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+Project Gutenberg's The Measurement of Intelligence, by Lewis Madison Terman
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Measurement of Intelligence
+ An Explanation of and a Complete Guide for the Use of the
+ Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon
+ Intelligence Scale
+
+Author: Lewis Madison Terman
+
+Editor: Ellwood P. Cubberley
+
+Release Date: February 25, 2007 [EBook #20662]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MEASUREMENT OF INTELLIGENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Audrey Longhurst, Laura Wisewell and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ RIVERSIDE TEXTBOOKS
+ IN EDUCATION
+
+
+ EDITED BY ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY
+
+ PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
+ LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY
+
+
+ DIVISION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION
+ UNDER THE EDITORIAL DIRECTION
+ OF ALEXANDER INGLIS
+
+ PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
+ HARVARD UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+
+ THE MEASUREMENT
+ OF INTELLIGENCE
+
+
+ AN EXPLANATION OF AND A
+ COMPLETE GUIDE FOR THE USE OF THE
+ STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION OF
+ _The Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale_
+
+ BY
+
+ LEWIS M. TERMAN
+ PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
+ LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY
+
+ [Illustration]
+
+ HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+ BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO
+ The Riverside Press Cambridge
+
+
+
+
+ COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY LEWIS M. TERMAN
+
+ ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
+
+
+
+ The Riverside Press
+ CAMBRIDGE · MASSACHUSETTS
+ PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
+
+
+
+
+ To the Memory
+ OF
+ ALFRED BINET
+
+ PATIENT RESEARCHER, CREATIVE THINKER, UNPRETENTIOUS SCHOLAR;
+ INSPIRING AND FRUITFUL DEVOTEE
+ OF
+ INDUCTIVE AND DYNAMIC
+ PSYCHOLOGY
+
+
+
+
+EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION
+
+
+The present volume appeals to the editor of this series as one of the
+most significant books, viewed from the standpoint of the future of our
+educational theory and practice, that has been issued in years. Not only
+does the volume set forth, in language so simple that the layman can
+easily understand, the large importance for public education of a
+careful measurement of the intelligence of children, but it also
+describes the tests which are to be given and the entire procedure of
+giving them. In a clear and easy style the author sets forth scientific
+facts of far-reaching educational importance, facts which it has cost
+him, his students, and many other scientific workers, years of
+painstaking labor to accumulate.
+
+Only very recently, practically only within the past half-dozen years,
+have scientific workers begun to appreciate fully the importance of
+intelligence tests as a guide to educational procedure, and up to the
+present we have been able to make but little use of such tests in our
+schools. The conception in itself has been new, and the testing
+procedure has been more or less unrefined and technical. The following
+somewhat popular presentation of the idea and of the methods involved,
+itself based on a scientific monograph which the author is publishing
+elsewhere, serves for the first time to set forth in simple language the
+technical details of giving such intelligence tests.
+
+The educational significance of the results to be obtained from
+careful measurements of the intelligence of children can hardly be
+overestimated. Questions relating to the choice of studies, vocational
+guidance, schoolroom procedure, the grading of pupils, promotional
+schemes, the study of the retardation of children in the schools,
+juvenile delinquency, and the proper handling of subnormals on the
+one hand and gifted children on the other,--all alike acquire new
+meaning and significance when viewed in the light of the measurement
+of intelligence as outlined in this volume. As a guide to the
+interpretation of the results of other forms of investigation relating
+to the work, progress, and needs of children, intelligence tests form a
+very valuable aid. More than all other forms of data combined, such
+tests give the necessary information from which a pupil's possibilities
+of future mental growth can be foretold, and upon which his further
+education can be most profitably directed.
+
+The publication of this revision and extension of the original
+Binet-Simon scale for measuring intelligence, with the closer adaptation
+of it to American conditions and needs, should mark a distinct step in
+advance in our educational procedure. It means the perfection of another
+and a very important measuring stick for evaluating educational
+practices, and in particular for diagnosing individual possibilities and
+needs. Just now the method is new, and its use somewhat limited, but it
+is the confident prediction of many students of the subject that, before
+long, intelligence tests will become as much a matter of necessary
+routine in schoolroom procedure as a blood-count now is in physical
+diagnosis. That our schoolroom methods will in turn become much more
+intelligent, and that all classes of children, but especially the gifted
+and the slow, will profit by such intellectual diagnosis, there can be
+but little question.
+
+That any parent or teacher, without training, can give these tests, the
+author in no way contends. However, the observations of Dr. Kohs, cited
+in Chapter VII, as well as the experience of the author and others who
+have given courses in intelligence testing to teachers, alike indicate
+that sufficient skill to enable teachers and school principals to give
+such tests intelligently is not especially difficult to acquire. This
+being the case it may be hoped that the requisite training to enable
+them to handle these tests may be included, very soon, as a part of the
+necessary pedagogical equipment of those who aspire to administrative
+positions in our public and private schools.
+
+Besides being of special importance to school officers and to students
+of education in colleges and normal schools, this volume can confidently
+be recommended to physicians and social workers, and to teachers and
+parents interested in intelligence measurements, as at once the simplest
+and the best explanation of the newly-evolved intelligence tests, which
+has so far appeared in print.
+
+ ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The constant and growing use of the Binet-Simon intelligence scale in
+public schools, institutions for defectives, reform schools, juvenile
+courts, and police courts is sufficient evidence of the intrinsic
+worth of the method. It is generally recognized, however, that the
+serviceableness of the scale has hitherto been seriously limited, both
+by the lack of a sufficiently detailed guide and by a number of
+recognized imperfections in the scale itself. The Stanford revision and
+extension has been worked out for the purpose of correcting as many as
+possible of these imperfections, and it is here presented with a rather
+minute description of the method as a whole and of the individual tests.
+
+The aim has been to present the explanations and instructions so clearly
+and in such an untechnical form as to make the book of use, not only to
+the psychologist, but also to the rank and file of teachers, physicians,
+and social workers. More particularly, it is designed as a text for use
+in normal schools, colleges, and teachers' reading-circles.
+
+While the use of the intelligence scale for research purposes and for
+accurate diagnosis will of necessity always be restricted to those who
+have had extensive training in experimental psychology, the author
+believes that the time has come when its wider use for more general
+purposes should be encouraged.
+
+However, it cannot be too strongly emphasized that no one, whatever his
+previous training may have been, can make proper use of the scale unless
+he is willing to learn the method of procedure and scoring down to the
+minutest detail. A general acquaintance with the nature of the
+individual tests is by no means sufficient.
+
+Perhaps the best way to learn the method will be to begin by studying
+the book through, in order to gain a general acquaintance with the
+tests; then, if possible, to observe a few examinations; and finally to
+take up the procedure for detailed study in connection with practice
+testing. Twenty or thirty tests, made with constant reference to the
+procedure as described in Part II, should be sufficient to prepare the
+teacher or physician to make profitable use of the scale.
+
+The Stanford revision of the scale is the result of a number of
+investigations, made possible by the coöperation of the author's
+graduate students. Grateful acknowledgment is especially due to
+Professor H. G. Childs, Miss Grace Lyman, Dr. George Ordahl, Dr. Louise
+Ellison Ordahl, Miss Neva Galbreath, Mr. Wilford Talbert, Mr. J. Harold
+Williams, and Mr. Herbert E. Knollin. Without their assistance this book
+could not have been written.
+
+ STANFORD UNIVERSITY,
+ _April, 1916_.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+PART I. PROBLEMS AND RESULTS
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE USES OF INTELLIGENCE TESTS 3
+
+ Intelligence tests of retarded school children. Intelligence
+ tests of the feeble-minded. Intelligence tests of delinquents.
+ Intelligence tests of superior children. Intelligence tests as a
+ basis for grading. Intelligence tests for vocational fitness.
+ Other uses of intelligence tests.
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+SOURCES OF ERROR IN JUDGING INTELLIGENCE 22
+
+ Are intelligence tests superfluous? The necessity of standards.
+ The intelligence of retarded children usually overestimated. The
+ intelligence of superior children usually underestimated. Other
+ fallacies in the estimation of intelligence. Binet's
+ questionnaire on teachers' methods of judging intelligence.
+ Binet's experiment on how teachers test intelligence.
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+DESCRIPTION OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD 36
+
+ Essential nature of the scale. How the scale was derived. List of
+ tests. How the scale is used. Special characteristics of the
+ Binet-Simon method. The use of age standards. The kind of mental
+ functions brought into play. Binet would test "general
+ intelligence." Binet's conception of general intelligence. Other
+ conceptions of intelligence. Guiding principles in choice and
+ arrangement of tests. Some avowed limitations of the Binet tests.
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+NATURE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION 51
+
+ Sources of data. Method of arriving at a revision. List of tests
+ in the Stanford revision and extension. Summary of changes.
+ Effects of the revision on the mental ages secured.
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+ANALYSIS OF ONE THOUSAND INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS 65
+
+ The distribution of intelligence. The validity of the
+ intelligence quotient. Sex differences. Intelligence of the
+ different social classes. The relation of the I Q to the quality
+ of the child's school work. The relation between I Q and grade
+ progress. Correlation between I Q and the teachers' estimates of
+ the children's intelligence. The validity of the individual
+ tests.
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE SIGNIFICANCE OF VARIOUS INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS 78
+
+ Frequency of different degrees of intelligence. Classification of
+ intelligence quotients. Feeble-mindedness. Border-line cases.
+ Examples of border-line deficiency. Dull normals. Average
+ intelligence. Superior intelligence. Very superior intelligence.
+ Examples of very superior intelligence. Genius and "near" genius.
+ Is the I Q often misleading?
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+RELIABILITY OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD 105
+
+ General value of the method. Dependence of the scale's
+ reliability on the training of the examiner. Influence of the
+ subject's attitude. The influence of coaching. Reliability of
+ repeated tests. Influence of social and educational advantages.
+
+
+PART II
+
+GUIDE FOR THE USE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS 121
+
+ Necessity of securing attention and effort. Quiet and seclusion.
+ Presence of others. Getting into _rapport_. Keeping the child
+ encouraged. The importance of tact. Personality of the examiner.
+ The avoidance of fatigue. Duration of the examination. Desirable
+ range of testing. Order of giving the tests. Coaxing to be
+ avoided. Adhering to formula. Scoring. Recording responses.
+ Scattering of successes. Supplementary considerations.
+ Alternative tests. Finding mental age. The use of the
+ intelligence quotient. How to find the I Q of adult subjects.
+ Material for use in testing.
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR III
+
+ 1. Pointing to parts of the body 142
+ 2. Naming familiar objects 143
+ 3. Enumeration of objects in pictures 145
+ 4. Giving sex 146
+ 5. Giving the family name 147
+ 6. Repeating six to seven syllables 149
+ Alternative test: Repeating three digits 150
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IV
+
+ 1. Comparison of lines 151
+ 2. Discrimination of forms 152
+ 3. Counting four pennies 154
+ 4. Copying a square 155
+ 5. Comprehension, first degree 157
+ 6. Repeating four digits 159
+ Alternative test: Repeating twelve to thirteen syllables 160
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR V
+
+ 1. Comparison of weights 161
+ 2. Naming colors 163
+ 3. Æsthetic comparison 165
+ 4. Giving definitions in terms of use 167
+ 5. The game of patience 169
+ 6. Three commissions 172
+ Alternative test: Giving age 173
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VI
+
+ 1. Distinguishing right and left 175
+ 2. Finding omissions in pictures 178
+ 3. Counting thirteen pennies 180
+ 4. Comprehension, second degree 181
+ 5. Naming four coins 184
+ 6. Repeating sixteen to eighteen syllables 185
+ Alternative test: Forenoon and afternoon 187
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VII
+
+ 1. Giving the number of fingers 189
+ 2. Description of pictures 190
+ 3. Repeating five digits 193
+ 4. Tying a bow-knot 196
+ 5. Giving differences from memory 199
+ 6. Copying a diamond 204
+ Alternative test 1: Naming the days of the week 205
+ Alternative test 2: Repeating three digits reversed 207
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VIII
+
+ 1. The ball-and-field test 210
+ 2. Counting backwards from 20 to 1 213
+ 3. Comprehension, third degree 215
+ 4. Giving similarities, two things 217
+ 5. Giving definitions superior to use 221
+ 6. Vocabulary (20 definitions, 3600 words) 224
+ Alternative test 1: Naming six coins 231
+ Alternative test 2: Writing from dictation 231
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IX
+
+ 1. Giving the date 234
+ 2. Arranging five weights 236
+ 3. Making change 240
+ 4. Repeating four digits reversed 242
+ 5. Using three words in a sentence 242
+ 6. Finding rhymes 248
+ Alternative test 1: Naming the months 251
+ Alternative test 2: Counting the value of stamps 252
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR X
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (30 definitions, 5400 words) 255
+ 2. Detecting absurdities 255
+ 3. Drawing designs from memory 260
+ 4. Reading for eight memories 262
+ 5. Comprehension, fourth degree 268
+ 6. Naming sixty words 272
+ Alternative test 1: Repeating six digits 277
+ Alternative test 2: Repeating twenty to twenty-two syllables 277
+ Alternative test 3: Healy's Construction Puzzle A 278
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XII
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (40 definitions, 7200 words) 281
+ 2. Defining abstract words 281
+ 3. The ball-and-field test (superior plan) 286
+ 4. Dissected sentences 286
+ 5. Interpretation of fables (score 4) 290
+ 6. Repeating five digits reversed 301
+ 7. Interpretation of pictures 302
+ 8. Giving similarities, three things 306
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XIV
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (50 definitions, 9000 words) 310
+ 2. Induction test: finding a rule 310
+ 3. Giving differences between a president and a king 313
+ 4. Problem questions 315
+ 5. Arithmetical reasoning 319
+ 6. Reversing hands of a clock 321
+ Alternative test: Repeating seven digits 322
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "AVERAGE ADULT"
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (65 definitions, 11,700 words) 324
+ 2. Interpretation of fables (score 8) 324
+ 3. Differences between abstract terms 324
+ 4. Problem of the enclosed boxes 327
+ 5. Repeating six digits reversed 329
+ 6. Using a code 330
+ Alternative test 1: Repeating twenty-eight syllables 332
+ Alternative test 2: Comprehension of physical relations 333
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "SUPERIOR ADULT"
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (75 definitions, 13,500 words) 338
+ 2. Binet's paper-cutting test 338
+ 3. Repeating eight digits 340
+ 4. Repeating thought of passage 340
+ 5. Repeating seven digits reversed 345
+ 6. Ingenuity test 345
+
+SELECTED REFERENCES 349
+
+INDEX 359
+
+
+
+
+FIGURES AND DIAGRAMS
+
+
+ 1. Distribution of Mental Ages of 62 Normal Adults 55
+ 2. Distribution of I Q's of 905 Unselected Children, 5-14 Years
+ of Age 66
+ 3. Median I Q of 457 Boys and 448 Girls, for the Ages 5-14 Years 69
+ 4. Diamond drawn by R. W.; Age 13-10; Mental Age 7-6 82
+ 5. Writing from Dictation. R. M., Age 15; Mental Age 9 83
+ 6. Ball and Field Test. I. M., Age 14-2; Mental Age 9 84
+ 7. Diamond drawn by A. W. 85
+ 8. Drawing Designs from Memory. H. S., Age 11; Mental Age 8-3 86
+ 9. Ball and Field Test. S. F., Age 17; Mental Age 11-6 88
+ 10. Writing from Dictation. C. P., Age 10-2; Mental Age 7-11 90
+ 11. Ball and Field Test. M. P., Age 14; Mental Age 10-8 91
+ 12. Ball and Field Test. R. G., Age 13-5; Mental Age 10-6 93
+ 13. Ball and Field Test. E. B., Age 7-9; I Q 130 98
+ 14. Ball and Field Test. F. McA., Age 10-3; Mental Age 14-6 100
+ 15. Drawing Designs from Memory. E. M., Age 6-11; Mental Age 10,
+ I Q 145 101
+ 16. Ball and Field Test. B. F., Age 7-8; Mental Age 12-4; I Q 160 102
+ 17. Healy and Fernald Construction Puzzle 279
+
+
+
+
+THE MEASUREMENT OF INTELLIGENCE
+
+PART I
+
+PROBLEMS AND RESULTS
+
+
+
+
+THE MEASUREMENT OF INTELLIGENCE
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE USES OF INTELLIGENCE TESTS
+
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF RETARDED SCHOOL CHILDREN. Numerous studies of the
+age-grade progress of school children have afforded convincing evidence
+of the magnitude and seriousness of the retardation problem. Statistics
+collected in hundreds of cities in the United States show that between a
+third and a half of the school children fail to progress through the
+grades at the expected rate; that from 10 to 15 per cent are retarded
+two years or more; and that from 5 to 8 per cent are retarded at least
+three years. More than 10 per cent of the $400,000,000 annually expended
+in the United States for school instruction is devoted to re-teaching
+children what they have already been taught but have failed to learn.
+
+The first efforts at reform which resulted from these findings were
+based on the supposition that the evils which had been discovered could
+be remedied by the individualizing of instruction, by improved methods
+of promotion, by increased attention to children's health, and by other
+reforms in school administration. Although reforms along these lines
+have been productive of much good, they have nevertheless been in a
+measure disappointing. The trouble was, they were too often based upon
+the assumption that under the right conditions all children would be
+equally, or almost equally, capable of making satisfactory school
+progress. Psychological studies of school children by means of
+standardized intelligence tests have shown that this supposition is not
+in accord with the facts. It has been found that children do not fall
+into two well-defined groups, the "feeble-minded" and the "normal."
+Instead, there are many grades of intelligence, ranging from idiocy on
+the one hand to genius on the other. Among those classed as normal, vast
+individual differences have been found to exist in original mental
+endowment, differences which affect profoundly the capacity to profit
+from school instruction.
+
+We are beginning to realize that the school must take into account, more
+seriously than it has yet done, the existence and significance of these
+differences in endowment. Instead of wasting energy in the vain attempt
+to hold mentally slow and defective children up to a level of progress
+which is normal to the average child, it will be wiser to take account of
+the inequalities of children in original endowment and to differentiate
+the course of study in such a way that each child will be allowed to
+progress at the rate which is normal to him, whether that rate be rapid
+or slow.
+
+While we cannot hold all children to the same standard of school
+progress, we can at least prevent the kind of retardation which involves
+failure and the repetition of a school grade. It is well enough
+recognized that children do not enter with very much zest upon school
+work in which they have once failed. Failure crushes self-confidence and
+destroys the spirit of work. It is a sad fact that a large proportion of
+children in the schools are acquiring the habit of failure. The remedy,
+of course, is to measure out the work for each child in proportion to
+his mental ability.
+
+Before an engineer constructs a railroad bridge or trestle, he studies
+the materials to be used, and learns by means of tests exactly the
+amount of strain per unit of size his materials will be able to
+withstand. He does not work empirically, and count upon patching up the
+mistakes which may later appear under the stress of actual use. The
+educational engineer should emulate this example. Tests and forethought
+must take the place of failure and patchwork. Our efforts have been too
+long directed by "trial and error." It is time to leave off guessing and
+to acquire a scientific knowledge of the material with which we have to
+deal. When instruction must be repeated, it means that the school, as
+well as the pupil, has failed.
+
+Every child who fails in his school work or is in danger of failing
+should be given a mental examination. The examination takes less than
+one hour, and the result will contribute more to a real understanding of
+the case than anything else that could be done. It is necessary to
+determine whether a given child is unsuccessful in school because of
+poor native ability, or because of poor instruction, lack of interest,
+or some other removable cause.
+
+It is not sufficient to establish any number of special classes, if they
+are to be made the dumping-ground for all kinds of troublesome
+cases--the feeble-minded, the physically defective, the merely backward,
+the truants, the incorrigibles, etc. Without scientific diagnosis and
+classification of these children the educational work of the special
+class must blunder along in the dark. In such diagnosis and
+classification our main reliance must always be in mental tests,
+properly used and properly interpreted.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED. Thus far intelligence tests
+have found their chief application in the identification and grading of
+the feeble-minded. Their value for this purpose is twofold. In the first
+place, it is necessary to ascertain the degree of defect before it is
+possible to decide intelligently upon either the content or the method
+of instruction suited to the training of the backward child. In the
+second place, intelligence tests are rapidly extending our conception of
+"feeble-mindedness" to include milder degrees of defect than have
+generally been associated with this term. The earlier methods of
+diagnosis caused a majority of the higher grade defectives to be
+overlooked. Previous to the development of psychological methods the
+low-grade moron was about as high a type of defective as most physicians
+or even psychologists were able to identify as feeble-minded.
+
+Wherever intelligence tests have been made in any considerable number in
+the schools, they have shown that not far from 2 per cent of the
+children enrolled have a grade of intelligence which, however long they
+live, will never develop beyond the level which is normal to the average
+child of 11 or 12 years. The large majority of these belong to the moron
+grade; that is, their mental development will stop somewhere between the
+7-year and 12-year level of intelligence, more often between 9 and 12.
+
+The more we learn about such children, the clearer it becomes that they
+must be looked upon as real defectives. They may be able to drag
+along to the fourth, fifth, or sixth grades, but even by the age of
+16 or 18 years they are never able to cope successfully with the more
+abstract and difficult parts of the common-school course of study. They
+may master a certain amount of rote learning, such as that involved in
+reading and in the manipulation of number combinations but they cannot
+be taught to meet new conditions effectively or to think, reason, and
+judge as normal persons do.
+
+It is safe to predict that in the near future intelligence tests will
+bring tens of thousands of these high-grade defectives under the
+surveillance and protection of society. This will ultimately result in
+curtailing the reproduction of feeble-mindedness and in the elimination
+of an enormous amount of crime, pauperism, and industrial inefficiency.
+It is hardly necessary to emphasize that the high-grade cases, of the
+type now so frequently overlooked, are precisely the ones whose
+guardianship it is most important for the State to assume.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF DELINQUENTS. One of the most important facts
+brought to light by the use of intelligence tests is the frequent
+association of delinquency and mental deficiency. Although it has long
+been recognized that the proportion of feeble-mindedness among
+offenders is rather large, the real amount has, until recently, been
+underestimated even by the most competent students of criminology.
+
+The criminologists have been accustomed to give more attention to the
+physical than to the mental correlates of crime. Thus, Lombroso and
+his followers subjected thousands of criminals to observation and
+measurement with regard to such physical traits as size and shape of the
+skull, bilateral asymmetries, anomalies of the ear, eye, nose, palate,
+teeth, hands, fingers, hair, dermal sensitivity, etc. The search was for
+physical "stigmata" characteristic of the "criminal type."
+
+Although such studies performed an important service in creating a
+scientific interest in criminology, the theories of Lombroso have been
+wholly discredited by the results of intelligence tests. Such tests have
+demonstrated, beyond any possibility of doubt, that the most important
+trait of at least 25 per cent of our criminals is mental weakness. The
+physical abnormalities which have been found so common among prisoners
+are not the stigmata of criminality, but the physical accompaniments of
+feeble-mindedness. They have no diagnostic significance except in so far
+as they are indications of mental deficiency. Without exception, every
+study which has been made of the intelligence level of delinquents has
+furnished convincing testimony as to the close relation existing between
+mental weakness and moral abnormality. Some of these findings are as
+follows:--
+
+ Miss Renz tested 100 girls of the Ohio State Reformatory and
+ reported 36 per cent as certainly feeble-minded. In every one of
+ these cases the commitment papers had given the pronouncement
+ "intellect sound."
+
+ Under the direction of Dr. Goddard the Binet tests were given to
+ 100 juvenile court cases, chosen at random, in Newark, New
+ Jersey. Nearly half were classified as feeble-minded. One boy
+ 17 years old had 9-year intelligence; another of 15½ had
+ 8-year intelligence.
+
+ Of 56 delinquent girls 14 to 20 years of age tested by Hill and
+ Goddard, almost half belonged either to the 9- or the 10-year
+ level of intelligence.
+
+ Dr. G. G. Fernald's tests of 100 prisoners at the Massachusetts
+ State Reformatory showed that at least 25 per cent were
+ feeble-minded.
+
+ Of 1186 girls tested by Miss Dewson at the State Industrial
+ School for Girls at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 28 per cent were
+ found to have subnormal intelligence.
+
+ Dr. Katherine Bement Davis's report on 1000 cases entered in the
+ Bedford Home for Women, New York, stated that there was no doubt
+ but that at least 157 were feeble-minded. Recently there has
+ been established at this institution one of the most important
+ research laboratories of the kind in the United States, with a
+ trained psychologist, Dr. Mabel Fernald, in charge.
+
+ Of 564 prostitutes investigated by Dr. Anna Dwyer in connection
+ with the Municipal Court of Chicago, only 3 per cent had gone
+ beyond the fifth grade in school. Mental tests were not made,
+ but from the data given it is reasonably certain that half or
+ more were feeble-minded.
+
+ Tests, by Dr. George Ordahl and Dr. Louise Ellison Ordahl, of
+ cases in the Geneva School for Girls, Geneva, Illinois, showed
+ that, on a conservative basis of classification, at least
+ 18 per cent were feeble-minded. At the Joliet Prison, Illinois,
+ the same authors found 50 per cent of the female prisoners
+ feeble-minded, and 26 per cent of the male prisoners. At the St.
+ Charles School for Boys 26 per cent were feeble-minded.
+
+ Tests, by Dr. J. Harold Williams, of 150 delinquents in the
+ Whittier State School for Boys, Whittier, California, gave
+ 28 per cent feeble-minded and 25 per cent at or near the
+ border-line. About 300 other juvenile delinquents tested by
+ Mr. Williams gave approximately the same figures. As a result of
+ these findings a research laboratory has been established at the
+ Whittier School, with Dr. Williams in charge. In the girls'
+ division of the Whittier School, Dr. Grace Fernald collected a
+ large amount of psychological data on more than 100 delinquent
+ girls. The findings of this investigation agree closely with
+ those of Dr. Williams for the boys.
+
+ At the State Reformatory, Jeffersonville, Indiana, Dr. von
+ Klein-Schmid, in an unusually thorough psychological study of
+ 1000 young adult prisoners, finds the proportion of
+ feeble-mindedness not far from 50 per cent.
+
+But it is needless to multiply statistics. Those given are but samples.
+Tests are at present being made in most of the progressive prisons,
+reform schools, and juvenile courts throughout the country, and while
+there are minor discrepancies in regard to the actual percentage who are
+feeble-minded, there is no investigator who denies the fearful rôle
+played by mental deficiency in the production of vice, crime, and
+delinquency.[1]
+
+[1] See References at end of volume.
+
+Heredity studies of "degenerate" families have confirmed, in a striking
+way, the testimony secured by intelligence tests. Among the best known
+of such families are the "Kallikaks," the "Jukes," the "Hill Folk," the
+"Nams," the "Zeros," and the "Ishmaelites."
+
+ _The Kallikak family._ Martin Kallikak was a youthful soldier in
+ the Revolutionary War. At a tavern frequented by the militia he
+ met a feeble-minded girl, by whom he became the father of a
+ feeble-minded son. In 1912 there were 480 known direct
+ descendants of this temporary union. It is known that 36 of
+ these were illegitimates, that 33 were sexually immoral, that 24
+ were confirmed alcoholics, and that 8 kept houses of ill-fame.
