-bearers, and allies were present. It is the contest +at the Lenaeum. In v. 1150 f. the chorus frees its mind concerning +the miserly fashion in which Antimachus treated them at +a previous celebration of the Lenaea. Shall we say that the poet, +in order to speak of things present before the eyes of the Athenians, +<a name="p74" id="p74"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 74</span> +steps, in these two passages, entirely outside the action of +the play? By no means. The poet is dealing with a vital issue. +He is fighting against the ruinous war. The power of his genius +is shown by the masterly manner in which he uses the moment +which was present to his hearers. The victor at the Choes sat +among the spectators; the very walls of the theatre had hardly +ceased to resound with the din of the carousers. Here, or elsewhere, +there is mention of but one επι Ληναίω αγων, that is the +Lenaea, or the dramatic contest at the Anthesteria.</p> + +<p>In fixing the date of the "Dionysia at the Lenaeum," we have +the authority of some interesting inscriptions which have been +collected in Dittenberger S.I.G. II. 374. They are the record +of moneys obtained from the sale of the hides of the victims +sacrificed at various festivals of the Attic year. A portion of +each of four separate lists has been preserved. In the first and +fourth of these, as they stand in Dittenberger, three Dionysiac +festivals are mentioned: that at Piraeus, the Dionysia εν αστει, +and the Dionysia επι Ληναίω. The third list ends with the Dionysia +in Piræus. The remaining incription mentions two Dionysiac festivals, +the one at the Lenaeum, and that εν αστει. The +part of the record which should cover the Dionysia at Piræus is +wanting. The calendar order of all the festivals mentioned is +strictly followed.</p> + +<p>Köhler in <i>C.I.A.</i>, led by the other inscriptions found with +these four, says that the lists do not contain mention of all the +festivals at which public sacrifices of cattle were made in that +portion of the year covered by the inscriptions, but that these are +to be considered only as records of the hide-money which was to +be devoted to particular uses. As a matter of fact, however, +nearly all the public festivals of importance, as well as some of +less note, are included in these lists; and it would be difficult to +demonstrate that they do not contain a complete record of the +public hide-money for the portion of the year in which these festivals +fall.</p> + +<p>In these inscriptions the peculiarity with reference to the +Dionysia is the same which we find in all other accounts which +seem to give a complete record of these festivals. Only three are +mentioned as held under public authority. Did the omission of +<a name="p75" id="p75"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 75</span> +the Lenaea and Anthesteria occur only in this case, we might, +following Köhler, admit that the hide-money from this particular +festival was not devoted to this special purpose, and that for this +reason the name did not appear in these records. But since in +no case are there more than three mentioned; and since the third +name is one which covers all celebrations in honor of Dionysus at +the Lenaeum, this assumption cannot be granted. The important +point, and one that cannot be too strongly emphasized, is that +neither in these nor in any other inscription or official record is +there any mention of the Lenaea or Anthesteria as such. The +official language appears always to have been, as here: Διονύσια επι Ληναίω, or: +η επι Ληναίω πομπή, or, where the dramatic contest +alone was intended: ό επι Ληναίω αγών. Once only in the +5th century<a id="footnotetag180" name="footnotetag180"></a> +<a href="#footnote180"><sup class="sml">180</sup></a> do we find Λήναια used; and here it is synonymous +with ό επι Ληναίω αγών. Wilamowitz has well said that Λήναια as a name of a +separate festival is an invention of the grammarians. +Aristophanes, in the passage from the <i>Acharnians</i>, shows that this +name may have been used commonly for the dramatic contest at +the Lenaeum, and we know from Thucydides that Anthesteria was +also used of the entire festival. It is impossible that in a record +like the hide-money inscriptions, the official title Διονύσια επι Ληναίω +should be employed to cover two festivals separated by an +interval of a month.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote180" +name="footnote180"></a><b>Footnote 180:</b><a href="#footnotetag180"> +(return) </a> <i>Acharnians</i>, 1155.</blockquote> + +<p>But was the Anthesteria a state festival, at which public sacrifices +of cattle were made? The story of its institution by Pandion +shows that it was public from the beginning. Aristophanes informs +us<a id="footnotetag181" name="footnotetag181"></a> +<a href="#footnote181"><sup class="sml">181</sup></a> that it maintained this character; for the Basileus +awarded the prize at the Choes. The question of sacrifice requires +fuller treatment.</p> + +<p>Suidas<a id="footnotetag182" name="footnotetag182"></a> +<a href="#footnote182"><sup class="sml">182</sup></a> and a scholiast<a id="footnotetag183" name="footnotetag183"></a> +<a href="#footnote183"><sup class="sml">183</sup></a> to Aristophanes quote from Theopompus +the story of the establishment of the Chytri. On the +very day on which they were saved, the survivors of the flood +introduced the celebration of this day of the Anthesteria by +cooking a potful of all sorts of vegetables, and sacrificing it to the +<a name="p76" id="p76"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 76</span> +Chthonian Hermes and those who had perished in the waters. +The scholiast adds that sacrifice was offered to no one of the +Olympian gods on this day.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote181" +name="footnote181"></a><b>Footnote 181:</b><a href="#footnotetag181"> +(return) </a> <i>Acharnians</i>, 1225.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote182" +name="footnote182"></a><b>Footnote 182:</b><a href="#footnotetag182"> +(return) </a> SUIDAS, χύτροι</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote183" +name="footnote183"></a><b>Footnote 183:</b><a href="#footnotetag183"> +(return) </a> Schol. ARISTOPH., <i>Frogs</i>. 218.</blockquote> + +<p>In Suidas we find a hint of the other ceremonies on the Chytri. +According to him, there were sacrifices to Dionysus as well as to +Hermes. This suggests that the Chytri was but one day of the +Anthesteria, and, though the worship of the departed may have +been the older portion of the celebration, it was later overshadowed +by the festivities in honor of the wine-god. As the text of his +argument in his oration against Midias, Demosthenes cites four +oracular utterances, two from Dodona, the others probably from +Delphi. In the first the god calls upon the children of Erechtheus, +as many as inhabit the city of Pandion, to be mindful of Bacchus, +all together throughout the wide streets to return fit thanks to the +Bromian, and crowned with wreaths, to cause the odor of sacrifice +to rise from the altars. In this oracle, Athens is the city of Pandion, +because it was reported that under his rule the worship of +Dionysus was introduced into the city. This and the other commands +from Dodona and Delphi concerning Dionysus refer to the +introduction of the worship of the god; for in every one the statement +is absolute; there is no reference to a previous worship and +a backsliding on the part of the people, κνισάν βωμοΐσι of the +first oracle can refer only to a sacrifice of animals. Stronger still +is the statement in the fourth oracle (from Dodona) where the +command is given to fulfil sacred rites (ίερα τελεΐν) to Dionysus, +and to sacrifice to Apollo and to Zeus. (Άπόλλωνι Άποτροπαίω +βοūν θυσαι ... Δú Κτησίω βοūν λευκόν.) The command +"to mix bowls of wine and to establish choral dances," in the +second and fourth oracles, serves as an explanatory comment on +"return fit thanks to the Bromian" in the first. "Let free men +and slaves wear wreaths and enjoy leisure for one day," must +refer to the Pithoigia. In this feast the slaves had a part, and +enjoyed a holiday. Hence the saying<a id="footnotetag184" name="footnotetag184"></a> +<a href="#footnote184"><sup class="sml">184</sup></a> "Forth, slaves, it is no +longer the Anthesteria." In obedience to the oracles then, public +sacrifices could not have been lacking at the Anthesteria. Therefore, +this festival must have been officially known as the Dionysia +έπί Ληναίω.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote184" +name="footnote184"></a><b>Footnote 184:</b><a href="#footnotetag184"> +(return) </a> θύραζε Kâρες ούκέτ 'Ανθεστήρια.</blockquote> + +<a name="p77" id="p77"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 77</span> + +<p>The dramatic contests at the Lenaeum, like those at the Greater +Dionysia, were undoubtedly preceded by sacrifices. The αγων επι Ληναίω +could hardly be separated from the Dionysia επι Ληναίω +Therefore the hide-money inscriptions are also authority that +Lenaea and Anthesteria are but two references to the same festival.</p> + +<p>Thucydides, as we have seen,<a id="footnotetag185" name="footnotetag185"></a> +<a href="#footnote185"><sup class="sml">185</sup></a> knew of but two Dionysia in +Athens itself; those εν αστει and the Anthesteria. Of these, +using the comparative degree, he states that the latter were the +άρχαιότερα. In his time the dramatic contests εν Λίμναις were in +their glory, yet he mentions but one celebration in this locality. +So here also we must conclude that Anthesteria was the name of +the whole festival which Harpocration tells us was called πιθοίγια, χοές +and χύτροι; that there was, in the flourishing period of the +drama, no separate festival Lenaea, but that the αγών at the Chytri +came to be so called to distinguish it from that at the City Dionysia.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote185" +name="footnote185"></a><b>Footnote 185:</b><a href="#footnotetag185"> +(return) </a> II. 15.</blockquote> + +<p>It is interesting in connection with Thucydides' statement that +the Ionian Athenians in his day still held the Anthesteria, to examine +the record of this festival in the Ionic cities of Asia Minor. +To be sure we have very little information concerning the details +of this celebration among them; but we do find two statements +of importance. <i>C.I.G.</i> 3655 mentions certain honors proclaimed +at the Anthesteria in the theatre in Cyzicus. Comparison with +similar observances at Athens indicates that theatrical representations were to follow. <i>C.I.G.</i> 3044, τώγωνος Άνθεστηριοισίν, +refers to Teos. From the constant use of αγών referring to theatrical +performances in connection with the festivals of Dionysus +the word can hardly mean anything else here. So these two +inscriptions, referring to two colonies, add their testimony that +dramas were presented also at the Anthesteria in Athens.</p> + +<p>Finally, Aristotle's <i>Politeia</i> falls into line with the +hide-money +records. In § 56, the statement is made that the Archon Eponymos +had the Megala Dionysia in charge. In the following section, +the Archon Basileus is said to have control, not of the Lemaea or +of the Anthesteria--for neither is mentioned by name,--but of the +Dionysia επι Ληναίω. The Basileus and the Epimeletae together +directed the procession; but the basileus alone controlled the +<a name="p78" id="p78"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 78</span> +[dramatic] contest. Here again, it is inconceivable that either +Anthesteria or Lenaea should be omitted; so both must be included +under Dionysia επι Ληναίω. + +<p>We thus find our position supported by inscriptions of undoubted +authority, and by a list of names ranging in time from before +Aristophanes to the 9th century A.D., and in weight from Thucydides +and Aristotle to the Scholiasts.</p> + +<p>If the Limnae were not by the existing theatre of Dionysus, +where were they? Not on the south side of the Acropolis, as a +careful examination of the ground proves. In our study of the +theatre-precinct, we found that the earth here in antiquity was at +a much higher level than at present, while immediately outside +the wall of this precinct to the south, the ground was considerably +lower than it is now. The present height of the theatre-precinct +is 91.4 m. above the sea level; of the Odeum, 97.7 metres; of the +Olympieum, 80.8 m.; of the ground within the enclosure of the +Military Hospital due south from the theatre, 75 m.; of Callirrhoe +in the Ilissus opposite the Olympieum, 59 m.; of the Ilissus +bed opposite the theatre, 50 m. From the present level of the +theatre to the bed of the stream there is a fall of more than +41 m.; the fall is about equally rapid along the entire extent +of the slope to the south of the Acropolis, while the soil is full of +small stones. Surely, it would take more than the oft-cited handful +of rushes to establish a swamp on such a hillside. We have, +however, excellent geological authority that from the lay of the +land and the nature of the soil, there never could have been a +swamp there. The Neleum inscription<a id="footnotetag186" name="footnotetag186"></a> +<a href="#footnote186"><sup class="sml">186</sup></a> can be held to prove +nothing further than that, as Mr. Wheeler suggests, the drain +from the existing theatre ran through this precinct. We must +therefore seek the Limnae elsewhere.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote186" +name="footnote186"></a><b>Footnote 186:</b><a href="#footnotetag186"> +(return) </a> <i>Am. Journal of Archæology</i>, III. 38-48.</blockquote> + +<p>We know that from time immemorial the potters plied their +trade in the Ceramicus, because here they found the clay suitable +for their use. The so-called Theseum is 68.6 m. above the sea-level; +the present level at the Piræus railroad station, 54.9 m.; at +the Dipylum (and here we are on the ancient level), only 47.9 m. +Out beyond the gate comes a long slope, extending till the Cephissus +<a name="p79" id="p79"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 79</span> +is reached, at an elevation of 21 m. So the Dipylum is +over 43 m. below the present level of the theatre-precinct; and it +is the lowest portion of the ancient city. Here, therefore, in the +northwest part of the city, is where we should expect from the lay +of the land and the nature of the soil to find the marshes. Out in +the open plain beyond this quarter of the city to-day, after every +heavy rain, the water collects and renders the ground swampy. +With the Dipylum as a starting-point, there is no difficulty in supposing +that, in very ancient times, the Limnae extended to Colonus +Agoraeus, to the east into the hollow which became a portion +of the agora in the Ceramicus, and to the west into the depression +between Colonus Agoraeus and the Hill of the Nymphs. The +exact extent and character of the low ground in these two directions +can only be determined by excavating the ancient level, +which, as it appears to me, has not been reached by the deep new +railroad cutting running across this section north of the so-called +Theseum.</p> + +<p>The excavations of Dr. Dörpfeld between Colonus Agoraeus and +the Areopagus, have shown that the ruins and the ancient street +at this point have been buried to a great depth by the débris +washed down from the Pnyx. Unfortunately, these diggings have +not been extensive enough to restore the topography of the west +and southwest slopes of Colonus Agoraeus.</p> + +<p>We have abundant notices, besides those already given, of a +precinct or precincts of Dionysus in this section. Hesychius +speaks<a id="footnotetag187" name="footnotetag187"></a> +<a href="#footnote187"><sup class="sml">187</sup></a> of a house in Melite where the tragic actors rehearsed. +Photius repeats<a id="footnotetag188" name="footnotetag188"></a> +<a href="#footnote188"><sup class="sml">188</sup></a> the statement almost word for word. Philostratus +mentions<a id="footnotetag189" name="footnotetag189"></a> +<a href="#footnote189"><sup class="sml">189</sup></a> a council-house of the artists near the gate of the +Ceramicus. Pausanias (I. 2. 5), just after entering the city, sees +within one of the stoas the house of Poulytion which was dedicated +to Dionysus Melpomenus. He speaks next of a precinct +with various αγάλματα, and among them the face of the demon of +unmixed wine, Cratus. Beyond this precinct was a building +with images of clay, representing, among other scenes, Pegasus, +who brought the worship of Dionysus to Athens. This building +<a name="p80" id="p80"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 80</span> +also was plainly devoted to the cult of the wine-god. In fact, the +most venerable traditions in Athens, with reference to Dionysus, +centre here. All the various representations here are connected +with the oldest legends. Pausanias (I. 3. 1.) says that the Ceramicus +had its very name from Ceramus, a son of Dionysus and +Ariadne.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote187" +name="footnote187"></a><b>Footnote 187:</b><a href="#footnotetag187"> +(return) </a> HESYCH. Μελιτέων οίκος.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote188" +name="footnote188"></a><b>Footnote 188:</b><a href="#footnotetag188"> +(return) </a> PHOTIUS. Μελιτέων οίκος.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote189" +name="footnote189"></a><b>Footnote 189:</b><a href="#footnotetag189"> +(return) </a> PHILOST. <i>Vit. Soph.</i> p. 251.</blockquote> + +<p>We have already seen that an orchestra was first established in +the agora. Timæus adds<a id="footnotetag190" name="footnotetag190"></a> +<a href="#footnote190"><sup class="sml">190</sup></a> that this was a conspicuous place where +were the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, which we know +to have stood in the agora.</p> + +<p>The scholiast to the <i>De Corona</i> of Demosthenes<a id="footnotetag191" name="footnotetag191"></a> +<a href="#footnote191"><sup class="sml">191</sup></a> says that the +"hieron" of Calamites, an eponymous hero, was close to the Lenaeum. +Hesychius words this statement differently, saying that [the +statue of] the hero himself was near the Lenaeum. We know that +the statues of eponymous heroes were set up in the agora. Here +again the new Aristotle manuscript comes to our support, telling +us (<i>Pol</i>. c. 3) that the nine archons did not occupy the same +building, but that the Basileus had the Bucoleum, near the Prytaneum, +and that the meeting and marriage of the Basileus' wife +with Dionysus still took place there in his time. That the Bucoleum +must be on the agora, and that the marriage took place in +Limnaean-Lenaean territory, have long been accepted. The +location of the Limnae to the northwest at the Acropolis must +thus be considered as settled.</p> + +<p>Dr. Dörpfeld maintains that the ancient orchestra and the later +Agrippeum theatre near by, mentioned by Philostratus,<a id="footnotetag192" name="footnotetag192"></a> +<a href="#footnote192"><sup class="sml">192</sup></a> lay in +the depression between the Pnyx and the Hill of the Nymphs, but +considerably above the foot of the declivity.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote190" +name="footnote190"></a><b>Footnote 190:</b><a href="#footnotetag190"> +(return) </a> TIM. <i>Lex. Plat.</i></blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote191" +name="footnote191"></a><b>Footnote 191:</b><a href="#footnotetag191"> +(return) </a> DEMOS, de Corona, 129, scholium.</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote192" +name="footnote192"></a><b>Footnote 192:</b><a href="#footnotetag192"> +(return) </a> PHILOSTRATUS, <i>Vit. Soph.</i>, p. 247.</blockquote> + +<p>From the passage of the <i>Neaera</i> quoted above we know that the +old orchestra could not have been in the sacred precinct of Dionysus +Limnaeus, for this was opened but once in every year, on the +12th of Anthesterio,<a id="footnotetag193" name="footnotetag193"></a> +<a href="#footnote193"><sup class="sml">193</sup></a> while the Chytri and therefore ό επι Ληναίω αγών +were held on the following day. This involves too +<a name="p81" id="p81"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 81</span> +that the Pithoigia as well as the "contests at the Lenaeum" could +not have been celebrated in the sanctuary εν Λίμναις, though portions +of each of these divisions of the Anthesteria were held in the +Lenaeum, which contained the Limnaea <i>hieron</i>.</p> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote193" +name="footnote193"></a><b>Footnote 193:</b><a href="#footnotetag193"> +(return) </a> See also THUCYDIDES above.</blockquote> + +<p>The Lenaeum must lie εν Λίμναις, and therefore on the low +ground. A passage in Isæus (8. 35) is authority that the sanctuary +of Dionysus εν Λίμναις was εν αστει; <i>i.e.</i>, within the Themistoclean +walls. So we have it located within narrow limits, +somewhere in the space bounded on the east by the eastern limit +of the agora in Ceramicus, south by the Areopagus, west by the +Pnyx and the Hill of the Nymphs, and north by the Dipylum.</p> + +<p>From the neighborhood of the Dionysiac foundations and +allusions mentioned by Pausanias immediately upon entering the +city, we may be justified in locating this ancient cult of Dionysus +εν Λίμναις still more exactly, and placing it somewhere on or at +the foot of the southwestern slope of Colonus Agoraeus. More +precise evidence of its site we may obtain from future excavation: +though as this region lay outside the Byzantine city-walls, the ruins +may have been more or less completely swept away.</p> + +<p>In view of its position outside of the gate of the ancient Pelasgic +city, by the wine-press, we understand why the contest in the +Lenaeum was called a contest κατ' αγρούς. Because enclosed later +within the walls of Themistocles, the Limnae were also referred to +as εν αστει. Situated as they were in the territory of the agora, +we see why, although the Archon Eponymus directed the City +Dionysia, the Archon Basileus presided<a id="footnotetag194" name="footnotetag194"></a> +<a href="#footnote194"><sup class="sml">194</sup></a> over the Anthesteria, and +therefore over "the contest at the Lenaeum"; and the agoranomi, +the superintendents of the market-place, whose duties were confined +to the agora, επετέλεσαν τους χύτρους.<a id="footnotetag195" name="footnotetag195"></a> +<a href="#footnote195"><sup class="sml">195</sup></a> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote194" +name="footnote194"></a><b>Footnote 194:</b><a href="#footnotetag194"> +(return) </a> POLLUX VIII. 89, 90. (ARISTOT. Ἀθην. Πολιτεία.)</blockquote> + +<blockquote class="footnote"><a id="footnote195" +name="footnote195"></a><b>Footnote 195:</b><a href="#footnotetag195"> +(return) </a> MOMMSEN, <i>Heortologie</i>, p. 352 note.</blockquote> + +<p>In closing, it may not be without interest to review the picture +presented of the most ancient Athens. Behind the nine-gated +Pelasgic fortifications lay the city, with its temples, its palace, "the +goodly house of Erechtheus," and its dwellings for the people, +remains of which can even now be seen within the Pelasgicum. +Immediately without the gate stood the Pythium, the Olympieum, +the temple of Ge <i>Kourotrophos</i>, and other foundations. Directly +<a name="p82" id="p82"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 82</span> +before the entrance, some two hundred paces from the city-walls, +was the spring Enneacrounus, whose water was most esteemed by +the citizens. Not far from this was the wine-press. Here the +people built the first altar, the first temple, the first orchestra, and +instituted the first festival in honor of the wine-god, long before +the new Dionysian cult was brought in from Eleutherae; and here +for centuries were raised every year about the orchestra tiers of +wooden seats in preparation for the annual dramatic contests.</p> + + +<p>JOHN PICKARD,<br> +American School of Classical Studies,<br> +Athens, 1891.</p> +<br><br><br> + +<a name="p83" id="p83"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 83</span> + + + + +<h2>CORRESPONDENCE.</h2> + + +<h3>HUNTING DELLA ROBBIA MONUMENTS IN ITALY.</h3> + +<p><i>To the Managing Editor of the American Journal of Archæology:</i></p> + +<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Having made a special study of +the altarpiece by Andrea Delia Robbia in the Metropolitan Museum, +New York, my desire was aroused to examine all the glazed terracotta +sculptures of the Delia Robbia school, which form such an important +part of Italian Renaissance sculpture. So I sailed for Italy on +the 6th of last May, taking with me a good camera and a sufficient +number of celluloid films, knowing beforehand that there were many +of these monuments which had never been photographed and were +consequently imperfectly known. An investigation of this character, +which takes one over the mountains and into the valleys, from one +end of Italy to the other, may well be described as a hunting expedition; +and, though requiring severe labor and constant sacrifices, has +in it a considerable element of sport. Although Dr. Bode, of Berlin +in various writings has shown a more discriminating knowledge of +this subject than other writers, nevertheless the work of Cavallucci +and Molinier, <i>Les Della Robbia</i>, was more useful to me as a guide and +starter. They had catalogued as many as 350 of these monuments +in Italy, and briefly described them. But their attributions were +uncertain. Prof. Cavallucci told me in Florence that unless he had a +document in hand indicating the authorship of a monument he felt +great hesitation in making attributions. And I could see, the more +I studied his work, that he considered it more important to discover +documents than to observe monuments. Here then was a great +opportunity to see a large series of monuments, to compare them and +allow them to tell their own story in regard to their origin. Having +with the aid of geographical dictionaries and government maps located +these 350 monuments, I made up my mind to see as many of them +as possible. This was no easy task, as they were widely distributed +and, as I progressed, the number of uncatalogued monuments constantly +increased. I can give here but a bare outline of my trip. +Starting at Genoa, I went to Massa and Pisa and Lucca; from Lucca +following the valley of the Serchio as far north as Castelnuovo. Here +<a name="p84" id="p84"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 84</span> +I found a fine series of unphotographed monuments, and began to +learn that works of the same author and period are very likely to be +found in neighboring towns, especially when lying along a valley. +Similarly, starting from Pracchia above Pistoia I studied another series +of unphotographed monuments at Gavinana, Lizano and Cutigliano. +These monuments may prove to be of importance in solving the +problem of the authorship of the celebrated Pistoian frieze.