+ The explanation of so much immorality will be obvious when it is
+ stated that of the 480 descendants, 143 were known to be
+ feeble-minded, and that many of the others were of questionable
+ mentality.
+
+ A few years after returning from the war this same Martin
+ Kallikak married a respectable girl of good family. From this
+ union 496 individuals have been traced in direct descent, and in
+ this branch of the family there were no illegitimate children,
+ no immoral women, and only one man who was sexually loose. There
+ were no criminals, no keepers of houses of ill-fame, and only
+ two confirmed alcoholics. Again the explanation is clear when it
+ is stated that this branch of the family did not contain a
+ single feeble-minded individual. It was made up of doctors,
+ lawyers, judges, educators, traders, and landholders.[2]
+
+ [2] H. H. Goddard: _The Kallikak Family_. (1914.) 141 pp.
+
+ _The Hill Folk._ The Hill Folk are a New England family of which
+ 709 persons have been traced. Of the married women, 24 per cent
+ had given birth to illegitimate offspring, and 10 per cent were
+ prostitutes. Criminal tendencies were clearly shown in
+ 24 members of the family, while alcoholism was still more
+ common. The proportion of feeble-minded was 48 per cent. It was
+ estimated that the Hill Folk have in the last sixty years cost
+ the State of Massachusetts, in charitable relief, care of
+ feeble-minded, epileptic, and insane, conviction and punishment
+ for crime, prostitution pauperism, etc., at least $500,000.[3]
+
+ [3] Danielson and Davenport: _The Hill Folk_. Eugenics Record Office,
+ Memoir No. 1. 1912. 56 pp.
+
+ The Nam family and the Jukes give equally dark pictures as
+ regards criminality, licentiousness, and alcoholism, and
+ although feeble-mindedness was not as fully investigated in
+ these families as in the Kallikaks and the Hill Folk, the
+ evidence is strong that it was a leading trait. The 784 Nams who
+ were traced included 187 alcoholics, 232 women and 199 men known
+ to be licentious, and 40 who became prisoners. It is estimated
+ that the Nams have already cost the State nearly $1,500,000.[4]
+
+ [4] Estabrook and Davenport: _The Nam Family_. Eugenics Record Office
+ Memoir No. 2. (1912). 85 pp.
+
+ Of 540 Jukes, practically one fifth were born out of wedlock, 37
+ were known to be syphilitic, 53 had been in the poorhouse, 76
+ had been sentenced to prison, and of 229 women of marriageable
+ age 128 were prostitutes. The economic damage inflicted upon the
+ State of New York by the Jukes in seventy-five years was
+ estimated at more than $1,300,000, to say nothing of diseases
+ and other evil influences which they helped to spread.[5]
+
+ [5] R. L. Dugdale: _The Jukes_. (Fourth edition, 1910.) 120 pp. G. P.
+ Putnam's Sons.
+
+But why do the feeble-minded tend so strongly to become delinquent? The
+answer may be stated in simple terms. Morality depends upon two things:
+(a) the ability to foresee and to weigh the possible consequences for
+self and others of different kinds of behavior; and (b) upon the
+willingness and capacity to exercise self-restraint. That there are many
+intelligent criminals is due to the fact that (a) may exist without
+(b). On the other hand, (b) presupposes (a). In other words, not
+all criminals are feeble-minded, but all feeble-minded are at least
+potential criminals. That every feeble-minded woman is a potential
+prostitute would hardly be disputed by any one. Moral judgment, like
+business judgment, social judgment, or any other kind of higher thought
+process, is a function of intelligence. Morality cannot flower and fruit
+if intelligence remains infantile.
+
+All of us in early childhood lacked moral responsibility. We were as
+rank egoists as any criminal. Respect for the feelings, the property
+rights, or any other kind of rights, of others had to be laboriously
+acquired under the whip of discipline. But by degrees we learned that
+only when instincts are curbed, and conduct is made to conform to
+principles established formally or accepted tacitly by our neighbors,
+does this become a livable world for any of us. Without the intelligence
+to generalize the particular, to foresee distant consequences of present
+acts, to weigh these foreseen consequences in the nice balance of
+imagination, morality cannot be learned. When the adult body, with its
+adult instincts, is coupled with the undeveloped intelligence and weak
+inhibitory powers of a 10-year-old child, the only possible outcome,
+except in those cases where constant guardianship is exercised by
+relatives or friends, is some form of delinquency.
+
+Considering the tremendous cost of vice and crime, which in all
+probability amounts to not less than $500,000,000 per year in the United
+States alone, it is evident that psychological testing has found here
+one of its richest applications. Before offenders can be subjected
+to rational treatment a mental diagnosis is necessary, and while
+intelligence tests do not constitute a complete psychological diagnosis,
+they are, nevertheless, its most indispensable part.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN. The number of children with
+very superior ability is approximately as great as the number of
+feeble-minded. The future welfare of the country hinges, in no small
+degree, upon the right education of these superior children. Whether
+civilization moves on and up depends most on the advances made by
+creative thinkers and leaders in science, politics, art, morality, and
+religion. Moderate ability can follow, or imitate, but genius must show
+the way.
+
+Through the leveling influences of the educational lockstep such
+children at present are often lost in the masses. It is a rare child who
+is able to break this lockstep by extra promotions. Taking the country
+over, the ratio of "accelerates" to "retardates" in the school is
+approximately 1 to 10. Through the handicapping influences of poverty,
+social neglect, physical defects, or educational maladjustments, many
+potential leaders in science, art, government, and industry are denied
+the opportunity of a normal development. The use we have made of
+exceptional ability reminds one of the primitive methods of surface
+mining. It is necessary to explore the nation's hidden resources of
+intelligence. The common saying that "genius will out" is one of those
+dangerous half-truths with which too many people rest content.
+
+Psychological tests show that children of superior ability are very
+likely to be misunderstood in school. The writer has tested more than a
+hundred children who were as much above average intelligence as moron
+defectives are below. The large majority of these were found located
+below the school grade warranted by their intellectual level. One third
+had failed to reap any advantage whatever, in terms of promotion, from
+their very superior intelligence. Even genius languishes when kept
+over-long at tasks that are too easy.
+
+Our data show that teachers sometimes fail entirely to recognize
+exceptional superiority in a pupil, and that the degree of such
+superiority is rarely estimated with anything like the accuracy which is
+possible to the psychologist after a one-hour examination. _B. F._, for
+example, was a little over 7½ years old when tested. He was in the
+third grade, and was therefore thought by his teacher to be accelerated
+in school. This boy's intelligence, however, was found to be above the
+12-year level. There is no doubt that his mental ability would have
+enabled him, with a few months of individual instruction, to carry fifth
+or even sixth-grade work as easily as third, and without injury to body
+or mind. Nevertheless, the teacher and both the parents of this child
+had found nothing remarkable about him. In reality he belongs to a grade
+of genius not found oftener than once in several thousand cases.
+
+Another illustration is that of a boy of 10½ years who tested at the
+"average adult" level. He was doing superior work in the sixth grade,
+but according to the testimony of the teacher had "no unusual ability."
+It was ascertained from the parents that this boy, at an age when most
+children are reading fairy stories, had a passion for standard medical
+literature and textbooks in physical science. Yet, after more than a
+year of daily contact with this young genius (who is a relative of
+Meyerbeer, the composer), the teacher had discovered no symptoms of
+unusual ability.[6]
+
+[6] See p. 26 _ff._ for further illustrations of this kind.
+
+Teachers should be better trained in detecting the signs of superior
+ability. Every child who consistently gets high marks in his school work
+with apparent ease should be given a mental examination, and if his
+intelligence level warrants it he should either be given extra
+promotions, or placed in a special class for superior children where
+faster progress can be made. The latter is the better plan, because it
+obviates the necessity of skipping grades; it permits rapid but
+continuous progress.
+
+The usual reluctance of teachers to give extra promotions probably rests
+upon three factors: (1) mere inertia; (2) a natural unwillingness to
+part with exceptionally satisfactory pupils; and (3) the traditional
+belief that precocious children should be held back for fear of dire
+physical or mental consequences.
+
+In order to throw light on the question whether exceptionally bright
+children are specially likely to be one-sided, nervous, delicate,
+morally abnormal, socially unadaptable, or otherwise peculiar, the
+writer has secured rather extensive information regarding 31 children
+whose mental age was found by intelligence tests to be 25 per cent above
+the actual age. This degree of intelligence is possessed by about
+2 children out of 100, and is nearly as far above average intelligence
+as high-grade feeble-mindedness is below. The supplementary information,
+which was furnished in most cases by the teachers, may be summarized as
+follows:--
+
+ 1. _Ability special or general._ In the case of 20 out of 31 the
+ ability is decidedly general, and with 2 it is mainly general.
+ The talents of 5 are described as more or less special, but
+ only in one case is it remarkably so. Doubtful 4.
+
+ 2. _Health._ 15 are said to be perfectly healthy; 13 have one or
+ more physical defects; 4 of the 13 are described as delicate;
+ 4 have adenoids; 4 have eye-defects; 1 lisps; and 1 stutters.
+ These figures are about the same as one finds in any group of
+ ordinary children.
+
+ 3. _Studiousness._ "Extremely studious," 15; "usually studious" or
+ "fairly studious," 11; "not particularly studious," 5; "lazy,"
+ 0.
+
+ 4. _Moral traits._ Favorable traits only, 19; one or more
+ unfavorable traits, 8; no answer, 4. The eight with
+ unfavorable moral traits are described as follows: 2 are "very
+ self-willed"; 1 "needs close watching"; 1 is "cruel to
+ animals"; 1 is "untruthful"; 1 is "unreliable"; 1 is "a
+ bluffer"; 1 is "sexually abnormal," "perverted," and
+ "vicious."
+
+ It will be noted that with the exception of the last child,
+ the moral irregularities mentioned can hardly be regarded,
+ from the psychological point of view, as essentially abnormal.
+ It is perhaps a good rather than a bad sign for a child to be
+ self-willed; most children "need close watching"; and a
+ certain amount of untruthfulness in children is the rule and
+ not the exception.
+
+ 5. _Social adaptability._ Socially adaptable, 25; not adaptable,
+ 2; doubtful, 4.
+
+ 6. _Attitude of other children._ "Favorable," "friendly," "liked
+ by everybody," "much admired," "popular," etc., 26; "not
+ liked," 1; "inspires repugnance," 1; no answer, 1.
+
+ 7. _Is child a leader?_ "Yes," 14; "no," or "not particularly,"
+ 12; doubtful, 5.
+
+ 8. _Is play life normal?_ "Yes," 26; "no," 1; "hardly," 1;
+ doubtful, 3.
+
+ 9. _Is child spoiled or vain?_ "No," 22; "yes," 5; "somewhat," 2;
+ no answer, 2.
+
+According to the above data, exceptionally intelligent children are
+fully as likely to be healthy as ordinary children; their ability is far
+more often general than special, they are studious above the average,
+really serious faults are not common among them, they are nearly always
+socially adaptable, are sought after as playmates and companions, their
+play life is usually normal, they are leaders far oftener than other
+children, and notwithstanding their many really superior qualities they
+are seldom vain or spoiled.
+
+It would be greatly to the advantage of such children if their superior
+ability were more promptly and fully recognized, and if (under proper
+medical supervision, of course) they were promoted as rapidly as their
+mental development would warrant. Unless they are given the grade of
+work which calls forth their best efforts, they run the risk of falling
+into lifelong habits of submaximum efficiency. The danger in the case of
+such children is not over-pressure, but under-pressure.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS AS A BASIS FOR GRADING. Not only in the case of
+retarded or exceptionally bright children, but with many others also,
+intelligence tests can aid in correctly placing the child in school.
+
+The pupil who enters one school system from another is a case in point.
+Such a pupil nearly always suffers a loss of time. The indefensible
+custom is to grade the newcomer down a little, because, forsooth, the
+textbooks he has studied may have differed somewhat from those he is
+about to take up, or because the school system from which he comes may
+be looked upon as inferior. Teachers are too often suspicious of all
+other educational methods besides their own. The present treatment
+accorded such children, which so often does them injustice and injury,
+should be replaced by an intelligence test. The hour of time required
+for the test is a small matter in comparison with the loss of a school
+term by the pupils.
+
+Indeed, it would be desirable to make all promotions on the basis
+chiefly of intellectual ability. Hitherto the school has had to rely on
+tests of information because reliable tests of intelligence have not
+until recently been available. As trained Binet examiners become more
+plentiful, the information standard will have to give way to the
+criterion which asks merely that the child shall be able to do the work
+of the next higher grade. The brief intelligence test is not only more
+enlightening than the examination; it is also more hygienic. The school
+examination is often for the child a source of worry and anxiety; the
+mental test is an interesting and pleasant experience.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS FOR VOCATIONAL FITNESS. The time is probably not far
+distant when intelligence tests will become a recognized and widely used
+instrument for determining vocational fitness. Of course, it is not
+claimed that tests are available which will tell us unerringly exactly
+what one of a thousand or more occupations a given individual is best
+fitted to pursue. But when thousands of children who have been tested by
+the Binet scale have been followed out into the industrial world, and
+their success in various occupations noted, we shall know fairly
+definitely the vocational significance of any given degree of mental
+inferiority or superiority. Researches of this kind will ultimately
+determine the minimum "intelligence quotient" necessary for success in
+each leading occupation.
+
+Industrial concerns doubtless suffer enormous losses from the employment
+of persons whose mental ability is not equal to the tasks they are
+expected to perform. The present methods of trying out new employees,
+transferring them to simpler and simpler jobs as their inefficiency
+becomes apparent, is wasteful and to a great extent unnecessary. A
+cheaper and more satisfactory method would be to employ a psychologist
+to examine applicants for positions and to weed out the unfit. Any
+business employing as many as five hundred or a thousand workers, as,
+for example, a large department store, could save in this way several
+times the salary of a well-trained psychologist.
+
+That the industrially inefficient are often of subnormal intelligence
+has already been demonstrated in a number of psychological
+investigations. Of 150 "hoboes" tested under the direction of the writer
+by Mr. Knollin, at least 15 per cent belonged to the moron grade of
+mental deficiency, and almost as many more were border-line cases. To be
+sure, a large proportion were found perfectly normal, and a few even
+decidedly superior in mental ability, but the ratio of mental deficiency
+was ten or fifteen times as high as that holding for the general
+population. Several had as low as 9- or 10-year intelligence, and one
+had a mental level of 7 years. The industrial history of such subjects,
+as given by themselves, was always about what the mental level would
+lead us to expect--unskilled work, lack of interest in accomplishment,
+frequent discharge from jobs, discouragement, and finally the "road."
+
+The above findings have been fully paralleled by Mr. Glenn Johnson and
+Professor Eleanor Rowland, of Reed College, who tested 108 unemployed
+charity cases in Portland, Oregon. Both of these investigators made use
+of the Stanford revision of the Binet scale, which is especially
+serviceable in distinguishing the upper-grade defectives from normals.
+
+It hardly needs to be emphasized that when charity organizations help
+the feeble-minded to float along in the social and industrial world, and
+to produce and rear children after their kind, a doubtful service is
+rendered. A little psychological research would aid the united charities
+of any city to direct their expenditures into more profitable channels
+than would otherwise be possible.
+
+OTHER USES OF INTELLIGENCE TESTS. Another important use of intelligence
+tests is in the study of the factors which influence mental development.
+It is desirable that we should be able to guard the child against
+influences which affect mental development unfavorably; but as long as
+these influences have not been sifted, weighed, and measured, we have
+nothing but conjecture on which to base our efforts in this direction.
+
+When we search the literature of child hygiene for reliable evidence as
+to the injurious effects upon mental ability of malnutrition, decayed
+teeth, obstructed breathing, reduced sleep, bad ventilation,
+insufficient exercise, etc., we are met by endless assertion painfully
+unsupported by demonstrated fact. We have, indeed, very little exact
+knowledge regarding the mental effects of any of the factors just
+mentioned. When standardized mental tests have come into more general
+use, such influences will be easy to detect wherever they are really
+present.
+
+Again, the most important question of heredity is that regarding the
+inheritance of intelligence; but this is a problem which cannot be
+attacked at all without some accurate means of identifying the thing
+which is the object of study. Without the use of scales for measuring
+intelligence we can give no better answer as to the essential difference
+between a genius and a fool than is to be found in legend and fiction.
+
+Applying this to school children, it means that without such tests we
+cannot know to what extent a child's mental performances are determined
+by environment and to what extent by heredity. Is the place of the
+so-called lower classes in the social and industrial scale the result of
+their inferior native endowment, or is their apparent inferiority merely
+a result of their inferior home and school training? Is genius more
+common among children of the educated classes than among the children of
+the ignorant and poor? Are the inferior races really inferior, or are
+they merely unfortunate in their lack of opportunity to learn?
+
+Only intelligence tests can answer these questions and grade the raw
+material with which education works. Without them we can never
+distinguish the results of our educational efforts with a given child
+from the influence of the child's original endowment. Such tests would
+have told us, for example, whether the much-discussed "wonder children,"
+such as the Sidis and Wiener boys and the Stoner girl, owe their
+precocious intellectual prowess to superior training (as their parents
+believe) or to superior native ability. The supposed effects upon mental
+development of new methods of mind training, which are exploited so
+confidently from time to time (e.g., the Montessori method and the
+various systems of sensory and motor training for the feeble-minded),
+will have to be checked up by the same kind of scientific measurement.
+
+In all these fields intelligence tests are certain to play an
+ever-increasing rôle. With the exception of moral character there
+is nothing as significant for a child's future as his grade of
+intelligence. Even health itself is likely to have less influence in
+determining success in life. Although strength and swiftness have always
+had great survival value among the lower animals, these characteristics
+have long since lost their supremacy in man's struggle for existence.
+For us the rule of brawn has been broken, and intelligence has become
+the decisive factor in success. Schools, railroads, factories, and the
+largest commercial concerns may be successfully managed by persons who
+are physically weak or even sickly. One who has intelligence constantly
+measures opportunities against his own strength or weakness and adjusts
+himself to conditions by following those leads which promise most toward
+the realization of his individual possibilities.
+
+All classes of intellects, the weakest as well as the strongest, will
+profit by the application of their talents to tasks which are consonant
+with their ability. When we have learned the lessons which intelligence
+tests have to teach, we shall no longer blame mentally defective workmen
+for their industrial inefficiency, punish weak-minded children because
+of their inability to learn, or imprison and hang mentally defective
+criminals because they lacked the intelligence to appreciate the
+ordinary codes of social conduct.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+SOURCES OF ERROR IN JUDGING INTELLIGENCE
+
+
+ARE INTELLIGENCE TESTS SUPERFLUOUS? Binet tells us that he often
+encountered the criticism that intelligence tests are superfluous, and
+that in going to so much trouble to devise his measuring scale he was
+forcing an open door. Those who made this criticism believed that the
+observant teacher or parent is able to make an offhand estimate of a
+child's intelligence which is accurate enough. "It is a stupid teacher,"
+said one, "who needs a psychologist to tell her which pupils are not
+intelligent." Every one who uses intelligence tests meets this attitude
+from time to time.
+
+This should not be surprising or discouraging. It is only natural that
+those who are unfamiliar with the methods of psychology should
+occasionally question their validity or worth, just as there are many
+excellent people who do not "believe in" vaccination against typhoid and
+small pox, operations for appendicitis, etc.
+
+There is an additional reason why the applications of psychology have to
+overcome a good deal of conservatism and skepticism; namely, the fact
+that every one, whether psychologically trained or not, acquires in the
+ordinary experiences of life a certain degree of expertness in the
+observation and interpretation of mental traits. The possession of this
+little fund of practical working knowledge makes most people slow to
+admit any one's claim to greater expertness. When the astronomer tells
+us the distance to Jupiter, we accept his statement, because we
+recognize that our ordinary experience affords no basis for judgment
+about such matters. But every one acquires more or less facility in
+distinguishing the coarser differences among people in intelligence,
+and this half-knowledge naturally generates a certain amount of
+resistance to the more refined method of tests.
+
+It should be evident, however, that we need more than the ability merely
+to distinguish a genius from a simpleton, just as a physician needs
+something more than the ability to distinguish an athlete from a man
+dying of consumption. It is necessary to have a definite and accurate
+diagnosis, one which will differentiate more finely the many degrees and
+qualities of intelligence. Just as in the case of physical illness, we
+need to know not merely that the patient is sick, but also why he is
+sick, what organs are involved, what course the illness will run, and
+what physical work the patient can safely undertake, so in the case of a
+retarded child, we need to know the exact degree of intellectual
+deficiency, what mental functions are chiefly concerned in the defect,
+whether the deficiency is due to innate endowment, to physical illness,
+or to faults of education, and what lines of mental activity the child
+will be able to pursue with reasonable hope of success. In the diagnosis
+of a case of malnutrition, the up-to-date physician does not depend upon
+general symptoms, but instead makes a blood test to determine the exact
+number of red corpuscles per cubic millimeter of blood and the exact
+percentage of hæmoglobin. He has learned that external appearances are
+often misleading. Similarly, every psychologist who is experienced in
+the mental examination of school children knows that his own or the
+teacher's estimate of a child's intelligence is subject to grave and
+frequent error.
+
+THE NECESSITY OF STANDARDS. In the first place, in order to judge an
+individual's intelligence it is necessary to have in mind some standard
+as to what constitutes normal intelligence. This the ordinary parent or
+teacher does not have. In the case of school children, for example, each
+pupil is judged with reference to the average intelligence of the
+class. But the teacher has no means of knowing whether the average for
+her class is above, equal to, or below that for children in general. Her
+standard may be too high, too low, vague, mechanical, or fragmentary.
+The same, of course, holds in the case of parents or any one else
+attempting to estimate intelligence on the basis of common observation.
+
+THE INTELLIGENCE OF RETARDED CHILDREN USUALLY OVERESTIMATED. One of the
+most common errors made by the teacher is to overestimate the
+intelligence of the over-age pupil. This is because she fails to take
+account of age differences and estimates intelligence on the basis of
+the child's school performance in the grade where he happens to be
+located. She tends to overlook the fact that quality of school work is
+no index of intelligence unless age is taken into account. The question
+should be, not, "Is this child doing his school work well?" but rather,
+"In what school grade should a child of this age be able to do
+satisfactory work?" A high-grade imbecile may do average work in the
+first grade, and a high-grade moron average work in the third or fourth
+grade, provided only they are sufficiently over-age for the grade in
+question.
+
+Our experience in testing children for segregation in special classes
+has time and again brought this fallacy of teachers to our attention. We
+have often found one or more feeble-minded children in a class after
+the teacher had confidently asserted that there was not a single
+exceptionally dull child present. In every case where there has been
+opportunity to follow the later school progress of such a child the
+validity of the intelligence test has been fully confirmed.
+
+The following are typical examples of the neglect of teachers to take
+the age factor into account when estimating the intelligence of the
+over-age child:--
+
+ _A. R. Girl, age 11; in low second grade._ She was able to do
+ the work of this grade, not well, but passably. The teacher's
+ judgment as to this child's intelligence was "dull but not
+ defective." What the teacher overlooked was the fact that she
+ had judged the child by a 7-year standard, and that, instead of
+ only being able to do the work of the second grade
+ indifferently, a child of this age should have been equal to the
+ work of the fifth grade. In reality, A. R. is definitely
+ feeble-minded. Although she is from a home of average culture,
+ is 11 years old, and has attended school five years, she has
+ barely the intelligence of the average child of six years.
+
+ _D. C. Boy, age 17; in fifth grade._ His teacher knew that he
+ was dull, but had not thought of him as belonging to the class
+ of feeble-minded. She had judged this boy by the 11-year
+ standard and had perhaps been further misled by his normal
+ appearance and exceptionally satisfactory behavior. The Binet
+ test quickly showed that he had a mental level of approximately
+ 9 years. There is little probability that his comprehension will
+ ever surpass that of the average 10-year-old.
+
+ _R. A. Boy, age 17; mental age 11; sixth grade; school work
+ "nearly average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Test plainly shows this child to be a high-grade moron, or
+ border-liner at best. Had attended school regularly 11 years and
+ had made 6 grades. Teacher had compared child with his
+ 12-year-old classmates.
+
+ _H. A. Boy, age 14; mental age 9-6; low fourth grade; school
+ work "inferior"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ The teacher blamed the inferior quality of school work to "bad
+ home environment." As a matter of fact, the boy's father is
+ feeble-minded and the normality of the mother is questionable.
+ An older brother is in a reform school. We are perfectly safe in
+ predicting that this boy will not complete the eighth grade even
+ if he attends school till he is 21 years of age.
+
+ _F. I. Boy, age 12-11; mental age 9-4; third grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average"; social
+ environment "average"; health good and attendance regular._
+ Intelligence and school success are what we should expect of an
+ average 9-year-old.
+
+ _D. A. Boy, age 12; mental age 9-2; third grade; school work
+ "inferior"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Teacher imputes inferior school work to "absence from school and
+ lack of interest in books"; we have yet to find a child with a
+ mental age 25 per cent below chronological age who _was_
+ particularly interested in books or enthusiastic about school.
+
+ _C. U. Girl, age 10; mental age 7-8; second grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Teacher blames adenoids and bad teeth for retardation. No doubt
+ of child's mental deficiency.
+
+ _P. I. Girl, age 8-10; mental age 6-7; has been in first grade
+ 2½ years; school work "average"; teacher's estimate of
+ intelligence "average."_ The mother and one brother of this girl
+ are both feeble-minded.
+
+ _H. O. Girl, age 7-10; mental age 5-2; first grade for 2 years;
+ school work "inferior"; teacher's estimate of intelligence
+ "average."_ The teacher nevertheless adds, "This child is not
+ normal, but her ability to respond to drill shows that she has
+ intelligence." It is of course true that even feeble-minded
+ children of 5-year intelligence are able to profit a little from
+ drill. Their weakness comes to light in their inability to
+ perform higher types of mental activity.
+
+THE INTELLIGENCE OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN USUALLY UNDERESTIMATED. We have
+already mentioned the frequent failure of teachers and parents to
+recognize superior ability.[7] The fallacy here is again largely due to
+the neglect of the age factor, but the resulting error is in the
+opposite direction from that set forth above. The superior child is
+likely to be a year or two younger than the average child of his grade,
+and is accordingly judged by a standard which is too high. The following
+are illustrations:--
+
+[7] See p. 13 _ff._
+
+ _M. L. Girl, age 11-2; mental age "average adult" (16); sixth
+ grade; school work "superior"; teacher's estimate of
+ intelligence "average."_ Teacher credits superior school work to
+ "unusual home advantages." Father a college professor. The
+ teacher considers the child accelerated in school. In reality
+ she ought to be in the second year of high school instead of in
+ the sixth grade.
+
+ _H. A. Boy, age 11; mental age 14; sixth grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ According to the supplementary information the boy is
+ "wonderfully attentive," "studious," and possessed of
+ "all-round ability." The estimate of "average intelligence" was
+ probably the result of comparing him with classmates who
+ averaged about a year older.
+
+ _K. R. Girl, age 6-1; mental age 8-5; second grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "superior"; social
+ environment "average."_ Is it not evident that a child from
+ ordinary social environment, who does work of average quality in
+ the second grade when barely 6 years of age, should be judged
+ "very superior" rather than merely "superior" in intelligence?
+ The intelligence quotient of this girl is 140, which is not
+ reached by more than one child in two hundred.
+
+ _S. A. Boy, age 8-10; mental age 10-9; fourth grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Teacher attributed school acceleration to "studiousness" and
+ "delight in school work." It would be more reasonable to infer
+ that these traits are indications of unusually superior
+ intelligence.
+
+OTHER FALLACIES IN THE ESTIMATION OF INTELLIGENCE. Another source
+of error in the teacher's judgment comes from the difficulty in
+distinguishing genuine dullness from the mental condition which results
+sometimes from unfavorable social environment or lack of training.
+
+ _V. P. Boy, age 7._ Had attended school one year and had
+ profited very little from the instruction. He had learned to
+ read very little, spoke chiefly in monosyllables, and seemed
+ "queer." The teacher suspected his intelligence and asked for a
+ mental examination. The Binet test showed that except for
+ vocabulary, which was unusually low, there was practically no
+ mental retardation. Inquiry disclosed the fact that the boy's
+ parents were uneducated deaf-mutes, and that the boy had
+ associated little with other children. Four years later this boy
+ was doing fairly well in school, though a year retarded because
+ of his unfavorable home environment.
+
+ _X. Y. Boy, age 10._ Son of a successful business man, he was
+ barely able to read in the second reader. The Binet test
+ revealed an intelligence level which was absolutely normal. The
+ boy was removed to a special class where he could receive
+ individual attention, and two years later was found doing good
+ work in a regular class of the fifth grade. His bad beginning
+ seemed to have been due to an unfavorable attitude toward school
+ work, due in turn to lack of discipline in the home, and to the
+ fact that because of the father's frequent change of business
+ headquarters the boy had never attended one school longer than
+ three months.
+
+Another source of error in judging intelligence from common observation
+is the tendency to overestimate the intelligence of the sprightly,
+talkative, sanguine child, and to underestimate the intelligence of the
+child who is less emotional, reacts slowly, and talks little. One
+occasionally finds a feeble-minded adult, perhaps of only 9- or 10-year
+intelligence, whose verbal fluency, mental liveliness, and
+self-confidence would mislead the offhand judgment of even the
+psychologist. One individual of this type, a border-line case at best,
+was accustomed to harangue street audiences and had served as "major" in
+"Kelly's Army," a horde of several hundred unemployed men who a few
+years ago organized and started to march from San Francisco to
+Washington.
+
+BINET'S QUESTIONNAIRE ON TEACHERS' METHODS OF JUDGING INTELLIGENCE.[8]
+Aroused by the skepticism so often shown toward his test method, Binet
+decided to make a little study of the methods by which teachers are
+accustomed to arrive at a judgment as to a child's intelligence.
+Accordingly, through the coöperation of the director of elementary
+education in Paris, he secured answers from a number of teachers to the
+following questions:--
+
+[8] See p. 169 _ff._ of reference 2, at end of this book
+
+ 1. _By what means do you judge the intelligence of your pupils?_
+ 2. _How often have you been deceived in your judgments?_
+
+About 40 replies were received. Most of the answers to the first
+question were vague, one-sided, "verbal," or bookish. Only a few showed
+much psychological discrimination as to what intelligence is and
+what its symptoms are. There was a very general tendency to judge
+intelligence by success in one or more of the school studies. Some
+thought that ability to master arithmetic was a sure criterion. Others
+were influenced almost entirely by the pupil's ability to read. One
+teacher said that the child who can "read so expressively as to make you
+feel the punctuation" is certainly intelligent, an observation which is
+rather good, as far as it goes. A few judged intelligence by the pupil's
+knowledge of such subjects as history and geography, which, as Binet
+points out, is to confound intelligence with the ability to memorize.
+"Memory," says Binet, is a "great simulator of intelligence." It is a
+wise teacher who is not deceived by it. Only a small minority mentioned
+resourcefulness in play, capacity to adjust to practical situations, or
+any other out-of-school criteria.
+
+Some suggested asking the pupil such questions as the following:--
+
+ "Why do you love your parents?" "If it takes three persons seven
+ hours to do a piece of work, would it take seven persons any
+ longer?" "Which would you rather have, a fourth of a pie, or a
+ half of a half?" "Which is heavier, a pound of feathers or a
+ pound of lead?" "If you had twenty cents what would you do with
+ it?"
+
+A great many based their judgment mainly on the general appearance of
+the face and eyes. An "active" or "passive" expression of the eyes was
+looked upon as especially significant. One teacher thought that a mere
+"glance of the eye" was sufficient to display the grade of intelligence.
+If the eyes are penetrating, reflective, or show curiosity, the child
+must be intelligent; if they are heavy and expressionless, he must be
+dull. The mobility of countenance came in for frequent mention, also the
+shape of the head.
+
+No one will deny that intelligence displays itself to a greater or
+less extent in the features; but how, asks Binet, are we going to
+_standardize_ a "glance of the eye" or an "expression of curiosity" so
+that it will serve as an exact measure of intelligence?
+
+The fact is, the more one sees of feeble-minded children, the less
+reliance one comes to place upon facial expression as a sign of
+intelligence. Some children who are only slightly backward have the
+general appearance of low-grade imbeciles. On the other hand, not a few
+who are distinctly feeble-minded are pretty and attractive. With many
+such children a ready smile takes the place of comprehension. If the
+smile is rather sweet and sympathetic, as is often the case, the
+observer is almost sure to be deceived.
+
+As regards the shape of the head, peculiar conformation of the ears, and
+other "stigmata," science long ago demonstrated that these are
+ordinarily of little or no significance.
+
+In reply to the second question, some teachers stated that they never
+made a mistake, while others admitted failure in one case out of three.
+Still others said, "Once in ten years," "once in twenty years," "once in
+a thousand times," etc.
+
+As Binet remarks, the answers to this question are not very enlightening.
+In the first place, the teacher as a rule loses sight of the pupil when
+he has passed from her care, and seldom has opportunity of finding out
+whether his later success belies her judgment or confirms it. Errors go
+undiscovered for the simple reason that there is no opportunity to check
+them up. In the second place, her estimate is so rough that an error
+must be very great in order to have any meaning. If I say that a man is
+six feet and two inches tall, it is easy enough to apply a measuring
+stick and prove the correctness or incorrectness of my assertion. But if
+I say simply that the man is "rather tall," or "very tall," the error
+must be very extreme before we can expose it, particularly since the
+estimate can itself be checked up only by observation and not by
+controlled experiment.
+
+The teachers' answers seem to justify three conclusions:--
+
+1. Teachers do not have a very definite idea of what constitutes
+intelligence. They tend to confuse it variously with capacity for
+memorizing, facility in reading, ability to master arithmetic, etc. On
+the whole, their standard is too academic. They fail to appreciate the
+one-sidedness of the school's demands upon intelligence.
+
+In a quaintly humorous passage discussing this tendency, Binet
+characterizes the child in a class as _dénaturé_, a French word which we
+may translate (though rather too literally) as "denatured." Too often
+this "denatured" child of the classroom is the only child the teacher
+knows.
+
+2. In judging intelligence teachers are too easily deceived by a
+sprightly attitude, a sympathetic expression, a glance of the eye, or a
+chance "bump" on the head.
+
+3. Although a few teachers seem to realize the many possibilities of
+error, the majority show rather undue confidence in the accuracy of
+their judgment.
+
+BINET'S EXPERIMENT ON HOW TEACHERS TEST INTELLIGENCE.[9] Finally, Binet
+had three teachers come to his laboratory to judge the intelligence of
+children whom they had never seen before. Each spent an afternoon in the
+laboratory and examined five pupils. In each case the teacher was left
+free to arrive at a conclusion in her own way. Binet, who remained in
+the room and took notes, recounts with playful humor how the teachers
+were unavoidably compelled to resort to the much-abused test method,
+although their attempts at using it were sometimes, from the
+psychologist's point of view, amusingly clumsy.
+
+[9] See p. 182 _ff._ of reference 2 at end of this book.
+
+One teacher, for example, questioned the children about some canals and
+sluices which were in the vicinity, asking what their purpose was and
+how they worked. Another showed the children some pretty pictures,
+which she had brought with her for the purpose, and asked questions
+about them. Showing the picture of a garret, she asked how a garret
+differs from an ordinary room. One teacher asked whether in building a
+factory it was best to have the walls thick or thin. As King Edward had
+just died, another teacher questioned the children about the details of
+this event, in order to find out whether they were in the habit of
+reading the newspapers, or understood the things they heard others read.
+Other questions related to the names of the streets in the neighborhood,
+the road one should take to reach a certain point in the vicinity, etc.
+Binet notes that many of the questions were special, and were only
+applicable with the children of this particular school.
+
+The method of proposing the questions and judging the responses was also
+at fault. The teachers did not adhere consistently to any definite
+formula in giving a particular test to the different children. Instead,
+the questions were materially altered from time to time. One teacher
+scored the identical response differently for two children, giving one
+child more credit than the other because she had already judged his
+intelligence to be superior. In several cases the examination was
+needlessly delayed in order to instruct the child in what he did not
+know.
+
+The examination ended, quite properly for a teacher's examination, with
+questions about history, literature, the metric system, etc., and with
+the recitation of a fable.
+
+A comparison of the results showed hardly any agreement among the
+estimates of the three teachers. When questioned about the standard that
+had been taken in arriving at their conclusions, one teacher said she
+had taken the answers of the first pupil as a point of departure, and
+that she had judged the other pupils by this one. Another judged all the
+children by a child of her acquaintance whom she knew to be intelligent.
+This was, of course, an unsafe method, because no one could say how the
+child taken as an ideal would have responded to the tests used with the
+five children.
+
+In summarizing the result of his little experiment, Binet points out
+that the teachers employed, as if by instinct, the very method which he
+himself recommends. In using it, however, they made numerous errors.
+Their questions were often needlessly long. Several were "dilemma
+questions," that is, answerable by _yes_ or _no_. In such cases chance
+alone will cause fifty per cent of the answers to be correct. Some of
+the questions were merely tests of school knowledge. Others were
+entirely special, usable only with the children of this particular
+school on this particular day. Not all of the questions were put in the
+same terms, and a given response did not always receive the same score.
+When the children responded incorrectly or incompletely, they were often
+given help, but not always to the same extent. In other words, says
+Binet, it was evident that "the teachers employed very awkwardly a very
+excellent method."
+
+The above remark is as pertinent as it is expressive. As the statement
+implies, the test method is but a refinement and standardization of the
+common-sense approach. Binet remarks that most people who inquire into
+his method of measuring intelligence do so expecting to find something
+very surprising and mysterious; and on seeing how much it resembles the
+methods which common sense employs in ordinary life, they heave a sigh
+of disappointment and say, "Is that all?" Binet reminds us that the
+difference between the scientific and unscientific way of doing a thing
+is not necessarily a difference in the _nature_ of the method; it is
+often merely a difference in _exactness_. Science does the thing better,
+because it does it more accurately.
+
+It was of course not the purpose of Binet to cast a slur upon the good
+sense and judgment of teachers. The teachers who took part in the little
+experiment described above were Binet's personal friends. The errors he
+points out in his entertaining and good-humored account of the
+experiment are inherent in the situation. They are the kind of errors
+which any person, however discriminating and observant, is likely to
+make in estimating the intelligence of a subject without the use of
+standardized tests.
+
+It is the writer's experience that the teacher's estimate of a child's
+intelligence is much more reliable than that of the average parent; more
+accurate even than that of the physician who has not had psychological
+training.
+
+Indeed, it is an exceptional school physician who is able to give any
+very valuable assistance to teachers in the classification of mentally
+exceptional children for special pedagogical treatment.
+
+This is only to be expected, for the physician has ordinarily had much
+less instruction in psychology than the teacher, and of course
+infinitely less experience in judging the mental performances of
+children. Even if graduated from a first-rank medical school, the
+instruction he has received in the important subject of mental
+deficiency has probably been less adequate than that given to the
+students of a standard normal school. As a rule, the doctor has no
+equipment or special fitness which gives him any advantage over the
+teacher in acquiring facility in the use of intelligence tests.
+
+As for parents, it would of course be unreasonable to expect from them a
+very accurate judgment regarding the mental peculiarities of their
+children. The difficulty is not simply that which comes from lack of
+special training. The presence of parental affection renders impartial
+judgment impossible. Still more serious are the effects of habituation
+to the child's mental traits. As a result of such habituation the most
+intelligent parent tends to develop an unfortunate blindness to all
+sorts of abnormalities which exist in his own children.
+
+The only way of escape from the fallacies we have mentioned lies in the
+use of some kind of refined psychological procedure. Binet testing is
+destined to become universally known and practiced in schools, prisons,
+reformatories, charity stations, orphan asylums, and even ordinary
+homes, for the same reason that Babcock testing has become universal in
+dairying. Each is indispensable to its purpose.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+DESCRIPTION OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD
+
+
+ESSENTIAL NATURE OF THE SCALE. The Binet scale is made up of an extended
+series of tests in the nature of "stunts," or problems, success in which
+demands the exercise of intelligence. As left by Binet, the scale
+consists of 54 tests, so graded in difficulty that the easiest lie well
+within the range of normal 3-year-old children, while the hardest tax
+the intelligence of the average adult. The problems are designed
+primarily to test native intelligence, not school knowledge or home
+training. They try to answer the question "How intelligent is this
+child?" How much the child has learned is of significance only in so far
+as it throws light on his ability to learn more.
+
+Binet fully appreciated the fact that intelligence is not homogeneous,
+that it has many aspects, and that no one kind of test will display it
+adequately. He therefore assembled for his intelligence scale tests of
+many different types, some of them designed to display differences of
+memory, others differences in power to reason, ability to compare, power
+of comprehension, time orientation, facility in the use of number
+concepts, power to combine ideas into a meaningful whole, the maturity
+of apperception, wealth of ideas, knowledge of common objects, etc.
+
+HOW THE SCALE WAS DERIVED. The tests were arranged in order of
+difficulty, as found by trying them upon some 200 normal children of
+different ages from 3 to 15 years. It was found, for illustration, that
+a certain test was passed by only a very small proportion of the younger
+children, say the 5-year-olds, and that the number passing this test
+increased rapidly in the succeeding years until by the age of 7 or
+8 years, let us say, practically all the children were successful.
+If, in our supposed case, the test was passed by about two thirds to
+three fourths of the normal children aged 7 years, it was considered by
+Binet a test of 7-year intelligence. In like manner, a test passed by
+65 to 75 per cent of the normal 9-year-olds was considered a test of
+9-year intelligence, and so on. By trying out many different tests in
+this way it was possible to secure five tests to represent each age from
+3 to 10 years (excepting age 4, which has only four tests), five for
+age 12, five for 15, and five for adults, making 54 tests in all.
+
+LIST OF TESTS. The following is the list of tests as arranged by Binet
+in 1911, shortly before his untimely death:--
+
+_Age 3:_
+ 1. Points to nose, eyes, and mouth.
+ 2. Repeats two digits.
+ 3. Enumerates objects in a picture.
+ 4. Gives family name.
+ 5. Repeats a sentence of six syllables.
+
+_Age 4:_
+ 1. Gives his sex.
+ 2. Names key, knife, and penny.
+ 3. Repeats three digits.
+ 4. Compares two lines.
+
+_Age 5:_
+ 1. Compares two weights.
+ 2. Copies a square.
+ 3. Repeats a sentence of ten syllables.
+ 4. Counts four pennies.
+ 5. Unites the halves of a divided rectangle.
+
+_Age 6:_
+ 1. Distinguishes between morning and afternoon.
+ 2. Defines familiar words in terms of use.
+ 3. Copies a diamond.
+ 4. Counts thirteen pennies.
+ 5. Distinguishes pictures of ugly and pretty faces.
+
+_Age 7:_
+ 1. Shows right hand and left ear.
+ 2. Describes a picture.
+ 3. Executes three commissions, given simultaneously.
+ 4. Counts the value of six sous, three of which are double.
+ 5. Names four cardinal colors.
+
+_Age 8:_
+ 1. Compares two objects from memory.
+ 2. Counts from 20 to 0.
+ 3. Notes omissions from pictures.
+ 4. Gives day and date.
+ 5. Repeats five digits.
+
+_Age 9:_
+ 1. Gives change from twenty sous.
+ 2. Defines familiar words in terms superior to use.
+ 3. Recognizes all the pieces of money.
+ 4. Names the months of the year, in order.
+ 5. Answers easy "comprehension questions."
+
+_Age 10:_
+ 1. Arranges five blocks in order of weight.
+ 2. Copies drawings from memory.
+ 3. Criticizes absurd statements.
+ 4. Answers difficult "comprehension questions."
+ 5. Uses three given words in not more than two sentences.
+
+_Age 12:_
+ 1. Resists suggestion.
+ 2. Composes one sentence containing three given words.
+ 3. Names sixty words in three minutes.
+ 4. Defines certain abstract words.
+ 5. Discovers the sense of a disarranged sentence.
+
+_Age 15:_
+ 1. Repeats seven digits.
+ 2. Finds three rhymes for a given word.
+ 3. Repeats a sentence of twenty-six syllables.
+ 4. Interprets pictures.
+ 5. Interprets given facts.
+
+_Adult:_
+ 1. Solves the paper-cutting test.
+ 2. Rearranges a triangle in imagination.
+ 3. Gives differences between pairs of abstract terms.
+ 4. Gives three differences between a president and a king.
+ 5. Gives the main thought of a selection which he has heard read.
+
+It should be emphasized that merely to name the tests in this way gives
+little idea of their nature and meaning, and tells nothing about Binet's
+method of conducting the 54 experiments. In order to use the tests
+intelligently it is necessary to acquaint one's self thoroughly with the
+purpose of each test, its correct procedure, and the psychological
+interpretation of different types of response.[10]
+
+[10] See Part II of this volume, and References 1 and 29, for discussion
+and interpretation of the individual tests.
+
+In fairness to Binet, it should also be borne in mind that the scale of
+tests was only a rough approximation to the ideal which the author had
+set himself to realize. Had his life been spared a few years longer, he
+would doubtless have carried the method much nearer perfection.
+
+HOW THE SCALE IS USED. By means of the Binet tests we can judge the
+intelligence of a given individual by comparison with standards of
+intellectual performance for normal children of different ages. In order
+to make the comparison it is only necessary to begin the examination of
+the subject at a point in the scale where all the tests are passed
+successfully, and to continue up the scale until no more successes are
+possible. Then we compare our subject's performances with the standard
+for normal children of the same age, and note the amount of acceleration
+or retardation.
+
+Let us suppose the subject being tested is 9 years of age. If he goes as
+far in the tests as normal 9-year-old children ordinarily go, we can say
+that the child has a "mental age" of 9 years, which in this case is
+normal (our child being 9 years of age). If he goes only as far as
+normal 8-year-old children ordinarily go, we say that his "mental age"
+is 8 years. In like manner, a mentally defective child of 9 years may
+have a "mental age" of only 4 years, or a young genius of 9 years may
+have a mental age of 12 or 13 years.
+
+SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD. Psychologists had
+experimented with intelligence tests for at least twenty years before
+the Binet scale made its appearance. The question naturally suggests
+itself why Binet should have been successful in a field where previous
+efforts had been for the most part futile. The answer to this question
+is found in three essential differences between Binet's method and those
+formerly employed.
+
+1. _The use of age standards._ Binet was the first to utilize the idea
+of age standards, or norms, in the measurement of intelligence. It will
+be understood, of course, that Binet did not set out to invent tests of
+10-year intelligence, 6-year intelligence, etc. Instead, as already
+explained, he began with a series of tests ranging from very easy to
+very difficult, and by trying these tests on children of different ages
+and noting the percentages of successes in the various years, he was
+able to locate them (approximately) in the years where they belonged.
+
+This plan has the great advantage of giving us standards which are
+easily grasped. To say, for illustration, that a given subject has a
+grade of intelligence equal to that of the average child of 8 years is a
+statement whose general import does not need to be explained. Previous
+investigators had worked with subjects the degree of whose intelligence
+was unknown, and with tests the difficulty of which was equally unknown.
+An immense amount of ingenuity was spent in devising tests which were
+used in such a way as to preclude any very meaningful interpretation of
+the responses.
+
+The Binet method enables us to characterize the intelligence of a child
+in a far more definite way than had hitherto been possible. Current
+descriptive terms like "bright," "moderately bright," "dull," "very
+dull," "feeble-minded," etc., have had no universally accepted meaning.
+A child who is designated by one person as "moderately bright" may be
+called "very bright" by another person. The degree of intelligence which
+one calls "moderate dullness," another may call "extreme dullness," etc.
+But every one knows what is meant by the term 8-year mentality, 4-year
+mentality, etc., even if he is not able to define these grades of
+intelligence in psychological terms; and by ascertaining experimentally
+what intellectual tasks children of different ages can perform, we are,
+of course, able to make our age standards as definite as we please.
+
+Why should a device so simple have waited so long for a discoverer? We
+do not know. It is of a class with many other unaccountable mysteries in
+the development of scientific method. Apparently the idea of an
+age-grade method, as this is called, did not come to Binet himself until
+he had experimented with intelligence tests for some fifteen years. At
+least his first provisional scale, published in 1905, was not made up
+according to the age-grade plan. It consisted merely of 30 tests,
+arranged roughly in order of difficulty. Although Binet nowhere gives
+any account of the steps by which this crude and ungraded scale was
+transformed into the relatively complete age-grade scale of 1908, we can
+infer that the original and ingenious idea of utilizing age norms was
+suggested by the data collected with the 1905 scale. However the
+discovery was made, it ranks, perhaps, from the practical point of view,
+as the most important in all the history of psychology.
+
+2. _The kind of mental functions brought into play._ In the second
+place, the Binet tests differ from most of the earlier attempts in that
+they are designed to test the higher and more complex mental processes,
+instead of the simpler and more elementary ones. Hence they set
+problems for the reasoning powers and ingenuity, provoke judgments about
+abstract matters, etc., instead of attempting to measure sensory
+discrimination, mere retentiveness, rapidity of reaction, and the like.
+Psychologists had generally considered the higher processes too complex
+to be measured directly, and accordingly sought to get at them
+indirectly by correlating supposed intelligence with simpler processes
+which could readily be measured, such as reaction time, rapidity of
+tapping, discrimination of tones and colors, etc. While they were
+disputing over their contradictory findings in this line of exploration,
+Binet went directly to the point and succeeded where they had failed.
+
+It is now generally admitted by psychologists that higher intelligence
+is little concerned in such elementary processes as those mentioned
+above. Many of the animals have keen sensory discrimination.
+Feeble-minded children, unless of very low grade, do not differ very
+markedly from normal children in sensitivity of the skin, visual
+acuity, simple reaction time, type of imagery, etc. But in power of
+comprehension, abstraction, and ability to direct thought, in the nature
+of the associative processes, in amount of information possessed, and in
+spontaneity of attention, they differ enormously.
+
+3. _Binet would test "general intelligence."_ Finally, Binet's success
+was largely due to his abandonment of the older "faculty psychology"
+which, far from being defunct, had really given direction to most of the
+earlier work with mental tests. Where others had attempted to measure
+memory attention, sense discrimination, etc., as separate faculties or
+functions, Binet undertook to ascertain the _general level_ of
+intelligence. Others had thought the task easier of accomplishment by
+measuring each division or aspect of intelligence separately, and
+summating the results. Binet, too, began in this way, and it was only
+after years of experimentation by the usual methods that he finally
+broke away from them and undertook, so to speak, to triangulate the
+height of his tower without first getting the dimensions of the
+individual stones which made it up.
+
+The assumption that it is easier to measure a part, or one aspect, of
+intelligence than all of it, is fallacious in that the parts are not
+separate parts and cannot be separated by any refinement of experiment.
+They are interwoven and intertwined. Each ramifies everywhere and
+appears in all other functions. The analogy of the stones of the tower
+does not really apply. Memory, for example, cannot be tested separately
+from attention, or sense-discrimination separately from the associative
+processes. After many vain attempts to disentangle the various
+intellective functions, Binet decided to test their combined functional
+capacity without any pretense of measuring the exact contribution
+of each to the total product. It is hardly too much to say that
+intelligence tests have been successful just to the extent to which they
+have been guided by this aim.
+
+Memory, attention, imagination, etc., are terms of "structural
+psychology." Binet's psychology is dynamic. He conceives intelligence as
+the sum total of those thought processes which consist in mental
+adaptation. This adaptation is not explicable in terms of the old mental
+"faculties." No one of these can explain a single thought process, for
+such process always involves the participation of many functions whose
+separate rôles are impossible to distinguish accurately. Instead of
+measuring the intensity of various mental states (psycho-physics), it is
+more enlightening to measure their combined effect on adaptation. Using
+a biological comparison, Binet says the old "faculties" correspond to
+the separate tissues of an animal or plant, while his own "scheme of
+thought" corresponds to the functioning organ itself. For Binet,
+psychology is the science of behavior.
+
+BINET'S CONCEPTION OF GENERAL INTELLIGENCE. In devising tests of
+intelligence it is, of course, necessary to be guided by some
+assumption, or assumptions, regarding the nature of intelligence. To
+adopt any other course is to depend for success upon happy chance.
+
+However, it is impossible to arrive at a final definition of
+intelligence on the basis of _a-priori_ considerations alone. To demand,
+as critics of the Binet method have sometimes done, that one who would
+measure intelligence should first present a complete definition of it,
+is quite unreasonable. As Stern points out, electrical currents were
+measured long before their nature was well understood. Similar
+illustrations could be drawn from the processes involved in chemistry
+physiology, and other sciences. In the case of intelligence it may be
+truthfully said that no adequate definition can possibly be framed which
+is not based primarily on the symptoms empirically brought to light by
+the test method. The best that can be done in advance of such data is to
+make tentative assumptions as to the probable nature of intelligence,
+and then to subject these assumptions to tests which will show their
+correctness or incorrectness. New hypotheses can then be framed for
+further trial, and thus gradually we shall be led to a conception of
+intelligence which will be meaningful and in harmony with all the
+ascertainable facts.
+
+Such was the method of Binet. Only those unacquainted with Binet's
+more than fifteen years of labor preceding the publication of his
+intelligence scale would think of accusing him of making no effort to
+analyze the mental processes which his tests bring into play. It is true
+that many of Binet's earlier assumptions proved untenable, and in this
+event he was always ready, with exceptional candor and intellectual
+plasticity, to acknowledge his error and to plan a new line of attack.
+
+Binet's conception of intelligence emphasizes three characteristics of
+the thought process: (1) Its tendency to take and maintain a definite
+direction; (2) the capacity to make adaptations for the purpose of
+attaining a desired end; and (3) the power of auto-criticism.[11]
+
+[11] See Binet and Simon: "L'intelligence des imbeciles," in _L'Année
+Psychologique_ (1909), pp. 1-147. The last division of this article is
+devoted to a discussion of the essential nature of the higher thought
+processes, and is a wonderful example of that keen psychological
+analysis in which Binet was so gifted.