</p> + +<p>At Prato the monuments of this class have been photographed, +and are well known. Florence and its immediate surroundings +contain the most important works of Luca and of Giovanni Delia +Robbia, but is very poor in examples of Andrea Delia Robbia. Hence +the Florentines have a very inadequate notion of Andrea's work, which +must be studied at Arezzo, La Verna, Prato, Siena and Viterbo. At +Florence I was fortunate enough to find an unpublished document +ascribing one of the medallions at Or San Michele to Luca Delia +Robbia. Two of these medallions by the elder Luca had never been +photographed before, but have now been taken by Alinari. So far as I +know, the monuments at Impruneta, ten miles from Florence, are +unknown to students of this subject. Three of them have been photographed +by Brogi, who gives no attributions. They are not mentioned +by Cavallucci nor by Dr. Bode; yet they are amongst the very finest +works by Luca Delia Robbia. In the private collection of the Marquis +Frescobaldi I recognized a fine Luca Delia Robbia, and in that of the +Marquis Antinori an excellent example of Giovanni's work. Less +important discoveries made in this region are too numerous to mention. +At Empoli, not many miles from Florence, are several uncatalogued +monuments and a fine example of a tile pavement, which I identified +as Delia Robbia work. I then visited Poggibonsi and Volterra and +Siena, and satisfied myself that the beautiful coronation of the Virgin +at the Osservanza outside Siena is a chef-d'oeuvre of Andrea Delia +Robbia. From Asciano I visited Monte San Savino, Lucignano and +Foiano and took photographs of some fine, unrecognized works of +Andrea Delia Robbia. Another starting point was Montepulciano for +a long drive to Radicofani, a weird Etruscan site, whose churches +contained half a dozen unphotographed Delia Robbias, then to S. +Fiora, whose monuments have a greater reputation than they deserve, +to S. Antimo, a fine Cistercian ruin, and Montalcino. At +Perugia I photographed the monuments of Benedetto Buglione, thus +laying the basis for a study of his works, a number of which may now +be identified. In the case of his pupil, Santi Buglione, I was less +successful, as the chapel at Croce dell'Alpe, which contained two +authenticated altarpieces of his seems to have disappeared, not only +<a name="p85" id="p85"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 85</span> +from sight, but from the memory of the inhabitants of the neighborhood. +So the reconstruction of his style involves a wider stretch of +the scientific imagination. At Acquapendente I found a unique glazed +terracotta altar signed by Jacopo Benevento, at Bolsena took the +first photograph of several monuments, and at Viterbo had photographs +made of the important lunettes by Andrea Delia Robbia. +At Rome I penetrated the mysteries of the Vatican and discovered there +a signed monument by Fra Lucas, son of Andrea Delia Robbia, +and found in the Industrial Museum several monuments, which I +identified as by the same author. Hitherto Fra Lucas has been +known only as the maker of tile pavements. At Montecassiano there +is a large monument concerning which a document has been published +in many Italian journals, ascribing the authorship to Fra +Mattia Delia Robbia. This has been published from a drawing, and +my photograph is the first taken from the original monument. On +the basis of a very imperfect acquaintance with his style, other +monuments are being freely attributed to Fra Mattia. In the Marche +there is a series of terracotta altarpieces attributed to Pietro Paolo +Agabiti, a local painter of the XVI century. These attributions are +purely hypothetical, and the hypothesis that Fra Mattia might have +been their author is now being tested by local archaeologists. I +travelled over a large portion of this province, seeing some important +monuments, but without making discoveries of importance. Umbria +in general proved even less fruitful, the terracotta monuments being +of poor quality and showing little or no Delia Robbia influence.</p> + +<p>A very interesting region comprises Città di Castello, Borgo San +Sepolcro, Arezzo and the Casentino. Here Andrea Delia Robbia left +his impress strongly marked, especially in the very beautiful altarpieces +at La Verna. As we approach Florence we find more by Giovanni +and his school, especially noteworthy being the monuments at +Galatrona and San Giovanni.</p> + +<p>When obliged to return home there remained very few known Delia +Robbia monuments in Italy which I had not visited; almost everywhere +I found more than had been already catalogued, and my collection +of photographs of these monuments is undoubtedly the most +complete in existence. Already considerable knowledge has been +gained of the differences of style, which characterized the various +members of the school, as I hope to show in a series of articles for the +<i>American Journal of Archæology</i>. In order to complete this work I +shall still have to hunt further in the museums and private collections +of Spain, Portugal, France, England, Germany and Austria. There +are a few Delia Robbia monuments in this country, of which one is in +<a name="p86" id="p86"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 86</span> +Princeton, one in New York, one in Newport, R.I., and several in +Boston.</p> + +<p>Beside the direct pleasures of the chase and the bagging of game, +there are many incidental pleasures in such a hunting expedition.</p> + +<p>One learns of the whereabouts of other monuments, acquires a +knowledge of the country, of the language, of the people and of all the +local surroundings that help explain to us the significance of the +past.</p> + +<p>Yours sincerely,</p> + + +<p>ALLAN MARQUAND.<br> +Guernsey Hall, Princeton, N.J.,<br> Dec, 27, 1892.</p> + +<br><br><br> + +<a name="p87" id="p87"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 87</span> + + + + +<h2>REVIEWS ΑND NOTICES OF BOOKS.</h2> +<br> + + +<p>ΜAXIME COLLIGNON. <i>Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque.</i> Tome I.<br> + +Firmin-Didot et Cie. Paris, 1892.</p> + + +<p>This is the first volume of what is likely to prove for some time to +come the best general history of Greek sculpture. The personal inspection +of monuments made during his connection with the French +school at Athens, and his training as a lecturer at the Faculté des +Lettres at Paris, have given M. Collignon an admirable training for the +production of this book. We see in it also a hearty appreciation of +more specialized work. This is essentially a history from the archæaeological +standpoint, the monuments of Greek sculpture, rather than +written documents, being assumed as fundamental material. In this +respect he represents a more advanced stage of archæological science +than Overbeck. Again we feel in reading the volume the constant +assumption that the history of Greek sculpture is a continuous +evolution. Even when the development is checked, as by the Dorian +invasion, the element of continuity is emphasized. The Dorians construct +new forms out of the elements which they find already established +in Greece. Thus the connecting links evincing the continuous +flow, are not lost sight of when he comes to treat of the different +schools. This regard for the general conditions of development tempers +his judgment and prevents him from formulating or approving of +irrelevant and improbable hypotheses. This is an admirable temper +for one who writes a general history. We do not find here remote +analogies and startling theories. There is an even flow to the narrative +which indicates to us that the knowledge of Greek sculpture is +now more connected, and that many gaps have been filled in the list +during a few years. Yet M. Collignon is not a literary trimmer, steering +a middle course between opposing theories. He merely seeks for near +and probable causes, and is not carried away by resemblances which +have little historical value. His method is fundamentally the historical +method, the four books which compose the first volume +treating of the Primitive Periods, Early Archaic, and Advanced Archaic +Periods, and The Great Masters of the V century. It is unnecessary +to give here the general analysis of the book, as it does not differ +essentially from other similar histories, but we may notice the +<a name="p88" id="p88"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 88</span> +systematic method with which he treats his material. At the opening +of each new period he briefly notes the general historical conditions, +then having classed the monuments by schools he considers the +characteristics of a few representative examples, and finally endeavors +to summarize the style of the school or period. In doing this he is +handling considerable new material which has not yet found its way +into general histories. Even to specialists, this general treatment of a +subject with which they may be familiar in detail, is valuable. The +book is a summary and index to a large number of monographs +scattered in French, German, Greek and English periodicals, and we +find it much more convenient to have these references at the foot of +each page rather than gathered together at the end of the volume as in +Mrs. Mitchell's excellent history. Of course it is no easy matter to +distinguish sharply the characteristics of different schools in a country +as small as Greece, where there was so much interaction, and the +formulas, which are laid down now, may require correction in a few +years. Still the attempt is well made, and is helpful in consolidating +our knowledge.</p> + +<p>In a work of whose method we cordially approve, the defects, if +there be any, are likely to be in the way of omission of material or +under-valuation of that which is taken into consideration. In the +direction of omission we find that practically no use whatever has +been made of Cyprus as a school of archaic Greek art, yet there is +considerable material for this in European museums as well as in the +Metropolitan museum in New York. In unduly estimating the value of +the material in hand, we find here and there more influence +attributed to the Phoenicians, than we should be inclined to allow. +For example (p. 43,) the ceiling at Orchomenos, is explained as +Phoenician because of the rosettes, and the same design upon +Egyptian ceilings at Thebes is explained as Phoenician also. Evidently +M. Collignon has not yet learned the grammar of the Egyptian +lotus. We commend him to Prof. Goodyear. He is also in error in +ascribing the first use of the term "lax-archaic" to Brunn's article in +the <i>Muth. Ath.</i> vii. p. 117, for it held an important place in Semper's +classification of Doric monuments made three years earlier. But +these are minor matters. The book is abundantly illustrated, having +twelve excellent plates in lithograph and photogravure, and two +hundred and seventy-eight in the tone process and photoengraving. +We regret that the tone process had not been more extensively used, +as the drawings do not and cannot give a sufficiently full impression +of the objects. However, is it quite proper that the maker of a tone +process plate should sign it as is done here <i>Petit sculpsit</i>?</p> + +<p>A.M.</p> +<br> +<a name="p89" id="p89"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 89</span> + +<p>HEINRICH-BRUNN. <i>Griechische Götterideale in ihren Formen erlüutert.</i><br> +8vo. pp. VIII, 110. München, Verlagsanstalt für Kunst und<br> +Wissenschaft. 1892.</p> + +<p>This is not a systematic treatise, but a series of nine papers, all of +which, except the last, have been already published. But we are +grateful to Dr. Brunn and to his publishers for having collected these +articles, which were scattered in various periodicals and written at +wide intervals of time. In their present form they are instructive as +revealing to us Dr. Brunn's general habits of mind in approaching his +subject, as well as more useful and better adapted to a wide circle of +readers. The first of these articles on the Farnese Hera appeared in +the <i>Bullettino dell' Instituto</i>, in 1846, and is described as the "first +attempt at the analytical consideration of the ideal of a Greek God," +while the entire series may be taken as evidence that "the intellectual +understanding of ideal artistic productions can be reached only on the +basis of a thorough analysis of form." For his analysis of sculptural +form, and his keen intuitions, Dr. Brunn has long been held in high +esteem, and it is interesting to learn what we can of his methods. In +considering the Hera head he first examined the original, afterwards a +cast of it for many hours, then compared these impressions with observations +made upon a human scull. In doing this he brings the work of +art to nature, so as to substantiate or correct his impressions. We see +him following the same method in the articles upon the Medusa and +upon Asklepios. But this reference to nature is for the most part casual +and incidental. It is not to nature but to literature that he resorts for +help. He is not content to trust himself entirely to the method +enunciated in the preface. He does not rest satisfied with the ideals as +he reads them in the sculptured faces. He rather assumes that these +ideals were fixed before they were expressed in marble. He looks at +the heads of Hera and Zeus through "ox-eyed" and "dark-browed" +glasses. He accepts the Divine ideal from the pages of Homer, +rather than from the marble form, whenever it is possible. His mind +is still imbued with doctrines concerning the "eternity of ideas" and +"inward necessity," which he must have reached in some other way +than by the analysis of external forms.</p> + +<p>But while we may regard the method as not consistently applied, +we have no fault to find with the method and no sentiment but that of +admiration for the fine powers of observation displayed in these +articles. There seems to be nothing in the form of the eye that +escapes his attention. The slightest variations in the form of the lids, +in the positions of the eyeball, he notices and assumes that they were +<a name="p90" id="p90"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 90</span> +made the vehicles of expression. Similarly the forehead, the mouth, +the chin, the hair are most attentively studied as vehicles of expression. +Surely few, even trained archæologists, can read these pages +without having their powers of observation quickened. By far the +greater portion of workers in the field of Greek sculpture are concerned +at the present time with the morphology of art for the sake of its +history. The analysis of forms is utilized to ascertain an historical +series, to discover schools, to establish dates. Here we find scarcely +a mention of schools or artists, no reference to history and not a date. +The analysis of form leads to the interpretation of monuments and the +establishment of ideals. It is the physiology, not the history of art. +The publishers, who are gaining a world-wide reputation for their +photo process reproductions, have added to this book a series of fine +phototype plates.</p> + +<p>A.M.</p> + +<a name="p91" id="p91"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 91</span> +<br><br><br> + + +<h2>ARCHÆOLOGICAL NEWS.</h2> + +<p class="mid">SUMMARY OF RECENT DISCOVERIES AND INVESTIGATIONS.</p> + + +<table cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" border="0" + style="width: 640px; text-align: left; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" + summary="2"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td style="vertical-align: top; width: 150px;"> +<br> +ALGERIA,<br> +ARABIA,<br> +ARMENIA,<br> +ASIA (CENTRAL),<br> +ASIA MINOR, + </td> + <td style="vertical-align: top; width: 63px; text-align: right;"> +PAGE<br> +<a href="#p113">113</a> | <br> +<a href="#p131">131</a> | <br> +<a href="#p146">146</a> | <br> +<a href="#p128">128</a> | <br> +<a href="#p147">147</a> | <br> + </td> + <td style="vertical-align: top; width: 150px;"> +<br> +BABYLONIA,<br> +CAUCASUS,<br> +CHINA,<br> +ETHIOPIA,<br> +HINDUSTAN, + </td> + <td style="vertical-align: top; width: 63px; text-align: right;"> +PAGE <br> +<a href="#p131">131</a> | <br> +<a href="#p146">146</a> | <br> +<a href="#p127">127</a> | <br> +<a href="#p111">111</a> | <br> +<a href="#p118">118</a> | <br> + </td> + <td style="vertical-align: top; width: 150px;"> +<br> +PERSIA,<br> +SYRIA,<br> +THIBET,<br> +TUNISIA,<br> + </td> + <td style="vertical-align: top; width: 64px; text-align: right;"> +PAGE<br> +<a href="#p134">134</a><br> +<a href="#p140">140</a><br> +<a href="#p127">127</a><br> +<a href="#p114">114</a> + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> + + +<br><br> + + +<h2>AFRICA.</h2> + + +<h3>EGYPT.</h3> + +<p>TEXTS OF THE PYRAMIDS.--<i>Biblia</i> for November, 1892, contains an +article by Dr. Brugsch on "The Texts of the Pyramids." It mentions +the opening of one of the smaller pyramids of the Sakkarah group +in 1880 by Mariette Pasha and the discovery of a number of hieroglyphic +inscriptions beautifully chiseled into the walls of the inner aisles +and chamber, which gave the name of the maker of the pyramid as +Pepi, and fixed its date at the VI Dynasty or about 3,000 B.C. +Prof. Brugsch then gives an account of his own work at the request +of Mariette upon a second pyramid opened by Mariette's men at +Sakkarah, where the walls of the chamber were covered with hieroglyphic +inscriptions. A granite coffin, also, was found adorned with +hieroglyphics repeating in different places the name of the King. +The inscriptions on the walls had been destroyed in a number of +places by treasure hunters.</p> + +<p>Maspero, Mariette's successor, opened a number of pyramids of the +same group and found a great quantity of inscriptions. As a result, +new texts were discovered in a number of pyramids of which three +belonged to the royal houses of the V and VI Dynasties. Maspero +then published a copy of all these inscriptions together with their +translation as far as this was possible.</p> + +<p>These discoveries establish the important point in the study of the +language, that its "iconographic phrase" dates from the most ancient +times and goes back even to Menes the first king. The grammar, +vocabulary and the construction of words and sentences betray the +awkward stiffness of a language in its first literary beginnings, but it +is shown in all its youthful strength and pregnance.</p> + +<p>A reciprocal comparison of all the texts found establishes the fact +that they belong to a collection of texts known as "the Book." +This "book" contained all the formulas and conjurations used after +<a name="p92" id="p92"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 92</span> +death, is a guide for the deceased in the unknown future, and a book +of charms, in which guise the Egyptian faith made its appearance in +the most ancient period of culture, although containing nothing of the +philosophy or history of the ancient Egyptians, it gives us much +interesting information relating to mythology, geography, astronomy, +botany and zoology.</p> + +<p>For the ancient Egyptians believed that their earthly districts, cities +and temples had heavenly counterparts of the same name; in fact, +the whole geography of this world was duplicated in the world to +come. The celestial inhabitants consist of the immortal company of the +"shining" with the solar god at their head. Each constellation is +designated as the abode of the soul of one god benificent or maleficent. +In his wanderings the soul of man came in contact with these abodes +of the evil gods and the book which covered the walls of his mortuary +chamber provided charms which made him proof against harm.</p> + +<p>The texts of the pyramids promise to the departed the enjoyment +of a new life which he continues to live in the earth, in the body, in +heaven, in the spirit. The soul had power to reunite itself to the body +at will. We find in the texts mention of Egyptian political institutions +at the remotest period, the existence of a high type of civilization. Agriculture +was highly developed. All the domestic animals, with the +exception of the horse and camel, are introduced, the arts of cooking, +of dressing and of personal adornment, all find mention.</p> + +<p>The texts of the pyramids then, though they fail to give us any +information with regard to the life or history of the kings whose +chambers they adorned have still much significance for the universal +history of civilization.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE MARRIAGE OF AMENOPHIS IV.--The Amarna tablets show that +Amenophis married other Babylonian princesses besides Thi his first +wife who bore the title of "Royal mother, Royal wife, and Queen of +Egypt." A large tablet on exhibition at the British Museum with +two others in the museum at Berlin and one at Gizeh gives a very +entertaining correspondence between Amenophis and Kallima-Sin, +king of Chaldea and brother of one of Amenophis' wives and father +of two others. The tablet in the British Museum is relative to the +alliance with Lukhaite the youngest daughter of the Chaldean king.</p> + +<p>Kallima-Sin is reluctant to give his daughter to the Pharaoh and +advances various reasons for his indisposition while Amenophis +smoothly explains away the various impediments.</p> + +<p>Matters take a new turn in the Berlin letter where we find the +Babylonian requesting a wife of the Egyptian monarch, the request +is curtly refused, whereupon Kallima-Sin replies, "Inasmuch as thou +<a name="p93" id="p93"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 93</span> +hast not sent me a wife, I will do in like manner unto thee and hinder +any lady from going from Babylon to Egypt." Another letter however +shows that Kallima-Sin finally consented on condition of large +emolument to send Lukhaite to Egypt, and this very mercenary and +diplomatic alliance was finally made.--<i>Biblia</i>, V, pp. 108, 109.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE DATE OF THE FOURTH EGYPTIAN DYNASTY.--Mr. Petrie's statement +in <i>Medum</i> as to the passage-angle of Senefru's pyramid completes a +chain of astronomical evidence proving the commencement of the IV +Dynasty to have been very approximately 3700 B.C.</p> + +<p>The entrance passage of the Medum pyramid has a polar distance +(allowing for the azimuth error of the passage) of about 45, and, if +intended for observation of a circumpolar star, fixes the date of the +structure within not very wide limits. Between 4900 and 2900 B.C. +no naked eye star was within this distance of the pole, except the sixth +magnitude star 126 Piazzi (XIII) which was so situate about 3820 to +3620 B.C., its minimum distance being about 36'. Allowing an uncertainty +of a few minutes of arc, a date fifty years on either side of these +extremes would satisfy the requirements of the case.</p> + +<p>The passage-angle of the Great Pyramid is 3° 30' below the pole (3° +34' in the built portion, the latest). The Second Pyramid passage has +also an angle of about 3° 31' polar distance (Smyth's measures--Perring +and Vyse, whose angle measures are not accurate, give 4° 5'). +Finally the northern "trial-passage" east of the Great Pyramid has +the polar distance 3° 22' + or - 8'. Now at the date 3650 B.C. the +star 217 Piazzi (somewhat brighter than that last named) was at a distance +of 3° 29' from the pole, increasing to 3° 34' by 3630 B.C.</p> + +<p>East of the Great Pyramid there are certain straight trenches (one +at the Ν.Ε. corner) running respectively 13° 6', 24° 22', and 75° 58' +east of North and west of South. At about the date named these +trenches pointed very nearly to Canopus at setting and to Arcturus +and Altair at rising, the average error of azimuth being less than a +degree.</p> + +<p>But even these differences of half a degree or so are accounted for. +Refraction at the horizon amounts to about 35' of arc; if we assume +that the Egyptian (?) astronomers took it roundly at 30', and that +they intended to observe the stars on the true and not the apparent +horizon, we find the azimuths would have been (3645 B.C.):--</p> + +<pre> +Canopus 13° 3' (W. of S.), Trench 13° 6' +Arcturus 24° 23' (E. of N.), " 24° 22' +Altair 76° 0' ( " ), " 75° 58' +</pre> + +<p>These figures speak for themselves. The dates 3645 B.C. for the +trenches and external works, and 3630 B.C. for the completion of the +<a name="p94" id="p94"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 94</span> +entrance passage, with an interval of fifteen years, accord with the +probabilities of the case. It should be remembered that they are +deduced quite independently.</p> + +<p>The net result is that the three reigns of Senefru, Khuffu, and Kaffra +may be definitely assigned to the century 3700-3600 B.C.--G.F. +HARDY, in <i>Academy</i>, Oct. 29.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE PETRIE PAPYRI.--A paper was read by Prof. Mahaffy at the +Oriental Congress upon "The Gain to Egyptology from the Petrie +Papyri."