+
+How these three aspects of intelligence enter into the performances with
+various tests of the scale is set forth from time to time in our
+directions for giving and interpreting the individual tests.[12] An
+illustration which may be given here is that of the "patience test," or
+uniting the disarranged parts of a divided rectangle. As described by
+Binet, this operation has the following elements: "(1) to keep in mind
+the end to be attained, that is to say, the figure to be formed; (2) to
+try different combinations under the influence of this directing idea,
+which guides the efforts of the subject even though he may not be
+conscious of the fact; and (3) to judge the combination which has been
+made, to compare it with the model, and to decide whether it is the
+correct one."
+
+[12] See especially pages 162 and 238.
+
+Much the same processes are called for in many other of the Binet tests,
+particularly those of arranging weights, rearranging dissected
+sentences, drawing a diamond or square from copy, finding a sentence
+containing three given words, counting backwards, etc.
+
+However, an examination of the scale will show that the choice of tests
+was not guided entirely by any single formula as to the nature of
+intelligence. Binet's approach was a many-sided one. The scale includes
+tests of time orientation, of three or four kinds of memory, of
+apperception, of language comprehension, of knowledge about common
+objects, of free association, of number mastery, of constructive
+imagination, and of ability to compare concepts, to see contradictions,
+to combine fragments into a unitary whole, to comprehend abstract terms,
+and to meet novel situations.
+
+OTHER CONCEPTIONS OF INTELLIGENCE. It is interesting to compare Binet's
+conception of intelligence with the definitions which have been offered
+by other psychologists. According to Ebbinghaus, for example, the
+essence of intelligence lies in comprehending together in a unitary,
+meaningful whole, impressions and associations which are more or less
+independent, heterogeneous, or even partly contradictory. "Intellectual
+ability consists in the elaboration of a whole into its worth and
+meaning by means of many-sided combination, correction, and completion
+of numerous kindred associations.... It is a _combination activity_."
+
+Meumann offers a twofold definition. From the psychological point of
+view, intelligence is the power of independent and creative elaboration
+of new products out of the material given by memory and the senses. From
+the practical point of view, it involves the ability to avoid errors, to
+surmount difficulties, and to adjust to environment.
+
+Stern defines intelligence as "the general capacity of an individual
+consciously to adjust his thinking to new requirements: it is general
+adaptability to new problems and conditions of life."
+
+Spearman, Hart, and others of the English school define intelligence as
+a "common central factor" which participates in all sorts of
+special mental activities. This factor is explained in terms of a
+psycho-physiological hypothesis of "cortex energy," "cerebral
+plasticity," etc.
+
+The above definitions are only to a slight extent contradictory or
+inharmonious. They differ mainly in point of view or in the location of
+the emphasis. Each expresses a part of the truth, and none all of it. It
+will be evident that the conception of Binet is broad enough to include
+the most important elements in each of the other definitions quoted.
+
+GUIDING PRINCIPLES IN CHOICE AND ARRANGEMENT OF TESTS. In choosing his
+tests Binet was guided by the conception of intelligence which we have
+set forth above. Tests were devised which would presumably bring
+into play the various mental processes thought to be concerned in
+intelligence, and then these tests were tried out on normal children of
+different ages. If the percentage of passes for a given test increased
+but little or not at all in going from younger to older children this
+test was discarded. On the other hand, if the proportion of passes
+increased rapidly with age, and if children of a given age, who on other
+grounds were known to be bright, passed more frequently than children of
+the same age who were known to be dull, then the test was judged a
+satisfactory test of intelligence. As we have shown elsewhere,[13]
+practically all of Binet's tests fulfill these requirements reasonably
+well, a fact which bears eloquent testimony to the keen psychological
+insight of their author.
+
+[13] See p. 55.
+
+In arranging the tests into a system Binet's guiding principle was to
+find an arrangement of the tests which would cause an average child of
+any given age to test "at age"; that is, the average 5-year-old must
+show a mental age of 5 years, the average 8-year-old a mental age of
+8 years, etc. In order to secure this result Binet found that his data
+seemed to require the location of an individual test in that year where
+it was passed by about two thirds to three fourths of unselected
+children.
+
+It was in the assembling of the tests that the most serious faults of
+the scale had their origin. Further investigation has shown that a great
+many of the tests were misplaced as much as one year, and several of
+them two years. On the whole, the scale as Binet left it was decidedly
+too easy in the lower ranges, and too difficult in the upper. As a
+result, the average child of 5 years was caused to test at not far from
+6 years, the average child of 12 years not far from 11. In the Stanford
+revision an effort has been made to correct this fault, along with
+certain other generally recognized imperfections.
+
+SOME AVOWED LIMITATIONS OF THE BINET TESTS. The Binet tests have often
+been criticized for their unfitness to perform certain services which in
+reality they were never meant to render. This is unfair. We cannot make
+a just evaluation of the scale without bearing in mind its avowed
+limitations.
+
+For example, the scale does not pretend to measure the entire mentality
+of the subject, but only _general intelligence_. There is no pretense of
+testing the emotions or the will beyond the extent to which these
+naturally display themselves in the tests of intelligence. The scale was
+not designed as a tool for the analysis of those emotional or volitional
+aberrations which are concerned in such mental disorders as hysteria,
+insanity, etc. These conditions do not present a progressive reduction
+of intelligence to the infantile level, and in most of them other
+factors besides intelligence play an important rôle. Moreover, even in
+the normal individual the fruitfulness of intelligence, the direction in
+which it shall be applied, and its methods of work are to a certain
+extent determined by the extraneous factors of emotion and volition.
+
+It should, nevertheless, be pointed out that defects of intelligence, in
+a large majority of cases, also involve disturbances of the emotional
+and volitional functions. We do not expect to find perfectly normal
+emotions or will power of average strength coupled with marked
+intellectual deficiency, and as a matter of fact such a combination is
+rare indeed. In the course of an examination with the Binet tests, the
+experienced clinical psychologist is able to gain considerable insight
+into the subject's emotional and volitional equipment, even though the
+method was designed primarily for another purpose.
+
+A second misunderstanding can be avoided by remembering that the Binet
+scale does not pretend to bring to light the idiosyncrasies of special
+talent, but only to measure the general level of intelligence. It cannot
+be used for the discovery of exceptional ability in drawing, painting,
+music, mathematics, oratory, salesmanship, etc., because no effort is
+made to explore the processes underlying these abilities. It can,
+therefore, never serve as a _detailed chart_ for the vocational guidance
+of children, telling us which will succeed in business, which in art,
+which in medicine, etc. It is not a new kind of phrenology. At the same
+time, as we have already pointed out, _it is capable of bounding roughly
+the vocational territory in which an individual's intelligence will
+probably permit success, nothing else preventing_.[14]
+
+[14] See p. 17.
+
+In the third place, it must not be supposed that the scale can be used
+as a complete pedagogical guide. Although intelligence tests furnish
+data of the greatest significance for pedagogical procedure, they do not
+suggest the appropriate educational methods in detail. These will
+have to be worked out in a practical way for the various grades of
+intelligence, and at great cost of labor and patience.
+
+Finally, in arriving at an estimate of a subject's grade of intelligence
+and his susceptibility to training, it would be a mistake to ignore the
+data obtainable from other sources. No competent psychologist, however
+ardent a supporter of the Binet method he might be, would recommend such
+a policy. Those who accept the method as all-sufficient are as much in
+error as those who consider it as no more important than any one of a
+dozen other approaches. Standardized tests have already become and will
+remain by far the most reliable single method for grading intelligence,
+but the results they furnish will always need to be interpreted in the
+light of supplementary information regarding the subject's personal
+history, including medical record, accidents, play habits, industrial
+efficiency, social and moral traits, school success, home environment,
+etc. Without question, however, the improved Binet tests will contribute
+more than all other data combined to the end of enabling us to forecast
+a child's possibilities of future improvement, and this is the
+information which will aid most in the proper direction of his
+education.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+NATURE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION
+
+
+Although the Binet scale quickly demonstrated its value as an instrument
+for the classification of mentally-retarded and otherwise exceptional
+children, it had, nevertheless, several imperfections which greatly
+limited its usefulness. There was a dearth of tests at the higher mental
+levels, the procedure was so inadequately defined that needless
+disagreement came about in the interpretation of data, and so many of
+the tests were misplaced as to make the results of an examination more
+or less misleading, particularly in the case of very young subjects and
+those near the adult level. It was for the purpose of correcting
+these and certain other faults that the Stanford investigation was
+planned.[15]
+
+[15] The writer wishes to acknowledge his very great indebtedness to
+Miss Grace Lyman, Dr. George Ordahl, Dr. Louise Ellison Ordahl, Miss
+Neva Galbreath, Mr. Wilford Talbert, Dr. J. Harold Williams, Mr. Herbert
+E. Knollin, and Miss Irene Cuneo for their coöperation in making the
+tests on which the Stanford revision is chiefly based. Without their
+loyal assistance the investigation could not have been carried through.
+
+Grateful acknowledgment is also made to the many public school teachers
+and principals for their generous and invaluable coöperation in
+furnishing subjects for the tests, and in supplying, sometimes at
+considerable cost of labor, the supplementary information which was
+called for regarding the pupils tested. Their contribution was made in
+the interest of educational science, and without expectation of personal
+benefits of any kind. Their professional spirit cannot be too highly
+commended.
+
+SOURCES OF DATA. Our revision is the result of several years of work,
+and involved the examination of approximately 2300 subjects, including
+1700 normal children, 200 defective and superior children, and more than
+400 adults.
+
+Tests of 400 of the 1700 normal children had been made by Childs and
+Terman in 1910-11, and of 300 children by Trost, Waddle, and Terman in
+1911-12. For various reasons, however, the results of these tests did
+not furnish satisfactory data for a thoroughgoing revision of the scale.
+Accordingly a new investigation was undertaken, somewhat more extensive
+than the others, and more carefully planned. Its main features may be
+described as follows:--
+
+1. The first step was to assemble as nearly as possible all the results
+which had been secured for each test of the scale by all the workers of
+all countries. The result was a large sheet of tabulated data for each
+individual test, including percentages passing the test at various ages,
+conditions under which the results were secured, method of procedure,
+etc. After a comparative study of these data, and in the light of
+results we had ourselves secured, a provisional arrangement of the tests
+was prepared for try-out.
+
+2. In addition to the tests of the original Binet scale, 40 additional
+tests were included for try-out. This, it was expected, would make
+possible the elimination of some of the least satisfactory tests, and at
+the same time permit the addition of enough new ones to give at least
+six tests, instead of five, for each age group.
+
+3. A plan was then devised for securing subjects who should be as nearly
+as possible representative of the several ages. The method was to select
+a school in a community of average social status, a school attended by
+all or practically all the children in the district where it was
+located. In order to get clear pictures of age differences the tests
+were confined to children who were within two months of a birthday. To
+avoid accidental selection, _all_ the children within two months of a
+birthday were tested, in whatever grade enrolled. Tests of foreign-born
+children, however, were eliminated in the treatment of results. There
+remained tests of approximately 1000 children, of whom 905 were between
+5 and 14 years of age.
+
+4. The children's responses were, for the most part, recorded
+_verbatim_. This made it possible to re-score the records according
+to any desired standard, and thus to fit a test more perfectly to the
+age level assigned it.
+
+5. Much attention was given to securing uniformity of procedure. A
+half-year was devoted to training the examiners and another half-year to
+the supervision of the testing. In the further interests of uniformity
+all the records were scored by one person (the writer).
+
+METHOD OF ARRIVING AT A REVISION. The revision of the scale below
+the 14-year level was based almost entirely on the tests of the
+above-mentioned 1,000 unselected children. The guiding principle was to
+secure an arrangement of the tests and a standard of scoring which would
+cause the median mental age of the unselected children of each age group
+to coincide with the median chronological age. That is, a correct scale
+must cause the _average_ child of 5 years to test exactly at 5, the
+_average_ child at 6 to test exactly at 6, etc. Or, to express the same
+fact in terms of intelligence quotient,[16] a correct scale must give a
+median intelligence quotient of unity, or 100 per cent, for unselected
+children of each age.
+
+[16] The intelligence quotient (often designated as I Q) is the ratio of
+mental age to chronological age. (See pp. 65 _ff._ and 78 _ff._)
+
+If the median mental age resulting at any point from the provisional
+arrangement of tests was too high or too low, it was only necessary to
+change the location of certain of the tests, or to change the standard
+of scoring, until an order of arrangement and a standard of passing were
+found which would throw the median mental age where it belonged. We had
+already become convinced, for reasons too involved for presentation
+here, that no satisfactory revision of the Binet scale was possible on
+any theoretical considerations as to the percentage of passes which an
+individual test ought to show in a given year in order to be considered
+standard for that year.
+
+As was to be expected, the first draft of the revision did not prove
+satisfactory. The scale was still too hard at some points, and too easy
+at others. In fact, three successive revisions were necessary, involving
+three separate scorings of the data and as many tabulations of the
+mental ages, before the desired degree of accuracy was secured. As
+finally revised, the scale gives a median intelligence quotient closely
+approximating 100 for the unselected children of each age from 4 to 14.
+
+Since our school children who were above 14 years and still in the
+grades were retarded left-overs, it was necessary to base the revision
+above this level on the tests of adults. These included 30 business men
+and 150 "migrating" unemployed men tested by Mr. H. E. Knollin, 150
+adolescent delinquents tested by Mr. J. Harold Williams, and 50
+high-school students tested by the writer.
+
+The extension of the scale in the upper range is such that ordinarily
+intelligent adults, little educated, test up to what is called the
+"average adult" level. Adults whose intelligence is known from other
+sources to be superior are found to test well up toward the "superior
+adult" level, and this holds whether the subjects in question are well
+educated or practically unschooled. The almost entirely unschooled
+business men, in fact, tested fully as well as high-school juniors and
+seniors.
+
+Figure 1 shows the distribution of mental ages for 62 adults, including
+the 30 business men and the 32 high-school pupils who were over 16 years
+of age. It will be noted that the middle section of the graph represents
+the "mental ages" falling between 15 and 17. This is the range which we
+have designated as the "average adult" level. Those above 17 are called
+"superior adults," those between 13 and 15, "inferior adults." Subjects
+much over 15 years of age who test in the neighborhood of 12 years may
+ordinarily be considered border-line cases.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 1. DISTRIBUTION OF MENTAL AGES OF 62 NORMAL ADULTS]
+
+The following method was employed for determining the validity of a
+test. The children of each age level were divided into three groups
+according to intelligence quotient, those testing below 90, those
+between 90 and 109, and those with an intelligence quotient of 110 or
+above. The percentages of passes on each individual test at or near that
+age level were then ascertained separately for these three groups. If a
+test fails to show a decidedly higher proportion of passes in the
+superior I Q group than in the inferior I Q group, it cannot be regarded
+as a satisfactory test of intelligence. On the other hand, a test which
+satisfies this criterion must be accepted as valid or the entire scale
+must be rejected. Henceforth it stands or falls with the scale as a
+whole.
+
+When tried out by this method, some of the tests which have been most
+criticized showed a high degree of reliability; certain others which
+have been considered excellent proved to be so little correlated with
+intelligence that they had to be discarded.
+
+After making a few necessary eliminations, 90 tests remained, or 36 more
+than the number included in the Binet 1911 scale. There are 6 at each
+age level from 3 to 10, 8 at 12, 6 at 14, 6 at "average adult," 6 at
+"superior adult," and 16 alternative tests. The alternative tests, which
+are distributed among the different groups, are intended to be used only
+as substitutes when one or more of the regular tests have been rendered,
+by coaching or otherwise, undesirable.[17]
+
+[17] See p. 137 _ff._ for explanations regarding the calculation of
+mental age and the use of alternative tests.
+
+Of the 36 new tests, 27 were added and standardized in the various
+Stanford investigations. Two tests were borrowed from the Healy-Fernald
+series, one from Kuhlmann, one was adapted from Bonser, and the
+remaining five were amplifications or adaptations of some of the earlier
+Binet tests.
+
+Following is a complete list of the tests of the Stanford revision.
+Those designated _al._ are alternative tests. The guide for giving and
+scoring the tests is presented at length in Part II of this volume.
+
+
+_The Stanford revision and extension_
+
+_Year III._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Points to parts of body. (3 to 4.)
+ Nose; eyes; mouth; hair.
+ 2. Names familiar objects. (3 to 5.)
+ Key, penny, closed knife, watch, pencil.
+ 3. Pictures, enumeration or better. (At least 3 objects enumerated
+ in one picture.)
+ (a) Dutch Home; (b) River Scene; (c) Post-Office.
+ 4. Gives sex.
+ 5. Gives last name.
+ 6. Repeats 6 to 7 syllables. (1 to 3.)
+ Al. Repeats 3 digits. (1 success in 3 trials. Order correct.)
+
+_Year IV._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Compares lines. (3 trials, no error.)
+ 2. Discrimination of forms. (Kuhlmann.) (Not over 3 errors.)
+ 3. Counts 4 pennies. (No error.)
+ 4. Copies square. (Pencil. 1 to 3.)
+ 5. Comprehension, 1st degree. (2 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ "What must you do": "When you are sleepy?" "Cold?" "Hungry?"
+ 6. Repeats 4 digits. (1 to 3. Order correct.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Al. Repeats 12 to 13 syllables. (1 to 3 absolutely correct, or 2 with
+ 1 error each.)
+
+_Year V._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Comparison of weights. (2 to 3.)
+ 3-15; 15-3; 3-15.
+ 2. Colors. (No error.)
+ Red; yellow; blue; green.
+ 3. Æsthetic comparison. (No error.)
+ 4. Definitions, use or better. (4 to 6.)
+ Chair; horse; fork; doll; pencil; table.
+ 5. Patience, or divided rectangle. (2 to 3 trials. 1 minute each.)
+ 6. Three commissions. (No error. Order correct.)
+ Al. Age.
+
+_Year VI._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Right and left. (No error.)
+ Right hand; left ear; right eye.
+ 2. Mutilated pictures. (3 to 4 correct.)
+ 3. Counts 13 pennies. (1 to 2 trials, without error.)
+ 4. Comprehension, 2d degree. (2 to 3.) "What's the thing for
+ you to do":
+ (a) "If it is raining when you start to school?"
+ (b) "If you find that your house is on fire?"
+ (c) "If you are going some place and miss your car?"
+ 5. Coins. (3 to 4.)
+ Nickel; penny; quarter; dime.
+ 6. Repeats 16 to 18 syllables. (1 to 3 absolutely correct, or 2
+ with 1 error each.)
+ Al. Morning or afternoon.
+
+_Year VII._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Fingers. (No error.) Right; left; both.
+ 2. Pictures, description or better. (Over half of performance
+ description:) Dutch Home; River Scene; Post-Office.
+ 3. Repeats 5 digits. (1 to 3. Order correct.)
+ 4. Ties bow-knot. (Model shown. 1 minute.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 5. Gives differences. (2 to 3.)
+ Fly and butterfly; stone and egg; wood and glass.
+ 6. Copies diamond. (Pen. 2 to 3.)
+Al. 1. Names days of week. (Order correct. 2 to 3 checks correct.)
+Al. 2. Repeats 3 digits backwards. (1 to 3.)
+
+_Year VIII._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Ball and field. (Inferior plan or better.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Counts 20 to 1. (40 seconds. 1 error allowed.)
+ 3. Comprehension, 3d degree. (2 to 3.) "What's the thing for you to
+ do":
+ (a) "When you have broken something which belongs to some one
+ else?"
+ (b) "When you are on your way to school and notice that you are
+ in danger of being tardy?"
+ (c) "If a playmate hits you without meaning to do it?"
+ 4. Gives similarities, two things. (2 to 4.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Wood and coal; apple and peach; iron and silver; ship and
+ automobile.
+ 5. Definitions superior to use. (2 to 4.)
+ Balloon; tiger; football; soldier.
+ 6. Vocabulary, 20 words. (Stanford addition. For list of words used,
+ see record booklet.)
+Al. 1. First six coins. (No error.)
+Al. 2. Dictation. ("See the little boy." Easily legible. Pen. 1 minute.)
+
+_Year IX._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Date. (Allow error of 3 days in _c_, no error in _a_, _b_, or _d_.)
+ (a) day of week; (b) month; (c) day of month; (d) year.
+ 2. Weights. (3, 6, 9, 12, 15. Procedure not illustrated. 2 to 3.)
+ 3. Makes change. (2 to 3. No coins, paper, or pencil.)
+ 10--4; 15--12; 25--4.
+ 4. Repeats 4 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 5. Three words. (2 to 3. Oral. 1 sentence or not over 2 coördinate
+ clauses.)
+ Boy, river, ball; work, money, men; desert, rivers, lakes.
+ 6. Rhymes. (3 rhymes for two of three words. 1 minute for each part.)
+ Day; mill; spring.
+Al. 1. Months. (15 seconds and 1 error in naming. 2 checks of 3 correct.)
+Al. 2. Stamps, gives total value. (Second trial if individual values are
+ known.)
+
+_Year X._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 30 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Absurdities. (4 to 5. Warn. Spontaneous correction allowed.) (Four
+ of Binet's, one Stanford.)
+ 3. Designs. (1 correct, 1 half correct. Expose 10 seconds.)
+ 4. Reading and report. (8 memories. 35 seconds and 2 mistakes in
+ reading.) (Binet's selection.)
+ 5. Comprehension, 4th degree. (2 to 3. Question may be repeated.)
+ (a) "What ought you to say when some one asks your opinion
+ about a person you don't know very well?"
+ (b) "What ought you to do before undertaking (beginning)
+ something very important?"
+ (c) "Why should we judge a person more by his actions than by
+ his words?"
+ 6. Names 60 words. (Illustrate with clouds, dog, chair, happy.)
+Al. 1. Repeats 6 digits. (1 to 2. Order correct.) (Stanford addition.)
+Al. 2. Repeats 20 to 22 syllables. (1 to 3 correct, or 2 with 1 error
+ each.)
+Al. 3. Form board. (Healy-Fernald Puzzle A. 3 times in 5 minutes.)
+
+_Year XII._ (_8 tests, 3 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 40 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Abstract words. (3 to 5.)
+ Pity; revenge; charity; envy; justice.
+ 3. Ball and field. (Superior plan.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 4. Dissected sentences. (2 to 3. 1 minute each.)
+ 5. Fables. (Score 4; i.e., two correct or the equivalent in half
+ credits.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Hercules and Wagoner; Maid and Eggs; Fox and Crow;
+ Farmer and Stork; Miller, Son, and Donkey.
+ 6. Repeats 5 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 7. Pictures, interpretation. (3 to 4. "Explain this picture.")
+ Dutch Home; River Scene; Post-Office; Colonial Home.
+ 8. Gives similarities, three things. (3 to 5.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Snake, cow, sparrow; book, teacher, newspaper; wool, cotton,
+ leather; knife-blade, penny, piece of wire; rose, potato,
+ tree.
+
+_Year XIV._ (_6 tests, 4 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 50 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Induction test. (Gets rule by 6th folding.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 3. President and king. (Power; accession; tenure. 2 to 3.)
+ 4. Problems of fact. (2 to 3.) (Binet's two and one Stanford
+ addition.)
+ 5. Arithmetical reasoning. (1 minute each. 2 to 3.) (Adapted from
+ Bonser.)
+ 6. Clock. (2 to 3. Error must not exceed 3 or 4 minutes.)
+ 6.22. 8.10. 2.46.
+ Al. Repeats 7 digits. (1 to 2. Order correct.)
+
+"AVERAGE ADULT." (_6 tests, 5 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 65 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Interpretation of fables. (Score 8.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 3. Difference between abstract words. (3 real contrasts out of 4.)
+ Laziness and idleness; evolution and revolution; poverty and
+ misery; character and reputation.
+ 4. Problem of the enclosed boxes. (3 to 4.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 5. Repeats 6 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 6. Code, writes "Come quickly." (2 errors. Omission of dot counts
+ half error. Illustrate with "war" and "spy.") (From Healy and
+ Fernald.)
+Al. 1. Repeats 28 syllables. (1 to 2 absolutely correct.)
+Al. 2. Comprehension of physical relations. (2 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Path of cannon ball; weight of fish in water; hitting distant
+ mark.
+
+"SUPERIOR ADULT." (_6 tests, 6 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 75 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Binet's paper-cutting test. (Draws, folds, and locates holes.)
+ 3. Repeats 8 digits. (1 to 3. Order correct.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 4. Repeats thought of passage heard. (1 to 2.) (Binet's and Wissler's
+ selections adapted.)
+ 5. Repeats 7 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 6. Ingenuity test. (2 to 3. 5 minutes each.) (Stanford addition.)
+
+
+SUMMARY OF CHANGES. A comparison of the above list with either the Binet
+1908 or 1911 series will reveal many changes. On the whole, it differs
+somewhat more from the Binet 1911 scale than from that of 1908. Thus, of
+the 49 tests below the "adult" group in the 1911 scale, 2 are eliminated
+and 29 are relocated. Of these, 25 are moved downward and 4 upward. The
+shifts are as follows:--
+
+ Down 1 year, 18
+ Down 2 years, 4
+ Down 3 years, 2
+ Down 6 years, 1
+ Up 1 year, 3
+ Up 2 years, 1
+
+Of the adult group in Binet's 1911 series 1 is eliminated, 2 are moved
+up to "superior adult," and 1 is moved up to 14. Accordingly, of Binet's
+entire 54 tests, we have eliminated 3 and relocated 32, leaving only 19
+in the positions assigned them by Binet. The 3 eliminated are: repeating
+2 digits, resisting suggestion, and "reversed triangle."
+
+The revision is really more extensive than the above figures would
+suggest, since minor changes have been made in the scoring of a great
+many tests in order to make them fit better the locations assigned them.
+Throughout the scale the procedure and scoring have been worked over and
+made more definite with the idea of promoting uniformity. This phase of
+the revision is perhaps more important than the mere relocation of
+tests. Also, the addition of numerous tests in the upper ranges of the
+scale affects very considerably the mental ages above the level of
+10 or 11 years.
+
+EFFECTS OF THE REVISION ON THE MENTAL AGES SECURED. The most important
+effect of the revision is to reduce the mental ages secured in the lower
+ranges of the scale, and to raise considerably the mental ages above
+10 or 11 years. This difference also obtains, though to a somewhat
+smaller extent, between the Stanford revision and those of Goddard and
+Kuhlmann.
+
+For example, of 104 adult individuals testing by the Stanford revision
+between 12 and 14 years, and who were therefore somewhat above the level
+of feeble-mindedness as that term is usually defined, 50 per cent tested
+below 12 years by the Goddard revision. That the dull and border-line
+adults are so much more readily distinguished from the feeble-minded by
+the Stanford revision than by other Binet series is due as much to the
+addition of tests in the upper groups as to the relocation of existing
+tests.
+
+On the other hand, the Stanford revision causes young subjects to test
+lower than any other version of the Binet scale. At 5 or 6 years the
+mental ages secured by the Stanford revision average from 6 to 10 months
+lower than other revisions yield.
+
+The above differences are more significant than would at first appear.
+An error of 10 months in the mental age of a 5-year-old is as serious as
+an error of 20 months in the case of a 10-year-old. Stating the error in
+terms of the intelligence quotient makes it more evident. Thus, an error
+of 10 months in the mental age of a 5-year-old means an error of almost
+15 per cent in the intelligence quotient. A scale which tests this much
+too low would cause the child with a true intelligence quotient of 75
+(which ordinarily means feeble-mindedness or border-line intelligence)
+to test at 90, or only slightly below normal.
+
+Three serious consequences came from the too great ease of the original
+Binet scale at the lower end, and its too great difficulty at the upper
+end:--
+
+1. In young subjects the higher grades of mental deficiency were
+overlooked, because the scale caused such subjects to test only a little
+below normal.
+
+2. The proportion of feeble-mindedness among adult subjects was greatly
+overestimated, because subjects who were really of the 12- or 13-year
+mental level could only earn a mental age of about 11 years.
+
+3. Confusion resulted in efforts to trace the mental growth of either
+feeble-minded or normal children. For example, by other versions of the
+Binet scale an average 5-year-old will show an intelligence quotient
+probably not far from 110 or 115; at 9, an intelligence quotient of
+about 100; and at 14, an intelligence quotient of about 85 or 90.
+
+By such a scale the true border-line case would test approximately as
+follows:--
+
+ At age 5, 90 I Q (apparently not far below normal).
+ At age 9, 75 I Q (border-line).
+ At age 14, 65 I Q (moron deficiency).
+
+On the other hand, re-tests of children by the Stanford revision have
+been found to yield intelligence quotients almost identical with those
+secured from two to four years earlier by the same tests. Those who
+graded feeble-minded in the first test graded feeble-minded in the
+second test: the dull remained dull, the average remained average, the
+superior remained superior, and always in approximately the same
+degree.[18]
+
+[18] See "Some Problems relating to the Detection of Border-line Cases
+of Mental Deficiency," by Lewis M. Terman and H. E. Knollin, in _Journal
+of Psycho-Asthemes_, June, 1916.
+
+It is unnecessary to emphasize further the importance of having an
+intelligence scale which is equally accurate at all points. Absolute
+perfection in this respect is not claimed for the Stanford revision, but
+it is believed to be at least free from the more serious errors of other
+Binet arrangements.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+ANALYSIS OF 1000 INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS
+
+
+An extended account of the 1000 tests on which the Stanford revision is
+chiefly based has been presented in a separate monograph. This chapter
+will include only the briefest summary of some of those results of the
+investigation which contribute to the intelligent use of the revision.
+
+THE DISTRIBUTION OF INTELLIGENCE. The question as to the manner in which
+intelligence is distributed is one of great practical as well as
+theoretical importance. One of the most vital questions which can be
+asked by any nation of any age is the following: "How high is the
+average level of intelligence among our people, and how frequent are the
+various grades of ability above and below the average?" With the
+development of standardized tests we are approaching, for the first time
+in history, a possible answer to this question.
+
+Most of the earlier Binet studies, however, have thrown little light on
+the distribution of intelligence because of their failure to avoid the
+influence of accidental selection in choosing subjects for testing. The
+method of securing subjects for the Stanford revision makes our results
+on this point especially interesting.[19] It is believed that the
+subjects used for this investigation were as nearly representative of
+average American-born children as it is possible to secure.
+
+[19] See p. 52 _ff._ for method used to avoid accidental selection of
+subjects for the Stanford investigation.
+
+The intelligence quotients for these 1000 unselected children were
+calculated, and their distribution was plotted for the ages separately.
+The distribution was found fairly symmetrical at each age from 5 to 14.
+At 15 the range is on either side of 90 as a median, and at 16 on either
+side of 80 as a median. That the 15- and 16-year-olds test low is due to
+the fact that these children are left-over retardates and are below
+average in intelligence.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 2. DISTRIBUTION OF I Q'S OF 905 UNSELECTED
+CHILDREN. 5-14 YEARS OF AGE]
+
+The I Q's were then grouped in ranges of ten. In the middle group were
+thrown those from 96 to 105; the ascending groups including in order the
+I Q's from 106 to 115, 116 to 125, etc.; correspondingly with the
+descending groups. Figure 2 shows the distribution found by this
+grouping for the 905 children of ages 5 to 14 combined. The subjects
+above 14 are not included in this curve because they are left-overs and
+not representative of their ages.
+
+The distribution for the ages combined is seen to be remarkably
+symmetrical. The symmetry for the separate ages was hardly less marked,
+considering that only 80 to 120 children were tested at each age. In
+fact, the range, including the middle 50 per cent of I Q's, was found
+practically constant from 5 to 14 years. The tendency is for the middle
+50 per cent to fall (approximately) between 93 and 108.
+
+Three important conclusions are justified by the above facts:--
+
+1. Since the frequency of the various grades of intelligence decreases
+_gradually_ and at no point abruptly on each side of the median, it is
+evident that there is no definite dividing line between normality and
+feeble-mindedness, or between normality and genius. Psychologically, the
+mentally defective child does not belong to a distinct type, nor does
+the genius. There is no line of demarcation between either of these
+extremes and the so-called "normal" child. The number of mentally
+defective individuals in a population will depend upon the standard
+arbitrarily set up as to what constitutes mental deficiency. Similarly
+for genius. It is exactly as we should undertake to classify all people
+into the three groups: abnormally tall, normally tall, and abnormally
+short.[20]
+
+[20] See Chapter VI for discussion of the significance of various I Q's.
+
+2. The common opinion that extreme deviations below the median are more
+frequent than extreme deviations above the median seems to have no
+foundation in fact. Among unselected school children, at least, for
+every child of any given degree of deficiency there is another child as
+far above the average I Q as the former is below. We have shown
+elsewhere the serious consequences of neglect of this fact.[21]
+
+[21] See p. 12 _ff._
+
+3. The traditional view that variability in mental traits becomes more
+marked during adolescence is here contradicted, as far as intelligence
+is concerned, for the distribution of I Q's is practically the same at
+each age from 5 to 14. For example, 6-year-olds differ from one another
+fully as much as do 14-year-olds.
+
+THE VALIDITY OF THE INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENT. The facts presented above
+argue strongly for the validity of the I Q as an expression of a child's
+intelligence status. This follows necessarily from the similar nature of
+the distributions at the various ages. The inference is that a child's
+I Q, as measured by this scale, remains relatively constant. Re-tests of
+the same children at intervals of two to five years support the
+inference. Children of superior intelligence do not seem to deteriorate
+as they get older, nor dull children to develop average intelligence.
+Knowing a child's I Q, we can predict with a fair degree of accuracy the
+course of his later development.
+
+The mental age of a subject is meaningless if considered apart from
+chronological age. It is only the ratio of retardation or acceleration
+to chronological age (that is, the I Q) which has significance.
+
+It follows also that if the I Q is a valid expression of intelligence,
+as it seems to be, then the Binet-Simon "age-grade method" becomes
+transformed automatically into a "point-scale method," if one wants to
+use it that way. As such it is superior to any other point scale that
+has been proposed, because it includes a larger number of tests and its
+points have definite meaning.[22]
+
+[22] For discussion of the supposed advantages of the "point-scale
+method," see Yerkes and Bridges: _A New Point Scale for Measuring Mental
+Ability_. (Warwick and York, 1915.)
+
+SEX DIFFERENCES. The question as to the relative intelligence of the
+sexes is one of perennial interest and great social importance. The
+ancient hypothesis, the one which dates from the time when only men
+concerned themselves with scientific hypotheses, took for granted the
+superiority of the male. With the development of individual psychology,
+however, it was soon found that as far as the evidence of mental tests
+can be trusted the _average_ intelligence of women and girls is as high
+as that of men and boys.
+
+If we accept this result we are then confronted with the difficult
+problem of finding an explanation for the fact that so few of those who
+have acquired eminence in the various intellectual fields have been
+women. Two explanations have been proposed: (1) That women become
+eminent less often than men simply for lack of opportunity and stimulus;
+and (2) that while the average intelligence of the sexes is the same,
+extreme variations may be more common in males. It is pointed out that
+not only are there more eminent men than eminent women, but that
+statistics also show a preponderance of males in institutions for the
+mentally defective. Accordingly it is often said that women are grouped
+closely about the average, while men show a wider range of distribution.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 3. MEDIAN I Q OF 457 BOYS (UNBROKEN LINE) AND
+448 GIRLS (DOTTED LINE) FOR THE AGES 5-14 YEARS]
+
+Many hundreds of articles and books of popular or quasi-scientific
+nature have been written on one aspect or another of this question of
+sex difference in intelligence; but all such theoretical discussions
+taken together are worth less than the results of one good experiment.
+Let us see what our 1000 I Q's have to offer toward a solution of the
+problem.
+
+1. When the I Q's of the boys and girls were treated separately there
+was found a small but fairly constant superiority of the girls up to the
+age of 13 years. At 14, however, the curve for the girls dropped below
+that for boys. This is shown in Figure 3.
+
+The supplementary data, including the teachers' estimates of
+intelligence on a scale of five, the teachers' judgments in regard to
+the quality of the school work, and records showing the age-grade
+distribution of the sexes, were all sifted for evidence as to the
+genuineness of the apparent superiority of the girls age for age. The
+results of all these lines of inquiry support the tests in suggesting
+that the superiority of the girls is probably real even up to and
+including age 14, the apparent superiority of the boys at this age being
+fully accounted for by the more frequent elimination of 14-year-old
+girls from the grades by promotion to the high school.[23]
+
+[23] It will be remembered that this series of tests did not follow up
+and test those who had been promoted to high school.
+
+2. However, the superiority of girls over boys is so slight (amounting
+at most ages to only 2 to 3 points in terms of I Q) that for practical
+purposes it would seem negligible. This offers no support to the opinion
+expressed by Yerkes and Bridges that "at certain ages serious injustice
+will be done individuals by evaluating their scores in the light of
+norms which do not take account of sex differences."
+
+3. Apart from the small superiority of girls, the distribution of
+intelligence in the two sexes is not different. The supposed wider
+variation of boys is not found. Girls do not group themselves about the
+median more closely than do boys. The range of I Q including the middle
+fifty per cent is approximately the same for the two sexes.[24]
+
+[24] For an extensive summary of other data on the variability of the
+sexes see the article by Leta S. Hollingworth, in _The American Journal
+of Sociology_ (January, 1914), pp. 510-30. It is shown that the findings
+of others support the conclusions set forth above.
+
+4. When the results for the individual tests were examined, it was found
+that not many showed very extreme differences as to the per cent of boys
+and girls passing. In a few cases, however, the difference was rather
+marked.
+
+The boys were decidedly better in arithmetical reasoning, giving
+differences between a president and a king, solving the form board,
+making change, reversing hands of clock, finding similarities, and
+solving the "induction test." The girls were superior in drawing designs
+from memory, æsthetic comparison, comparing objects from memory,
+answering the "comprehension questions," repeating digits and sentences,
+tying a bow-knot, and finding rhymes.
+
+Accordingly, our data, which for the most part agree with the results of
+others, justify the conclusion that the intelligence of girls, at least
+up to 14 years, does not differ materially from that of boys either as
+regards the average level or the range of distribution. It may still be
+argued that the mental development of boys beyond the age of 14 years
+lasts longer and extends farther than in the case of girls, but as a
+matter of fact this opinion receives little support from such tests as
+have been made on men and women college students.
+
+The fact that so few women have attained eminence may be due to wholly
+extraneous factors, the most important of which are the following: (1)
+The occupations in which it is possible to achieve eminence are for the
+most part only now beginning to open their doors to women. Women's
+career has been largely that of home-making, an occupation in which
+eminence, in the strict sense of the word, is impossible. (2) Even of
+the small number of women who embark upon a professional career, a
+majority marry and thereafter devote a fairly large proportion of their
+energy to bearing and rearing children. (3) Both the training given to
+girls and the general atmosphere in which they grow up are unfavorable
+to the inculcation of the professional point of view, and as a result
+women are not spurred on by deep-seated motives to constant and
+strenuous intellectual endeavor as men are. (4) It is also possible that
+the emotional traits of women are such as to favor the development of
+the sentiments at the expense of innate intellectual endowment.
+
+INTELLIGENCE OF THE DIFFERENT SOCIAL CLASSES. Of the 1000 children, 492
+were classified by their teachers according to social class into the
+following five groups: _very inferior_, _inferior_, _average_,
+_superior_, and _very superior_. A comparative study was then made of
+the distribution of I Q's for these different groups.[25]
+
+[25] The results of this comparison have been set forth in detail in the
+monograph of source material and some of the conclusions have been set
+forth on p. 115 _ff._ of the present volume.
+
+The data may be summarized as follows:--
+
+ 1. The median I Q for children of the superior social class is
+ about 7 points above, and that of the inferior social class
+ about 7 points below, the median I Q of the average social
+ group. This means that by the age of 14 inferior class children
+ are about one year below, and superior class children one year
+ above, the median mental age for all classes taken together.
+
+ 2. That the children of the superior social classes make a
+ better showing in the tests is probably due, for the most part,
+ to a superiority in original endowment. This conclusion is
+ supported by five supplementary lines of evidence: (a) the
+ teachers' rankings of the children according to intelligence;
+ (b) the age-grade progress of the children; (c) the quality
+ of the school work; (d) the comparison of older and younger
+ children as regards the influence of social environment; and
+ (e) the study of individual cases of bright and dull children
+ in the same family.
+
+ 3. In order to facilitate comparison, it is advisable to express
+ the intelligence of children of all social classes in terms of
+ the same objective scale of intelligence. This scale should be
+ based on the median for all classes taken together.
+
+ 4. As regards their responses to individual tests, our children
+ of a given social class were not distinguishable from children
+ of the same intelligence in any other social class.
+
+THE RELATION OF THE I Q TO THE QUALITY OF THE CHILD'S SCHOOL WORK. The
+school work of 504 children was graded by the teachers on a scale of
+five grades: _very inferior_, _inferior_, _average_, _superior_, and
+_very superior_. When this grouping was compared with that made on the
+basis of I Q, fairly close agreement was found. However, in about one
+case out of ten there was rather serious disagreement; a child, for
+example, would be rated as doing _average_ school work when his I Q
+would place him in the _very inferior_ intelligence group.
+
+When the data were searched for explanations of such disagreements it
+was found that most of them were plainly due to the failure of teachers
+to take into account the age of the child when grading the quality of
+his school work.[26] When allowance was made for this tendency there
+were no disagreements which justified any serious suspicion as to the
+accuracy of the intelligence scale. Minor disagreements may, of course,
+be disregarded, since the quality of school work depends in part on
+other factors than intelligence, such as industry, health, regularity of
+attendance, quality of instruction, etc.
+
+[26] See p. 24 _ff._
+
+THE RELATION BETWEEN I Q AND GRADE PROGRESS. This comparison, which was
+made for the entire 1000 children, showed a fairly high correlation, but
+also some astonishing disagreements. Nine-year intelligence was found
+all the way from grade 1 to grade 7, inclusive; 10-year intelligence all
+the way from grade 2 to grade 7; and 12-year intelligence all the way
+from grade 3 to grade 8. Plainly the school's efforts at grading fail to
+give homogeneous groups of children as regards mental ability. On the
+whole, the grade location of the children did not fit their mental ages
+much better than it did their chronological ages.
+
+When the data were examined, it was found that practically every child
+whose grade failed to correspond fairly closely with his mental age was
+either exceptionally bright or exceptionally dull. Those who tested
+between 96 and 105 I Q were never seriously misplaced in school. The
+very dull children, however, were usually located from one to three
+grades above where they belonged by mental age, and the duller the
+child the more serious, as a rule, was the misplacement. On the other
+hand, the very bright children were nearly always located from one to
+three grades below where they belonged by mental age, and the brighter
+the child the more serious the school's mistake. The child of 10-year
+mental age in the second grade, for example, is almost certain to be
+about 7 or 8 years old; the child of 10-year intelligence in the sixth
+grade is almost certain to be 13 to 15 years of age.
+
+All this is due to one fact, and one alone: _the school tends to promote
+children by age rather than ability_. The bright children are held back,
+while the dull children are promoted beyond their mental ability. The
+retardation problem is exactly the reverse of what we have thought it to
+be. It is the bright children who are retarded, and the dull children
+who are accelerated.
+
+The remedy is to be sought in differentiated courses (special classes)
+for both kinds of mentally exceptional children. Just as many special
+classes are needed for superior children as for the inferior. The social
+consequences of suitable educational advantages for children of superior
+ability would no doubt greatly exceed anything that could possibly
+result from the special instruction of dullards and border-line
+cases.[27]
+
+[27] See Chapter VI for further discussion of the school progress
+possible to children of various I Q's.
+
+Special study of the I Q's between 70 and 79 revealed the fact that a
+child of this grade of intelligence _never_ does satisfactory work in
+the grade where he belongs by chronological age. By the time he has
+attended school four or five years, such a child is usually found doing
+"very inferior" to "average" work in a grade from two to four years
+below his age.
+
+On the other hand, the child with an I Q of 120 or above is almost never
+found below the grade for his chronological age, and occasionally he is
+one or two grades above. Wherever located, his work is always "superior"
+or "very superior," and the evidence suggests strongly that it would
+probably remain so even if extra promotions were granted.
+
+CORRELATION BETWEEN I Q AND THE TEACHERS' ESTIMATES OF THE CHILDREN'S
+INTELLIGENCE. By the Pearson formula the correlation found between the
+I Q's and the teachers' rankings on a scale of five was .48. This is
+about what others have found, and is both high enough and low enough to
+be significant. That it is moderately high in so far corroborates the
+tests. That it is not higher means that either the teachers or the tests
+have made a good many mistakes.
+
+When the data were searched for evidence on this point, it was found, as
+we have shown in Chapter II, that the fault was plainly on the part of
+the teachers. The serious mistakes were nearly all made with children
+who were either over age or under age for their grade, mostly the
+former. In estimating children's intelligence, just as in grading their
+school success, the teachers often failed to take account of the age
+factor. For example, the child whose mental age was, say, two years
+below normal, and who was enrolled in a class with children about two
+years younger than himself, was often graded "average" in intelligence.
+
+The tendency of teachers is to estimate a child's intelligence according
+to the quality of his school work _in the grade where he happens to be
+located_. This results in overestimating the intelligence of older,
+retarded children, and underestimating the intelligence of the younger,
+advanced children. The disagreements between the tests and the teachers'
+estimates are thus found, when analyzed, to confirm the validity of the
+test method rather than to bring it under suspicion.
+
+THE VALIDITY OF THE INDIVIDUAL TESTS. The validity of each test was
+checked up by measuring it against the scale as a whole in the manner
+described on p. 55. For example, if 10-year-old children having 11-year
+intelligence succeed with a given test decidedly better than 10-year-old
+children who have 9-year intelligence, then either this test must be
+accepted as valid or the scale as a whole must be rejected. Since we
+know, however, that the scale as a whole has at least a reasonably high
+degree of reliability, this method becomes a sure and ready means of
+judging the worth of a test.
+
+When the tests were tried out in this way it was found that some of
+those which have been most criticized have in reality a high correlation
+with intelligence. Among these are naming the days of the week, giving
+the value of stamps, counting thirteen pennies, giving differences
+between president and king, finding rhymes, giving age, distinguishing
+right and left, and interpretation of pictures. Others having a high
+reliability are the vocabulary tests, arithmetical reasoning, giving
+differences, copying a diamond, giving date, repeating digits in reverse
+order, interpretation of fables, the dissected sentence test, naming
+sixty words, finding omissions in pictures, and recognizing absurdities.
+
+Among the somewhat less satisfactory tests are the following: repeating
+digits (direct order), naming coins, distinguishing forenoon and
+afternoon, defining in terms of use, drawing designs from memory, and
+æsthetic comparison. Binet's "line suggestion" test correlated so little
+with intelligence that it had to be thrown out. The same was also true
+of two of the new tests which we had added to the series for try-out.
+
+Tests showing a medium correlation with the scale as a whole include
+arranging weights, executing three commissions, naming colors, giving
+number of fingers, describing pictures, naming the months, making
+change, giving superior definitions, finding similarities, reading for
+memories, reversing hands of clock, defining abstract words, problems of
+fact, bow-knot, induction test, and comprehension questions.
+
+A test which makes a good showing on this criterion of agreement with
+the scale as a whole becomes immune to theoretical criticisms. Whatever
+it appears to be from mere inspection, it is a real measure of
+intelligence. Henceforth it stands or falls with the scale as a whole.
+
+The reader will understand, of course, that no single test used alone
+will determine accurately the general level of intelligence. A great
+many tests are required; and for two reasons: (1) because intelligence
+has many aspects; and (2) in order to overcome the accidental influences
+of training or environment. If many tests are used no one of them need
+show more than a moderately high correlation with the scale as a whole.
+As stated by Binet, "Let the tests be rough, if there are only enough of
+them."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE SIGNIFICANCE OF VARIOUS INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS
+
+
+FREQUENCY OF DIFFERENT DEGREES OF INTELLIGENCE. Before we can interpret
+the results of an examination it is necessary to know how frequently an
+I Q of the size found occurs among unselected children. Our tests of
+1000 unselected children enable us to answer this question with some
+degree of definiteness. A study of these 1000 I Q's shows the following
+significant facts:--
+
+ The lowest 1 % go to 70 or below, the highest 1 % reach 130 or above
+ " " 2 % " " 73 " " " " 2 % " 128 " "
+ " " 3 % " " 76 " " " " 3 % " 125 " "
+ " " 5 % " " 78 " " " " 5 % " 122 " "
+ " " 10 % " " 85 " " " " 10 % " 116 " "
+ " " 15 % " " 88 " " " " 15 % " 113 " "
+ " " 20 % " " 91 " " " " 20 % " 110 " "
+ " " 25 % " " 92 " " " " 25 % " 108 " "
+ " " 33+1/3% " " 95 " " " " 33+1/3% " 106 " "
+
+Or, to put some of the above facts in another form:--
+
+ The child reaching 110 is equaled or excelled by 20 out of 100
+ " " " (about) 115 " " " " " 10 " " "
+ " " " " 125 " " " " " 3 " " "
+ " " " " 130 " " " " " 1 " " "
+
+Conversely, we may say regarding the subnormals that:--
+
+ The child testing at (about) 90 is equaled or excelled by 80 out of 100
+ " " " " " 85 " " " " " 90 " " "
+ " " " " " 75 " " " " " 97 " " "
+ " " " " " 70 " " " " " 99 " " "
+
+CLASSIFICATION OF INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS. What do the above I Q's imply
+in such terms as feeble-mindedness, border-line intelligence, dullness,
+normality, superior intelligence genius, etc.? When we use these terms
+two facts must be borne in mind: (1) That the boundary lines between
+such groups are absolutely arbitrary, a matter of definition only; and
+(2) that the individuals comprising one of the groups do not make up a
+homogeneous type.
+
+Nevertheless, since terms like the above are convenient and will
+probably continue to be used, it is desirable to give them as much
+definiteness as possible. On the basis of the tests we have made,
+including many cases of all grades of intelligence, the following
+suggestions are offered for the classification of intelligence
+quotients:--
+
+ _I Q_ _Classification_
+
+ Above 140 "Near" genius or genius.
+ 120-140 Very superior intelligence.
+ 110-120 Superior intelligence.
+ 90-110 Normal, or average, intelligence.
+ 80- 90 Dullness, rarely classifiable as feeble-mindedness.
+ 70- 80 Border-line deficiency, sometimes classifiable as
+ dullness, often as feeble-mindedness.
+ Below 70 Definite feeble-mindedness.
+
+Of the feeble-minded, those between 50 and 70 I Q include most of the
+morons (high, middle, and low), those between 20 or 25 and 50 are
+ordinarily to be classed as imbeciles, and those below 20 or 25 as
+idiots. According to this classification the adult idiot would range up
+to about 3-year intelligence as the limit, the adult imbecile would have
+a mental level between 3 and 7 years, and the adult moron would range
+from about 7-year to 11-year intelligence.
+
+It should be added, however, that the classification of I Q's for the
+various sub-grades of feeble-mindedness is not very secure, for the
+reason that the exact curves of mental growth have not been worked out
+for such grades. As far as the public schools are concerned this does
+not greatly matter, as they never enroll idiots and very rarely even the
+high-grade imbecile. School defectives are practically all of the moron
+and border-line grades, and these it is important teachers should be
+able to recognize. The following discussions and illustrative cases will
+perhaps give a fairly definite idea of the significance of various
+grades of intelligence.[28]
+
+[28] The clinical descriptions to be given are not complete and are
+designed merely to aid the examiner in understanding the significance of
+intelligence quotients found.
+
+FEEBLE-MINDEDNESS (RARELY ABOVE 75 I Q.) There are innumerable grades of
+mental deficiency ranging from somewhat below average intelligence to
+profound idiocy. In the literal sense every individual below the average
+is more or less mentally weak or feeble. Only a relatively small
+proportion of these, however, are technically known as feeble-minded. It
+is therefore necessary to set forth the criterion as to what constitutes
+feeble-mindedness in the commonly accepted sense of that word.
+
+The definition in most general use is the one framed by the Royal
+College of Physicians and Surgeons of London, and adopted by the English
+Royal Commission on Mental Deficiency. It is substantially as follows:--
+
+_A feeble-minded person is one who is incapable, because of mental
+defect existing from birth or from an early age, (a) of competing on
+equal terms with his normal fellows; or (b) of managing himself or his
+affairs with ordinary prudence._
+
+Two things are to be noted in regard to this definition: In the first
+place, it is stated in terms of social and industrial efficiency. Such
+efficiency, however, depends not merely on the degree of intelligence,
+but also on emotional, moral, physical, and social traits as well. This
+explains why some individuals with I Q somewhat below 75 can hardly be
+classed as feeble-minded in the ordinary sense of the term, while others
+with I Q a little above 75 could hardly be classified in any other
+group.
+
+In the second place, the criterion set up by the definition is not very
+definite because of the vague meaning of the expression "ordinary
+prudence." Even the expression "competing on equal terms" cannot be
+taken literally, else it would include also those who are merely dull.
+It is the second part of the definition that more nearly expresses the
+popular criterion, for as long as an individual manages his affairs in
+such a way as to be self-supporting, and in such a way as to avoid
+becoming a nuisance or burden to his fellowmen, he escapes the
+institutions for defectives and may pass for normal.
+
+The most serious defect of the definition comes from the lax
+interpretation of the term "ordinary prudence," etc. The popular
+standard is so low that hundreds of thousands of high grade defectives
+escape identification as such. Moreover, there are many grades of
+severity in social and industrial competition. For example, most of the
+members of such families as the Jukes, the Nams, the Hill Folk, and the
+Kallikaks are able to pass as normal in their own crude environment, but
+when compelled to compete with average American stock their deficiency
+becomes evident. It is therefore necessary to supplement the social
+criterion with a more strictly psychological one.
+
+For this purpose there is nothing else as significant as the I Q. All
+who test below 70 I Q by the Stanford revision of the Binet-Simon scale
+should be considered feeble-minded, and it is an open question whether
+it would not be justifiable to consider 75 I Q as the lower limit of
+"normal" intelligence. Certainly a large proportion falling between
+70 and 75 can hardly be classed as other than feeble-minded, even
+according to the social criterion.