--The first part of the papyri placed in his hands by Mr. +Flinders Petrie consisted of classical documents which had already +been printed by the Royal Irish Academy in the Cunningham Memoirs. +Of these a large volume had appeared, which was exciting vehement +controversy in Germany. But in addition to these there was a great +mass of private papers which had not yet been printed, but which had +been deciphered partly by Prof. Sayce and partly by himself. These +papers were in two languages-Greek and demotic, or the popular +language of the Egyptians. These were in part hieroglyphs done into +cursive. Of these demotic fragments a large quantity had been sent +to the British Museum. The Greek papyri still remain in his own +hands. Strange to say, only one of these texts is bilingual. These +interesting documents might be divided into--(1) legal agreements, of +which some were contracts, others receipts, others again taxing agreements; +(2) correspondence, partly of a public and partly of a private +character. In the former were official reports, petitions, complaints. +The private correspondence was especially interesting in showing the +condition of society at that date. A large number of Macedonians +and Greeks were settled in the Fayum under the second Ptolemy, +about 270 B.C. In addition there was a large number of prisoners +from Asia, who must have been brought into Egypt after the great +campaign of the third Ptolemy, about 246 B.C. This mixed body were +the recipients of large grants of land in the Fayum. It was interesting +to find that many of these grants were as large as 100 acres, and +the occupiers are thus called ἑκατοντάρονροι. The farms were divided +into three classes of land. First, there was what was called the Royal +land, probably fruitful land was meant; the second class was called +ἄβροχος, or land still in need of irrigation; and the third ἄφορος, or land +which would bear nothing. This latter was also called ἁλμυρίς, or the +salt marsh, which was still common in Egypt. These recipients or +allottees of land were called by a name familiar to all readers of Greek +history--κληρουχοί. Prof. Mahaffy had found no native landowner +mentioned in the papyri. But in many cases the natives had an +interest in the crops on something like a <i>metayer</i> system. Among the +<a name="p95" id="p95"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 95</span> +crops grown were the vine, olives, wheat, barley, rye. There was +evidence in the legal papers that alienation of these farms was not +allowed. Among the contracts are many between Greeks and natives. +The principal officers of the Nome were the Strategos, the Oeconomos, +and the επιμελητης, or overseer. The commissioner of works had charge +of drainage and irrigation works. It was amusing to find that two +currencies were prevalent at that period, silver and copper. This discovery +disposed of the current theory that the copper currency only +came in under the late Ptolemies. The phrases for the rate of exchange +had long been known--χαλκος ου αλλαγή, but he had now got hold of a +later term, ισόνομος which might be translated 'at par.' These documents +were also valuable, as being transcriptions from Egyptian into +Greek, with respect to our knowledge of the Egyptian language. As +the Egyptians did not write down their vowels, the vocalisation of the +language was hardly yet known. But results of much importance +were gained--first, of a palaeographical, and, secondly, of a linguistic +character. We now know exactly how they wrote in the third century +B.C., and we have also learnt what was the Greek used by the +respectable classes of that epoch. The Greek was far purer and better +than that of the Septuagint would lead us to expect. There was still +a large number of papers to be deciphered, and a large addition to our +knowledge might be expected.--<i>Academy</i>, Sept. 24.</p> +<br> + +<p>A GREEK PAPYRUS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.--At the Orientalist +Congress in London a most interesting document was submitted +by the Rev. Professor Hechler. It is a papyrus manuscript discovered +a few months ago in Egypt, and is supposed by some authorities to +be the oldest copy extant of portions of the Old Testament books of +Zachariah and Malachi. These pages of papyrus when intact were +about ten inches high and seven inches wide, each containing 28 lines +of writing, both sides of the sheet being used. The complete line +contains from fourteen to seventeen letters. The sheets are bound +together in the form of a book in a primitive though careful manner +with a cord and strips of old parchment. The Greek is written without +intervals between the words. The papyrus is in fair preservation, +and is believed to date from the third or fourth century. It thus +ranks in age with the oldest Greek manuscripts of the Septuagint +version of the Old Testament in London, Rome and St. Petersburg. +The differences in this papyrus tend to the conclusion that it was +copied from some excellent original of the Septuagint, which was +first translated about the year 280 B.C. The first summary examination +has shown that it has several new readings which surpass some +of the other Septuagint texts in clearness of expression and simplicity +<a name="p96" id="p96"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 96</span> +of grammar. It would also appear that it was copied from another +Septuagint Bible and was not written, as was frequently the case, +from dictation. A second scribe has occasionally corrected some +mistakes of orthography made by the original copyist. These are +still to be distinguished by the different color of the ink.</p> + +<p>Professor Hechler said it was sincerely to be hoped that this papyrus +of the Bible, probably the oldest now known to exist, would soon be +published in fac-simile.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE DATE OF THE AEGEAN POTTERY.--Quite a discussion has been +carried on between Mr. Flinders Petrie and Mr. Cecil Torr on the +subject of the period of the Aegean pottery in Egypt which Mr. Torr +regards as having been assigned to too early a date by Mr. Petrie. +The recent discovery of such fragments in the ruins of the palace of +Khuenaten at Tell-el-Amarna, which existed for little over half a +century in the xiv century B.C., would appear to prove beyond doubt +the correctness of Mr. Petrie's position.--See <i>Classical Review</i> for +March; Academy, May 14 and 21, etc.</p> +<br> + +<p>A PROFESSORSHIP OF EGYPTOLOGY.--Miss A.B. Edwards has left +almost the whole of her property to found a professorship of Egyptology, +under certain conditions, at University College, London, The +value of the chair will amount to about $2,000 a year. Mr. W.M. +Flinders Petrie has been appointed to this chair, and no better selection +could have been made.</p> +<br> + +<p>EXCAVATIONS BY DR. BRUGSCH, COUNT D'HULST AND M. NAVILLE.--Dr. +H. Brugsch has been excavating during the past spring in the Fayoum. +At Hawara he has discovered a considerable number of painted +portraits. At Illahun he opened a tomb of the eleventh dynasty, +which had not been entered since the mummy was originally deposited +in it. Unfortunately the roof fell in before it could be properly +cleared out. At Shenhour he came across the remains of a small +temple. Since leaving the Fayoum he has been working on the site +of Sais.</p> + +<p>Count d'Hulst has been excavating at Behbet, near Mansourah, on +behalf of the Egypt Exploration Fund. The ruined temple there +is Ptolemaic, but the cartouche of Ramses II has been found in the +course of the excavations.</p> + +<p>Mr. Naville has returned to Europe. His excavations at Jmei el-Amdîd, +the supposed site of Mendes, have been unfruitful, and he has +fared no better at Tel el-Baghliyeh.--<i>Athenaeum</i> May 16.</p> +<br> +<a name="p97" id="p97"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 97</span> + +<p>EXCAVATIONS BY LIEUT. LYONS AT WADY HALFAH, ABUSIR, MATUGAH.--Lieut. +H.G. Lyons has been continuing exploration at <i>Wady +Halfah</i>. He has cleared out the sand from one of the temples, and +found there eleven slabs with figures of a king making offerings to the +god Horus of Behen or Wady Halfah in a chamber in front of the +Hall of Columns. The names in the cartouches have been erased, and +it is, therefore, impossible to identify the king. A second temple, +with sandstone pillars and mud brick walls, is inscribed in many places +with the name of Thothmes IV. This building had been flooded and +filled to a depth of 2 ft. with fine sand. The third temple of Wady +Halfah was completely surrounded by a line of fortifications, the flanks +of which rest on the river, but of these works only the foundation +remains. The discovery of them is, however, decidedly important, for +in them we must see beyond doubt the great frontier fortress which +marked the limit of the rule of Egypt on the south.</p> + +<p>About five miles beyond the rock of <i>Abusir</i>, Lieut. Lyons has excavated +the large space, about two hundred yards square, which is +mentioned in Burckhard's 'Travels in Nubia,' and upon which stand +the ruined walls of what has been variously described as a Roman +fort or a monastery. He has come to the conclusion that the building +is undoubtedly Egyptian, and has traced the site of the ancient stone +temple inside it.</p> + +<p>He reports that he has discovered old Egyptian fortresses at Halfa +and at Matuga, twelve miles south, the latter containing a cartouche +of Usertesen III: and has opened three rocktombs at Halfa.--<i>Academy</i>, +July 16 and Aug. 6.</p> +<br> + +<p>NOTES BY PROF. SAYCE.--Besides Tel el-Amarna, I have visited +El-Hibeh and the little temple of Shishak, which was uncovered there +last year. It is, unfortunately, in a most ruinous condition. One of +the natives took me to a recently-found necropolis at a place under +the cliffs called Ed-Dibân, some two miles distant, which is plainly of +the Roman age, and its occupants belonged to the poorer classes.</p> + +<p>In the White Monastery near Sohâg, I found a stone with the cartouche +of Darius, which had formed part of the ancient temple of +Crocodilopolis.</p> + +<p>I picked up some fine flint spear-heads near the line of Roman +forts on the north side of the Gebel Sheikh Embârak, where I discovered +an enormous manufactory of flint weapons and tools three +years ago.</p> + +<p>Lastly, I may add that at the back of the Monastery of Mari Girgis, +about three miles south of Ekhmim, I found that another cemetery of +the early Coptic period has been discovered, and that it is providing +<a name="p98" id="p98"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 98</span> +the dealers with fresh supplies of ancient embroideries.--A.H. SAYCE, +in <i>Academy</i>, Feb. 27.</p> +<br> + +<p>PRESERVATION OF MOHAMMEDAN MONUMENTS.--The Soc. for the Protection +of Ancient Buildings has protested, through Sir Evelyn Baring, +against the so-called restoration of the mosque El-Mouyayyed and the +mosque of Barkouk. It is proposed to rebuild the domed minaret +of Barkouk's mosque and the suppressed bell-tower of the Sultan's +mosque, which is to be replaced by a bulbous roof.--<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, +1892, No. 31.</p> +<br> + +<p>ABU-SIMBEL.--The Council of Ministers has granted £1,000 for the +preservation of Abu-Simbel, which is in danger of partial destruction. +The rock above the four colossi on the façade, which is of sandstone +with layers of clay, had become fissured, threatening an immediate +fall. A party of sappers from the army of occupation have been sent +to the temple, who, after binding with chains the falling rock, will +break it up. Further examination will be made to ascertain whether +additional work is required for the protection of this temple.--<i>Academy</i>, +March 5.</p> +<br> + +<p>ASSOUAN.--DAM.--A huge dam is to be thrown across the Nile at +Assouan: its height will raise the water to the level of the floors of +the ruins at Philae, enhancing rather than detracting from their picturesque +grandeur. It is said that the structure of the dam will harmonize +with the ancient architecture of Philae. The material already +cut and lying in the quarries of Assouan will be almost sufficient to +complete the dam.--<i>Biblia</i>, V. p. 109.</p> +<br> + +<p>TOMBS.--Some new tombs have been opened, one by the Crown +Princess of Sweden and Norway, the other by Mr. James. One +of them belonged to the reign of Nofer-Ka-Ra; and, in an inscription +found in it, Prof. Schiaparelli has read the name of the land of +Pun, which accordingly, was already known to the Egyptians in the +age of the dynasty.--PROF. SAYCE in <i>Academy</i>.</p> +<br> + +<p>CAIRO (NEAR). DESTRUCTION OF AN ANCIENT CHRISTIAN CHURCH.--Rev. Greville +J. Chester writes (<i>Acad.</i> March 19). "Permit me to draw public attention +to an almost incredible act of vandalism which was perpetrated +during the last year in Egypt, close to the capital. The finest Roman +ruin in Egypt was the fortress of Babylon, south of Cairo, known also +as Mus'r el Ateekeh and Dayr esh Shemma. One of the most interesting +sights in that Dayr was the Jewish synagogue, anciently the +Christian Church of St. Michael, but desecrated by being handed over +in the middle ages by an Arab Sultan to the Jews, and thenceforward +<a name="p99" id="p99"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 99</span> +to the present time used by them as a place of worship. The building +was of much architectural interest. The old Christian nave and +aisles were preserved intact; but the Jews had destroyed the apse +which must have existed, and had replaced it by a square Eastern +sanctuary, and over the niche, within which were preserved the Holy +Books of the Law, had adorned the wall with numerous Hebrew +texts executed in gesso, forming an interesting example of Jewish +taste and work in the middle ages. Some of the ancient Christian +screenwork of wood was preserved, but was turned upside down, +probably because gazelles and other animals formed part of the design. +Behind this building, in a sort of court, the very finest portion of the +original wall of the Roman fortress was visible, and, what is more +important, the inner and most perfect circuit of one of the Roman +bastion-towers, which outside looked out on the desert.</p> + +<p>All this is now a thing of the past. The Jews have razed the +ancient church and synagogue to the ground, and in its place have +erected a hideous square abomination, supported internally on iron +pillars. Of the fine Roman wall which bounded the property, and +with it the bastion-tower, with its courses of brick at regular intervals, +and its deeply-splayed windows, not a vestige now remains."</p> +<br> + +<p>CAIRO.--GIZEH MUSEUM.--M. de Morgan has been appointed director of +the Museum in place of M. Grébaut. This will meet with general +approval. He is young and energetic, and the work he has done in +the Caucasus and in Persia has placed him in the front rank of archaeologists +and explorers. Moreover, he is an engineer, and therefore +possesses a practical knowledge which, in view of the conservation of +the ancient monuments of Egypt, is a matter of prime importance. +He has asked the Board of Public Works for £50,000 in order to secure +the building against fire; it is built of very inflammable material. During +the past summer the museum has been entirely rearranged by him. +Of the rooms in the palace, only some thirty-eight contained antiquities +last winter; now, however, about eighty-five are used as exhibition +rooms, and, for the first time, it is possible to see of what the Egyptian +collection really consists. On the ground floor the positions of several +of the large monuments have been changed, and the chronological +arrangement is better than it was before. In one large room +are exhibited for the first time eleven fine <i>mastaba</i> stelæ of the Ancient +Empire, (VI. Dyn.) which were brought from Sakkarah during the past +summer; they are remarkable for the brightness of the colours, the +vigour of the figures, and the beauty of the hieroglyphics. On the +same floor are two splendid colossal statues of the god Ptah which +have been excavated at Memphis during last summer, and many other +<a name="p100" id="p100"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 100</span> +large objects from the same site. In a series of rooms, approached +from the room in which the Dêr el-Bahari mummies are exhibited, +are arranged the coffins and mummies of the priests of Amen which +were brought down from Thebes two years ago. The coffins are of +great interest, for they are ornamented with mythological scenes and +figures of gods which seem to be peculiar to the period immediately +following the rule of the priest-kings at Thebes, <i>i.e.</i>, from about B.C. +1000 to 800.</p> + +<p>A new and important feature in the arrangement of the rooms on +the upper floor is the section devoted to the exhibition of papyri. +Here in flat glazed cases are shown at full length fine copies of the +'Book of the Dead,' hieratic papyri, including the unique copy of the +'Maxims of Ani.' and many other papyri which have been hitherto +inaccessible to the ordinary visitor. To certain classes of objects, such +as scarabs, blue glazed <i>faïence</i>, linen sheets, mummy bandages and +garments, terracotta vases and vessels, alabaster jars, etc., special +rooms are devoted. The antiquities which, although found in Egypt, +are certainly not of Egyptian manufacture, <i>e.g.</i>, Greek and Phœnician +glass, Greek statues, tablets inscribed in cuneiform from Tel el-Amarna, +etc., are arranged in groups in rooms set apart for them; and +the monuments of the Egyptian Christians or Copts are also classified +and arranged in a separate room.--<i>Athenæum</i>, May 14 and Nov. 19.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE FRENCH SCHOOL AT CAIRO.--M. Maspero analyzed before the <i>Acad. +des Inscr.</i> (Oct. 28), the recent work and immediate prospects of the +French School at Cairo. The <i>Memoirs</i> recently issued show the field +that it covers at present. First comes a fascicule of Greek texts, the +mathematical papyrus of Akmim, explained and commented by M. +Baillet; a long fragment of the Greek text of the Book of Enoch, +remains of the apocryphal Gospel and Apocalypse of St. Peter, +reproduced by M. Bouriant. All these works are of extreme importance +for primitive church history. Arab archæology is represented +by memoirs of M. Casonova on an Arab globe, on sixteen +Arab steles, and especially by M. Burgoin's great work on Arab art +in Egypt. Father Scheil makes an incursion into Assyriology by his +publication of some of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, and in this connection +M. Maspero states that the intention of the school is to extend +their researches to Syria and Mesopotamia and to include the entire +East both ancient and modern. In the Egyptian domain, besides +the Theban fragments of the Old Testament and the remains of the +Acts of the Council of Ephesos, the notable event is the appearance +of the first fasciculus of the work on <i>Edfu</i> by M. de Rochemonteix. In +it a complete temple will be placed before students. The entire +<a name="p101" id="p101"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 101</span> +Egyptian religion will be illustrated, in all its rituals,--ritual of +foundation, of sacrifice, of the feast of Osiris. M. Benedite has commenced +in the same way the publication of the Temples of Philae.-- +<i>Revue Critique</i>, 1892, No. 45.</p> + +<p>The investigations enumerated above are far from being all. They +represent merely the official governmental side of the work. The +learned societies have done a great deal; such as the Ecole des lettres +of Algiers, the management of historical monuments (Tebessa), and +the French School of Rome.</p> +<br> + +<p>EL-KARGEH.--PLASTER BUSTS.--At a meeting of the <i>Académie des Inscriptions</i>, +M. Héron de Villefosse exhibited four painted plaster busts from +El-Kargeh, in the Great Oasis, which have recently been sent to the +Louvre by M. Bouriant, director of the French School at Cairo. They +have been taken from the lids of sarcophagi; but the peculiarity about +them is that the heads were not in the same plane with the body, but +as it were erect. The features have been modelled with extraordinary +verisimilitude; the eyes are of some glassy material, in black and +white; the hair was modelled independently, and afterwards fitted to +the plaster head; the painting is in simple colours--various shades of +red for the skin, and black or brown for the hair. M. Héron de Villefosse +maintained that they were certainly portraits. The physiognomy +of one is Jewish; another recalls a bronze head from Cyrene in +the British Museum, which Fr. Lenormant considered to be of Berber +type; the third might be Syrian, and the fourth Roman. The date is +probably about the time of Septimius Severus. M. Maspero declared +that he had never seen anything of the kind in any museum.--<i>Academy</i>, +July 9.</p> + +<p>These busts have been placed on exhibition at the Louvre, in the +<i>Salle des fresques</i>.--<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 28.</p> + +<p>According to a writer in the <i>Temps</i>, two are Greeks, one Syrian and +one a Jew. The Greeks are blond with straight hair; the others have +dark brown curly hair. All are bearded. The drapery is white.--<i>Chron. +des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 30. + +<p>The department of Greek and Roman antiquities at the Louvre has +also received from M. Bouriant two funerary inscriptions found in the +necropolis dating from the second century A.D. One is Latin, tha +other Greek.--<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 32.</p> +<br> + +<p>CHATBI (NEAR).--NECROPOLIS.--M. Botti has discovered between Chatbi +and Ibrahimieh a Roman necropolis of the first or second century A.D.. +at a depth of fourteen metres. It is excavated in soft calcareous stone +and its chambers and corridors are reached by a rock-cut staircase. +<a name="p102" id="p102"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 102</span> +The bodies are both laid on the floor and placed in jars. They were +intact.--<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 30.</p> +<br> + +<p>EL-QAB.--Mr. Taylor has been excavating here for the Egypt exploration +fund, in continuation of the previous year's work. Prof. Sayce +reports, after Mr. Taylor's departure (<i>Acad.</i>, March 12), that more of +the foundations of the old temple which stood within the temple were +then visible than the preceding year. The fragmentary remains +show that among its builders were Usertesen (xii dyn.), Sebekhotep +II (xiii dyn.), Amenophis I and Thothmes III (xviii dyn.) and +Nektanebo I (xxx dyn.) In one of the tombs Nofer-Ka-Ra is alluded +to as (apparently) the original founder of the sanctuary.</p> +<br> + +<p>GEBELEN.--TEMPLE OF HOR-M-HIB.--Prof. Sayce writes. "On the voyage +from Luxor to Assuan I stopped at Gebelon, and found that the +Bedouin squatters there had unearthed some fragments of sculptured +and inscribed stones on the summit of the fortress built by the priest-king +Ra-men-kheper and queen Isis-m-kheb to defend this portion of +the Nile. On examination they turned out to belong to a small temple +which must once have stood on the spot. The original temple, I +found, had been constructed of limestone by Hor-m-hib, the last king +of the xviii dynasty, and brilliantly ornamented with sculpture and +painting. Additions had been made to the temple, apparently by +Seti I.; since besides the stones belonging to Hor-m-hib, there were +other fragments of the same limestone as that of which the temple of +Seti at Abydos is built, and covered with bas-reliefs and hieroglyphs +in precisely the same delicate style of art. Eventually a building of +sandstone had been added to the original temple on the west side by +Ptolemy VII Philometor. It may be noted that Ra-men-kheper used +bricks burnt in the kiln as well as sun-dried bricks in the construction +of the fortress, as he also did in the construction of the fortress +at El-Hibeh.--<i>Academy</i>, March 12.</p> +<br> + +<p>HAT-NUB.-THE EARLY QUARRY.-This interesting quarry has been +recently discovered by Mr. Griffith. Mr. Petrie writes : Allow me to +note that in this quarry, described by Mr. Griffith (<i>Academy</i>, Jan. 23), +and situated ten miles southeast of El Tell in this plain, the main +quarry does not contain any name later than the vi Dynasty. The +tablet in the thirtieth year being of Pepi II (Nefer-ka-ra), and mentioning +the <i>sed</i> festival in that year, this might refer to the Sothiac +festival of 120 years falling in that year, and so be important as a +datum. There are seven painted inscriptions of Pepi II, containing +about fifty lines in all. There are also a great number of incised +graffiti.--<i>Academy</i>, Feb. 20.</p> +<br> +<a name="p103" id="p103"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 103</span> + +<p>HAWARA.--MUMMY PORTRAITS.--Among the most important discoveries +of the year is that by Dr. Brugsch, of three mummy portraits in the +desert of Hawara. These were found, uncoffined, and buried at a +very slight depth below the surface.</p> + +<p>The first is that of a woman: the portrait is brilliantly executed in +tempera, on canvas, and is the most ancient of paintings on canvas +known, for its date cannot be fixed later than the first century B.C.</p> + +<p>The next portrait was on the mummy of a man but instead of a +painting on canvas is a relief in stucco, gilded. The features are carefully +reproduced, as are the beard and whiskers.</p> + +<p>The third mummy was provided with a beautifully executed portrait +on wood which is one of the best examples of ancient painting, +though not so rare as the other, for ancient portraits painted on wood +have long been known.--<i>Biblia</i>, V. P.</p> +<br> + +<p>HELIOPOLIS.--M. Philippe, the Cairo dealer in antiquities, is, with +permission from the Gizeh Museum, carrying on excavations at Heliopolis, +which have brought to light some tombs of the Saïtic period.--<i>Academy</i>, +Nov. 12.</p> +<br> + +<p>KOM-EL-AHMAR.--"At Kom el-Ahmar, opposite El-Qab, I visited two +recently-discovered tombs, which contain the cartouches of Pepi, and +are in a fairly perfect condition. The walls are covered with delicate +paintings in the style of those of Beni-Hassan, and explanatory +inscriptions are attached to them. The early date of the paintings +and inscriptions makes them particularly interesting. The tombs are +still half buried in the sand, and only the upper part of the internal +decoration is visible."