+
+
+_Examples of feeble-minded school children_
+
+ _F. C. Boy, age 8-6; mental age 4-2; I Q approximately 50._ From
+ a very superior home. Has had the best medical care and other
+ attention. Attended a private kindergarten until rejected
+ because he required so much of the teacher's time and appeared
+ uneducable. Will probably develop to about the 6- or 7-year
+ mental level. High grade imbecile. Has since been committed to a
+ state institution. Cases as low as F. C. very rarely get into
+ the public schools.
+
+
+ _R. W. Boy, age 13-10; mental age 7-6; I Q approximately 55._
+ Home excellent. Is pubescent. Because of age and maturity has
+ been promoted to the third grade, though he can hardly do the
+ work of the second. Has attended school more than six years.
+ Will probably never develop much if any beyond 8 years, and will
+ never be self-supporting. Low-grade moron.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 4. DIAMOND DRAWN BY R. W., AGE 13-10; MENTAL
+ AGE 7-6]
+
+
+ _M. S. Girl, age 7-6; mental age 4-6; I Q 60._ Father a
+ gardener, home conditions and medical attention fair. Has twice
+ attempted first grade, but without learning to read more than a
+ few words. In each case teacher requested parents to withdraw
+ her. "Takes" things. Is considered "foolish" by the other
+ children. Will probably never develop beyond a mental level of
+ 8 years.
+
+
+ _R. M. Boy, age 15; mental age 9; I Q 60._ Decidedly superior
+ home environment and care. After attending school eight years is
+ in fifth grade, though he cannot do the work of the fourth
+ grade. Parents unable to teach him to respect property. Boys
+ torment him and make his life miserable. At middle-moron level
+ and has probably about reached the limit of his development. Has
+ since been committed to a state institution.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 5. WRITING FROM DICTATION. R. M., AGE 15;
+ MENTAL AGE 9]
+
+
+ _S. M. Girl, age 19-2; mental age 10; I Q approximately 65 (not
+ counting age beyond 16)._ From very superior family. Has
+ attended public and private schools twelve years and has been
+ promoted to seventh grade, where she cannot do the work. Appears
+ docile and childlike, but is subject to spells of disobedience
+ and stubbornness. Did not walk until 4 years old. Plays with
+ young children. Susceptible to attention from men and has to be
+ constantly guarded. Writing excellent, knows the number
+ combinations, but missed all the absurdities and has the
+ vocabulary of an average 10-year-old. The type from which
+ prostitutes often come.
+
+
+ _R. H. Boy, age 14; mental age 8-4; I Q 65._ Father Irish,
+ mother Spanish. Family comfortable and home care average. Has
+ attended school eight years and is unable to do fourth-grade
+ work satisfactorily. Health excellent and attendance regular.
+ Reads in fourth reader without expression and with little
+ comprehension of what is read. Fair skill in number
+ combinations. Writing and drawing very poor. Cannot use a ruler.
+ Has no conception of an inch.
+
+ R. H. is described as high-tempered, irritable, lacking in
+ physical activity, clumsy, and unsteady. Plays little. Just
+ "stands around." Indifferent to praise or blame, has little
+ sense of duty, plays underhand tricks. Is slow, absent-minded,
+ easily confused, in thought, never shows appreciation or
+ interest. So apathetic that he does not hear commands. Voice
+ droning. Speech poor in colloquial expressions.
+
+ Three years later, at age of 17, was in a special class
+ attempting sixth-grade work. Reported as doing "absolutely
+ nothing" in that grade. Still sullen, indifferent, and slow in
+ grasping directions, and lacking in play interests. "No
+ apperception of anything, but has mastered such mechanical
+ things as reading (calling the words) and the fundamentals in
+ arithmetic."
+
+ In school work, moral traits, and out-of-school behavior R. H.
+ shows himself to be a typical case of moron deficiency.
+
+
+ _I. M. Girl, age 14-2; mental age 9; I Q approximately 65._
+ Father a laborer. Does unsatisfactory work in fourth grade.
+ Plays with little girls. A menace to the morals of the school
+ because of her sex interests and lack of self-restraint. Rather
+ good-looking if one does not hunt for appearances of
+ intelligence. Mental reactions intolerably slow. Will develop
+ but little further and will always pass as feeble-minded in any
+ but the very lowest social environment.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 6. BALL AND FIELD TEST. I. M., AGE 14-2;
+ MENTAL AGE 9]
+
+
+ _G. V. Boy, age 10; mental age 6-4; I Q 65._ Father Spanish,
+ mother English. Family poor but fairly respectable. Brothers and
+ sisters all retarded. In high first grade. Work all very poor
+ except writing, drawing, and hand work, in all of which he
+ excels. Is quiet and inactive, lacks self-confidence, and plays
+ little. Mentally slow, inert, "thick," and inattentive. Health
+ fair.
+
+ Three years later G. V. was in the low third grade and still
+ doing extremely poor work in everything except manual training,
+ drawing, and writing. Is not likely ever to go beyond the fourth
+ or fifth grade however long he remains in school.
+
+
+ _V. J. Girl, age 11-6; mental age 8; I Q 70._ Has been tested
+ three times in the last five years, always with approximately
+ the same result in terms of I Q. Home fair to inferior. Has been
+ in a special class two years and in school altogether nearly six
+ years. Is barely able to do third-grade work. Her
+ feeble-mindedness is recognized by teachers and by other pupils.
+ Belongs at about middle-moron to high-moron level.
+
+
+ _A. W. Boy, age 9-4; mental age 7; I Q 75._ A year and a half
+ ago he tested at 6-2. From superior family, brothers of very
+ superior intelligence. In school three years and has made about
+ a grade and a half. Has higher I Q than V. J. described above,
+ but his deficiency is fully as evident. Is generally recognized
+ as mentally defective. Slyly abstracted one of the pennies used
+ in the test and slipped it into his pocket. Has caused much
+ trouble at school by puncturing bicycle tires. High-grade moron.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 7. DIAMOND DRAWN BY A. W.]
+
+
+ _A. C. Boy, age 12; mental age 8-5; I Q 70._ From Portuguese
+ family of ten children. Has a feeble-minded brother. Parents in
+ comfortable circumstances and respectable. A. C. has attended
+ school regularly since he was 6 years old. Trying unsuccessfully
+ to do the work of the fourth grade. Reads poorly in the third
+ reader. Hesitates, repeats, miscalls words, and never gets the
+ thought. Writes about like a first-grade pupil. Cannot solve
+ such simple problems as "How many marbles can you buy for ten
+ cents if one marble costs five cents?" even when he has marbles
+ and money in his hands. Described by teacher as "mentally slow
+ and inert, inattentive, easily distracted, memory poor, ideas
+ vague and often absurd, does not appreciate stories, slow at
+ comprehending commands." Is also described as "unruly,
+ boisterous, disobedient, stubborn, and lacking sense of
+ propriety. Tattles."
+
+ Three years later, at age of 15, was in a special class and was
+ little if any improved. He had, however, learned the mechanics
+ of reading and had mastered the number combinations.
+ Deficiencies described as "of wide range." Conduct, however, had
+ improved. Was "working hard to get on."
+
+ A. C. must be considered definitely feeble-minded.
+
+
+ _H. S. Boy, age 11; mental age 8-3; I Q approximately 75._ At
+ 8 years tested at 6. Parents highly educated, father a scholar.
+ Brother and sister of very superior intelligence. Started to
+ school at 7, but was withdrawn because of lack of progress.
+ Started again at 8 and is now doing poor work in the second
+ grade. Weakly and nervous. Painfully aware of his inability to
+ learn. During the test keeps saying, "I tried anyway," "It's all
+ I can do if I try my best, ain't it?" etc. Regarded defective by
+ other children. Will probably never be able to do work beyond
+ the fourth or fifth grade and is not likely to develop above the
+ 11-year level, if as high.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 8. DRAWING DESIGNS FROM MEMORY. H. S.,
+ AGE 11; MENTAL AGE 8-3]
+
+
+ _I. S. Boy, age 9-6; mental age 7; I Q 75._ German parentage.
+ Started to school at 6. Now in low second grade and unable to do
+ the work. Health good. Inattentive, mentally slow and inert,
+ easily distracted, speech is monotone. Equally poor in reading,
+ writing, and numbers. I. S. is described as quiet, sullen,
+ indifferent, lazy, and stubborn. Plays little.
+
+ Three years later had advanced from low second to low fourth
+ grade, but was as poor as ever in his school work. "Miscalls the
+ simplest words." Moral traits unsatisfactory. May reach sixth or
+ seventh grade if he remains in school long enough.
+
+ I. S. learned to walk at 2 years and to talk at 3.
+
+The above are cases of such marked deficiency that there could be no
+disagreement among competent judges in classifying them in the group of
+"feeble-minded." All are definitely institutional cases. It is a matter
+of record, however, that one of the cases, H. S., was diagnosed by a
+physician (without test) as "backward but not a defective." and with the
+added encouragement that "the backwardness will be outgrown." Of course
+the reverse is the case; the deficiency is becoming more and more
+apparent as the boy approaches the age where more is expected of him.
+
+In at least three of the above cases (S. M., I. S., and I. M.) the
+teachers had not identified the backwardness as feeble-mindedness. Not
+far from 2 children out of 100, or 2 out of 1000, in the average public
+school are as defective as some of those just described. Teachers get so
+accustomed to seeing a few of them in every group of 200 or 300 pupils
+that they are likely to regard them as merely dull,--"dreadfully dull,"
+of course,--but not defective.
+
+Children like these, for their own good and that of other pupils, should
+be kept out of the regular classes. They will rarely be equal to the
+work of the fifth grade, however long they attend school. They will
+make a little progress in a well-managed special class, but with the
+approach of adolescence, at latest, the State should take them into
+custodial care for its own protection.
+
+BORDER-LINE CASES (USUALLY BETWEEN 70 AND 80 I Q). The border-line cases
+are those which fall near the boundary generally recognized as such and
+the higher group usually classed as normal but dull. They are the
+doubtful cases, the ones we are always trying (rarely with success) to
+restore to normality.
+
+It must be emphasized, however, that this doubtful group is not marked
+off by definite I Q limits. Some children with I Q as high as 75 or even
+80 will have to be classified as feeble-minded; some as low as 70 I Q
+may be so well endowed in other mental traits that they may manage as
+adults to get along fairly well in a simple environment. The ability to
+compete with one's fellows in the social and industrial world does not
+depend upon intelligence alone. Such factors as moral traits, industry,
+environment to be encountered, personal appearance, and influential
+relatives are also involved. Two children classified above as
+feeble-minded had an I Q as high as 75. In these cases the emotional,
+moral, or physical qualities were so defective as to render a normal
+social life out of the question. This is occasionally true even with an
+I Q as high as 80. Some of the border-line cases, with even less
+intelligence, may be so well endowed in other mental traits that they
+are capable of becoming dependable unskilled laborers, and of supporting
+a family after a fashion.
+
+
+_Examples of border-line deficiency_
+
+ _S. F. Girl, age 17; mental age 11-6; I Q approximately 72
+ (disregarding age above 16 years)._ Father intelligent; mother
+ probably high-grade defective. Lives in a good home with aunt,
+ who is a woman of good sense and skillful in her management of
+ the girl. S. F. has attended excellent schools for eleven years
+ and has recently been promoted to the seventh grade. The teacher
+ admits, however, that she cannot do the work of that grade, but
+ says, "I haven't the heart to let her fail in the sixth grade
+ for the third time." She studies very hard and says she wants to
+ become a teacher! At the time the test was made she was actually
+ studying her books from two to three hours daily at home. The
+ aunt, who is very intelligent, had never thought of this girl as
+ feeble-minded, and had suffered much concern and humiliation
+ because of her inability to teach her to conduct herself
+ properly toward men and not to appropriate other people's
+ property.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 9. BALL AND FIELD TEST S. F., AGE 17; MENTAL
+ AGE 11-6]
+
+ S. F. is ordinarily docile, but is subject to fits of anger and
+ obstinacy. She finally determined to leave her home, threatening
+ to take up with a man unless allowed to work elsewhere. Since
+ then she has been tried out in several families, but after a
+ little while in a place she flies into a rage and leaves. She is
+ a fairly capable houseworker when she tries.
+
+ This young woman is feeble-minded and should be classed as such.
+ She is listed here with the border-line cases simply for the
+ reason that she belongs to a group whose mental deficiency is
+ almost never recognized without the aid of a psychological test.
+ Probably no physician could be found who would diagnose the
+ case, on the basis of a medical examination alone, as one of
+ feeble-mindedness.
+
+
+ _F. H. Boy, age 16-6; mental age 11-5; I Q approximately 72
+ (disregarding age above 16 years)._ Tested for three successive
+ years without change of more than four points in I Q. Father a
+ laborer, dull, subject to fits of rage, and beats the boy.
+ Mother not far from border-line. F. H. has always had the best
+ of school advantages and has been promoted to the seventh grade.
+ Is really about equal to fifth-grade work. Fairly rapid and
+ accurate in number combinations, but cannot solve arithmetical
+ problems which require any reasoning. Reads with reasonable
+ fluency, but with little understanding. Appears exceedingly
+ good-natured, but was once suspended from school for hurling
+ bricks at a fellow pupil. Played a "joke" on another pupil by
+ fastening a dangerous, sharp-pointed, steel paper-file in the
+ pupil's seat for him to sit down on. He is cruel, stubborn, and
+ plays truant, but is fairly industrious when he gets a job as
+ errand or delivery boy. Discharged once for taking money.
+
+ F. H. is generally called "queer," but is not ordinarily thought
+ of as feeble-minded. His deficiency is real, however, and it is
+ altogether doubtful whether he will be able to make a living and
+ to keep out of trouble, though he is now (at age 20) employed as
+ messenger boy for the Western Union at $30 per month. This is
+ considerably less than pick-and-shovel men get in the community
+ where he lives. Delinquents and criminals often belong to this
+ level of intelligence.
+
+
+ _W. C. Boy, age 16-8; mental age 12; I Q 75 (disregarding age
+ above 16 years)._ Father a college professor. All the other
+ children in the family of unusually superior intelligence. When
+ tested (four years ago) was trying to do seventh-grade work, but
+ with little success. Wanted to leave school and learn farming,
+ but father insisted on his getting the usual grammar-school and
+ high-school education. Made $25 one summer by raising vegetables
+ on a vacant lot. In the four years since the test was made he
+ has managed to get into high school. Teachers say that in spite
+ of his best efforts he learns next to nothing, and they regard
+ him as hopelessly dull. Is docile, lacks all aggressiveness,
+ looks stupid, and has head circumference an inch below normal.
+
+ Here is a most pitiful case of the overstimulated backward child
+ in a superior family. Instead of nagging at the boy and urging
+ him on to attempt things which are impossible to his inferior
+ intelligence, his parents should take him out of school and put
+ him at some kind of work which he could do. If the boy had been
+ the son of a common laborer he would probably have left school
+ early and have become a dependable and contented laborer. In a
+ very simple environment he would probably not be considered
+ defective.
+
+
+ _C. P. Boy, age 10-2; mental age 7-11; I Q 78._ Portuguese boy,
+ son of a skilled laborer. One of eleven children, most of whom
+ have about this same grade of intelligence. Has attended school
+ regularly for four years. Is in the third grade, but cannot do
+ the work. Except for extreme stubbornness his social development
+ is fairly normal. Capable in plays and games, but is regarded as
+ impossible in his school work. Like his brother, M. P., the next
+ case to be described, he will doubtless become a fairly reliable
+ laborer at unskilled work and will not be regarded, in his
+ rather simple environment, as a defective. From the
+ psychological point of view, however, his deficiency is real. He
+ will probably never develop beyond the 11- or 12-year level or
+ be able to do satisfactory school work beyond the fifth or sixth
+ grade.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 10. WRITING FROM DICTATION. C. P., AGE 10-2;
+ MENTAL AGE 7-11]
+
+
+ _M. P. Boy, age 14; mental age 10-8; I Q 77._ Has been tested
+ four successive years, I Q being always between 75 and 80.
+ Brother to C. P. above. In school nearly eight years and has
+ been promoted to the fifth grade. At 16 was doing poor work in
+ the sixth grade. Good school advantages, as the father has tried
+ conscientiously to give his children "a good education."
+ Perfectly normal in appearance and in play activities and is
+ liked by other children. Seems to be thoroughly dependable both
+ in school and in his outside work. Will probably become an
+ excellent laborer and will pass as perfectly normal,
+ notwithstanding a grade of intelligence which will not develop
+ above 11 or 12 years.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 11. BALL AND FIELD TEST. M. P., AGE 14;
+ MENTAL AGE 10-8]
+
+What shall we say of cases like the last two which test at high-grade
+moronity or at border-line, but are well enough endowed in moral
+and personal traits to pass as normal in an uncomplicated social
+environment? According to the classical definition of feeble-mindedness
+such individuals cannot be considered defectives. Hardly any one would
+think of them as institutional cases. Among laboring men and servant
+girls there are thousands like them. They are the world's "hewers of
+wood and drawers of water." And yet, as far as intelligence is
+concerned, the tests have told the truth. These boys are uneducable
+beyond the merest rudiments of training. No amount of school instruction
+will ever make them intelligent voters or capable citizens in the true
+sense of the word. Judged psychologically they cannot be considered
+normal.
+
+It is interesting to note that M. P. and C. P. represent the level of
+intelligence which is very, very common among Spanish-Indian and Mexican
+families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems
+to be racial, or at least inherent in the family stocks from which they
+come. The fact that one meets this type with such extraordinary
+frequency among Indians, Mexicans, and negroes suggests quite forcibly
+that the whole question of racial differences in mental traits will have
+to be taken up anew and by experimental methods. The writer predicts
+that when this is done there will be discovered enormously significant
+racial differences in general intelligence, differences which cannot be
+wiped out by any scheme of mental culture.
+
+Children of this group should be segregated in special classes and be
+given instruction which is concrete and practical. They cannot master
+abstractions, but they can often be made efficient workers, able to look
+out for themselves. There is no possibility at present of convincing
+society that they should not be allowed to reproduce, although from a
+eugenic point of view they constitute a grave problem because of their
+unusually prolific breeding.
+
+DULL NORMALS (I Q USUALLY 80 TO 90). In this group are included those
+children who would not, according to any of the commonly accepted social
+standards, be considered feeble-minded, but who are nevertheless far
+enough below the actual average of intelligence among races of western
+European descent that they cannot make ordinary school progress or
+master other intellectual difficulties which average children are equal
+to. A few of this class test as low as 75 to 80 I Q, but the majority
+are not far from 85. The unmistakably normal children who go much below
+this (in California, at least) are usually Mexicans, Indians, or
+negroes.
+
+ _R. G. Negro boy, age 13-5; mental age 10-6; I Q approximately
+ 80._ Normal in appearance and conduct, but very dull. Is
+ attempting fifth-grade work in a special class, but is failing.
+ From a fairly good home and has had ordinary school advantages.
+ In the examination his intelligence is very even as far as it
+ goes, but stops rather abruptly after the 10-year tests. Will
+ unquestionably pass as normal among unskilled laborers, but his
+ intelligence will never exceed the 12-year level and he is not
+ likely to advance beyond the seventh grade, if as far.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 12. BALL AND FIELD. R. G., AGE 13-5, MENTAL
+ AGE 10-6]
+
+
+ _F. D. Boy, tested at age 10-2; I Q 83, and again at 14-1;
+ I Q 79._ Mental age in the first test was 8-6 and in the second
+ test 11. Son of a barber. Father dead; mother capable; makes a
+ good home, and cares for her children well. At 10 was doing
+ unsatisfactory work in the fourth grade, and at 12
+ unsatisfactory work in low sixth. Good-looking, normal in
+ appearance and social development, and though occasionally
+ obstinate is usually steady. Any one unacquainted with his poor
+ school work and low I Q would consider him perfectly normal. No
+ physical or moral handicaps of any kind that could possibly
+ account for his retardation. Is simply dull. Needs purely a
+ vocational training, but may be able to complete the eighth
+ grade with low marks by the age of 16 or 17.
+
+
+ _G. G. Girl, age 12-4; mental age 10-10; I Q 82._ From average
+ home. Excellent educational advantages and no physical
+ handicaps. At 12 years was doing very poor work in fifth grade.
+ Appearance, play life, and attitude toward other children
+ normal. Simply dull. Will probably never go beyond the 12- or
+ 13-year level and is not likely to get as far as the high
+ school.
+
+Those testing 80 and 90 will usually be able to reach the eighth grade,
+but ordinarily only after from one to three or four failures. They are
+so very numerous (about 15 per cent of the school enrollment) that it is
+doubtful whether we can expect soon to have special classes enough to
+accommodate all. The most feasible solution is a differentiated course
+of study with parallel classes in which every child will be allowed to
+make the best progress of which he is capable, without incurring the
+risk of failure and non-promotion. The so-called Mannheim system, or
+something similar to it, is what we need.
+
+AVERAGE INTELLIGENCE (I Q 90 TO 110). It is often said that the schools
+are made for the average child, but that "the average child does not
+exist." He does exist, and in very large numbers. About 60 per cent of
+all school children test between 90 and 110 I Q, and about 40 per cent
+between 95 and 105. That these children are average is attested by their
+school records as well as by their I Q's. Our records show that, of more
+than 200 children below 14 years of age and with I Q between 95 and 105,
+not one was making much more nor much less than average school progress.
+Four were two years retarded, but in each case this was due to late
+start, illness, or irregular attendance. Children who test close to 90,
+however, often fail to get along satisfactorily, while those testing
+near 110 are occasionally able to win an extra promotion.
+
+The children of this average group are seldom school problems, as far as
+ability to learn is concerned. Nor are they as likely to cause trouble
+in discipline as the dull and border-line cases. It is therefore hardly
+necessary to give illustrative cases here.
+
+The high school, however, does not fit their grade of intelligence as
+well as the elementary and grammar schools. High schools probably enroll
+a disproportionate number of pupils in the I Q range above 100. That is,
+the average intelligence among high-school pupils is above the average
+for the population in general. It is probably not far from 110. College
+students are, of course, a still more selected group, perhaps coming
+chiefly from the range above 115. The child whose school marks are
+barely average in the elementary grades, when measured against children
+in general, will ordinarily earn something less than average marks in
+high school, and perhaps excessively poor marks in college.
+
+SUPERIOR INTELLIGENCE (I Q 110 TO 120). Children of this group
+ordinarily make higher marks and are capable of making somewhat more
+rapid progress than the strictly average child. Perhaps most of them
+could complete the eight grades in seven years as easily as the average
+child does in eight years. They are not usually the best scholars, but
+on a scale of excellent, good, fair, poor, and failure they will usually
+rank as good, though of course the degree of application is a factor. It
+is rare, however, to find a child of this level who is positively
+indolent in his school work or who dislikes school. In high school they
+are likely to win about the average mark.
+
+Intelligence of 110 to 120 I Q is approximately five times as common
+among children of superior social status as among children of inferior
+social status; the proportion among the former being about 24 per cent
+of all, and among the latter only 5 per cent of all. The group is
+made up largely of children of the fairly successful mercantile or
+professional classes.
+
+The total number of children between 110 and 120 is almost exactly the
+same as the number between 80 and 90; namely, about 15 per cent. The
+distance between these two groups (say between 85 and 115) is as great
+as the distance between average intelligence and border-line deficiency,
+and it would be absurd to suppose that they could be taught to best
+advantage in the same classes. As a matter of fact, pupils between
+110 and 120 are usually held back to the rate of progress which the
+average child can make. They are little encouraged to do their best.
+
+VERY SUPERIOR INTELLIGENCE (I Q 120 TO 140). Children of this group are
+better than somewhat above average. They are unusually superior. Not
+more than 3 out of 100 go as high as 125 I Q, and only about 1 out of
+100 as high as 130. In the schools of a city of average population only
+about 1 child in 250 or 300 tests as high as 140 I Q.
+
+In a series of 476 unselected children there was not a single one
+reaching 120 whose social class was described as "below average."[29] Of
+the children of superior social status, about 10 per cent reached 120 or
+better. The 120-140 group is made up almost entirely of children whose
+parents belong to the professional or very successful business classes.
+The child of a skilled laborer belongs here occasionally, the child of a
+common laborer very rarely indeed. At least this is true in the smaller
+cities of California among populations made up of native-born Americans.
+In all probability it would not have been true in the earlier history of
+the country when ordinary labor was more often than now performed by men
+of average intelligence, and it would probably not hold true now among
+certain immigrant populations of good stock, but limited social and
+educational advantages.
+
+[29] In other investigations, however, we have found even brighter
+children from very inferior homes. See p. 117 for an example.
+
+What can children of this grade of ability do in school? The question
+cannot be answered as satisfactorily as one could wish, for the simple
+reason that such children are rarely permitted to do what they can. What
+they do accomplish is as follows: Of 54 children (of the 1000 unselected
+cases) falling in this group, 12½ per cent were advanced in the
+grades two years, approximately 54 per cent were advanced one year,
+28 per cent were in the grade where they belonged by chronological age,
+and three children, or 5½ per cent, were actually retarded one year.
+But wherever located, such children rarely get anything but the highest
+marks, and the evidence goes to show that most of them could easily be
+prepared for high school by the age of 12 years. Serious injury is done
+them by schools which believe in "putting on the brakes."
+
+The following are illustrations of children testing between 130 and 145.
+Not all are taken from the 1000 unselected tests. The writer has
+discovered several children of this grade as a result of lectures before
+teachers' institutes. It is his custom, in such lectures, to ask the
+teachers to bring in for a demonstration test the "brightest child in
+the city" (or county, etc.). The I Q resulting from such a test is
+usually between 130 and 140, occasionally a little higher.
+
+
+_Examples of very superior intelligence_
+
+ _Margaret P. Age 8-10; mental age 11-1; I Q 130._ Father only a
+ skilled laborer (house painter), but a man of unusual
+ intelligence and character for his social class. Home care above
+ average. M. P. has attended school a little less than three
+ years and is completing fourth grade. Marks all "excellent."
+ Health perfect. Social and moral traits of the very best. Is
+ obedient, conscientious, and unusually reliable for her age.
+ Quiet and confident bearing, but no touch of vanity.
+
+ M. P. is known to be related on her father's side to John
+ Wesley, and her maternal grandfather was a highly skilled
+ mechanic and the inventor of an important train-coupling device
+ used on all railroads.
+
+ Although she is not yet 9 years old and is completing the fourth
+ grade, she is still about a grade below where she belongs by
+ mental age. She could no doubt easily be made ready for high
+ school by the age of 12.
+
+
+ _J. R. Girl, age 12-9; mental age 16 (average adult); I Q
+ approximately 130._ Daughter of a university professor. In first
+ year of high school. From first grade up her marks have been
+ nearly all of the A rank. For first semester of high school four
+ of six grades were A, the others B. A wonderfully charming,
+ delightful girl in every respect. Play life perfectly normal.
+
+ _J. R.'s_ parents have moved about a great deal and she has
+ attended eight different schools. She is two years above grade
+ in school, but of this gain only one-half grade was made in
+ school; _the other grade and a half she gained in a little over
+ a year by staying out of school and working a little each day
+ under the instruction of her mother_. But for this she would
+ doubtless now be in the seventh grade instead of in high school.
+ As it is she is at least a grade below where she belongs by
+ mental age. Something better than an average college record may
+ be safely predicted for J. R.
+
+
+ _E. B. Girl, age 7-9; mental age 10-2; I Q 130._ E. B. was
+ selected by the teachers of a small California city as the
+ brightest school child in that city (school population about
+ 500). Her parents are said to be unusually intelligent. E. B. is
+ in the third grade, a year advanced, but her mental level shows
+ that she belongs in the fourth. The test was made as a
+ demonstration test in the presence of about 150 teachers, all
+ of whom were charmed by her delightful personality and keen
+ responses. No trace of vanity or queerness of any kind. Health
+ excellent. E. B. ought to be ready for high school at 12; she
+ will really have the intelligence to do high-school work by 11.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 13. BALL AND FIELD TEST. E. B., AGE 7-9;
+ I Q 130]
+
+
+ _L. B. Girl, age 8-6; mental age 11-6; I Q 135._ Tested nearly
+ three years earlier, age 5-11; mental age 7-6; I Q 127. Daughter
+ of a university professor. At age of 8-6 was doing very superior
+ work in the fifth grade. Later, at age of 10-6, is in the
+ seventh grade with all her marks excellent. Has two sisters who
+ test almost as high, both completing the eighth grade at barely
+ 12 years of age. L. B. looks rather delicate, and though a
+ little nervous is ordinarily strong. We have known her since her
+ early childhood. Like both her sisters, she is a favorite with
+ young and old, as nearly perfection as the most charming little
+ girl could be.
+
+
+ _R. S. Boy, age 6-5; mental age 9-6; I Q 148._ When tested at
+ age 5-2 he had a mental age of 7-6, I Q 142. Father a university
+ professor. R. S. entered school at exactly 6 years of age, and
+ at the present writing is 7½ years old and is entering the
+ third grade. Leads his class in school and takes delight in the
+ work. Is normal in play life and social traits and is dependable
+ and thoughtful beyond his years. Should enter high school not
+ later than 12; could probably be made ready a year earlier, but
+ as he is somewhat nervous this might not be wise.
+
+
+ _T. F. Boy, age 10-6; mental age 14; I Q 133._ At 13-6 tested at
+ "superior adult," and had vocabulary of 13,000 (also "superior
+ adult"). Son of a college professor. Did not go to school till
+ age of 9 years and was not taught to read till 8½. At this
+ writing he is 15½ years old and is a senior in high school.
+ He will complete the high-school course in three and one-half
+ years with A to B marks, mostly A. Gets his hardest mathematics
+ lessons in five to ten minutes. Science is his play. When he
+ discovered Hodge's _Nature Study and Life_ at age of 11 years he
+ literally slept with the book till he almost knew it by heart.
+ Since age 12 he has given much time to magazines on mechanics
+ and electricity. At 13 he installed a wireless apparatus
+ without other aid than his electrical magazines. He has, for a
+ boy of his age, a rather remarkable understanding of the
+ principles underlying electrical applications. He is known by
+ his playmates as "the boy with a hobby." Stamp collections,
+ butterfly and moth collections (over 70 different varieties),
+ seashore collections, and wireless apparatus all show that the
+ appellation is fully merited. He chooses his hobbies and "rides"
+ them entirely on his own initiative.
+
+
+ _J. S. Boy, age 8-2; mental age 11-4; I Q 138._ Father was a
+ lawyer, parents now dead. Is in high fourth grade. Leads his
+ class. Attractive, healthy, normal-appearing lad. Full of good
+ humor. Is loving and obedient, strongly attached to his foster
+ mother (an aunt). Composes verses and fables for pastime. Here
+ are a couple of verses composed before his eighth birthday. They
+ are reproduced without change of spelling or punctuation:--
+
+ _Christmas_
+
+ Hurrah for Christmas
+ And all it's joy's
+ That come that day
+ For girls and boy's.
+
+
+ _Flowers_
+
+ Flowers in the garden.
+ That is all you see
+ Who likes them best?
+ That's the honey bee.
+
+ J. S. ought to be in the fifth grade, instead of the fourth. He
+ will easily be able to enter college by the age of 15 if he is
+ allowed to make the progress which would be normal to a child of
+ his intelligence. But it is too much to expect that the school
+ will permit this.
+
+
+ _F. McA. Boy, age 10-3; mental age 14-6; I Q 142._ Father a
+ school principal. F. is leading his class of 24 pupils in the
+ high seventh grade. Has received so many extra promotions only
+ because his father insisted that the teachers allow him to try
+ the next grade. The dire consequences which they predicted have
+ never followed. F. is perfectly healthy and one of the most
+ attractive lads the writer has ever seen. He has the normal play
+ instincts, but when not at play he has the dignified bearing of
+ a young prince, although without vanity. His vocabulary is 9000
+ (14 years), and his ability is remarkably even in all
+ directions. F. should easily enter college by the age of 15.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 14. BALL AND FIELD F. McA., AGE 10-3, MENTAL
+ AGE 14-6]
+
+
+ _E. M. Boy, age 6-11; mental age 10; I Q 145._ Learned to read
+ at age of 5 without instruction and shortly afterward had
+ learned from geography maps the capitals of all the States of
+ the Union. Started to school at 7½. Entered the first grade
+ at 9 A.M. and had been promoted to the fourth grade by 3 P.M. of
+ the same day! Has now attended school a half-year and is in the
+ fifth grade, age 7 years, 8 months. Father is on the faculty of
+ a university.
+
+ E. M. is as superior in personal and moral traits as in
+ intelligence. Responsible, sturdy, playful, full of humor,
+ loving, obedient. Health is excellent. Has had no home
+ instruction in school work. His progress has been perfectly
+ natural.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 15. DRAWING DESIGNS FROM MEMORY. E. M.,
+ AGE 6-11; MENTAL AGE 10, I Q 145
+
+ (This performance is satisfactory for year 10)]
+
+The above list of "very superior" children includes only a few of those
+we have tested who belong to this grade of intelligence. Every child in
+the list is so interesting that it is hard to omit any. We have found
+all such children (with one or two exceptions not included here) so
+superior to average children in all sorts of mental and moral traits
+that one is at a loss to understand how the popular superstitions about
+the "queerness" of bright children could have originated or survived.
+Nearly every child we have found with I Q above 140 is the kind one
+feels, before the test is over, one would like to adopt. If the crime of
+kidnaping could ever be forgiven it would be in the case of a child like
+one of these.
+
+GENIUS AND "NEAR" GENIUS. Intelligence tests have not been in use long
+enough to enable us to define genius definitely in terms of I Q. The
+following two cases are offered as among the highest test records of
+which the writer has personal knowledge. It is doubtful whether more
+than one child in 10,000 goes as high as either. One case has been
+reported, however, in which the I Q was not far from 200. Such a
+record, if reliable, is certainly phenomenal.
+
+ _E. F. Russian boy, age 8-5; mental age 13; I Q approximately
+ 155._ Mother is a university student apparently of very superior
+ intelligence. E. F. has a sister almost as remarkable as
+ himself. E. F. is in the sixth grade and at the head of his
+ class. Although about four grades advanced beyond his
+ chronological age he is still one grade retarded! He could
+ easily carry seventh-grade work. In all probability E. F. could
+ be made ready for college by the age of 12 years without injury
+ to body or mind. His mother has taken the only sensible course;
+ she has encouraged him without subjecting him to
+ overstimulation.
+
+ E. F. was selected for the test as probably one of the brightest
+ children in a city of a third of a million population. He may
+ not be the brightest in that city, but he is one of the three or
+ four most intelligent the writer has found after a good deal of
+ searching. He is probably equaled by not more than one in
+ several thousand unselected children. How impatiently one waits
+ to see the fruit of such a budding genius!
+
+
+ _B. F. Son of a minister, age 7-8; mental age 12-4; I Q 160._
+ Vocabulary 7000 (12 years). This test was not made by the
+ writer, but by one of his graduate students. The record included
+ the _verbatim_ responses, so that it was easy to verify the
+ scoring. There can be no doubt as to the substantial accuracy
+ of the test. This I Q of 160 is the highest one in the Stanford
+ University records. B. F. has excellent health, normal play
+ interests, and is a favorite among his playfellows. Parents had
+ not thought of him as especially remarkable. He is only in the
+ third grade, and is therefore about three grades below his
+ mental age.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 16. BALL AND FIELD. B. F., AGE 7-8; MENTAL
+ AGE 12-4; I Q 160
+
+ (This is a 12-year performance)]
+
+It is especially noteworthy that not one of the children we have
+described with I Q above 130 has ever had any unusual amount or kind of
+home instruction. In most cases the parents were not aware of their very
+great superiority. Nor can we give the credit to the school or its
+methods. The school has in most cases been a deterrent to their
+progress, rather than a help. These children have been taught in classes
+with average and inferior children, like those described in the first
+part of this chapter. Their high I Q is only an index of their
+extraordinary cerebral endowment. This endowment is for life. There is
+not the remotest probability that any of these children will deteriorate
+to the average level of intelligence with the onset of maturity. Such an
+event would be no less a miracle (barring insanity) than the development
+of an imbecile into a successful lawyer or physician.
+
+IS THE I Q OFTEN MISLEADING? Do the cases described in this chapter give
+a reliable picture as to what one may expect of the various I Q levels?
+Does the I Q furnish anything like a reliable index of an individual's
+general educational possibilities and of his social worth? Are there not
+"feeble-minded geniuses," and are there not children of exceptionally
+high I Q who are nevertheless fools?
+
+We have no hesitation in saying that there is not one case in fifty in
+which there is any serious contradiction between the I Q and the child's
+performances in and out of school. We cannot deny the existence of
+"feeble-minded geniuses," but after a good deal of search we have not
+found one. Occasionally, of course, one finds a feeble-minded person
+who is an expert penman, who draws skillfully, who plays a musical
+instrument tolerably well, or who handles number combinations with
+unusual rapidity; but these are not geniuses; they are not authors,
+artists, musicians, or mathematicians.
+
+As for exceptionally intelligent children who appear feeble-minded, we
+have found but one case, a boy of 10 years with an I Q of about 125.
+This boy, whom we have tested several times and whose development we
+have followed for five years, was once diagnosed by a physician as
+feeble-minded. His behavior among other persons than his familiar
+associates is such as to give this impression. Nothing less than an
+entire chapter would be adequate for a description of this case, which
+is in reality one of disturbed emotional and social development with
+superior intelligence.
+
+It should be emphasized, however, that what we have said about the
+significance of various I Q's holds only for the I Q's secured by the
+use of the Stanford revision. As we have shown elsewhere (p. 62 _ff._)
+the I Q yielded by other versions of the Binet tests are often so
+inaccurate as to be misleading.
+
+We have not found a single child who tested between 70 and 80 I Q by the
+Stanford revision who was able to do satisfactory school work in the
+grade where he belonged by chronological age. Such children are usually
+from two to three grades retarded by the age of 12 years. On the other
+hand, the child with an I Q of 120 or above is almost never found below
+the grade for his chronological age, and occasionally he is one or two
+grades above. Wherever located, his school work is so superior as to
+suggest strongly the desirability of extra promotions. Those who test
+between 96 and 105 are almost never more than one grade above or below
+where they belong by chronological age, and even the small displacement
+of one year is usually determined by illness, age of beginning school,
+etc.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+RELIABILITY OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD
+
+
+GENERAL VALUE OF THE METHOD. In a former chapter we have noted certain
+imperfections of the scale devised by Binet and Simon; namely, that many
+of the tests were not correctly located, that the choice of tests was in
+a few cases unsatisfactory, that the directions for giving and scoring
+the tests were sometimes too indefinite, and that the upper and lower
+ranges of the scale especially stood in need of extensions and
+corrections. All of these faults have been quite generally admitted. The
+method itself, however, after being put to the test by psychologists of
+all countries and of all faiths, by the skeptical as well as the
+friendly, has amply demonstrated its value. The agreement on this point
+is as complete as it is regarding the scale's imperfections.
+
+The following quotations from prominent psychologists who have studied
+the method will serve to show how it is regarded by those most entitled
+to an opinion:--
+
+ There can be no question about the fact that the Binet-Simon
+ tests do not make half as frequent or half as great errors in
+ the mental ages (of feeble-minded children) as are included in
+ gradings based on careful, prolonged general observation by
+ experienced observers.[30]
+
+ [30] Dr. F. Kuhlmann: "The Binet-Simon Tests of Intelligence in Grading
+ Feeble-Minded Children," in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (1912),
+ p. 189.
+
+ All of the different authors who have made these researches
+ (with Binet's method) are in a general way unanimous in
+ recognizing that the principle of the scale is extremely
+ fortunate, and all believe that it offers the basis of a most
+ useful method for the examination of intelligence.[31]
+
+ [31] Dr. Otto Bobertag: "L'échelle métrique de l'intelligence," in
+ _L'Année Psychologique_ (1912), p. 272.
+
+ It serves as a relatively simple and speedy method of securing,
+ by means accessible to every one, a true insight into the
+ average level of ability of a child between 3 and 15 years of
+ age.[32]
+
+ [32] Dr. Ernest Meumann: _Experimentelle Pädagogik_ (1913), vol. II,
+ p. 277.
+
+ That, despite the differences in race and language, despite the
+ divergences in school organization and in methods of
+ instruction, there should be so decided agreement in the
+ reactions of the children--is, in my opinion, the best
+ vindication of the _principle_ of the tests that one could
+ imagine, because this agreement demonstrates that _the tests do
+ actually reach and discover the general developmental conditions
+ of intelligence_ (so far as these are operative in
+ public-school children of the present cultural epoch), and not
+ mere fragments of knowledge and attainments acquired by
+ chance.[33]
+
+ [33] Dr. W. Stern: _The Psychological Methods of Testing Intelligence._
+ Translated by Whipple (1913), p. 49.
+
+ It is without doubt the most satisfactory and accurate method of
+ determining a child's intelligence that we have, and so far
+ superior to everything else which has been proposed that as yet
+ there is nothing else to be considered.[34]
+
+ [34] Dr. H. H. Goddard: "The Binet Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence; What it is and How it is to be Used," in _The
+ Training School Bulletin_ (1912).
+
+The value of the method lies both in the swiftness and the accuracy with
+which it works. One who knows how to apply the tests correctly and who
+is experienced in the psychological interpretation of responses can in
+forty minutes arrive at a more accurate judgment as to a subject's
+intelligence than would be possible without the tests after months or
+even years of close observation. The reasons for this have already been
+set forth.[35] The difference is something like that between measuring a
+person's height with a yardstick and estimating it by guess. That this
+is not an unfair statement of the case is well shown by the following
+candid confession by a psychologist who tested 200 juvenile delinquents
+brought before Judge Lindsey's court:--
+
+[35] See this volume, p. 24 _ff._
+
+ As a matter of interest I estimated the mental ages of 150 of my
+ subjects before testing them. In 54 of the estimates the error
+ was not more than one year in either direction; 70 of the
+ subjects were estimated too high, the average error being
+ 2 years and 7 months; 26 of the subjects were estimated too low,
+ the average error being 2 years and 2 months. _These figures
+ would seem to imply that an estimate with nothing to support it
+ is wholly unreliable, more especially as many of the estimates
+ were four or five years wide of the mark._[36]
+
+ [36] C. S. Bluemel: "Binet Tests on 200 Delinquents," in _The Training
+ School Bulletin_ (1915), p. 192. (Italics inserted.)
+
+Criticisms of the Binet method have also been frequently voiced, but
+chiefly by persons who have had little experience with it or by those
+whose scientific training hardly justifies an opinion. It cannot be too
+strongly emphasized that eminence in law, medicine, education, or any
+other profession does not of itself enable any one to pass judgment on
+the validity of a psychological method.
+
+DEPENDENCE OF THE SCALE'S RELIABILITY ON THE TRAINING OF THE EXAMINER.
+On this point two radically different opinions have been urged. On the
+one hand, some have insisted that the results of a test made by other
+than a thoroughly trained psychologist are absolutely worthless. At the
+opposite extreme are a few who seem to think that any teacher or
+physician can secure perfectly valid results after a few hours'
+acquaintance with the tests.
+
+The dispute is one which cannot be settled by the assertion of opinion,
+and, unfortunately, thoroughgoing investigations have not yet been made
+as to the frequency and extent of errors made by untrained or partially
+trained examiners. The only study of this kind which has so far been
+reported is the following:--[37]
+
+[37] Samuel C. Kohs: "The Binet Test and the Training of Teachers," in
+_The Training School Bulletin_ (1914), pp. 113-17.
+
+Dr. Kohs gives the results of tests made by 58 inexperienced teachers
+who were taking a summer course in the Training School at Vineland. The
+class met three times a week for instruction in the use of the Binet
+scale. During the first week the students listened to three lectures by
+Dr. Goddard. The second week was given over to demonstration testing.
+Each student saw four children tested, and attended two discussion
+periods of an hour each. During the third, fourth, and fifth weeks each
+student tested one child per week, and observed the testing of two
+others. The student was allowed to carry the test through in his own
+way, but received criticism after it was finished. Twice a week
+Dr. Goddard spent an hour with the class, discussing experimental
+procedure. The subjects tested were feeble-minded children whose exact
+mental ages were already known, and for this reason it was possible to
+check up the accuracy of each student's work.
+
+Kohs's table of results for the trial testing of the 174 children
+showed:--
+
+ (1) That 50 per cent of the work was as exact as any one in the
+ laboratory could make it;
+
+ (2) That in an additional 38 per cent the results were within
+ three fifths of a year of being exact;
+
+ (3) That nearly 90 per cent of the work of the summer students was
+ sufficiently accurate for all practical purposes;
+
+ (4) That the records improved during the brief training so that
+ during the third week only one test missed the real mental age
+ by as much as a year.
+
+Since hardly any of these students had had any previous experience with
+the Binet tests, Dr. Kohs seems to be entirely justified in his
+conclusion that it is possible, in the brief period of six weeks, to
+teach people to use the tests with a reasonable degree of accuracy.
+
+What shall we say of the teacher or of the physician who has not even
+had this amount of instruction? The writer's experience forces him to
+agree with Binet and with Dr. Goddard, that any one with intelligence
+enough to be a teacher, and who is willing to devote conscientious study
+to the mastery of the technique, can use the scale accurately enough to
+get a better idea of a child's mental endowment than he could possibly
+get in any other way. It is necessary, however, for the untrained person
+to recognize his own lack of experience, and in no case would it be
+justifiable to base important action or scientific conclusions upon the
+results of the inexpert examiner. As Binet himself repeatedly insisted,
+the method is not absolutely mechanical, and cannot be made so by
+elaboration of instructions.
+
+It is sometimes held that the examination and classification of backward
+children for special instruction should be carried out by the school
+physicians. The fact is, however, that there is nothing in the
+physician's training to give him any advantage over the ordinary teacher
+in the use of the Binet tests. Because of her more intimate knowledge of
+children and because of her superior tact and adaptability, the average
+teacher is perhaps better equipped than the average physician to give
+intelligence tests.
+
+Finally, it should be emphasized that whatever the previous training or
+experience of the examiner may have been, his ability to adjust to the
+child's personality and his willingness to follow conscientiously the
+directions for giving the tests are important factors in his equipment.
+
+INFLUENCE OF THE SUBJECT'S ATTITUDE. One continually meets such queries
+as, "How do you know the subject did his best?" "Possibly the child was
+nervous or frightened," or, "Perhaps incorrect answers were purposely
+given." All such objections may be disposed of by saying that the
+competent examiner can easily control the experiment in such a way that
+embarrassment is soon replaced by self-confidence, and in such a way
+that effort is kept at its maximum. As for mischievous deception, it
+would be a poor clinicist who could not recognize and deal with the
+little that is likely to arise.
+
+Cautions regarding embarrassment, fatigue, fright, illness, etc. are
+given in Chapter IX. Most of the errors which have been reported along
+this line are such as can nearly always be avoided by ordinary prudence,
+coupled with a little power of observation.[38] We must not charge the
+mistakes of untrained and indiscreet examiners against the validity of
+the method itself.
+
+[38] See, for example, the rather ludicrous "errors" of the Binet method
+reported in _The Psychological Clinic_ for 1915, pp. 140 _ff._ and
+167 _ff._
+
+It is possibly true that even if the examiner is tactful and prudent an
+unfavorable attitude on the part of the subject may occasionally affect
+the results of a test to some extent, but it ought not seriously to
+invalidate one examination out of five hundred. The greatest danger is
+in the case of a young subject who has been recently arrested and
+brought before a court. Even here a little common sense and scientific
+insight should enable one to guard against a mistaken diagnosis.
+
+THE INFLUENCE OF COACHING. It might be supposed that after the
+intelligence scale had been used with a few pupils in a given school all
+of their fellows would soon be apprised of the nature of the tests, and
+so learn the correct responses. Experience shows, however, that there is
+little likelihood of such influence except in the case of a small
+minority of the tests. Experiments in the psychology of testimony have
+demonstrated that children's ability to report upon a complex set of
+experiences is astonishingly weak. In testing with the Stanford revision
+a child is ordinarily given from twenty-four to thirty different tests,
+many of which are made up of three or more items. Of the total forty to
+fifty items the child is ordinarily able to report but few, and these
+not always correctly.
+
+Such tests as memory for sentences and digits, drawing the square and
+diamond, reproducing the designs from memory, comparing weights and
+lines, describing and interpreting pictures, æsthetic comparison,
+vocabulary, dissected sentences, fables, reading for memories, finding
+differences and similarities, arithmetical reasoning, and the form-board
+test, are hardly subject to report at all. While almost any of the other
+tests might, theoretically, be communicated, there is little danger that
+many of them will be. It is assumed, of course, that the examiner will
+take proper precautions to prevent any of his blanks or other materials
+from falling into the hands of those who are to be examined.
+
+The following tests are the ones most subject to the influence of
+coaching: Ball and field, giving date, naming sixty words, finding
+rhymes, changing hands of clock, comprehension of physical relations,
+"induction test," and "ingenuity test."
+
+In several instances we have interviewed children an hour or two after
+they had taken the examination, in order to find out how many of the
+tests they could recall. A boy of 4 years, after repeated questioning,
+could only say: "He showed me some pictures. He had a knife and a penny.
+He told me to shut the door." A girl of 3 years could recall nothing
+whatever that was intelligible.
+
+An 8-year-old boy said: "He made me tie a knot. He asked me about a ship
+and an auto. He wanted me to count backwards. He made me say over some
+things, numbers and things."
+
+A boy of 12 years said: "He told me to say all the words I could think
+of. He said some foolish things and asked what was foolish [he could not
+repeat a single absurdity]. I had to put some blocks together. I had to
+do some problems in arithmetic [he could not repeat a single problem].
+He read some fables to me. [Asked about the fables he was able to recall
+only part of one, that of the fox and the crow.] He showed me the
+picture of a field and wanted to know how to find a ball."
+
+It is evident from the above samples of report that the danger of
+coaching increases considerably with the age of the children concerned.
+With young subjects the danger is hardly present at all; with children
+of the upper-grammar grades, in the high school, and most of all in
+prisons and reformatories, it must be taken into account. Alternative
+tests may sometimes be used to advantage when there is evidence of
+coaching on any of the regular tests. It would be desirable to have two
+or three additional scales which could be used interchangeably with the
+Binet-Simon.
+
+RELIABILITY OF REPEATED TESTS. Will the same tests give consistent
+results when used repeatedly with the same subject? In general we
+may say that they do. Something depends, however, on the age and
+intelligence of the subject and on the time interval between the
+examinations.
+
+Goddard proves that feeble-minded individuals whose intelligence has
+reached its full development continue to test at exactly the same mental
+age by the Binet scale, year after year. In their case, familiarity with
+the tests does not in the least improve the responses. At each retesting
+the responses given at previous examinations are repeated with only the
+most trivial variations. Of 352 feeble-minded children tested at
+Vineland, three years in succession, 109 gave absolutely no variation,
+232 showed a variation of not more than two fifths of a year, while 22
+gained as much as one year in the three tests. The latter, presumably,
+were younger children whose intelligence was still developing.
+
+Goddard has also tested 464 public-school children for three successive
+years. Approximately half of these showed normal progress or more in
+mental age, while most of the remainder showed somewhat less than normal
+progress.
+
+Bobertag's retesting of 83 normal children after an interval of
+a year gave results entirely in harmony with those of Goddard.
+The reapplication of the tests showed absolutely no influence of
+familiarity, the correlation of the two tests being almost perfect
+(.95). Those who tested "at age" in the first test had advanced, on
+the average, exactly one year. Those who tested _plus_ in the first
+test advanced in the twelve months about a year and a quarter, as we
+should expect those to do whose mental development is accelerated.
+Correspondingly, those who tested _minus_ at the first test advanced
+only about three fourths of a year in mental age during the
+interval.[39]
+
+[39] Otto Bobertag: "Ueber Intelligenz Prüfungen," in _Zeitsch. f.
+Angew. Psychol._ (1912), p. 521 _ff._
+
+Our own results with a mixed group of normal, superior, dull and
+feeble-minded children agree fully with the above findings. In this case
+the two tests were separated by an interval of two to four years, and
+the correlation between their results was practically perfect. The
+average difference between the I Q obtained in the second test and that
+obtained in the first was only 4 per cent, and the greatest difference
+found was only 8 per cent.[40]
+
+[40] See _The Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Scale
+for Measuring Intelligence_. (Warwick and York, 1916.)
+
+The repetition of the test at shorter intervals will perhaps affect the
+result somewhat more, but the influence is much less than one might
+expect. The writer has tested, at intervals of only a few days to a few
+weeks, 14 backward children of 12 to 18 years, and 8 normal children of
+5 to 13 years. The backward children showed an average improvement in
+the second test of about two months in mental age, the normal children
+an average improvement of little more than three months. No child varied
+in the second test more than half a year from the mental age first
+secured. On the whole, normal children profit more from the experience
+of a previous test than do the backward and feeble-minded.
+
+Berry tested 45 normal children and 50 defectives with the Binet 1908
+and 1911 scales at brief intervals. The author does not state which
+scale was applied first, but the mental ages secured by the two scales
+were practically the same when allowance was made for the slightly
+greater difficulty of the 1911 series of tests.[41]
+
+[41] Charles Scott Berry: "A Comparison of the Binet Tests of 1908 and
+1911," in _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912), pp. 444-51.
+
+We may conclude, therefore, that while it would probably be desirable
+to have one or more additional scales for alternative use in testing the
+same children at very brief intervals, the same scale may be used for
+repeated tests at intervals of a year or more with little danger of
+serious inaccuracy. Moreover, results like those set forth above are
+important evidence as to the validity of the test method.
+
+INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL ADVANTAGES. The criticism has often
+been made that the responses to many of the tests are so much subject to
+the influence of school and home environment as seriously to invalidate
+the scale as a whole. Some of the tests most often named in this
+connection are the following: Giving age and sex; naming common objects,
+colors, and coins; giving the value of stamps; giving date; naming the
+months of the year and the days of the week; distinguishing forenoon and
+afternoon; counting; making change; reading for memories; naming sixty
+words; giving definitions; finding rhymes; and constructing a sentence
+containing three given words.