--PROF. SAYCE, in <i>Academy</i>, April 2.</p> +<br> + +<p>MEIR.--The authorities of the Gizeh Museum have, on the suggestion +of Johnson Pasha, caused excavations to be made at Meïr, near +Deirut, in Upper Egypt, which have already resulted in the discovery +of some tombs of the XI dynasty. It is intended to continue these +excavations.--<i>Academy</i>, Nov. 12.</p> +<br> + +<p>MEMPHIS.--DISCOVERIES BY M. DE MORGAN.--At a meeting of the <i>Acad. +des Inscr.</i> Prof. Maspero communicated the result of the excavations on +the site of Memphis by M. de Morgan. He has discovered among the +ruins of the temple of Ptah a number of monuments of importance. +First, a large boat of granite, similar to that in the museum at Turin, on +which the figures are destroyed; next, several fragmentary colossi of +Rameses II, and in particular two gigantic upright figures, dedicated +by this king, of Ptah, the god of Memphis, enshrouded in mummy-wrappings +and holding a sceptre in both hands; lastly, some isolated +figures, arranged in a court or a chamber. The importance of this +<a name="p104" id="p104"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 104</span> +discovery, said Prof. Maspero, will be realised when we bear in mind +that we possess no divine image of large size, and that the very +existence of statues of gods in Egyptian temples has sometimes been +denied.--<i>Academy</i>, Sept. 17.</p> +<br> + +<p>SEHEL.--THE TENTH DYNASTY.--Prof. Sayce reports that he has been +finding evidences of the little-known X dynasty in the immediate +neighborhood of the First Cataract. "Mr. Griffith and Prof. Maspero +have shown that certain of the tombs at Siût belonged to the period +when this dynasty ruled in Egypt. I have now discovered inscriptions +which show that its rule was recognized on the frontiers of Nubia.</p> + +<p>"An examination of the position occupied by the numerous inscriptions +on the granite rocks of the island of Sehêl have made it clear to +me that we must recognize two periods in the history of the sanctuary +for which the island was famous. During the second period the +temple stood on the eastern slope of an eminence where I found +remains of it two years ago. As I also found fragments of it bearing +the name of Thothmes III on the one hand, and of Ptolemy Philopator +on the other, it must have existed from the age of the XVII +dynasty down to Ptolemaic times. Throughout this period the inscriptions +left by pious pilgrims to the shrine all face the site of the +temple. So also do a certain number of inscriptions which belong to +the age of the XII and XIII dynasties. But the majority of the inscriptions +which belong to the latter age, like the inscriptions which are +proved by the occurrence of the names of Antef and Mentuhotep to +be of the time of the <i>xi</i> dynasty, face a different way. They look +southward.</p> + +<p>"This winter I have come across a large number of inscriptions on the +mainland side of the channel which look northward, that is, towards +the island. A few of these inscriptions are of the time of the XII +dynasty, but the greater number belong to the XI dynasty, and one is +dated in the forty-first year of Ra-neb-kher. It would seem, therefore, +that at the epoch when they were inscribed on the rocks the sanctuary +of Sehêl stood either in the middle of the southern channel of the +river or upon its edge.</p> + +<p>"On the island side of the channel there are a good many inscriptions +which are shown by the weathering of the hieroglyphs to be older +than the age of the XI dynasty. Indeed, the inscription of an Antef +is cut over one of them. They all present the same curious forms +of hieroglyphic characters, and contain for the most part titles and +formulæ not met with in the later texts. Moreover, they are not +dedicated like the later texts to the divine trinity of the Cataract, +Khnum, Anuke, and Sati, but to a deity whose name is expressed by +<a name="p105" id="p105"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 105</span> +a character resembling an Akhem seated on a basket. Mr. Wilbour +and I first noticed it last year.</p> + +<p>"One of the early inscriptions contains a cartouche which reads +Ra-nefer-hepu, the last element being represented by the picture of a +rudder. Now Mr. Newberry and his companions at Beni-Hassan +have discovered that one of the groups of tombs which exist there is +of older date than the time of the XII dynasty. In this group of +tombs occurs the name of a lady who was called Nefer-hepu. She +must have been born in the reign of Ra-nefer-hepu, and will consequently +belong, not to the age of the XI dynasty, but to that of one +of the dynasties which preceded it.</p> + +<p>"That this dynasty was the X is made pretty clear by the inscriptions +on the mainland side of the channel I have described. Here I +have found inscriptions of the early sort mingled with those of the XI +dynasty in such a way as to show that they cannot have been widely +separated in age. Moreover, in one of them, the name of Khatî is +associated with that of Ra-mer-ab; and Khatî is not only a name which +characterises the XI dynasty, but it was also the name of the owner of +one of the tombs at Siût, which Mr. Griffith has proved to belong to +the time of the X dynasty. We were already acquainted with the +name of Ra-mer-ab from a scarab; and two years ago Mr. Bouriant +obtained a bronze vase which gave the double name of Ra-mer-ab +Kherti. Kherti is a king of the X dynasty. By the side of the inscription +which contains the name of Ra-mer-ab, I found others with the +names of Ra-mer-ankh and Ameni. That Ameni was a king of the X +dynasty has already been suspected.</p> + +<p>"The inscriptions I have copied this winter, therefore, have not only +given us the names of some kings of the X dynasty, one of them previously +unknown; they have also shown that the power of the dynasty +was acknowledged as far south as the Cataract. Moreover, they +indicate that the government must have passed from the X to the XI +dynasty in a peaceful and regular manner."</p> +<br> + +<p>SHAT-ER-RIGALEH.--Prof. Sayce writes: "I have visited the famous +"Shat er-Rigâleh," the valley a little north of Silsilis and the village +of El-Hammâni, in which so many monuments of the XI dynasty have +been discovered by Messrs. Harris, Eisenlohr, and Flinders Petrie. +To these I have been able to add another cartouche, that of Ra-nofer-neb, +a king who is supposed to belong to the XIV dynasty. His name +and titles have been carved on the rock at the northern corner of the +entrance into the valley by a certain Ama, a memorial of whom was +found by Mr. Petrie in the Wadi itself (<i>A Season in Egypt</i>, pl. XV. No. +438). Mr. Spicer, whose dahabiyeh accompanied mine, photographed +<a name="p106" id="p106"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 106</span> +the inscriptions in which Mentuhotep-Ra-neb-kher of the XI dynasty +is mentioned, as well as the one which enumerates the names of three +kings of the XVIII dynasty, Amenophis I, Thothmes I, and Thothmes +II. One of the inscriptions of Mentuhotep is dated in the thirty-ninth +year of the king's reign. The epithet <i>mâ-kheru</i> "deceased" is +attached only to the cartouche of Amenophis I, not to those of the +other two kings, proving that they reigned contemporaneously."--<i>Academy</i>, +March 12.</p> +<br> + +<p>TEL EL-AMARNA.--EXCAVATIONS BY MR. PETRIE.--Mr. Petrie communicates +the following report to the <i>Academy</i>: "During the last four +months I have been excavating at this place, the capital of Khuenaten. +Past times have done their best to leave nothing for the present--not +even a record. The Egyptians carried away the buildings in whole +blocks down to the lowest foundations, completely smashed the sculptures, +and left nothing in the houses; and the Museum authorities, +and a notorious Arab dealer, have cleared away without any record +what had escaped the other plunderers of this century. I have now +endeavoured to recover what little remained of the art and history of +this peculiar site, by careful searching in the town. From the tombs +I am debarred, although the authorities are doing nothing whatever +there themselves, and the tomb of Khuenaten remains uncleared, with +pieces of the sarcophagus and vessels thrown indiscriminately in the +rubbish outside.</p> + +<p>The region of main interest is the palace; and the only way to +recover the plan was by baring the ground, and tracing the bedding +of the stones which are gone. For this I have cleared all the site of +the buildings, and in course of the work several rooms with portions +of painted fresco pavements have been found. One room which was +nearly entire, about 51 by 16 feet, and two others more injured, have +now been entirely exposed to view, and protected by a substantial +house, well lighted, and accessible to visitors, erected by the Public +Works Department. With the exception of a pavement reported to +exist at Thebes, these are the only examples of a branch of art which +must have been familiar in the palaces of Egypt. The subjects of +these floors are tanks with fish, birds, and lotus; groups of calves, +plants, birds, and insects; and a border of bouquets and dishes. But +the main value of these lies in the new style of art displayed; the +action of the animals, and the naturalistic grace of the plants, are +unlike any other Egyptian work, and are unparalleled even in classical +frescoes. Not until modern times can such studies from nature be +found. Yet this was done by Egyptian artists; for where the lotus +occurs, the old conventional grouping has constrained the design, and +<a name="p107" id="p107"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 107</span> +the painter could not overstep his education, though handling all the +other plants with perfect individuality. That Babylonian influence +was not active, is seen by the utter absence of any geometrical ornament; +neither rosettes or stars, frets or circles, nor any other such +elements are seen, and perhaps no such large piece of work exists so +clear of all but natural forms. Some small fragments of sculptured +columns show that this flowing naturalism was as freely carried out +in relief as in colour.</p> + +<p>Of the architecture there remain only small pieces flaked off the +columns. By comparing these the style can be entirely recovered; +and we see that both the small columns in the palace, and those five +feet thick in the river frontage, were in imitation of bundles of reeds, +bound with inscribed bands, with leafage on base and on capital, and +groups of ducks hung up around the neck. A roof over a well in the +palace was supported by columns of a highly geometrical pattern, +with spirals and chevrons. In the palace front were also severer +columns inscribed with scenes, and with capitals imitating gigantic +jewellery. The surface was encrusted with brilliant glazes, and the +ridges of stone between the pieces were gilt, so that it resembled jewels +set in gold. An easy imitation of this was by painting the hollows +and ridges, and the crossing lines of the setting soon look like a net +over the capital. We are at once reminded of the "net work" on the +capitals of Solomon, and see in these columns their prototype.</p> + +<p>This taste for inlaying was carried to great lengths on the flat walls. +The patterns were incrusted with coloured glazes, and birds and fishes +were painted on whole pieces and let into the blocks; hieroglyphs +were elaborately carved in hard stones and fixed in the hollowed +forms, black granite, obsidian, and quartzite in white limestone, and +alabaster in red granite. The many fragments of steles which have +come from here already, and which I have found, appear to show a +custom of placing one stele--with the usual adoration of the sun by +the king and queen--in each of the great halls of the palace and temple. +These steles are in hard limestone, alabaster, red granite, and +black granite. I have found more steles on the rocks on both sides of +the Nile, and have seen in all eight on the eastern and three on the +western cliffs.</p> + +<p>The history of this site, and of the religious revolutions, is somewhat +clearer than before. Khuenaten came to the throne as a minor; +for in his sixth year he had only one child, and in his eighth year only +two, as we learn from the steles, suggesting that he was not married +till his fifth year apparently. On his marriage he changed his name +from Amenhotep IV (which occurs on a papyrus from Gurob in his +<a name="p108" id="p108"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 108</span> +fifth) to Khuenaten (which we find here in the sixth). A scarab +which I got last year in Cairo shows Amenhotep (with Amen erased +subsequently) adoring the cartouches of the Aten, settling his identity +with Khuenaten. In a quarry here is the name of his mother, Queen +Thii, without any king; so she was probably regent during his minority, +and started this capital here herself.</p> + +<p>The character of the man, and the real objects of his revolution in +religion and art, are greatly cleared by our now being able to see him +as in the flesh. By an inexplicable chance, there was lying on the +ground, among some stones, a plaster cast taken from his face immediately +after his death for the use of the sculptors of his funeral furniture; +with it were the spoilt rough blocks of granite <i>ushabtis</i> for his +tomb. The cast is in almost perfect condition, and we can now really +study his face, which is full of character. There is no trace of passion +in it, but a philosophical calm with great obstinacy and impracticability. +He was no vigorous fanatic, but rather a high bred theorist +and reformer: not a Cromwell but a Mill. An interesting historical +study awaits us here from his physiognomy and his reforms. No such +cast remains of any other personage in ancient history.</p> + +<p>According to one view, he was followed successively by four kings, +Ra saa ka khepru, Tut ankhamen, Ai, and Horemheb, in peaceable +succession. But of late it has been thought that the last three were +rival kings at Thebes; and that they upheld Amen in rivalry to +Khuenaten and his successor, who were cut very short in their reigns. +Nothing here supports the latter view. A great number of moulds for +making pottery rings are found here in factories; and those of Tut +ankhamen are as common and as varied as of Khuenaten, showing +that he was an important ruler here for a considerable time. Of Ai +rings are occasionally found here, as also of Horemheb, who has left a +block of sculpture with his cartouche in the temple of Aten. So it is +certain that he actually upheld the worship of Aten early in his reign, +and added to the buildings here, far from being a destructive rival +overthrowing this place from Thebes. Afterwards he re-established +Amen (as I got a scarab of his in Cairo, "establishing the temple of +Amen"), and he removed the blocks of stone wholesale from here to +build with at Thebes. Later than Horemheb there is not a trace +here; Seti and Ramessu are absolutely unknown in this site, showing +that it was stripped of stone and deserted before the XIX dynasty. +Hence, about two generations, from 1400 to 1340 B.C., are the extreme +limits of date for everything found here. The masonry was re-used at +Thebes, Memphis, and other places where the name of Khuenaten has +been found.</p> + +<a name="p109" id="p109"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 109</span> + +<p>The manufactures of this place were not extensive--glass and glazes +were the main industries; and the objects so common at Gurob (metal +tools, spindles, thread, weights, and marks on the pottery) are all rare +here. The furnace and the details of making the coloured blue and +green frits, have been found. Pottery moulds for making the pendants +of fruits, leaves, animals, etc., are abundant in the factories; and a +great variety of patterned "Phoenician" glass vases are found, but +only in fragments.</p> + +<p>The cuneiform tablets discovered here were all in store rooms outside +the palace; they were placed by the house of the Babylonian +scribe, which was localised by our finding the waste pieces of his spoilt +tablets in rubbish holes. A large quantity of fragments are found of +the Aegean pottery, like that of the early period at Mykenae and +Ialysos. This is completely in accord with what I found at Gurob, +but with more variety in form. The Phoenician pottery which I +found at Lachish is also found here, so we now have a firm dating for +all these styles. The connexion between the naturalistic work of these +frescoes and the fresco of Tiryns and the gold cups of Vaphio is +obvious; and it seems possible that Greece may have started Khuenaten +in his new views of style, which he carried out so fully by his +native artists. The similarity of the geometrical pattern columns to +the sculptures of the Mykenae period is striking; hitherto such Egyptian +decoration was only known in colour, and not in relief. We have +yet a great deal to learn as to the influences between Greece and +Egypt, but this place has helped to open our eyes."--W.M. FLINDERS +PETRIE in <i>Academy</i>, April 9.</p> +<br> + +<p>CUNEIFORM TABLETS.--Prof. Sayce while in Egypt spent several days at +Tel el-Amarna with Mr. Petrie, and examined the fragments of cuneiform +tablets which he has discovered there. Among them are portions +of letters from the governors of Musikhuna, in Palestine, and Gebal, +in Phœnicia. The most interesting were some lexical fragments. One +or two of these formed part of a sort of comparative dictionary of three +(or perhaps five) different languages, one of them of course being +Babylonian, in which the words of the other languages are explained +at length. The work seems to have been compiled by "order of the +King of Egypt." Another work was a dictionary of Sumerian and +Babylonian, in which the pronunciation of the Sumerian is given as +well as their ideographic representation. Thus the Babylonian <i>risápu</i> +and <i>di</i> <i>kate</i> are stated to be the equivalents not only of the ideographic +<i>gaz-gaz</i>, but also of the phonetically written <i>ga-az-ga-az</i>. This +confirms the views of Professors Sayce and Oppert, expressed long +<a name="p110" id="p110"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 110</span> +ago, as to the comparatively late date at which <i>Accado-Sumerian</i> +ceased to be a spoken language.--<i>Academy</i>, May 14.</p> +<br> + +<p>TOMB OF KHUENATEN OR AMENOPHIS IV.--Prof. Sayce writes to the <i>Academy</i> +of Feb. 27. I have been spending a few days at Tel el-Amarna. +Mr. Flinders Petrie is excavating the ruins of the old city of Khuenaten, +while M. Alexandre, on behalf of the Gizeh Museum, has spent +the summer and autumn among the tombs of Tel el-Amarna, and his +labours have been rewarded by some important discoveries. At the +entrance to one of the tombs, for instance, he has found stelae of the +usual tombstone shape let into the wall like the dedication tablets of +Greek and Roman times. The removal of the sand from the foot of +the great stela of Khuenaten, first discovered by Prisse d'Avennes, +has brought to light a most interesting text. This describes the distance +of the stelae erected by the Pharaoh one from the other, and +thus defines the limits of the territory belonging to the city which he +built.</p> + +<p>But M. Alexandre's crowning discovery--a discovery which is one +of the most important made in Egypt in recent years--did not take +place until December 30. It was nothing less than the discovery of +the tomb of Khuenaten himself. The tomb is well concealed, and is +at a great distance from the river and the ruins of the old city. Midway +between the northern and the southern tombs of Tel el-Amarna, +in the amphitheatre of cliffs to the east of the ancient town, are two +ravines, more than three miles from the mouth of one of them, towards +the head of a small valley is the tomb. It resembles the famous +"Tombs of the Kings" at Thebes, being in the form of a subterranean +passage cut in the rock, and sloping downwards at an acute angle to +a distance of more than 100 metres. In front of the entrance is a +double flight to steps also cut out of the rock, with a slide for the +mummy between them. After entering the passage of the tomb, which +is broad and lofty, we pass on the right another long passage, probably +intended for the queen, but never finished. Soon afterwards we come +to a chamber, also on the right, which serves as an antechamber to +another within. The walls of both chambers have been covered with +stucco, and embellished with hieroglyphs and sculptures. Among +the latter are figures of prisoners from Ethiopia and Syria, of the solar +disk, and of female mourners who weep and throw dust on their +heads. From the inscriptions we learn that the two chambers were +the burial-place of Khuenaten's daughter Aten-mert, who must consequently +have died before him. It further follows that Ra-si-aa-ka, +Aten-mert's husband, who received the titles of royalty in consequence +of his marriage, must have been coregent with Khuenaten.</p> + +<a name="p111" id="p111"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 111</span> + +<p>Khuenaten himself was buried in a large square-columned hall at +the extreme end of the tomb. Fragments of his granite sarcophagus +have been found there by M. Alexandre, as well as pieces of the exquisitely +fine mummy cloth in which his body was wrapped. At the +entrance to the tomb M. Alexandre also picked up broken <i>ushebtis</i>, +upon which the cartouches of Khuenaten are inscribed. Before the +Pharaoh had been properly entombed it would seem that his enemies +broke into his last resting-place, destroyed his sarcophagus, tore the +wrappings of his mummy to shreds, and effaced the name and image +of his god wherever it was engraved upon the wall. The only finished +portions of the tomb are the chambers in which his daughter was +buried. Elsewhere the tomb is in the same condition as the majority +of the tombs of his adherents. The walls have never been covered +with stucco, much less painted or sculptured, and even the columns +of the magnificent hall in which his sarcophagus was placed remains +rough-hewn. It is clear that the king died suddenly, and that he was +buried in haste on the morning of a revolution. His followers may +have made a stand against their enemies for a few months, but it is +difficult to believe from the state in which the tomb has been found +that they can have done so for a longer time. Very shortly after +Khuen-Aten's death his city must have been destoyed, never to be +inhabited again.</p> + +<p>Mr. Petrie in a letter to the <i>Academy</i> says: "It has long been +known that the Arabs had obtained access to the tomb of the remarkable +founder of Tel el-Amarna; the heart scarab of Khuenaten was +sold two or three years ago at Luxor, and the jewellery of Neferti-iti, +his queen, a year or two before that."</p> + +<p>The entrance is like that of the tomb of Seti I at Thebes; but the +sloping passage is about half the length of that.--<i>Academy</i>, Feb. 6.</p> +<br> + +<p>COLLECTION IN LONDON.--The collections of sculpture, painting, faience, +etc., which Mr. Flinders Petrie brought back from his excavations last +winter at Tel el-Amarna have been placed on view at 4 Oxford-mansion, +Oxford-circus, W. Their special interest is that they reveal an +hitherto unknown form of art, remarkable both for its originality and +for its spirited rendering of natural objects. The resemblance to some +of the finest objects of Mycenaean work is very striking. The exhibition +remained open until October 15.--<i>Academy</i>, Sept. 24.</p> +<br><br> + + + +<h3>ETHIOPIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>NORTHERN ETBAI.--EXPEDITION TO THE NORTHERN ETBAI.--A recent scientific +expedition to northern Etbai or northern Aethiopia, by the order +<a name="p112" id="p112"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 112</span> +of the Khedive, is the subject of a very interesting paper by Ernest A. +Floyer, in the <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i> for October.</p> + +<p>The chief investigation of the expedition was devoted to the remains +of certain large mining stations which proved to be doubly interesting, +as giving evidence of two distinct periods of the mining industry.</p> + +<p>Mines have been opened over almost the entire surface, and the remains +of numerous towns mark the dwelling places of the miners.</p> + +<p>Not only in the mines is found evidence of two methods, one very +ancient and another less ancient; but in the settlements above were +discovered remains of Ptolemaic construction, together with the stone +huts of a race probably aboriginal, and preceding or contemporaneous +with but not unknown to the ancient Egyptians.</p> + +<p>The Ptolemaic miner seem to have employed the ancient methods +to a great extent, so that it would seem that there could never have +been any complete cessation of mining for a very long period.</p> + +<p>The miners of Rameses' time, too, used methods of great antiquity. +In the Wadi Abba stands a rock temple with hieroglyphic inscriptions +stating that Sethos, father of Rameses the Great, had discovered gold +mines in this region. Golenischeff believes this temple to have been +erected by the Ptolemies. At the mines of Sighait is an hieroglyphic +inscription recording the visit of a royal scribe and a mine inspector. +This is faintly inscribed on the face of a steep rock. At the emerald +mines of Sikait may be seen a number of Greek dedications over +rock-cut temples. Near the Wadi Khashat, where topazes are found, +there stands a square enclosure, the platform of a temple, and numerous +ruined structures of apparent Greek origin. It would appear +from these remains that the Ptolemies examined all of the ancient +mines and reopened a certain number--here they erected their +temples, houses and barracks for slaves, here they constructed high +roads for their carts and oxen, with caravan service, and post houses +built at intervals.</p> + +<p>Beside these Ptolemaic ruins are found some traces of the prehistoric +miners, and in a few cases as at the mines of the Um Roos +these exist alone. The most important traces are the stone huts built +of large stones in two lines, and of uniform irregularity. In connection +with these huts there is not a single mark or inscription of any +kind which might lead to a solution of the problem with regard to +their origin.</p> + +<p>Their implements, quantities of which are found at Um Roos were +as crude as their abodes, in fact the use of some of them cannot be determined. +The mines, though extensive, are little more than burrows, +and in a few cases it is not known for what mineral they were +<a name="p113" id="p113"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 113</span> +excavated. The writer, after dismissing the Æthiopians, the Kushites +and the ancient Egyptians, as the probable pre-Ptolemaic miners, +suggests that the Etbai was peopled by a negroid tribe of natural +miners, the possible ancestors of the copper miners in the mountains +north of Kordofan.</p> + +<p>Near the Wadi Sikait, not far from the temples with Greek inscriptions +already referred to, is a fine building of apparently later date, +and supposed by the writer to have been a church from its construction, +for the mines were worked steadily during the third and fourth +centuries of the Christian era. The structure has no roof over the +main portion, but what was apparently an apse still retains its roof of +long slabs of schist. The body is filled with fallen slabs. The walls +show a side window and several niches, which features suggested a +Christian church.</p> +<br><br> + + + +<h3>ALGERIA AND TUNISIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>M. René de la Blanchère in making, to the <i>Acad. des Inscriptions</i>, his +report on the excavations and discoveries in Tunisia and Algeria +during 1891, calls attention to the new organization of the archæological +administration of this region. Up to the present time Tunisia +and Algeria had separate organizations, but the following arrangement +has now gone into effect: M. de la Blanchère is delegate of Public Instruction +and Fine Arts, in Algeria and Tunisia, and the mission +under him is at present composed of Μ.Μ. Doublet, inspector of +antiquities in the Regency; Pradère, conservator of the Museum of +Bardo; Wood, attaché at the same museum; Gauckler, historical +student, and Marye: it is quite distinct from the local administrations. +Although it supplies the greater number of the agents of the Bey's +service of antiquities, which it created, it has no connection with its +administration any more than with that of similar organizations in +Algeria, such as that of historical monuments. Its object is: (1) to +keep the Committee of Historic works (of Algeria and Tunisia) +informed of all that happens in Africa in the domain of archæology, +to transmit to it any documents and to make researches regarding +necessary work; (2) to carry on three important publications, two of +which have already been partly published; the <i>Collections du Musée +Alaoui, the Musées et collections archéologiques de l'Algérie</i>, and the +<i>Catalogue général des musées de l'Afrique française</i>; (3) to hold itself at the +disposal of the French ministry and the local authorities for any +work deemed necessary, excavations, organization of museums, enterprises +of learned societies, explorations, etc. The head of the mission, +being a delegate of the ministry, has the right to oversee the Tunisian +<a name="p114" id="p114"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 114</span> +service of antiquities, and has also for both Algeria and Tunisia the +permanent inspection of libraries and museums.</p> + +<p>By means of this central organization, all the desiderata for African +archæology are obtained, and the best methods are put in practice for +excavations, the organization of museums, and the publication of +antiquities.</p> +<br><br> + + + +<h3>TUNISIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>M. de la Blanchère reports that in 1891 the most urgent need in +Tunisia was the classification of monuments that should be preserved. +The operation is being carried on under the direction of M. Doublet; +enquiry was opened in regard to about 150 monuments, nearly all of +great importance, of which 27 are already classified. No excavations +were undertaken by the service of antiquities, its funds being all +employed on finishing the Bardo museum. It has, however, overseen +or authorized the following enterprises, the most important of which +will be found described in their alphabetical order: Sfaks; Sousse; +Henchir Maatria; Dougga; Teboursouk; Henchir Tinah; Maktar.</p> +<br> + +<p>CARTHAGE.--M. do Vogüé has communicated to the <i>Acad. des Ins.</i> +(March 18) a report on the continuation of Father Delattre's excavations +at Carthage, which go on giving interesting results which will be +fully described in a publication by the explorer himself. At another +point a funerary inscription was found of an iron caster. This is the +first time the profession is mentioned in Carthaginian texts, which had +hitherto mentioned only gold and bronze casters. Of course there was +no casting of iron at that time, but only working of the metal.--<i>Revue +arch.</i> 1892, II, p. 254.</p> +<br> + +<p>TERRACOTTA MOULDS.--M. Héron de Villefosse communicated to the +<i>Acad. des Inscr.</i> (Nov. 11,) the photographs of seventy-two moulds for +intaglios, in terracotta, selected from a collection of over three hundred +which were found in the lower part of Carthage, between the hill of +St. Louis and the sea. They were all executed in antiquity. There +are coin, types, a head of Herakles, similar to that of some silver coins +attributed to Jugurtha, the fronting head of Silenus of the coins of +Kyzikos, the galley of the coins of Sidon, etc., all of the purest Greek +style. There are also some female heads, recalling Greek Sicilian +coins; standing figures; an Athena, a Pan, a Hermes fastening his +heel-pieces, a Marsyas, an amazon, a nude woman fastening her sandal, +recalling coins of Larissa in Thessaly; some of groups, a man overthrown +by a lion, a lion devouring a horse, a man standing and +killing a kneeling woman, an episode of the contest of Achilles and +Penthesilea; finally some purely Egyptian types, such as scarabs +<a name="p115" id="p115"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 115</span> +with royal cartouches. This collection of moulds was probably made +by a manufacturer with the purpose of reproducing them.--<i>Rev. +Critique</i>, 1892, No. 47.</p> +<br> + +<p>CHEMTOU-SIMITHU.--Excavations have been carried on at this site by +M. Toutain: they were continued, thanks to a subvention from the +<i>Acad. des Inscriptions</i>. In a letter to the Academy dated June 16, M. +Geffroy gives an account of what had been discovered up to date. +Nearly the whole of the ancient theatre was discovered in a few weeks. +In the space occupied by the orchestra was a mosaic, with all the +shades of Numidian marble, nine metres in diameter. These are +interesting peculiarities in the construction and arrangement of the +theatre. It is neither adossed to a hill nor completely isolated: the +lower part of the hemicycle of steps which was completely buried, is +well preserved. M. Toutain had commenced researches in two necropoli +of the city hoping to find tombs and epitaphs of the freedmen and +slaves employed in the neighbouring quarries. He had begun the +excavation of a large building, perhaps a basilica or a curia, which +appears to be about 40 metres long.</p> + +<p>In a letter to the <i>Académie</i>, dated October 16, M. Toutain gives information +of further discoveries, principally in the theatre and forum. +A square was discovered 20 met. wide by 25 met. long, paved with +large slabs of granite of greenish blue schist. It is situated in the +midst of the ruins of several important monuments, notably a temple +and a basilica, and is certainly the forum of Simithu. It is bounded +on the south by a monumental exædra whose substructions of cut +stone are still in place, and whose architectural decoration can be +reconstructed by means of the bases, fragments, columns, capitals, and +pieces of cornice which have come to light. Toward the north the +forum is bounded by two structures separated by a narrow paved +street.</p> + +<p>A mile-stone found is important, as containing the name of Emperor +Galerius, and dating from the short period when, after the abdication of +Diocletian and Maximianus, Hercules, Constantius Chlorus, and +Galerius were Augusti (May 1, 305, to July 25, 306). It has also a +topographic interest as belonging to the cross-road from <i>Thuburbo +majus</i> to Tunis or Carthage, passing by Onellana and Uthina. M. +Toutain has traced a system of bars, basins and cisterns, to supply +with rain water a small Roman city, whose ruins are now called Bab- +Khaled. It would appear as if the public buildings of the city were +inhabited and made over at the Byzantine period.--<i>Revue critique</i> +1892, No. 44; <i>Revue arch.</i>, 1892, II, pp. 260, 266-7; <i>Chron. des arts</i> +1892, No. 34.</p> +<br> +<a name="p116" id="p116"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 116</span> + +<p>CHERCHELL.--M. Victor Waille has communicated to the <i>Acad. des +Insc.</i> the first results of excavations on the field of manœuvres at +Cherchell. Captain Hétet and lieutenant Perrin conducted them. +Three mosaic pavements were copied: there was found a dedicatory +inscription to the governor C. Octavius Pudens Cæsius Honoratus, and +some bronzes, among which were the base of a candelabrum and the +handle of a chiseled vase, decorated with a helmeted bust of Roma, +of the Byzantine period. The excavations are especially fruitful in +small objects, pottery, bronzes, coins, etc.--<i>Chron. des arts</i>, 1892, +No. 31; <i>Ami des mon.</i> 1892, p. 250.</p> +<br> + +<p>DOUGGA.--The excavations carried on by MM. Denis and Carton, +resulted in the clearing of the temple of Saturn; the discovery of the +dedicatory inscription showing it to have been erected for the safety +of Septimius Severus and Clodius Albinus; the finding of a large +number of native steles; and the clearing of the theatre.</p> +<br> + +<p>HADRUMETUM.--A small lead tablet covered on both sides with +inscriptions, has been found in the Roman necropolis. It is a <i>tabella +devotionis</i>, to be compared with others found at Hadrumetum, at +Carthage and in Gaul. On one side is a series of magic names, +accompanied by the figure of a genius with a rooster's head, standing +in a boat and holding a torch, on the other side is an adjuration +addressed to a certain <i>deus pelagicus ærius</i>: infernal maledictions are +called down on the horses and drivers of the green and white factions +of the circus. There was a god or genius named Taraxippos, "the +scarer of horses," as M. Heuzey remarks.--<i>Rev. arch.</i> 1892, II, p. 267.</p> +<br> + +<p>MAKTAR.--M. Border exhumed from the mines of the basilica, next +to the amphitheatre, four fragments of an imperial dedicatory inscription, +and a most interesting altar bearing a dedication in eighteen +lines on the occasion of the sacrifice of a bull and a ram for the safety +of an Emperor, whose name is hammered out; M. Doublet conjectures +him to have been Elagabalus.--<i>A.d.M.</i> 1892, p. 109.</p> +<br> + +<p>SOUSSE.-In the neo-punic necropolis, on which the camp is situated, +two entire vases and 28 fragments of vases were found, decorated with +painted inscriptions. In the Roman necropolis, along the Kairwan +road, several interesting discoveries were made, among them a +hypogeum containing several frescoes in fair preservation, containing +curious figures and inscriptions, and also some inscriptions on marble +or stucco.--<i>A.d.M.</i> 1892, p. 109.</p> +<br> + +<p>TEBOURSOUK.--MM. Denis and Carton have excavated the megalithic +necropolis of Teboursouk, whose tombs are stone circles, with +one or more small dolmens in the centre.--<i>A.d.M.</i> 1892, p. 109.</p> +<br> +<a name="p117" id="p117"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 117</span> + + +<p>TUNIS.--Hans von Behrs has contributed to the <i>Vossische Zeitung</i> a +report on the museum of the Bardo near Tunis. A summary of it is +given in the <i>Berlin Philologische Wochenschrift</i>, November 19.</p> +<br><br> + + + +<h3>ALGERIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>M. de la Blanchère reports that in Algeria M. Gauckler investigated +in 1891 the provinces of Algiers and Constantine, and spent some time +at Cherchell whose antiquities he studied and partly published alone +or in collaboration with M. de Waille. He planned at the same time +an excavation. M. Marye was charged with the plan for organizing, +for the first time, a collection of mussulman art, of native industrial art, +and of Turkish and Arabic monuments.</p> + +<p>The work regarded as most pressing by M. de la Blanchère in 1891 +was the publication of African museums. The first series of the <i>collections +du musée Alaoui</i> was almost completed: the <i>musées d'Oran</i> and <i>de +Constantine</i> were in the press, following the <i>musée d'Alger</i> published in +the preceding year. The general catalogue will be drawn up as each +establishment is definitively organized. The first place belongs to the +Bardo museum whose catalogue had already been partly compiled by +M. de la Blanchère. The museum of Oran, under its conservator, +Demaeght, has been finally organized, and occupies a fine building +given by the city. It has been enriched by several additions, notably +the famous inscription of king Masuna. The museum of Constantine +has received among other things, the results of an interesting excavation +made at Collo, especially some curious vases with female +silhouettes. The museum of the Bardo can, however, never be +rivalled by any of the museums of Algeria. The immense palace is +already nearly full, although the museum in 1891 was but four years +old. The large hall is full, with its nine large cases; there are about +500 square metres of mosaics, 50 statues of large fragments, about +1200 inscriptions, and a multitude of small objects.</p> +<br> + +<p>TIPASA.--The local curate, M. l'Abbé Saint-Gérand, has made some +important excavations in an early Christian church. He found that +the altar was placed at the end opposite the apse on a kind of platform +or <i>béma</i> attached to the wall. Several inscriptions were found +set into the mosaic pavement. One is the epitaph of Alexander, a +bishop of Tipasa, another the dedication of the construction by him. +To this bishop is attributed the merit of grouping about the altar the +tombs of certain "righteous ancients," <i>justi priores</i>, by whom are +undoubtedly meant his predecessors in the Episcopacy.--<i>Chron. des +arts</i>, 1892, No. 14.</p> + +<a name="p118" id="p118"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 118</span> + +<p>Professor Gsell assisted in the excavations above described and +further details in a communication to the <i>Académie des Inscriptions</i>. +The building mentioned was a funerary chapel built to the +east of Tipasa by Bishop Alexander to contain the tombs of his predecessors. +Near by a Christian sarcophagus was found with reliefs of +Christ giving the law, Moses striking the rock and other subjects.</p> + +<p>In the same locality is the basilica of Saint Salsa erected over her +tomb. Built in the fourth century, it was decorated in the middle of +the fifth by Potentius, probably a bishop; and enlarged in the second +half of the sixth. It was still an object of veneration in the seventh +century.--<i>Chron. des arts</i>, 1892, No. 28.</p> +<br><br><br> + + + +<h2>ASIA.</h2> +<br> + +<h3>HINDUSTAN.</h3> +<br> + +<p>MUHAMMADAN COINS.--Mr. S. Lane-Poole has completed his "Catalogue +of the Coins of the Mogul Emperors of Hindustan in the British +Museum," dating from 1525, the invasion of Buber, to the establishment +of British currency in 1835.</p> + +<p>It describes over 1400 coins, chiefly gold and silver, of this splendid +coinage. "In his introduction Mr. Lane-Poole deals with various +historical, geographical, and other problems suggested by the coinage, +and with difficulties of classification presented by the early imitative +issues of the East India company and the French compagnie des Indes." +This volume, the fourteenth, completes the cataloguing of all the +Muhammadan coins in the museum.--<i>Journal Royal Asiatic Society</i> +1892, p. 425.</p> +<br> + +<p>INDIAN NUMISMATICS.--Mr. Rodgers, Honorary Numismatist to the +government of India, has finished his "Catalogue of the Coins with +Persian or Arabic inscriptions in the Lahore museum," and practically +finished his "Catalogue of the Coins in the Calcutta museum." His +own immense collection has now been purchased by the Punjãb +government, and he has nearly completed his catalogue of that.</p> + +<p>These catalogues will be of very great importance alike for the +numismatic and for the modern history of India.--<i>Journ. Royal +Asiatic Society</i>, 1892, p. 425.</p> +<br> + +<p>NEW VARIETY OF MAURYA INSCRIPTIONS.--Prof. Buhler has made a +very careful study of impressions of nine votive inscriptions from the +relic-caskets discovered by Mr. Rea in the ruined stupa of Bhattiprolu +in the Kistna District (Madras). He has made out their contents, and +has arrived at the conclusion that they are written in a new variety +of the Southern Maurya or Làt alphabet. Twenty-three letters of +<a name="p119" id="p119"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 119</span> +these inscriptions agree exactly with those ordinarily used in the +edicts of Asoka which have long been held to belong to the +first attempts of the Hindus in the art of writing. Four letters +are entirely unusual, while the lingual l is introduced, which +does not occur in Asoka's inscriptions. Further peculiarities +are presented in the notation of the medial and final vowels. The +appearance of the letters would indicate that the Bhattiprolu inscriptions +probably belong to a period only a few decades later than that of +Asoka's edicts. By a comparison of these incriptions with Asoka's +edicts, and with the inscriptions of Nâuâgleât, Hathegumplia, Bharhut +and Triana, it becomes evident that they hold an intermediate position +between the two sets, but are much more nearly related to those of +the third century B.C. than those of the second. If this be true, the +date of the Bhattiprolu inscription cannot be placed later than 200 +B.C., and the inscriptions themselves prove that several distinct +varieties of the Southern Maurya alphabet existed during the third +century, B.C.</p> + +<p>This fact would remove one of the strongest arguments in favor of +the theory that writing was introduced into India during the rule of +the Maurya dynasty--<i>i.e.</i>, the absence of local sorts of letters in which +the edicts of Asoka were written in places widely separated, for this +may be explained by a desire to imitate as closely as possible the +character of the original edict.</p> + +<p>If then the Bhattiprolu inscriptions show a system of characters +radically different from those of Asoka's edicts and at the same time +in all probability coeval with them a strong point is gained for +the side of those who are of the opinion that the introduction of +writing into India took place centuries before the accession of the +Maurya Dynasty. It is a curious fact that of all the anomalous letters +in the Bhattiprolu alphabet not one bears any trace to the later +alphabets of India, all the characters of which are derived from +those of Southern Maurya. The language of these inscriptions is a +Prakrit dialect and is closely connected with the literary Pali.--<i>Journ. +Royal Asiatic Society</i>, 1892, p. 602.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE INDIAN HELL.--In a number of the <i>Journal Asiatique</i> (Sept., Oct., +'92), M. Léon Feer publishes an article entitled "<i>L'Enfer Indien</i>," +in which he confines himself to the Buddhist hells, leaving the Brahmanic +hells for another study. He avails himself of all previously +printed matter and adds new material. His object is to group together +and classify all the ideas on infernal punishments, on the crimes +for which they are inflicted and their duration. There are separate +chapters on: (1) the name and number of hells; (2) the eight large +<a name="p120" id="p120"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 120</span> +hot hells; (3) the attribution of the hells to distinct crimes; (4) the +small hells. There are many questions in connection with them +which he leaves unsolved. Then come the cold hells: (1) the +Chinese hells; (2) Southern hells; (3) the number and names of +the cold hells (of both north and south); (4) the duration of one's +dwelling in the various hells; (5) on the non-existence of the cold +hells; (6) on the period of time spent in all the hells, etc. The main +conclusions are, that: All Buddhists recognize eight burning hells, +with ascending intensity, surrounded by secondary hells of numbers +varying from four to sixteen. Beside those there are eight cold hells, +but only in the North, their names being considered in the South as +expressing merely the different periods of sojourn in the eighth hell. +The number of hells is at least 12, at most 32.</p> +<br> + +<p>ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY.--The second volume of the new series of +the Archaæological Survey of India is devoted to a catalogue of the +antiquities and inscriptions in the North-Western Provinces and +Oudh, compiled by Dr. A. Fuhrer. No part of India, not even the +Panjab, is so crowded with historic spots, associated not only with +the life and teaching of Buddha, and with the Hindu theogony, but +also with the Muhammadan conquest. Most of the ground has +already been worked over by Sir A. Cunningham and his assistants; but +there are square miles of ruined mounds still almost untouched. We +continually hear of finds of ancient coins made by peasants during +the rainy season; but the author is careful to point out that what is +now wanted is systematic exploration, like that of Mr. Petrie in +Egypt. The present volume is based rather upon printed documents +than upon original research, though it shows everywhere the traces of +personal knowledge. Its object is to carry out the orders of the +Government, by placing on record a catalogue of the existing monuments, +classified according to their archæological importance, their +state of repair, and their custody. It is arranged in the order of +administrative divisions and districts; but copious indices enable the +student to bring together any particular line of investigation.--<i>Academy</i>, +September.</p> +<br> + +<p>A HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.--Dr. M. Aurel Stein, principal of the Oriental +College at Lahore, has now ready for publication the first volume +of his critical edition of the Rajatarangini, or Chronicles of the Kings +of Kashmir, upon which he has been engaged for some years. This +work, which was written by the poet Kalhana in the middle of the +twelfth century, is of special interest as being almost the sole example +of historical literature in Sanskrit. Hitherto it has only been known</p> + +<p>[Pages 121 and 122 are missing.]</p> + +<a name="p123" id="p123"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 123</span> + +<p>Near the stûpa is the site of the ancient village and fort; long +ridges of earth, in form of a square, mark the position of the walls; +within these, various articles have been turned up, large bricks, broken +sepulchral urns and grain jars, together with beads of various material +and Buddhist lead coins, both round and square; they bear the lion +and the dugoba, emblems of the Andhra dynasty. The inscriptions +of some are preserved.</p> +<br> + +<p>II. GHANTASALA.--At Ghantasala is a mound 112 feet in diameter and +23 feet in height; the excavations here disclosed the remains of a +stûpa from which the complete plan was determined. In the centre +is a solid cube of brick work 10 feet square, enclosed in a chamber 19 +feet square with walls over 3 feet in thickness; outside this is a circular +wall 3 ft. 6 inches thick, 55 feet 10 inches in diameter, this is enclosed +in another circular brick wall 18 feet 3 inches thick, with a diameter +of 111 feet; this was the main outer wall of the structure, the exterior +surface bore a <i>chunam</i> facing. About the base is a raised procession +path 5 feet 7 in. broad, and 4 feet 6 in. high, a projection is found at +each of the cardinal points. The inmost squares are connected by +walls 2 feet 4 in. thick, running parallel to these sides from the centre +and corners, the cells formed by the intersections of these walls are +packed with mud.</p> + +<p>The fact that the main walls, <i>i.e.</i>, those of the squares and circles, are +thicker than the others may indicate that they were carried up to +form stories, or they may have been simply to strengthen the dome, if +the exterior wall was carried up in that form. Further excavations in +the mound discovered a marble slab carved with the Supada, a piece +of a carved top rail panel and a number of carved slabs.</p> + +<p>When the brick work was excavated a well 6 inches square filled +with earth was found under 3 feet of solid brick work. Among the +debris, at the top, were found pieces of a broken <i>chatti</i>, and a number +of small articles, beads and a coin, which it had probably contained. +Just below these was a <i>chatti</i> of red earthenware, 4-1/2 in. in diameter, +with a semi-circular lid, filled with black earth. Within this was a +glazed <i>chatti</i> 2-1/4 in. in diameter, and 1-3/4 in. in height. It contained +numerous leads, bits of bone, small pearls, bits of gold leaf and small +pieces of mineral.</p> + +<p>A number of marble sculptures have been removed from the +stûpa of Ghantasala, and are now in the village. Among them are +several pieces carved with lotus flowers, and other ornaments and +inscriptions, square and circular moulded vases, a circular base +carved with horses, elephants and other animals, an umbrella, a panel +with rail and figures, and two carved slabs. Other remains found in +<a name="p124" id="p124"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 124</span> +and near Ghantasala are an "ancient brass <i>dipa</i>, with a Telugu inscription +and a small brass image of Siva" now in the temple, a +"small <i>chakra</i> and a <i>trisula</i>, each with pillar base." Brick walls and +brick debris are found all about the neighborhood, but so demolished +as to make it impossible to determine what the buildings were.</p> +<br> + +<p>III. BHATTIPROLU.--On the report in the stûpa of Bhattiprolu, a former +letter is referred to in which an account is given of certain inscribed +caskets, and other relics found in the centre of the dome some time +before. The reports continue with the account of further excavations +by means of trenches. Those about the exterior discovered an +unbroken procession path at the small east quadrant, the face of the +dome too at this point is intact to a height of over 5 ft. In the +trenches at the north side there was found "two pieces of a marble +umbrella, having a curve of a radius of 1 foot 6 in., a small piece of +a pilaster base from a slab, a pilaster capital with horses and riders, +and the half of what had been a large slab carved with the lower +portion of a draped figure.</p> + +<p>At some distance from the basement, or procession path, the +remains of six marble bases of the rail were found standing in position--they +are 1 ft. 11., by 12 in., by 1 ft. 10 in., in height, spaced by a +distance of 1 ft. 7 in. in each, they are sunk 1 ft. 6 in. below the brick +floor, and rest on a broad marble slab.</p> + +<p>A large number of ancient sites and mounds were examined in the +neighborhood of Repalle. At <i>Anantaiarum, Buddhâní, Chandavôlu</i> +and <i>Puapuâ</i>. Considerable surface has been excavated for various +purposes; the earth, a kind of black mud, is found to be thickly +mixed with broken pottery and bones of animals; occasionally a pillar +or other building stone is turned up. At Môrakûru, copper, lead +and rarely gold and silver coins are found mixed with the broken +pottery.</p> + +<p>At <i>Krudarnudi, Maudura, Mûlpûrn</i> and <i>Periarli</i>, mounds were +examined, the earth was found to consist of black mud mixed with +pottery and ashes. The mounds differ only in extent, and portions +of several have been removed.</p> +<br> + +<p>BHATTIPROLU.--A BUDDHIST STUPA.--Mr. Rea during last season examined +the remains of a stûpa at Bhattiprolu in the Kistna district, the +marble casing of which had been used by the Canal engineers; and in +it he has made discoveries of very considerable interest.</p> + +<p>He found the stûpa had been a solid brick building 132 feet in +diameter, surrounded by a procession path about eight feet wide. It +must thus have been of very nearly the dimensions of the Amarāvati +stûpa. Fragments or chips only of the outer casing of marble +<a name="p125" id="p125"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 125</span> +were found in the area he excavated. When the dome and portions +of the drum had been previously demolished for the materials, +inside the dome there was found "a casket made of six small slabs +of stone dove-tailed into one another, measuring about 2-1/2 feet by +1-1/2 by 1 foot; inside this was a clay <i>chatti</i> containing a neat soap-stone +casket, which enclosed a crystal phial. In this latter was a +pearl, a few little bits of gold leaf, and some ashes." Mr. Rea considered +that there might still be another deposit of relics; and having +discovered the centre of the original brickwork, he found there a shaft +or well 9-1/2 inches in diameter filled with earth, which went down about +15 feet. Following this he found at one side near the bottom a stone +box about 11 inches by 8 and 5 inches deep, with an inscription round +the upper lip. Inside was a small globular blackstone relic casket, +two small hemipsherical metal cups a little over an inch in diameter, +with a gold bead on the apex of one, and the bead (fallen out) of the +other; another small bead, two double pearls, also four gold lotus +flowers 1.2 inch in diameter, two <i>trisulas</i> in thin plates 1.2 by 1 inch, +seven triangular bits of gold, a single and a double gold bead--the +weight of these gold articles being about 148 grains. There was also +a hexagonal crystal 2.56 inches long by 0.88 inch in diameter, pierced +along the axis, and with an inscription lightly traced on the sides. +The stone relic casket measures 4-1/2 inches each way, the lid fitting on +with a groove, and it contained a cylindric crystal phial 2-1/2 inches in +diameter and 1-1/4 inches high, moulded on the sides and flat on top and +bottom; the lid fitted in the same way as that of the casket. Inside +was a flattish piece of bone--possibly of the skull--and under the +phial were nine small lotus flowers in gold leaf; six gold beads and +eight small ones; four small lotus flowers of thin copper; nineteen +small pierced pearls; one bluish crystal bead; and twenty-four +small coins in a light coloured metal, possibly brass, smooth on one +side and with lotus flowers, <i>trisulas</i>, feet, etc., on the obverse. These +had been arranged on the bottom and attached in the form of a +<i>svastika</i>.</p> + +<p>Two and a half feet below this was a second deposit on the opposite +or north side of the shaft. The central area of the cover, in this case, +has an inscription in nineteen lines with two lines round it--the letters +being filled in with white. In the lower stone was a receptacle 6-1/4 inches +deep, by 7-1/2 in diameter, having a raised rim 1-1/2 inches broad, bearing +another inscription of two lines on the upper surface--the letters also +filled in with lime. The cavity was nearly filled with earth, and contained +a phial 1-5/8 inches in diameter and 2-3/4 inches high, with a lid +moulded like a <i>dagoba</i>. The phial and lid were lying separate, and +<a name="p126" id="p126"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 126</span> +there was no sign of a relic. Mixed with the earth were 164 lotus leaves +and buds, two circular flowers, a trisula and a three-armed figure like a +<i>svastika</i>, all in gold leaf, two gold stems for lotus flowers, six gold +beads, and a small gold ring--weighing, collectively, about 310 grains; +also two pearls, a garnet, six coral beads, a bluish, flat, oval bead, a +white crystal bead, two greenish, flat, six-sided crystal drops, a +number of bits of corroded copper leaf in the shape of lotus flowers, a +minute umbrella, and some folded pieces about 2 inches by 1-3/8, +showing traces of letters or symbols pricked upon them with a metal +point, but too corroded to permit of unfolding or decipherment.</p> + +<p>Next, at a slightly lower level on the east side of the shaft, he came +upon a third black stone cover, with an inscription of eight lines cut +on the under surface in a sunk, circular area in the centre. The +lower stone again bears an inscription round the rim of the cavity in +one line--the letters being whitened. The receptacle was 5-3/4 inches +deep, 7-1/2 wide at the top, and 5 at the bottom. It was also nearly +filled with earth, and contained a crystal phial similar to that in the +second, the lid lying apart; but close to it was the relic casket, +perhaps of chrysolite, less than half an inch each way by three-eighths, +in which is drilled a circular hole 0.28 inch in diameter, closed +by a small, white crystal stopper with hexagonal top. The neck is +covered with gold leaf, and a sheet of the same was fixed outside to +the bottom. This unique casket contains three small pieces of bone. +With it were found a bluish bead 5/8 inch long, a smaller one, and one +of yellow crystal, a small hexagonal crystal drop, slightly yellowish +in colour, a flat one of white crystal, a bone bead, six pearls, thirty-two +seed pearls--all pierced, thirty lotus flowers, a quatrefoil, and a +small figure of gold leaf.</p> + +<p>The alphabet of the inscriptions presents features of peculiar +interest, which I leave to be discussed by Prof. Bühler.--Jas. Burgess +in <i>Acad.</i> May 21.</p> + +<p>Ν.Β.--Further details are given under the headings "<i>New variety of +Maurya inscriptions</i>", and also under "<i>Buddhist Stupas in the Kistna district.</i>"</p> +<br> + +<p>GAUΗATI.--ASSAM.--Mr. Joseph Chunder Dutt has reprinted from the +<i>Indian Nation</i> (Calcutta) an account of an archægeological visit to +Gauhati, the ancient capital of Assam. The temples, etc., he describes +mostly date only from the eighteenth century, as is shown by +the inscriptions which he is careful to quote. There are, however, +many ruins of older buildings and fragments of sculpture, which +would perhaps repay more detailed examination. The destruction of +some of these is due to the misdirected activity of British engineers.--<i>Academy</i>, +Feb. 6.</p> +<br> +<a name="p127" id="p127"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 127</span> + + +<p>PANJAB.--REMAINS OF ANCIENT BUDDHIST TEMPLES.--The <i>Journal of the Royal +Asiatic Society</i> for October, 1892, contains a note in "Ancient remains +of Temples on the Bannu Frontier," an unfrequented part of the +Panjab. The ruins of two temples stand on a hillock rising from the +Indus. The tradition with regard to them is that the Paridwas +retired here to spend twelve years of exile after being defeated by the +Kerwá. A short distance from these ruins is the site of a third +temple now completely demolished. This temple was completely +demolished. This temple was built of bricks of light pressed (?) clay +about 12x9x3 inches in size. On breaking some of the bricks they +were found to bear distinctly the impression of tree leaves, and +brought under the influence of a petrifying spring which exists not +far from the spot.</p> + +<p>The remains are undoubtedly of great antiquity, and appears to +have been Buddhist temples of the tall, conical kind. Their Buddhistic +origin is made certain by the eight-leafed lotus ornaments which +characterize the carvings.</p> +<br> + +<h3>THIBET.</h3> + +<p>Mr. Rockhill, who made himself so well-known by his first expedition +to Thibet, is at present engaged in a second journey, in the +hope of this time reaching the capital Lhassa.</p> + +<p>The Duke of Orleans and his companion have already published +the results of their journey undertaken shortly after Mr. Rockhill's +first.</p> +<br> + +<h3>CHINA.</h3> + +<p>THE GAME OF WEI-CHI.--At a meeting in Shanghai of the Chinese +Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, M. Volpicelli read a paper on +"The Game of Wei-Chi," the greatest game of the Chinese, especially +with the literary class and ranked by them superior to chess. Like +chess, this game is of a general military and mathematical character, +but is on a much more extensive scale, the board containing 361 +places and employing nearly 200 men on a side. All of the men, +however, have the same value and powers.</p> + +<p>The object is to command as many places on the board as possible--this +may be done by enclosing empty spaces or by surrounding the +enemy's men. Very close calculation is always essential in order +that a loss in one region may be met by gains in another, thus +employing skillful strategy when the contestants are evenly matched. +The game has come down from great antiquity, being first mentioned +in Chinese writings about B.C. 625. It was in all probability introduced +<a name="p128" id="p128"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 128</span> +by the Babylonian astronomers who were at that time the +instructors of all the East.--<i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, 1892, +p. 421.</p> +<br> + +<h3>CENTRAL ASIA.</h3> + + +<p>EXPEDITION OF M. DUTREUIL DE RHINS.--The <i>Académie des Inscriptions</i> +sent M. Dutreuil de Rhins some time since on an archæological +expedition to Further Asia. Beside the income of the Gamier fund +previously accorded to him for the purpose, it has accorded him a +grant of 30,000 francs. The last news from him was a report.--<i>Chron. +des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 22.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE ORKHON INSCRIPTIONS.--We quote from the <i>Times</i> the following +report of two papers read before the Oriental Congress, in the +section of China and the Far East:</p> + +<p>"A paper was contributed by Mr. E. Delmar Morgan on 'The +Results of the Russian Archæological Researches in the Basin of the +Orkhon in Mongolia.' Mr. Morgan drew attention to a splendid atlas +of plates presented to the Congress by Dr. Radlof, of St. Petersburg, +containing photographs and facsimiles of inscriptions copied by the +members of the archæological expedition sent by the Imperial Academy +of Sciences to investigate the ruins on the Orkhon. These ruins +comprise (1) the remains of an ancient Uighur town west of the +Orkhon, (2) the ruins of a Mongol palace to the east of that river, +and a large granite monument shattered into pieces. Excavations +were also made of the burial places of the Khans of the Tukiu or +Turks inhabiting this part of Asia previously to the Uighurs, who +drove them out. The earliest inscription dates from 732 A.D.., and +refers to a brother of the Khan of the Tukiu mentioned in Chinese +history. Additional interest attaches to these inscriptions owing to +the fact that some of the characters are identical with those discovered +on the Yenissei. The expedition to which the paper referred visited +the monastery of Erdenitsu, and found there a number of stones with +inscriptions in Mongol, Tibetan, and Persian, brought from the ruins +of a town not far off. These ruins have been identified with Karakoram, +the capital city of the first Khans of the dynasty of Jenghiz +Khan.</p> + +<p>"Prof. Donner wished to present to the Congress a publication by +the Société Finno-Ougrienne at Helsingfors, containing inscriptions +from the valley of the Orkhon, brought home by the Finnish Expedition +in 1890. There are three large monuments, the first erected +732 A.D.., by the order of the Chinese Emperor in honour of Kiuèh-Jeghin, +younger brother of the Khan of the Tukiu (Turks). On the +<a name="p129" id="p129"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 129</span> +west side it has an inscription in Chinese, speaking of the relations +between the Tukiu and Chinese. The Tartar historian, Ye-lu-chi, of +the thirteenth century, saw it and gave some phrases from the front of +it. On all the other sides is a long inscription of 70 lines in runic characters, +which cannot be a mere translation of the Chinese because it +numbers about 1400 words, while the Chinese inscription contains +only about 800. The other monument has also a Chinese inscription +on one side, but greatly effaced. On the other sides are runic inscriptions +in 77 lines at least. This monument was erected, by order of the +Chinese Emperor, in honour of Mekilikn (Moguilen), Khan of the +Tukiu, who died 733 A.D.. About two-thirds of its runic inscription +nearly line for line contains the same as the first monument, a circumstance +of importance for the true reading of the text. The third +monument, which has been the largest one, was destroyed by lightning +and shattered into about fifty fragments. It is trilingual--viz., +Chinese, Uighur, and runic or Yenissei characters. On comparing +the texts they are found to contain many identical words and forms, +proving that the languages were nearly identical. M. Devéria thinks +that this is the memorial stone which the Uighur Khan, 784 A.D.., +placed at the gateway of his palace to record the benefits the Uighurs +had done to the Chinese Empire. Concerning the characters of these +inscriptions they show small modifications. The tomb inscriptions +at Yenissei seem to be the more original; some characters have been +altered in the Tukiu alphabet and also in the third monument, representing +in that way the three several nations--the Tukiu, the Uighurs, +who followed them, and the Hakas, or Khirgiz, at Yenissei. A comparison +of the characters themselves with the alphabets in Asia Minor +shows that about three-fourths of them are identical with the characters +of the Ionian, Phrygian, and Syrian [?]. The other part has +resemblances with the graphic systems of India and Central Asia. +We can now expect that the deciphering of these interesting inscriptions +will soon give us reliable specimens of the oldest Turk dialects."--<i>Academy</i>, +Sept. 17.</p> +<br> + +<p>SIMFEROPOL.--At Simferopol Prof. Messelowski has made the most +interesting discovery of a Scythian warrior's grave, dating probably +from about the second or third century. The skeleton lay on its back +facing the east, on the head was a cap with gold ornaments, and little +gold plates were also fixed to portions of the dress. Near the head +stood two amphoræ and a leathern quiver containing copper-headed +arrows. At the feet were the bones of an ox, an iron knife, four +amphoraæ and some lances--these were in a very rusty condition. The +quiver had a fine gold-chased ornament upon it representing a flying +<a name="p130" id="p130"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 130</span> +eagle gripping in its talons a small animal. It is admirably worked. +The skeleton itself fell to pieces immediately.--<i>Biblia</i>, Oct., 1892.</p> +<br> + +<p>SEMITIC EPIGRAPHY AND ANTIQUITIES.--M. Clermont-Ganneau has +published in the <i>Journal Asiatique</i> for 1892, No. 1, a series of the discoveries +and investigations made in Semitic epigraphy and antiquities +during the year 1891. It is the address by which he opened his +course at the Collège de France. He commences with Phœnicia and +notices besides such discoveries as are reported in the Journal, such +books as Goblet d'Aviella's <i>La migration des symboles</i>, which is a comparative +study of Oriental art symbols, and Ph. Berger's <i>Histoire de +l'écriture dans l'antiquité</i>, which treats especially of the development of +the Phœnician alphabet. As an original supplement he describes +some antiquities recently sent to him, which had been found in the +necropolis of Sidon, <i>e.g.</i>, a terracotta head of Egyptian style; a +smaller head of Cypriote style; a statuette of Bes; two gold ear-rings; +bottom of a Greek vase with a Phœnician inscription; piece of a +diorite scarcophagus cover of Egyptian origin, probably that of a king +of Sidon. Another complete anthropoid sarcophagus from the same +site at Sidon has been sent to Constantinople. Still another sarcophagus +of this type has been found in Spain, at Cadiz, the ancient +Gades. Its importance is incalculable, as it proves for the first time +the passing of the Phœnicians to Spain. Mr. Clermont-Ganneau then +takes up Aramean antiquities and inscriptions, especially those of +Palmyra. Among them are a number secured by the writer himself; +they are three fine monumental funerary inscriptions and six funerary +busts of men and women, two of which are finely executed and remarkably +well preserved; all are inscribed and several are dated. +He notices the publication of the valuable <i>Journal d'un voyage en +Arabie</i> (1883-1884) by Charles Huber, in which the five note-books of +the traveller are reproduced. It will be remembered that he was +treacherously murdered during his journey. Dr. Euting in his <i>Sinaïtische +Inschriften</i> publishes 67 inscriptions copied by him in the Sinaitic +peninsula. His readings are very careful and accurate. Three of the +texts are dated and are important in view of the controversy as to the +age of all these inscriptions.</p> + +<p>Palestine and Hebrew antiquities are very fully treated. M. Clement-Ganneau +reads the famous Lachish inscription ךסהל = <i>ad libandum</i>; +he calls attention to hematite weight with an early inscription found +at Sebaste; mentions the vandalism perpetrated in cutting away the +famous Pool of Siloam inscription, <i>etc.</i> He notes the importance of +the discovery by MM. Lees and Hanauer in the subterranean structures +at Jerusalem called "Solomon's Stables," of the spring of an +<a name="p131" id="p131"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 131</span> +immense ancient arch, analogous to Robinson's arch. It introduces +quite a new element in the complicated problem of the Jewish Temple. +Mr. Wrightson, an English engineer, concludes that the two arches or +bridges formed part of a continuous system of parallel arches which +occupied, between the two east and west walls, the sub-structure of the +entire southern part of the esplanade of the temple. Mr. Schick's +investigations are carefully noticed. Finally praise is given to the +new publication of the Abbé Vigouroux, <i>Dictionnaire de la Bible</i>.</p> +<br> + +<h3>ARABIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>A HISTORY OF YEMEN.--The British Museum acquired in 1886 the +MS. of Omârah's 'History of Yemen,' a work of which it was long +feared that no copy was at the present day in existence. Omârah's +'History' extends over a period of about three hundred and fifty +years. It commences with the foundation of the city and principality +of Zabid in the ninth century, and extends down to the eve of the +conquest by the Ayyûbites in the twelfth. Mr. Henry C. Kay, a +member of the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society, has prepared the +MS. for publication, together with an English translation, notes and +indices. The volume also contains, besides other similar matter, an +account and genealogical list of the Imāms of Yemen, down to the +thirteenth century, derived from the Zeydite MSS. recently added +to the British Museum library.--<i>Athenæum</i>.</p> +<br> + +<p>COINS OF THE BENU RASOOL DYNASTY OF SULTANS.--Out of the +fourteen sovereigns who composed the Benu Rasool dynasty, we are +in possession of the coins of only eight, and these the first eight; +their inscriptions are in Arabic, and it is by no means easy to decipher +all of them. The mints of these are: Aden, Zebîd, El-Mahdjâm, +Thabat, Sana and Taiz, and each is characterized by a particular +figure, a fish for Aden, a bird for Zebîd, a lion for El-Mahdjâm, and +other symbols. There are also noticed several coins struck by rebels +under the Benu Rasool dynasty.--<i>Revue Numismatique</i>, III s. tom. 10, +III trim. 1892, p. 350.</p> +<br> + +<h3>BABYLONIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>A BAS-RELIEF OF NARAM-SIN.--At a meeting of the <i>Acad. des Inscriptions</i> +M. Maspero exhibited a photograph of a Chaldean bas-relief +from Constantinople. It was erected by, and bears the name of King +Naram-sin, who reigned over Babylonia about 3800 B.C. Though +much mutilated, what remains shows workmanship of a refined +kind. It represents a human figure standing, clothed (as on the most +<a name="p132" id="p132"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 132</span> +ancient cylinders) with a robe that passes under one arm and over the +shoulder, and wearing a conical head-piece flanked with horns. The +general appearance strikingly recalls Egyptian monuments of the +same date. The relief is extremely low, the lines clear, but not stiff. +There is no muscular exaggeration as is often the case in the cylinders. +Naram-sin, like his father, Sargon I, has left the reputation (perhaps +legendary) of a great conqueror; a campaign against Magan is attributed +to him. M. Maspero was disposed to explain the style of the +bas-relief by the Egyptian influence. It differs widely from the +sculptures of Telloh, which are less refined and artistically advanced. +But these, though of later date, come from a provincial town, not from +a capital. M. Menant mentioned that the collection of M. de Clerq +contains a cylinder, also of remarkable workmanahip, with an inscription +with characters of the same style as those on the bas-relief in +question; but it bears the name of Sargani, king of Agyadi, who is +several generations earlier than Sargon I. Both of these are examples +of an art which was never surpassed in Chaldea.--<i>Academy</i>, Oct. 15; +<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 33.</p> +<br> + +<p>TELLOH.--BABYLONIAN SCULPTURE--The later excavations of M. de Sarzec +at Telloh, in so far as they concern sculpture, are treated by M. Heuzey +in some communications to the <i>Acad. des Inscriptions</i>. M. de Sarzec +has reconstructed from some fragments a series of reliefs relating to +King Ur-Nina, the ancestor of King E-anna-du, who is commemorated +in the <i>stele of the vultures</i>. The sculptures of Ur-Nina are of rude and +primitive workmanship and belong to the earliest period of Babylonian +sculpture. The king is represented more than once, either carrying +on his head the sacred basket, or seated and raising in his hand the +drinking-horn. Around him are ranged his children and servants, +all with their names inscribed upon the drapery. Among them is +A-kur-gal, who is to succeed his father, replacing another prince, his +older brother. The reunion of these fragments has given us an +historic and archæological document of the highest antiquity.--<i>Revue +Critique</i>, 1892, No. 44.</p> + +<p>At a meeting of the <i>Acad. des Inscr.</i> M. Heuzey read a paper upon +the "Stèle des Vautours." M. de Sarzec has been able to find and +piece together several additional fragments, from which it appears +that the name of the person who set up the pillar was E-anna-du, +king of Sirpula, son of A-kur-gal, and grandson of King of Ur-Nina. +He is represented in front of his warriors, beating down his enemies, +sometimes on foot, sometimes in a chariot, of which only a trace remains. +The details of the armor resemble in some respects that of +<a name="p133" id="p133"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 133</span> +the Assyrians of a much later date. From what can be read of the +inscription, it seems that the conquered enemies belonged to the +country of Is-ban-ki. There is also mention of a city of Ur, allied +with Sirpula. The pillar was sculptured on both faces. On the reverse +is a royal or divine figure, of large size, holding in one hand the +heraldic design of Sirpula (an eagle with the head of a lion), while +the other brandishes a war-club over a crowd of prisoners, who are +tumbling one over another in a sort of net or cage. In illustration of +this scene, M. Heuzey quoted the passage from Habakkuk (i. 15), +describing the vengeance of the Chaldeans: "They catch them in their +net and gather them in their drag."--<i>Academy</i>, Sept. 3.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE BABYLONIAN STANDARD WEIGHT.--Prof. Sayce writes: "Mr. +Greville Chester has become the possessor of a very remarkable relic +of antiquity, discovered in Babylonia, probably on the site of Babylon. +It is a large weight of hard green stone, highly polished, and of a +cone-like form. The picture of an altar has been engraved upon it, +and down one side runs a cuneiform inscription of ten lines. They +read as follows:</p> + +<p>"One maneh standard weight, the property of Merodach-sar-ilani, +a duplicate of the weight which Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon, +the son of Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, made in exact accordance +with the weight prescribed by the deified Dungi, a former king."</p> + +<p>The historical importance of the inscription is obvious at the first +glance. Dungi was the son and successor of Ur-Bagas, and his date +may be roughly assigned to about 3000 B.C. It would appear that he +had fixed the standard of weight in Babylonia; and the actual weight +made by him in accordance with this standard seems to have been +preserved down to the time of Nebuchadrezzar, who caused a duplicate +of it to be made. The duplicate again became the standard by which +all other weights in the country had to be tested.</p> + +<p>The fact that Dungi is called "the deified" is not surprising. We +know of other early kings of Chaldaea who were similarly raised to +the rank of gods. One of them prefixes the title of "divine" to his +own bricks; another, Naram-Sin, the son of Sargon, of Accad, is called +"a god" on the seal of an individual who describes himself as his +"worshipper." It is possible that in this cult of certain Babylonian +kings we have an evidence of early intercourse with Egypt."--<i>Academy</i>, +Dec. 19.</p> +<br> + +<p>CATALOGUE OF BRITISH MUSEUM TABLETS.--Stored in the British +Museum are some 50,000 inscribed pieces of terracotta or clay-tablets, +forming the libraries of Assyria and Babylonia. The great impetus +<a name="p134" id="p134"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 134</span> +given to cuneiform studies has made it necessary that the tablets +should be catalogued, and the trustees have now issued a descriptive +catalogue of some 8,000 inscribed tablets. The inscriptions in question +come from the Kuyuryik Mound, at Nineveh. The tablets embrace +every class of literature, historical documents, hymns, prayers and +educational works, such as syllabaries or spelling-books, and dictionaries. +The catalogues, of which the second is just issued, are +prepared by Dr. Bezold.--<i>Biblia</i>, Sept., 1892.</p> +<br> + +<p>ASHNUNNAK.--M. Pognon, French Consul at Bagdad, has announced +to the <i>Acad. des Inscriptions</i> that he has discovered the exact location +of the region called anciently the land of Ashnunnak. He declares +that he is not yet ready to announce his discovery more exactly, but +publishes several bricks with the names and titles of several princes +of Ashnunnak hitherto unknown. These are Ibalpil, Amil and +Nulaku.</p> +<br> + + +<h3>PERSIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>M. de MORGAN'S RESEARCHES IN PERSIA AND LURISTAN.--In a communication +to the <i>Acad. des Inscr.</i> M. de Morgan gives a report upon +his mission in Persia and Luristan, of which the following are a few +extracts. "In the valley of the Lar, I made a study of the subterranean +habitations excavated in the rock and made a plan of the very +ancient castle, Molla-Kölo, which once defended the pass of Vahné. +Finally, in the ravine called <i>Ab-é-pardöma</i>, I discovered in the alluvion +some stone instruments presenting very ancient paleolithic characters. +At Amol, I studied the ruins of the ancient city and gathered some +interesting collections containing quite a number of pieces of pottery +and some bronzes of the xiv century."..... "Near Asterabad there +is a mound called <i>Khaighruch-tépè</i>. I attempted to make some excavations +of this point; unfortunately my work here was arrested by +order of the Persian government just when, after twenty days of +working with sixty laborers, I had reached a depth of 11½ meters. +In this excavation I found some human bones, some pottery, some +whorls and some thin objects composed of bronze much decomposed; +all in the midst of ashes and cooking-debris. At the bottom was a +skeleton stretched upon a very regular bed of pebbles, and I am of +the opinion that <i>Khaighruch-tépè</i> was primitively raised as a tomb and +afterwards served for the construction of a village, the successive ruins +of which coming to increase the importance of the mound. At a +depth of 11½ meters I found more cinders and debris, indicating that +I had not yet come to the level of the earliest works.".... "The +<i>tépès</i> are near together in the eastern part of the Mazanderan and in +<a name="p135" id="p135"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 135</span> +the Turkoman steppe; but in the Lenkoran, the Ghilan and the +western Mazanderan they are entirely wanting. It is concluded from +this observation that the people who built here were not aborigines +of the north of Persia, but that their migration moreover has left +traces on the right and on the left of the Caspian. The Scythians of +Herodotus present a very satisfactory solution for the problem of the +Caspian <i>tépès</i>".... "From an archaeological point of view the Lenkoran +was absolutely virgin soil and the finding of the first tomb was +not an easy task. Finally, after long and minute research in the +forests, I discovered the necropolis of Kravelady, composed of dolmens +almost completely despoiled, but in sufficiently good condition +to permit me to organize the natives in research for burial places of +the same sort. I at first encountered much repugnance on the part +of the inhabitants to excavate the tombs; finally, with some money +and very long explanations, I brought them to terms and, thanks to +my tomb-hunters, I found and excavated the necropoli of Horil, +Beri, Djon, Tülü, Mistaïl, Hiveri, <i>etc.</i> These tombs present, according +to their age, very different characteristics; the most ancient and at +the same time the largest, contain rude arms of bronze. Those of the +period following show the bronze well worked, iron, gold and silver +being employed as jewels. Although we saw iron in very small +quantities in the tombs of the second period, it is not until the third +that it appears as the material of arms; at the same time, the jewels +take the forms of animals, which change, as I have shown in the case +of Russian Armenia in my preceding mission, indicates the appearance +of a strange tribe possessed of special arts. During the last +epoch all the arms are of iron. The pottery found in the tombs is +glazed.</p> + +<p>"As to the form of the monuments, it is very variable at different +ages; there are some covered passages or chambers completely closed, +some dolmens with openings like those of India. At the very time +when my excavations were attaining their greatest importance I was +compelled to discontinue them by order of the Russian administration +and was obliged to leave the country, having only made a +beginning in archaeology. An <i>ukase</i> of the Czar reserves the excavations +in all his great empire for the Archæological Society of St. +Petersburg. But this interdict did not arrive until after I had excavated +about two hundred and twenty tombs, so that we now possess +more than fifteen hundred objects, vases, arms, trinkets of gold,bronze, +silver, <i>etc.</i></p> + +<p>"At Moukri, thanks to the kindness of a Kurd chief, I was enabled +to excavate a tomb which, although it held no objects of value, still +<a name="p136" id="p136"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 136</span> +contained some interesting relics. I have not yet been able to assign a +date to any of them." .... "During my stay at Moukri I set up a +map on the scale of 1/250000, and marked upon it all the ruins, mounds +and ancient tombs....</p> + +<p>"Although blockaded by snow at Hamadan I was able to visit the +ancient Ecbatana and there acquired a small collection of Greek jewels +and Chaldean cylinders. I found no trace whatever of the ancient +palace; they told me that the last debris had been reduced to lime +and that houses had been built over the rest. On the other hand, the +trilingual inscription of the Elvend, the <i>Ghendj-nûméh</i>, is still admirably +preserved, but the cold prevented me from taking a squeeze. +After having visited and photographed the ruins of Dinâver, Kinghârer, +Bisoutoun and several remains encountered on the route, I +visited Tagh-é-Bostan, near Kirmanshahan; I took numerous photographs +and squeezes of the more interesting fragments, like the pahlavi +inscriptions of the smallest monument. At Zohab, I took the +inscriptions of Ler-é-poul and of Hourin-cheïkh-khan, made plans of +the ruins of Ler-é-poul, those of the Sassanian palace of +Kasr-é-Chirîon +and of Haoueh-Ruri; drew up a map on a scale of 1/250000 of +the gates of the Zagros, and of the country around." ..... "Having +arrived at Houleilan,..... I found the remains of a large number of +towns and castles of the Sassanian epoch, besides some very ancient +<i>tépès</i>. At Chirvan, near the fort of the Poncht-é-Kouh, are the ruins +of a Sassanian town. I made a plan of it. Near it is a great <i>tell</i> of +unburnt brick...... In the valleys, situated near the plain, in the +passes are some <i>tells</i>, and it is near one of them that I had the good +fortune to find more than eight hundred objects carved in flint. Beyond +these <i>tells</i> which guard the frontier of the Semite border, the +Poncht-é-Kouh does not contain a single ruin. In antiquity, as +to-day, it was inhabited by nomads. On leaving the Poncht-é-Kouh, +I entered the valley of the Kukha, where I encountered numerous +ruins. I then advanced into Louristan, continually finding <i>tells</i>, of +which the principal ones are those of Zakha and of Khorremâbâd. +..... Finally arriving at Susiana, we again found civilization, but +also a country well known and that does not form a part of my +mission."--<i>Journal Asiatique</i>, No. 2, 1892, pp. 189-200.</p> +<br> + +<p>COINS OF THE SATRAPS.--1. Money had been invented and was in circulation +in the Greek cities of Asia Minor almost two hundred years, +when Darius I introduced the daric. The Greek coins in circulation +along the coast had not penetrated far from the Mediterranean, even +the new Persian coinage was used chiefly in the commerce with the +Greeks on the frontier, and for the payment of Greek mercenaries, +<a name="p137" id="p137"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 137</span> +enrolled in the armies of the Great King. The interior of the empire, +during the whole period of the Achæmenidæ, continued to employ +wedges of precious metals in exchange. The coinage of the Persian +empire divides into four clearly defined groups, according to the direct +authority of its issue. (1) The coinage of the Great King; (2) The +coinage of the tributary Greek towns; (3) The coinage of the tributary +dynasties; (4) The coinage occasionally struck for the satraps, chiefs +of the Persian army. It is the last category that is described in the +paper here summarized. The towns then, and the tributary dynasties, +and, under some circumstances, the satraps enjoyed the right to coin +money but only in electrum, silver and bronze; the great King reserved +the exclusive right to issue coins in gold; and this principle became +universally acknowledged, so that gold effectually became the unique +standard of the Persian empire. The few departures from this rule +are not worthy of consideration. The towns of Asia Minor paying +tribute to the great King continued to issue money, just as they had +during their independence, retaining their own types, and betraying +in no way their subjection. The tributary kings placed under the +surveillance of satraps were allowed various degrees of liberty in issuing +coinage, according to their countries and to their varying relations +to the persian monarch; the dynasties of Caria, of Cyprus, of Gebal +and of Tyre, like the tributary cities mentioned above, continued their +old coinage, while those of Sidon and of Cilicia placed upon their +coins, the figure of the Achæmenidean prince.</p> + +<p>Besides the coinage already mentioned there exists a number of +coins bearing the names of satraps, and the questions are raised, under +what circumstances were these issued, and with what extraordinary +powers was a satrap invested, who was permitted to issue money in +his own name? The theory is advanced, that the satraps of the +Persian empire never held the right to coin money in their capacity +as satraps. All the instances we have of satrapal coins were issued +by satraps invested with the command of armies. Fr. Lenormant +says: "All the pieces known, which bear the names of high functionaries +of Persia, mentioned in history, particularly those of Cilicia, +should be ranged in the class of military coins; that is, coins issued by +generals placed at the head of armies, on a campaign, and not as +satraps exercising their regular powers." The only satrapies in which +money was coined, before Alexander, are the following. The sixth +satrapy, which comprised Egypt and Cyrenaica. The fifth satrapy or +that of Syria, comprising Arabia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Phœnicia, Palestine +and the island of Cyprus. The fourth satrapy or that of Cilicia, +which acquired in the V century the states north of the Taurus. The +<a name="p138" id="p138"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 138</span> +first satrapy or that of Ionia, comprising Pamphilia, Lycia, Caria, +Pisidia, Ionia and Eolis. The twelfth satrapy, known as the satrapy +of Sardis, or of Lydia. The thirteenth satrapy, known also as the +satrapy of Phrygia, which comprised, besides the coast of the Hellespont, +all the central region of Asia Minor between the Taurus and +the Black Sea. This huge province was divided in the fifth century +into the satrapies of Greater Phrygia, Lesser Phrygia, and Cappadocia.</p> + +<p>2. The coinage in circulation in Egypt, during the Achæmenidean +supremacy was all of foreign origin, the staters of the Kings of Tyre +and Sidon and the tetradrachmas of Athens. The commerce with +Greece, and especially the incessant wars in which Greek mercenaries +were largely employed, tended to make Athenian silver popular in +the eastern countries. For the pay of these mercenaries, the Persians +and Egyptians had recourse to silver money, and especially to those +types with which the Greeks were acquainted. Thus the prevalence +of Athenian coins in the Orient is accounted for by these circumstances. +The generals of the Persian and Egyptian armies made +use of the Athenian coins which had long been in circulation in the +country. They merely imprinted upon the coin of Attic origin a +counter-mark to officially authorize the circulation, and when the +original Athenian coins in the country were insufficient to pay the +troops, they struck off others as nearly like them as possible--these, +however, are easily recognized by the defects of workmanship and +altered inscriptions. One sort has in place of the Greek lettering an +Aramean inscription. On a certain number of these we find the name +Mazaios, the famous satrap of Cilicia, who undertook to subdue the +insurgent king of Sidon.</p> + +<p>The imitation of Athenian coins and the coins of Alexander was +continued in Arabia down to the first century of our era. The +Athenian coins were not the only ones copied in Egypt, Palestine, +and Arabia. The coinage of the kings of Sidon were frequently imitated +by the Aramean chiefs, of whom Bagoas was one. Then, too, +the kings of Sidon had supreme command of the imperial fleet and +had the paying of the naval army. Later, Mazaios, placed at the head +of the Persian army, for a time imitated the Sidonian coins, substituting +his name for that of the Sidonian dynasty. Bagoas, in turn, +did likewise.</p> + +<p>3. In Phœnicia and northern Syria, which formed the greater part +of the fifth satrapy, a great quantity of coins were struck off by the +tributary dynasties. The kings of Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, and Aradus +had their own coinage, but there seems to have been no satrapal +coinage struck off in Phœnicia. In northern Syria, when Mazaios +<a name="p139" id="p139"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 139</span> +added this satrapy to his own, he levied and assembled troops from +that entire region; this accounts for the numerous issues of coins in +northern Syria at that time.</p> + +<p>4. The dynasties of Cilicia coined money under the same conditions +as did the cities of Phœnicia, Caria and Lydia. The chief mint of +Cilicia was at Tarsus, but money was also coined at Soli and at +Mallus. About the end of the fifth century a coinage was issued +from these mints which is ascribed to uncertain satraps. The distinguishing +mark of these coins, according to Mr. Waddington, is the +use of the neuter adjective in ικον, but this theory is not conclusive. +Besides these anonymous coins there were others coined in Cilicia +bearing the names of satraps, who were the envoys of the great king +to raise armies and equip fleets. The satrap Tiribazus employed +the mints at Issus, at Soli and Mallus; the satrap Pharnabazus established +his mints in various cities in Cilicia, particularly at Nagidus; +Datamus also issued coinage in Cilicia. M. Six holds that Mazaios +coined money, not only in Cilicia, but also in Syria and Mesopotamia, +and preserved the right to a coinage under Alexander, but always in +a military capacity.</p> + +<p>5. After the conquest of Alexander, his generals issued coinage +under his name in their satrapal authority. These were the coins of +Alexander, bearing on one side the particular symbol of the generals +who had issued them; there were the eagle of Ptolemy, the demi-lion +of Lysimachus or the horned horse of Seleucus. Those of the generals +who became kings, in 306, issued coins in their own name, preserving +on them the personal emblems which they had employed in their +satrapal authority. The generals who did not become kings never +issued a coinage in their own names.</p> + +<p>6. On the island of Cyprus are found numerous coins which present +all the distinctive signs of satrapal money; they are believed to have +been struck by Evagoras II, the successor of Nicocles I; but the +question arises, Were these satrapal pieces of Evagoras coined on the +island? It has been held that they were issued from a mint on the +continent, in Caria, because the army of Evagoras was recruited in +Asia Minor, and because their weights are Rhodian, but the form of +the letters is Phœnician, as upon all Cypriote corns; while, on the +other hand, in Asia Minor the Semitic money is inscribed with +Aramean characters. Moreover, all symbols and types which figure +on these coins are essentially Cypriote.--E. BABELON in <i>Revue Numismatique</i>, +1892, p. 277.</p> +<br> + +<p>SASSANIAN COINS.--The Museum of the Hermitage has just come +into possession of the collection of coins of General Komarof, once +<a name="p140" id="p140"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 140</span> +governor of Russian Turkistan. It consists of more than two thousand +pieces, of which sixty are of gold. The most remarkable coins +of this rich collection are: Four Sassanian pieces in gold, unpublished, +(one of Hormuzd II and three of Sapor II), a dinar of Nasr I, a +dinar of Kharmezi of Tamerlan, a dinar of Abdallah-ben-Khazim, +and about fifty unpublished Sassanian silver coins.--<i>Revue Numismatique</i>, +1892, p. 348.</p> +<br> + +<p>PERSEPOLIS.--CASTS OF SCULPTURES.--The English archæologist Mr. +Cecil Smith has lately returned from an expedition to Persia. He +had with him two Italian makers of casts, and by their means has +obtained a valuable series of casts of the sculptures of Persepolis from +moulds of a fibrous Spanish paper. Among the casts are those of a +long frieze (perron) which decorated the stairway of the main hall or +"apadâna," erected by Xerxes; it represents a procession of figures +presenting to the king the reports of his governors and the offerings +of his subjects. Another cast is that of the famous monolith of Cyrus. +--<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 31. We understand that the collection of +casts of the Metropolitan Museum is to receive a copy of all these casts.</p> +<br> + +<h3>SYRIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>EDESSA.-- HISTORICAL SKETCH.--M. Rubens Duval, the eminent Syriac +scholar, has been publishing in the <i>Journal Asiatique</i> a history of the +city of Edessa under the title: "<i>Histoire religieuse et litteraire d'Edesse +jusqu' à la première Croisade</i>", (<i>Jour. As.</i> t. 18, No. 1 to t. 19, No. 1). +This monograph has been crowned by the French Academy. It includes +a considerable amount of information concerning the monuments +of the city, especially those belonging to the early Christian +period, and some idea can be gained of them by the following abridged +note. As Edessa was one of the principal cities of the Christian East, +the information is of interest. Edessa was from its position a fortress +of the first rank and reputed impregnable. The citadel rose on a peak +on the southwest angle of the rampart. At the west end there still +remain two columns with Corinthian capitals, one of which bears an +inscription with the name of Queen Shalmat, daughter of Ma'nu, +probably the wife of King Abgar Ukhama. Within the citadel, on the +great square called Beith-Tebhara, King Abgar VII built, after the inundation +of 202, a winter palace, safe from the river floods, and the +nobles followed his example. In the city itself were the porticoes or +forum near the river, the Antiphoros or town-hall, restored by Justinian. +In 497, the governor of the city, Alexander, built a covered +gallery near the Grotto Gate and Public Baths, near the public +storehouse; +<a name="p141" id="p141"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 141</span> +both the summer and winter baths were surrounded by a +double colonnade. To the south, near the Great Gate, were other +baths, and near them the theatre. Within the Beth Shemesh Gate +was a hospital and outside it a refuge for old men. North of the city, +near the wall, was the hippodrome, built by Abgarus IX on his return +from Rome. The city had six gates which still exist under different +names.</p> + +<p>Edessa is one of the few cities that are known to have had a Christian +church as early as the second century. This church was destroyed +by the inundation of 201, was then rebuilt, being the only church in +the city, suffered from the inundation of 303 and was rebuilt from its +foundations in 313 by Cona, bishop of Edessa, and his successor Sa'd. +It was called the Ancient Church, "the cathedral," also sometimes the +Church of St. Thomas, because in 394 it received the relics of the +apostle Thomas. The Frankish pilgrim woman who visited it at the +close of the fourth century, or later, speaks of its size, beauty and the +novelty of its arrangement. Duval believes her words to relate to +Justinian's building, believing in a later date than is usually assigned +to the above document. In 525 the church was overthrown by an inundation +and then rebuilt by Justinian in such splendor as to be regarded +as one of the wonders of the world. It was overthrown by +earthquakes in 679 and 718.</p> + +<p>The other churches were as follows:</p> + +<pre> + 370. The Baptistery is built. + 379. Church of S. Daniel or S. Domitius, built by Bishop Vologese. + 409. Church of S. Barlaha, built by Bishop Diogenes. + 412. Church of S. Stephen, formerly a Jewish synagogue, built by + Bishop Rabbula. + 435. The New Church, called later the Church of the Holy Apostles, + built by Bishop Hibhas. + " Church of S. John the Baptist and S. Addasus, built by Bishop + Nonnus (died 471), successor of Hibhas. + " Church of S. Mar Cona. + 489. Church of the Virgin Mother of God, built on the site of the + School of the Persians after its destruction in 489. +c.505. Martyrium of the Virgin, built by Bishop Peter early in VI + century. +</pre> + +<a name="p142" id="p142"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 142</span> + +<p>Outside the walls were the following churches: + +<pre> +Towards the N. Chapel of SS. Cosmas and Damian, built by Nonnus + (middle ν century). + + E. Church of SS. Sergius and Simeon, which was burned + in 503 by the Persian King Kawad. + + W. Church of Confessors, built in 346 by Bishop Abraham, + and burned by Kawad in 503. + Church of the Monks, near the citadel. +</pre> + +<p>The cliffs to the west had been from early times excavated for burial +purposes. In the midst of the tombs rose the mausoleums of the +family of the Abgars, especially that of Abshelama, son of Abgarus. +They were also honeycombed with anchorites' cells. This mountain +received the name of the Holy Mountain and was covered with monasteries, +among which were the following: Eastern Monks; S. Thomas; +S. David; S. John; S. Barbara; S. Cyriacus; Phesilta; Mary <i>Deipara</i>; +of the Towers; of Severus; of Sanin; of Kuba; of S. James. Arab +writers mention over 300 monasteries around Edessa. Two aqueducts, +starting from the villages of Tell-Zema and Maudad to the north, +brought spring-water to the city; they were restored in 505 by +Governor Eulogius.</p> + +<p>Bishop Rabbulas (412-435) built a hospital for women from the +stones of four pagan temples which were destroyed. He destroyed the +church of the sect of Bardesanes and the church of the Arians, erecting +other structures with their materials. After the Persian wars (505) +Eulogius, governor of Edessa, rebuilt many of the damaged public +monuments. He repaired the outer ramparts and the two aqueducts; +rebuilt the public baths, the prætorium, and other structures. The +bishop, Peter, restored the cathedral and built the Martyrium of the +Virgin, and also covered with bronze one of the cathedral doors. +Justinian restored and rebuilt many buildings after the inundation of +524-25. Even under the early period of Muhammadan rule the +Christian structures were cared for. Under the Khalif Abd-el-Malik +(685-705) the Edessene Christian Athanasius, who enjoyed great +political influence, rebuilt the Church of the Virgin, which was on the +site of the School of the Persians; rebuilt also the Baptistery in which +he placed the portrait of Christ sent to Abgarus and placed in it +fountains like those of the Ancient Church, decorating it also with +gold, silver and bronze revetments. He also built two large basilicas +at Fostat in Egypt. There is an interesting account of an artistic +treasure of great value discovered in a house belonging to a noble +family of the Goumêaus in 797 and belonging to the Roman and Byzantine +period; it is supposed to have been hidden in 609. The +churches were often destroyed and rebuilt according to the tolerance +or intolerance of the Muhammadan governors. At one period of persecution, +c. 825, a mosque was built in the <i>tetrapylum</i> in front of the +Ancient Church. It is not important to trace the vicissitudes of the +building of Edessa any further.</p> +<br> +<a name="p143" id="p143"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 143</span> + +<p>COINS OF THE KINGS OF EDESSA.--Marquis de Vogué sends to M.E. +Babelon a description of a bronze coin brought from Syria, found +either in the province of Alep or of Damas. It bears the name of +Abgarus, the name of several of the kings of Edessa. The type is that +of the small bronze pieces attributed to Mannou VIII; the character +and inscriptions are the same. It must then be attributed to a king +Abgarus whose reign approaches as nearly as possible that of Mannou +VIII. Mr. Rubens Duval, in his history of Edessa, mentions two +kings of this name, Abgarus VIII, whose reign cut into that of Mannou +VIII, and Abgarus IX, who succeeded him. It is to one of these +two princes that this coin must be assigned. It is possible that this +monument may shed some light upon a portion of Oriental chronology, +hitherto very dark. Two other coins are described from M. Vogué's +collection, one of which, it seems, should be attributed to the same +king Abgarus as the preceding; the other bears a name which M. Duval +assigns to Abgarus XI, who reigned for two years during a short +restoration of the government of Edessa.--<i>Revue Numismatique</i>, 1892, +p. 209.</p> +<br> + +<p>SINJIRLI.--SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS.--The German Oriental Committee discovered, +as is well known, an ancient city buried under a number of +mounds at a place called Sinjirli in the Amanus Mountains. Here +were found a number of statues bearing cuniform inscriptions, Hittite +inscriptions and two long Aramean inscriptions of the VIII or IX +century B.C.</p> + +<p>M. Helévy, the well-known French Orientalist, was sent by the Paris +Institute to the Museum of Berlin, where these statues are placed, +to report upon the inscriptions. M. Helévy finds that the two kings +were rulers of Yadi and that their reigns were a century apart. The +first statue is that of Panémon, founder of his dynasty--a 40 line inscription +relates the events of his reign, the protection of the Jews, <i>etc.</i> +The second is a king who was a vassal of Tiglath-Pilezer, king of +Assyria. The inscription describes wars of his father, his own relations +with Assyria, his defeats and victories. It gives an account of +his own reign and terminates by invoking the protection of the gods.</p> + +<p>M. Helévy says that these inscriptions are not in the Aramean language, +as was first supposed, but a Phœnician dialect very analogous +to Hebrew, which was spoken by the people whom the Assyrians +named Hatte, that is to say, Hittites or Hetheim. He adds that the +current opinion as to their not being of Semitic race is quite erroneous +and that the hieroglyphics discovered in various parts of Asia Minor +are of Anatolian and not of Assyrian origin, the few texts of this kind +found at Hamath and Aleppo being due to Anatolian conquerors, +<a name="p144" id="p144"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 144</span> +whose domination, however, was very temporary in character.--<i>Journal +of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, 1892, Oct., p. 887.</p> +<br> + +<p>NAMES OF CITIES AT MEDINET HABU.--Prof. Sayce writes: The list +of places conquered by Rameses III in Palestine and Syria, which I +copied on the pylon of Medinet Habu, turns out to be even more +interesting than I had supposed, as a whole row of them belongs to +the territory of Judah. Thus we have the "land of Salem," which, +like the Salam of Rameses II, is shown by the Tell-el-Amarna tablets +to be Jerusalem, <i>arez hadast</i>, or "New Lands," the Hadashah of Joshua +(XV. 37), Shimshana or Samson, "the city of the Sun" (Josh. XV. 10), +Carmel of Judah, Migdol (Josh. XV. 37), Apaka or Aphekah (Josh. XV. +53), "the Springs of Khibur" or Hebron, Shabuduna, located near +Gath, by Thothmes III, and Beth-Anath, the Beth-Anoth of Joshua +(XV. 59). The discovery of these names in the records of an Egyptian +king, who reigned about 1200 B.C., raises a question of some interest +for students of the Old Testament.--<i>Academy</i>, April 2.</p> +<br> + +<p>JAFFA.--The Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund have +received through Mr. Bliss a squeeze of a long inscription stated +to have been recently discovered at a place not far from Jaffa, which +appears to contain about 250 letters in the Phœnician character.--<i>Academy</i>, +March 5.</p> +<br> + +<p>JERUSALEM.--A BYZANTINE BRACELET.--Mr. Maxwell Somerville of +Philadelphia has added to his collection a large bronze bracelet +found near Jerusalem and bearing a Greek inscription. It was communicated +to the <i>Acad. des Inscr.</i> by M. le Blant. At one end of the +inscription is a lion <i>courant</i>, at the other a serpent <i>rampant</i>. On the +left end is soldered a small round plaque on which is engraved a subject +identical with that found on some of the amulets published by +M. Schlumberger in the <i>Rev. des Études Grecques</i> (see under <i>Byzantine +Amulets</i> in Greek news of this number). A mounted warrior--whom +Mr. Schlumberger identifies as Solomon--pierces with his lance a +prostrate female figure who apparently represents the devil, a "Fra +Diavalo."--<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 23.</p> +<br> + +<p>RETHPANA-DEAD SEA.--Prof. Sayce has discovered at Medinet Habû +the Egyptian name of the Dead Sea. Between the names of Salem +and Yerdano and the Jordan comes "the lake of Rethpana." As the +Dead Sea is the only "lake" in that part of the world, the identification +of the name is certain. Rethpana could correspond with a +Canaanite Reshpôn, a derivative from Reshpu, the sun-god, who revealed +himself in flames of fire.--<i>Academy</i>, May 14.</p> +<br> +<a name="p145" id="p145"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 145</span> + + +<p>TEL-EL-HESY--LACHISH.--CUNEIFORM TABLET.--We quote from a letter +written to the Times by Mr. James Glaisher, chairman of the executive +committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund:--</p> + +<p>"The excavations commenced two years ago by Dr. Flinders Petrie +at a mound in Palestine named Tell-el-Hesy have been continued +during the last six months by Mr. F.J. Bliss, of Beirût. The Tell +has been identified by Major Conder and Dr. Flinders Petrie with the +ancient city of Lachish, an identification which is now amply confirmed.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Bliss has found among the <i>débris</i> a cuneiform tablet, together +with certain Babylonian cylinders and imitations or forgeries of those +manufactured in Egypt. A translation of the tablet has been made +by Prof. Sayce; it is as follows:--</p> + +<p>'To the Governor. [I] 0, my father, prostrate myself at thy feet. +Verily thou knowest that Baya (?) and Zimrida have received thy +orders (?) and Dan-Hadad says to Zimrida, "0, my father, the city of +Yarami sends to me, it has given me 3 <i>masar</i> and 3 ... and 3 falchions." +Let the country of the King know that I stay, and it has acted against +me, but till my death I remain. As for thy commands (?) which I +have received, I cease hostilities, and have despatched Bel(?)-banilu, +and Rabi-ilu-yi has sent his brother to this country to [strengthen +me (?)].'</p> + +<p>"The letter was written about the year 1400 B.C. It is in the same +handwriting as those in the Tell-el-Amarna collection, which were +sent to Egypt from the south of Palestine about the same time.</p> + +<p>"Now, here is a very remarkable coincidence. In the Tell-el- +Amarna collection we learn that one Zimrida was governor of Lachish, +where he was murdered by some of his own people, and the very first +cuneiform tablet discovered at Tell-el-Hesy is a letter written to this +Zimrida.</p> + +<p>"The city Yarami may be the Jarmuth of the Old Testament.</p> + +<p>"'Even more interesting,' writes Prof. Sayce, 'are the Babylonian +cylinders and their imitations. They testify to the long and deep influence +and authority of Babylon in Western Asia, and throw light on +the prehistoric art of Phœnicia and Cyprus. The cylinders of native +Babylonian manufacture belong to the period B.C. 2000-1500; the rest +are copies made in the West. One of these is of Egyptian porcelain, +and must have been manufactured in Egypt, in spite of its close imitation +of a Babylonian original. Others are identical with the cylinders +found in the prehistoric tombs of Cyprus and Syria, and so fix the +date of the latter. On one of them are two centaurs arranged heraldically, +the human faces being shaped like those of birds. European +<a name="p146" id="p146"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 146</span> +archæologists will be interested in learning that among the minor objects +are two amber beads."--<i>Academy</i>, July 9.</p> + +<p>The <i>Quarterly Statement</i> of the Palestine Exploration Fund for April +contains a detailed report of Mr. F.J. Bliss's excavations at Tell-el-Hesy, +the site of Lachish, during last winter, illustrated with several +plans and woodcuts. The most interesting objects found were a number +of bronze weapons, and fragments of pottery with markings, both +from the lowest or Amorite town. Mr. W.M. Flinders Petrie adds a +note on the weights discovered, almost all of which belong to the +Phœnician and Aeginetan systems.</p> +<br> + + + +<h3>ARMENIA.</h3> +<br> + +<p>SEALS OF KING LEO II AND LEO V.--At a meeting of the <i>Acad. des +Inscr.</i> M. Schlumberger communicated three magnificent bulls or gold +seals of Leo II, king of Lesser Armenia. These gold bulls, appended +to letters from this king to Pope Innocent III, written early in the +XIII century, are preserved in the Vatican archives, and are probably +the only examples of the king in existence. Leo II, in royal costume, +is on one side; the lion of Armenia on the other. Another royal Armenian +seal is preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale. It is that of +Leo V, the last king of the dynasty, who died, an exile, in Paris.--<i>Chron. des Arts</i>, +1892, No, 6.</p> +<br> + + + +<h3>CAUCASUS.</h3> +<br> + +<p>THE IRON AGE.--M. Ernest Ghautre has given a statement of his +ideas on the iron age in the Caucasus and elsewhere in a pamphlet +entitled, <i>Origine et Ancienneté du premier age du fer au Caucase</i>, Lyon, +1892. He says: "Necropoli of unequalled richness have been discovered +in the Great Caucasus and on several points of Transcaucasia. +These necropoli, in which inhumation appears to have been almost +exclusively used, should be divided into two large groups. The most +ancient corresponds to the Hallstatt period; the later to the Scythian +period in the East and the Gallic period in the West. The Hallstatt +type or that of the first iron age is met with especially in the most +ancient tombs of the necropolis of Kobau, in Ossethia; those of the +second iron age are to be found essentially in the necropolis of Kambylte +in Digouria and certain localities of Armenia. The first iron age +was introduced into the region of the Caucasus between the XX and +XV century B.C. by a dolichocephalic population of Mongolo-Semitic +or Semito-Kushite and not of Iranian origin. It was transformed +toward the VII century by the invasion of a brachycephalic Scythian +people of Ural-Altaic origin.</p> +<br> +<a name="p147" id="p147"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 147</span> + + +<p>ANI.--The Russians are excavating at Ani, in Turkish Armenia, the +ancient capital. They have found some ecclesiastical and other antiquities.--<i>Athenæum</i>, +Sept. 3.</p> +<br> + + + +<h3>ASIA MINOR.</h3> +<br> + +<p>PRIVATE GREEK COINAGE BY REFUGEES.--The Persian kings accorded +to certain illustrious Greeks who had sought refuge in Asia Minor on +Persian territory the right to coin money. To this they joined the +privileges inherent in the title of hereditary despot which was granted +to them. The principal coinages are those of Themistokles at Magnesia, +of Georgion at Gambrium, and of Euripthenes at Pergamon. M. Babelon +read a memoir on the subject before the <i>Soc. des Antiquaires</i>, +giving genealogical details regarding those families of exiles.--<i>Chron. +des Arts</i>, 1892, No. 16.</p> +<br> + + +<p>COMPARISON OF HITTITE AND MYCENÆAN SCULPTURES.--M. Heuzey +has read before the <i>Acad. des Inscr.</i> (Oct. 14) a comparative study +on an engraved gold ring found at Mycenæ and a relief in the Louvre +which belongs to the series of Hittite reliefs and was found at Kharpout, +in the Upper Euphrates region on the frontier of Armenia and +Cappadocia. The relief is surmounted by two lines of ideographic +inscription. The subject on both is a stag-hunt; the stag is hunted in +a chariot, as was always done before the horse was used for riding, that +is before the VIII century B.C. The relief is a rustic variant of the +Assyrian style; certain details prove it to belong to the IX century. +The stag is of the variety called <i>hamour</i> by the Arabs, characterized +by horns palm-shaped at their extremities. On the ring the attitudes +are far more lively and bold, but the identity of the subject is none +the less striking.--<i>Revue Critique</i>, 1892, No. 43.</p> +<br> + +<p>HITTITE INSCRIPTION.--M. Menant has communicated to the <i>Acad. +des Inscr.</i> (Aug. 7, 1891,) a new Hittite inscription, noted during the +preceding summer, in the pass of Bulgar-Maden, in Asia Minor. It is +in perfect preservation and of unusual length, and is therefore of great +value for the study of the Hittite language. M. Menant sees at the +beginning the genealogy and titles of a prince, some other of whose +inscriptions have already been found; then an invocation to the patron +divinities of his kingdom; then the main body of the inscription, +which will doubtless be the most difficult to decipher; and at the +close a re-enumeration of the divinities already invoked.--<i>Revue +Critique</i>, 1891, No. 35-6.</p> +<br> + +<p>THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS.--Prof. Sayce +writes: "I have, I believe, at last succeeded in breaking through the +<a name="p148" id="p148"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 148</span> +blank wall of the Hittite decipherment. Twelve years ago, with the +help of the bilingual text of Tarkondêmos, I advanced a little way, +but want of material prevented me from going further. At length, +however, the want has been supplied, and new materials have come to +hand, chiefly through the discoveries of Messrs. Ramsay, Hogarth, +and Headlam in Asia Minor. The conclusions to be derived from the +latter are stated in an article of mine which has just been published +in the last number of the <i>Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philogie et à +l'Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes</i>. Since that article was written, I +have once more gone through the Hittite texts in the light of our +newly-acquired facts, and have, I believe, succeeded in making out +the larger part of them.</p> + +<p>As in the languages of Van, of Mitanni, and of Arzana, the Hittite +noun possessed a nominative in <i>-s</i>, an accusative in <i>-n</i>, and an oblique +case which terminated in a vowel, while the adjective followed the +substantive, the same suffixes being attached to it as to the substantive +with which it agreed. The character which I first conjectured to have +the value of <i>se</i>, and afterwards of <i>me</i>, really has the value of <i>ne</i>.</p> + +<p>The inscriptions of Hamath, like the first and third inscriptions of +Jerablûs, are records of buildings, the second inscription of Jerablûs +is little more than a list of royal or rather high-priestly titles, in which +the king "of Eri and Khata" is called "the beloved of the god (Sutekh), +the mighty, who is under the protection of the god Sarus, the regent +of the earth, and the divine Nine; to whom the god (Sutekh) has +given the people of Hittites... the powerful (prince), the prophet of +the Nine great gods, beloved of the Nine and of ..., son of the god." +The first inscription of Jerablûs states that "the high priest and his +god have erected "images" to Sarus- * -erwes and his son." Who the +latter were is not mentioned, nor is the name of the son given. Those +who have read what I have written formerly on the Hittite inscriptions +will notice that I was wrong in supposing that Sarus- * -erwes +and his father were the father and grandfather of the Carchemish +king to whom the monument belongs.-<i>Academy</i>, May 21, 1892.</p> + +<p>One of the most curious facts that result from my decipherment of +the texts--supposing it to be correct--is the close similarity that +exists between the titles assumed by the Hittite princes and those of +the Egyptian Pharaohs of the XVIII and XIX dynasties. The fact has +an important bearing on which the monuments of Hamath and Carchemish +must be assigned. The similarity extends beyond the titles, the +Hittite system of writing presenting in many respects a startling parallelism +to that of the Egyptian hieroglyphs. Thus, "word" or +"order" is denoted by a head, a phonetic character, and the ideograph +<a name="p149" id="p149"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 149</span> +of "speaking," the whole being a fairly exact counterpart of the Egyptian +<i>tep-ro</i>, an "oral communication." It would seem as if the inventer +of the Hittite hieroglyphs had seen those of Egypt, just as +Doalu, the inventor of the Sei syllabary, is known to have seen +European writing. This likeness between the graphic systems of the +Hittites and Egyptians has been a surprise to me, since I had hitherto +believed that, as the Hittite hieroglyphs are so purely native in origin, +the graphic system to which they belong must also be purely native.--<i>Academy</i>, +May 21.</p> +<br> + + +<p>ARAMΕΑΝ COINS OF CAPPADOCIA.--M. Six, enumerating all the coins +bearing the names of Datames, mentions only those of the ordinary +type of Sinope, with a Greek inscription. M. Babelon finds coins of +Datames in Cilicia as well, and reads this name in the Aramean inscriptions +which M. Six interprets <i>Tarcamos</i>. The name of Datames +is historic, but the reading of M. Six has not come down to us. The +coins in question bear a striking likeness to those of Pharnabazus, +their types being identical. We know that Datames succeeded Pharnabazus +in the command of the Persian armies, their coins then must +have been struck under the same circumstances and in the same mints, +that is, in the ports of Cilicia where preparations were made for the +expedition against Egypt. Later, Datames was charged with subduing +the rebellious Sinope, here we have an explanation of the coins +of Sinopean type bearing the name of Datames. Why may not this +man be the same whom Diodorus designates satrap of Cappadocia?</p> + +<p>2. There are two similar drachmas, one in possession of the Cabinet +des Medailles, the other in the Waddington collection; they are Cappadocian +coins of the type of Sinope, like those of Datames. The +Aramean inscription on the back of these coins has been given a +variety of interpretations which appear to be equally possible. M. +Babelon, after careful study, fixes upon <i>Abrocomou</i>, the only reading +in which we can recognize an historic personage. Abrocomas was one +of the principal lieutenants of Artaxerxes II and was a colleague of +Pharnabazus in the Egyptian campaign. If we accept this reading of +the drachma's inscription we must infer that Abrocomas became +satrap of Cappadocia, he was in all probability successor to Datames, +his coins plainly of later date; their weight and their style show that +they belong to the older coinage of Sinope and they are no less certainly +anterior to those of Arianthes, which they somewhat resemble. + +<p>3. Arianthes must have been the immediate successor of Abrocomas, +the identity of style, of types and of material in these coins point to +this conclusion. M. Six places two governors of Cappadocia between +Datames and Arianthes, whose names he finds on certain coins. M. +<a name="p150" id="p150"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 150</span> +Babelon shows that the drachma which bears one of these names, is a +manifest imitation of the drachmas of Datames; he also points out +that the inscription itself is plainly an alteration of the Aramean name +of Datames. The other name he proves to be a deformation of <i>Abrocomas</i> +and states his belief that neither of these supposed governors of +Cappadocia ever existed and cites other instances of the imitation of +coins and the alteration of inscriptions.--<i>Revue Numismatique</i>, III S. +tom. 10. II trim., 1892, p. 168.</p> +<br> + +<p>HITTITE LETTER OF DUSRATTA.--Among the 300 letters from Tell-el-Amarna +is one written to Amenophis III by Dusratta, king of Mitani, +the region immediately east of the Euphrates. The letter which was +written on both sides of a clay tablet in cuneiform characters begins +with an introduction of seven lines in Assyrian, but the remaining +605 lines are in the native language of Dusratta.</p> + +<p>The content refers to an embassy sent from Egypt to ask for the hand +of his daughter and to recognition of his conquests in Phœnicia. The +most important parts are those relating to his religion and to the affairs +of state. We find that the religion of the Hittites, Armenians and +Akkadians was probably the same as well as their language, which +was more nearly akin to pure Turkish than to any other branch of +Mongol speech. Dusratta was a Minyan and his power seems to have +been the chief in Armenia at this time.</p> + +<p>From the letter we find that Dusratta was to receive a large portion +of Phoenicia and Northern Syria, which he was to rule as a tributary +of Amenophis III. +</p> +<p>The latter part of the letter refers to the marriage of Yadukhepa, +daughter of Dusratta, to the heir of Egypt, with assurances of increased +renewal of friendship between the kingdoms.</p> + +<p>The letter is especially important because we may obtain from it, in +connection with the letter of Laskondam, also written in Hittite, many +of the forms of the Hittite language, its grammar and vocabulary of +400 words.</p> + +<p>By these it is shown to be clearly a Mongol language, closely related +with the Akkadian, though somewhat later.--<i>Biblia</i>, Sept., 1892.</p> +<br> + +<p>ANGORA.--At a meeting of the <i>Acad. des Inscr</i>. M.J. Menant exhibited +the rubbing of a Hittite bas-relief found at Angora, which is +now at Constantinople. It shows two personages, with an inscription +in Hittite characters by the side of each. One of them is the god +Sandu, to whom a king (with a name not yet deciphered) is making +an offering.</p> +<br> +<a name="p151" id="p151"></a><span class="pagenum">Page 151</span> + +<p>APAMΕΙΑ.--CHRISTIAN CHURCH.--Mr. G. Weber has published a study +of the early Christian church of Apameia (<i>Une église antique à Dinair</i>) +which he considers to be the earliest of which any remains exist in +Asia; he regards it as having been built under Constantine,--<i>Revue +Arch.</i>, 1892, 1, p. 131.</p> +<br> + +<p>KARIA.--TEMPLE NEAR STRATONIKEIA--A large temple of Hecate was +found last year in Caria, near the ancient Stratonikeia (Eski Hissar). +Hamdi Bey, the director of the museum at Constantinople, has been +carrying on excavations. He has secured about 160 ft. of the sculptured +frieze complete, and has repaired the road to the coast ready for its +shipment. A member of the <i>École Française</i> has been invited by him +to assist him, and the results will be published by the School.--<i>Athenæum</i>, Oct. 1.</p> +<br> + +<p>SEBASTOPOLIS.--M. Leon, the French vice-consul at Siwas, has communicated +to the <i>Acad. des Inscr.</i> the discovery of a series of Greek +inscriptions copied by him, which have enabled him to fix with certainty +the site of the ancient city of Sebastopolis. They also furnish +important information regarding its constitution.--<i>Athenæum</i>, Feb. 27.</p> + + +<p>A.L. FROTHINGHAM, Jr.</p> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Journal of Archaeology, +1893-1, by Various + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ARCHAEOLOGY *** + +***** This file should be named 20153-h.htm or 20153-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/0/1/5/20153/ + +Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Rénald Lévesque and the +Online Distributed Proofreaders Europe at +http://dp.rastko.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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