+
+It has in fact been found wherever comparisons have been made that
+children of superior social status yield a higher average mental age
+than children of the laboring classes. The results of Decroly and Degand
+and of Meumann, Stern, and Binet himself may be referred to in this
+connection. In the case of the Stanford investigation, also, it was
+found that when the unselected school children were grouped in three
+classes according to social status (superior, average, and inferior),
+the average I Q for the superior social group was 107, and that of the
+inferior social group 93. This is equivalent to a difference of one year
+in mental age with 7-year-olds, and to a difference of two years with
+14-year-olds.
+
+However, the common opinion that the child from a cultured home does
+better in tests solely by reason of his superior home advantages is an
+entirely gratuitous assumption. Practically all of the investigations
+which have been made of the influence of nature and nurture on mental
+performance agree in attributing far more to original endowment than to
+environments. Common observation would itself suggest that the social
+class to which the family belongs depends less on chance than on the
+parents' native qualities of intellect and character.
+
+The results of five separate and distinct lines of inquiry based on the
+Stanford data agree in supporting the conclusion that the children of
+successful and cultured parents test higher than children from wretched
+and ignorant homes for the simple reason that their heredity is better.
+The results of this investigation are set forth in full elsewhere.[42]
+
+[42] See _The Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon
+Measuring Scale of Intelligence_. (Warwick and York, 1916)
+
+It would, of course, be going too far to deny all possibility of
+environmental conditions affecting the result of an intelligence test.
+Certainly no one would expect that a child reared in a cage and denied
+all intercourse with other human beings could by any system of mental
+measurement test up to the level of normal children. There is, however,
+no reason to believe that _ordinary_ differences in social environment
+(apart from heredity), differences such as those obtaining among
+unselected children attending approximately the same general type of
+school in a civilized community, affects to any great extent the
+validity of the scale.
+
+A crucial experiment would be to take a large number of very young
+children of the lower classes and, after placing them in the most
+favorable environment obtainable, to compare their later mental
+development with that of children born into the best homes. No extensive
+study of this kind has been made, but the writer has tested twenty
+orphanage children who, for the most part, had come from very inferior
+homes. They had been in a well-conducted orphanage for from two to
+several years, and had enjoyed during that time the advantages of an
+excellent village school. Nevertheless, all but three tested below
+average, ranging from 75 to 90 I Q.
+
+The impotence of school instruction to neutralize individual differences
+in native endowment will be evident to any one who follows the school
+career of backward children. The children who are seriously retarded in
+school are not normal, and cannot be made normal by any refinement of
+educational method. As a rule, the longer the inferior child attends
+school, the more evident his inferiority becomes. It would hardly be
+reasonable, therefore, to expect that a little incidental instruction in
+the home would weigh very heavily against these same native differences
+in endowment. Cases like the following show conclusively that it does
+not:--
+
+ X is the son of unusually intelligent and well-educated parents.
+ The home is everything one would expect of people of scholarly
+ pursuits and cultivated tastes. But X has always been
+ irresponsible, troublesome, childish, and queer. He learned to
+ walk at 2 years, to talk at 3, and has always been delicate and
+ nervous. When brought for examination he was 8 years old. He had
+ twice attempted school work, but could accomplish nothing and
+ was withdrawn. His play-life was not normal, and other children,
+ younger than himself, abused and tormented him. The Binet tests
+ gave an I Q of approximately 75; that is, the retardation
+ amounted to about two years. The child was examined again three
+ years later. At that time, after attending school two years, he
+ had recently completed the first grade. This time the I Q was
+ 73. Strange to say, the mother is encouraged and hopeful because
+ she sees that her boy is learning to read. She does not seem to
+ realize that at his age he ought to be within three years of
+ entering high school.
+
+ The forty-minute test had told more about the mental ability of
+ this boy than the intelligent mother had been able to learn in
+ eleven years of daily and hourly observation. For X is
+ feeble-minded; he will never complete the grammar school; he
+ will never be an efficient worker or a responsible citizen.
+
+ Let us change the picture. Z is a bright-eyed, dark-skinned girl
+ of 9 years. She is dark-skinned because her father is a mixture
+ of Indian and Spanish. The mother is of Irish descent. With her
+ strangely mated parents and two brothers she lives in a dirty,
+ cramped, and poorly furnished house in the country. The parents
+ are illiterate, and the brothers are retarded and dull, though
+ not feeble-minded.
+
+ It is Z's turn to be tested. I inquire the name. It is familiar,
+ for I have already tested the two stupid brothers. I also know
+ her ignorant parents and the miserable cabin in which she lives.
+ The examination begins with the 8-year tests. The responses are
+ quick and accurate. We proceed to the 9-year group. There is no
+ failure, and there is but one minor error. Successes and
+ failures alternate for a while until the latter prevail. Z has
+ tested at 11 years. In spite of her wretched home, she is
+ mentally advanced nearly 25 per cent. By the vocabulary test she
+ is credited with a knowledge of nearly 6000 words, or nearly
+ four times as many as X, the boy of cultured home and scholarly
+ parents, had learned by the age of 8 years.
+
+ Five years have passed. When given the test, Z was in the fourth
+ grade and, as we have already stated, 9 years of age. As a
+ result of the test she was transferred to the fifth grade. Later
+ she skipped again and at the age of 14 is a successful student
+ in the second year of high school. To assay her intelligence and
+ determine its quality was a task of forty-five minutes.
+
+The above cases, each of which could be paralleled by many others which
+we have found, will serve to illustrate the fact that exceptionally
+superior endowment is discoverable by the tests, however unfavorable the
+home from which it comes, and that inferior endowment cannot be
+normalized by all the advantages of the most cultured home. Quoting
+again from Stern, "The tests actually reach and discover the general
+developmental conditions of intelligence, and not mere fragments of
+knowledge and attainments acquired by chance."
+
+
+
+
+PART II
+
+GUIDE FOR THE USE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS
+
+
+NECESSITY OF SECURING ATTENTION AND EFFORT. The child's intelligence is
+to be judged by his success in the performance of certain tasks. These
+tasks may appear to the examiner to be very easy, indeed; but we must
+bear in mind that they are often anything but easy for the child. Real
+effort and attention are necessary for his success, and occasionally
+even his best efforts fall short of the desired result. If the tests are
+to display the child's real intellectual ability it will be necessary,
+therefore, to avoid as nearly as possible every disturbing factor which
+would divide his attention or in any other way injure the quality of
+his responses. To insure this it will be necessary to consider somewhat
+in detail a number of factors which influence effort, such as degree of
+quiet, the nature of surroundings, presence or absence of others, means
+of gaining the child's confidence, the avoidance of embarrassment,
+fatigue, etc.
+
+One should not expect, however, to secure an absolutely equal degree of
+attention from all subjects. The power to give sustained attention to a
+difficult task is characteristically weak in dull and feeble-minded
+children. What we should labor to secure is the maximum attention of
+which the child is capable, and if this is unsatisfactory without
+external cause, we are to regard the fact as symptomatic of inferior
+mental ability, not as an extenuating factor or an excuse for lack of
+success in the tests.
+
+Attention, of course, cannot be normal if any acute physical or mental
+disturbance is present. Toothache, headache, earache, nausea, fever,
+cold, etc., all render the test inadvisable. The same is true of mental
+anxiety or fear, as in the case of the child who has just been arrested
+and brought before the court.
+
+QUIET AND SECLUSION. The tests should be conducted in a quiet room,
+located where the noises of the street and other outside distractions
+cannot enter. A reasonably small room is better than a very large one,
+because it is more homelike. The furnishings of the room should be
+simple. A table and two chairs are sufficient. If the room contains a
+number of unfamiliar objects, such as psychological apparatus, pictures
+on the walls, etc., the attention of the child is likely to be drawn
+away from the tasks which he is given to do. The halls and corridors
+which it is sometimes necessary to use in testing school children are
+usually noisy, cold, or otherwise objectionable.
+
+PRESENCE OF OTHERS. A still more disturbing influence is the presence of
+other persons. Generally speaking, if accurate results are to be secured
+it is not permissible to have any auditor, besides possibly an
+assistant to record the responses. Even the assistant, however quiet and
+unobtrusive, is sometimes a disturbing element. Though something of a
+convenience, the assistant is by no means necessary, after the examiner
+has thoroughly mastered the procedure of the tests and has acquired some
+skill in the use of abbreviations in recording the answers. If an
+assistant or any other person is present, he should be seated somewhat
+behind the child, not too close, and should take no notice of the child
+either when he enters the room or at any time during the examination.
+
+At all events, the presence of parent, teacher, school principal, or
+governess is to be avoided. Contrary to what one might expect, these
+distract the child much more than a strange personality would do. Their
+critical attitude toward the child's performance is very likely to cause
+embarrassment. If the child is alone with the examiner, he is more at
+ease from the mere fact that he does not feel that there is a reputation
+to sustain. The praise so lavishly bestowed upon him by the friendly and
+sympathetic examiner lends to the same effect.
+
+As Binet emphasizes, if the presence of others cannot be avoided, it
+is at least necessary to require of them absolute silence. Parents,
+and sometimes teachers, have an almost irrepressible tendency to
+interrupt the examination with excuses for the child's failures and
+with disturbing explanations which are likely to aid the child in
+comprehending the required task. Without the least intention of doing
+so, they sometimes practically tell the child how to respond. Parents,
+especially, cannot refrain from scolding the child or showing impatience
+when his answers do not come up to expectation. This, of course,
+endangers the child's success still further.
+
+The psychologist is not surprised at such conduct. It would be foolish
+to expect average parents, even apart from their bias in the particular
+case at hand, to adopt the scientific attitude of the trained examiner.
+Since we cannot in a few moments at our disposal make them over into
+psychologists, our only recourse is to deal with them by exclusion.
+
+This is not to say that it is impossible to test a child satisfactorily
+in the presence of others. If the examiner is experienced, and if the
+child is not timid, it is sometimes possible to make a successful test
+in the presence of quite a number of auditors, provided they remain
+silent, refrain from staring, and otherwise conduct themselves with
+discretion. But not even the veteran examiner can always be sure of the
+outcome in demonstration testing.
+
+GETTING INTO "RAPPORT." The examiner's first task is to win the
+confidence of the child and overcome his timidity. Unless _rapport_ has
+first been established, the results of the first tests given are likely
+to be misleading. The time and effort necessary for accomplishing this
+are variable factors, depending upon the personality of both the
+examiner and the subject. In a majority of cases from three to five
+minutes should be sufficient, but in a few cases somewhat more time is
+necessary.
+
+The writer has found that when a strange child is brought to the clinic
+for examination, it is advantageous to go out of doors with him for a
+little walk around the university buildings. It is usually possible to
+return from such a stroll in a few minutes, with the child chattering
+away as though to an old friend. Another approach is to begin by showing
+the child some interesting object, such as a toy, or a form-board, or
+pictures not used in the test. The only danger in this method is that
+the child is likely to find the object so interesting that he may not be
+willing to abandon it for the tests, or that his mind will keep
+reverting to it during the examination.
+
+Still another method is to give the child his seat as soon as he is
+ushered into the room, and, after a word of greeting, which must be
+spoken in a kindly tone but without gushiness, to open up a conversation
+about matters likely to be of interest. The weather, place of residence,
+pets, sports, games, toys, travels, current events, etc., are suitable
+topics if rightly employed. When the child has begun to express himself
+without timidity and it is clear that his confidence has been gained,
+one may proceed, as though in continuance of the conversation, to
+inquire the name, age, and school grade. The examiner notes these down
+in the appropriate blanks, rather unconcernedly, at the same time
+complimenting the child (unless it is clearly a case of serious
+retardation) on the fine progress he has made with his studies.
+
+KEEPING THE CHILD ENCOURAGED. Nothing contributes more to a satisfactory
+_rapport_ than praise of the child's efforts. Under no circumstances
+should the examiner permit himself to show displeasure at a response,
+however absurd it may be. In general, the poorer the response, the
+better satisfied one should appear to be with it. An error is always to
+be passed by without comment, unless it is painfully evident to the
+child himself, in which case the examiner will do well to make some
+excuse for it; e.g., "You are not quite old enough to answer questions
+like that one; but, never mind, you are doing beautifully," etc.
+Exclamations like "fine!" "splendid!" etc., should be used lavishly.
+Almost any innocent deception is permissible which keeps the child
+interested, confident, and at his best level of effort. The examination
+should begin with tests that are fairly easy, in order to give the child
+a little experience with success before the more difficult tests are
+reached.
+
+THE IMPORTANCE OF TACT. It goes without saying that children's
+personalities are not so uniform and simple that we can adhere always to
+a single stereotyped procedure in working our way into their good
+graces. Suggestions like the above have their value, but, like rules of
+etiquette, they must be supported by the tact which comes of intuition
+and cannot be taught. The address which flatters and pleases one child
+may excite disgust in another. The examiner must scent the situation and
+adapt his method to it. One child is timid and embarrassed; another may
+think his mental powers are under suspicion and so react with sullen
+obstinacy; a third may be in an angry mood as a result of a recent
+playground quarrel. Situations like these are, of course, exceptional,
+but in any case it is necessary to create in the child a certain mood,
+or indefinable attitude of mind, before the test begins.
+
+PERSONALITY OF THE EXAMINER. Doubtless there are persons so lacking in
+personal adaptability that success in this kind of work would be for
+them impossible. The wooden, mechanical, matter-of-fact and unresponsive
+personality is as much out of place in the psychological clinic as the
+traditional bull in the china shop. It would make an interesting study
+for some one to investigate, by exact methods, the influence on test
+results of the personality of different examiners who have been equally
+trained in the methods to be employed and who are equally conscientious
+in applying them according to rules.
+
+On the whole, differences of this kind are probably not very great among
+experienced and reasonably competent examiners. Adaptability grows with
+experience and with increase of self-confidence. After a few score tests
+there should be no serious failure from inability to get into _rapport_
+with the child. Even in those rare cases where the child breaks down and
+cries from timidity, or perhaps refuses to answer out of embarrassment,
+the difficulty can be overcome by sufficient tact so that the
+examination may proceed as though nothing had happened.
+
+If the examiner has the proper psychological and personal equipment, the
+testing of twenty or thirty children forms a fairly satisfactory
+apprenticeship. Without psychological training, no amount of experience
+will guarantee absolute accuracy of the results.
+
+THE AVOIDANCE OF FATIGUE. Against the validity of intelligence tests it
+is often argued that the result of an examination depends a great deal
+on the time of day when it is made, whether in the morning hours when
+the mind is at its best, or in the afternoon when it is supposedly
+fatigued. Although no very extensive investigation has been made of this
+influence, there is no evidence that the ordinary fatigue incident to
+school work injures the child's performance appreciably. Our tests of
+1000 children showed no inferiority of results secured from 1 to 4 P.M.,
+as compared with tests made from 9 to 12 A.M.
+
+An explanation for this is not hard to find. Although school work causes
+fatigue, in the sense that a part of the child's available supply of
+mental energy is used up, there is always a reserve of energy sufficient
+to carry the child through a thirty-to fifty-minute test. The fact that
+the required tasks are novel and interesting to a high degree insures
+that the reserve energy will really be brought into play. This
+principle, of course, has its natural limits. The examiner would avoid
+testing a child who was exhausted either from work or play, or a child
+who was noticeably sleepy.
+
+DURATION OF THE EXAMINATION. About the only danger of fatigue lies in
+making the examination too long. Young children show symptoms of
+weariness much more quickly than older children, and it is therefore
+fortunate that not so much time is needed for testing them. The
+following allowances of time will usually be found sufficient:--
+
+ Children 3-5 years old 25-30 minutes
+ " 6-8 " " 30-40 "
+ " 9-12 " " 40-50 "
+ " 13-15 " " 50-60 "
+ Adults 60-90 "
+
+This allowance ordinarily includes the time necessary for getting into
+_rapport_ with the child, in addition to that actually consumed in the
+tests. But the examiner need not expect to hold fast to any schedule.
+Some subjects respond in a lively manner, others are exasperatingly
+slow. It is more often the mentally retarded child who answers slowly,
+but exceptions to this rule are not uncommon. One 8-year-old boy
+examined by the writer answered so hesitatingly that it required two
+sittings of nearly an hour each to complete the test. The result,
+however, showed a mental age of 11½ years, or an I Q of 143.
+
+It is permissible to hurry the child by an occasional "that's fine; now,
+quickly," etc., but in doing this caution must be exercised, or the
+child's mental process may be blocked. The appearance of nagging must be
+carefully avoided. If the test goes so slowly that it cannot be
+completed in the above limits of time, it is usually best to stop and
+complete the examination at another time. When this is not possible, it
+is advisable to take a ten-minute intermission and a little walk out of
+doors.
+
+Time can be saved by having all the necessary materials close at hand
+and conveniently arranged. The coins should be kept in a separate purse,
+and the pictures, colors, stamps, and designs for drawing should be
+mounted on stiff cardboard which may be punched and kept in a notebook
+cover. The series of sentences, digits, comprehension questions, fables,
+etc., should either be mounted in similar fashion, or else printed in
+full on the record sheets used in the tests. The latter is more
+convenient.[43] All other materials should be kept where they will not
+have to be hunted for.
+
+[43] Examiners will find it a great convenience to use the record
+booklet which has been specially devised for testing with the Stanford
+revision. It contains all the necessary printed material, including
+digits, sentences, absurdities, fables, the vocabulary list, the reading
+selection, the square and diamond for copying, etc., and in addition
+gives with each test the standard for scoring. It is so arranged as to
+afford ample room for a _verbatim_ record of all the child's responses,
+and contains other features calculated to make testing easy and
+accurate. Regarding purchasing of supplies see p. 141.
+
+Besides saving valuable time, a little methodical foresight of this kind
+adds to the success of the test. If the child is kept waiting, the test
+loses its interest and attention strays. See to it, if possible, that no
+lull occurs in the performance.
+
+Inexperienced examiners sometimes waste time foolishly by stopping to
+instruct the child on his failures. This is doubly bad, for besides
+losing time it makes the child conscious of the imperfection of his
+responses and creates embarrassment. Adhere to the purpose of the test,
+which is to ascertain the child's intellectual level, not to instruct
+him.
+
+DESIRABLE RANGE OF TESTING. There are two considerations here of equal
+importance. It is necessary to make the examination thorough, but in the
+pursuit of thoroughness we must be careful not to produce fatigue or
+ennui. Unless there is reason to suspect mental retardation, it is
+usually best to begin with the group of tests just below the child's
+age. However, if there is a failure in the tests of that group, it is
+necessary to go back and try all the tests of the previous group. In
+like manner the examination should be carried up the scale, until a test
+group has been found in which all the tests are failed.
+
+It must be admitted, however, that because of time limitations and
+fatigue, it is not always practicable to adhere to this ideal of
+thoroughness. In testing normal children, little error will result if we
+go back no farther than the year which yielded only one failure, and if
+we stop with the year in which there was only one success. _This is the
+lowest permissible limit of thoroughness._ Defectives are more uneven
+mentally than normal children, and therefore scatter their successes and
+failures over a wider range. With such subjects it is absolutely
+imperative that the test be thorough.
+
+In the case of defectives it is sometimes necessary to begin with random
+testing, until a rough idea is gained of the mental level. But the
+skilled observer soon becomes able to utilize symptoms in the child's
+conversation and conduct and to dispense with most of this preliminary
+exploration.
+
+ORDER OF GIVING THE TESTS. The child's efforts in the tests are
+sometimes markedly influenced by the order in which they are given. If
+language tests or memory tests are given first, the child is likely to
+be embarrassed. More suitable to begin with are those which test
+knowledge or judgment about objective things, such as the pictures,
+weights, stamps, bow-knot, colors, coins, counting pennies, number
+of fingers, right and left, time orientation, ball and field,
+paper-folding, etc. Tests like naming sixty words, finding rhymes,
+giving differences or similarities, making sentences, repeating
+sentences, and drawing are especially unsuitable because they tend to
+provoke self-consciousness.
+
+The tests as arranged in this revision are in the order which it is
+usually best to follow, but one should not hesitate to depart from the
+order given when it seems best in a given case to do so. It is necessary
+to be constantly alert so that when the child shows a tendency to balk
+at a given type of test, such as those of memory, language, numbers,
+drawing, "comprehension," etc., the work can be shifted to more
+agreeable tasks. When the child is at his ease again, it is usually
+possible to return to the troublesome tests with better success. In the
+case of 8-year-old D. C., who is a speech defective but otherwise above
+normal, it was quite impossible at the first sitting to give such tests
+as sentence-making, naming sixty words, reading, repeating sentences,
+giving definitions, etc.; at each test of this type the child's voice
+broke and he was ready to cry, due, no doubt, to sensitiveness regarding
+his speech defect. Others do everything willingly except the drawing and
+copying. The younger children sometimes refuse to repeat the sentences
+or digits. In all such cases it is best to pass on to something else.
+After a few minutes the rejected task may be done willingly.
+
+COAXING TO BE AVOIDED. Although we should always encourage the child to
+believe that he can answer correctly, if he will only try, we must avoid
+the common practice of dragging out responses by too much urging and
+coaxing. The sympathies of the examiner tend to lead him into the habit
+of repeating and explaining the question if the child does not answer
+promptly. This is nearly always a mistake, for the question is one which
+should be understood. Besides, explanations and coaxing are too often
+equivalent to answering the question for the child. It is almost
+impossible to impress this danger sufficiently upon the untrained
+examiner. One who is not familiar with the psychology of suggestion may
+put the answer in the child's mouth without suspecting what he is doing.
+
+ADHERING TO FORMULA. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that unless we
+follow a standardized procedure the tests lose their significance. The
+danger is chiefly that of unintentionally and unconsciously introducing
+variations which will affect the meaning of the test. One who has not
+had a thorough training in the methods of mental testing cannot
+appreciate how numerous are the opportunities for the unconscious
+transformation of a test. Many of these are pointed out in the
+description of the individual tests, but it would be folly to undertake
+to warn the experimenter against every possible error of this kind.
+Sometimes the omission or the addition of a single phrase in giving
+the test will alter materially the significance of the response.
+Only the trained psychologist can vary the formula without risk of
+invalidating the result, and even he must be on his guard. All sorts of
+misunderstandings regarding the correct placing of tests and regarding
+their accuracy or inaccuracy have come about through the failure of
+different investigators to follow the same procedure.
+
+One who would use the tests for any serious purpose, therefore,
+must study the procedure for each and every test until he knows it
+thoroughly. After that a considerable amount of practice is necessary
+before one learns to avoid slips. During the early stages of practice it
+is necessary to refer to the printed instructions frequently in order to
+check up errors before they have become habitual.
+
+The instructions hitherto available are at fault in not defining the
+procedure with sufficient definiteness, and it is the purpose of this
+volume to make good this deficiency as far as possible.
+
+It is too much, however, to suppose that the instructions can be made
+"fool-proof." With whatever definiteness they may be set forth,
+situations are sure to arise which the examiner cannot be formally
+prepared for. There is no limit to the multitude of misunderstandings
+possible. After testing hundreds of children one still finds new
+examples of misapprehension. In a few such cases the instruction may be
+repeated, if there is reason to think the child's hearing was at fault
+or if some extraordinary distraction has occurred. But unless otherwise
+stated in the directions, the repetition of a question is ordinarily to
+be avoided. Supplementary explanations are hardly ever permissible.
+
+In short, numberless situations may arise in the use of a test which may
+injure the validity of the response, events which cannot always be
+dealt with by preconceived rule. Accordingly, although we must urge
+unceasingly the importance of following the standard procedure, it is
+not to be supposed that formulas are an adequate substitute either for
+scientific judgment or for common sense.
+
+SCORING. The exact method of scoring the individual tests is set forth
+in the following chapters. Reference to the record booklet for use in
+testing will show that the records are to be kept in detail. Each
+subdivision of a test should be scored separately, in order that the
+clinical picture may be as complete as possible. This helps in the final
+evaluation of the results. It makes much difference, for example,
+whether success in repeating six digits is earned by repeating all three
+correctly or only one; or whether the child's lack of success with the
+absurdities is due to failure on two, three, four, or all of them. Time
+should be recorded whenever called for in the record blanks.
+
+RECORDING RESPONSES. Plus and minus signs alone are not usually
+sufficient. Whenever possible the entire response should be recorded. If
+the test results are to be used by any other person than the examiner,
+this is absolutely essential. Any other standard of completeness opens
+the door to carelessness and inaccuracy. In nearly all the tests, except
+that of naming sixty words, the examiner will find it possible by the
+liberal use of abbreviations to record practically the entire response
+_verbatim_. In doing so, however, one must be careful to avoid keeping
+the child waiting. Occasionally it is necessary to leave off recording
+altogether because of the embarrassment sometimes aroused in the child
+by seeing his answer written down. The writer has met the latter
+difficulty several times. When for any reason it is not feasible to
+record anything more than score marks, success may be indicated by the
+sign +, failure by -, and half credit by ½. An exceptionally good
+response may be indicated by ++ and an exceptionally poor response by --.
+If there is a slight doubt about a success or failure the sign? may
+be added to the + or -. In general, however, score the response either +
+or -, avoiding half credit as far as it is possible to do so.
+
+If the entire response is not recorded it is necessary to record at
+least the score mark for each test _when the test is given_. It must be
+borne in mind that the scoring is not a purely mechanical affair.
+Instead, the judgment of the examiner must come into play with every
+record made. If the scoring is delayed, there is not only the danger of
+forgetting a response, but the judgment is likely to be influenced by
+the subject's responses to succeeding questions. Our special record
+booklet contains wide margins, so that extended notes and observations
+regarding the child's responses and behavior can be recorded as the test
+proceeds.
+
+SCATTERING OF SUCCESSES. It is sometimes a source of concern to the
+untrained examiner that the successes and failures should be scattered
+over quite an extensive range of years. Why, it may be asked, should not
+a child who has 10-year intelligence answer correctly all the tests up
+to and including group X, and fail on all the tests beyond? There are
+two reasons why such is almost never the case. In the first place, the
+intelligence of an individual is ordinarily not even. There are many
+different kinds of intelligence, and in some of these the subject is
+better endowed than in others. A second reason lies in the fact that no
+test can be purely and simply a test of native intelligence. Given a
+certain degree of intelligence, accidents of experience and training
+bring it about that this intelligence will work more successfully with
+some kinds of material than with others. For both of these reasons there
+results a scattering of successes and failures over three or four years.
+The subject fails first in one or two tests of a group, then in two or
+three tests of the following group, the number of failures increasing
+until there are no successes at all. Success "tapers off" from
+100 per cent to 0. Once in a great while a child fails on several of the
+tests of a given year and succeeds with a majority of those in the next
+higher year. This is only an extreme instance of uneven intelligence or
+of specialized experience, and does not necessarily reflect upon the
+reliability of the tests for children in general. The method of
+calculation given above strikes a kind of average and gives the general
+level of intelligence, which is essentially the thing we want to know.
+
+SUPPLEMENTARY CONSIDERATIONS. It would be a mistake to suppose that any
+set of mental tests could be devised which would give us complete
+information about a child's native intelligence. There are no tests
+which are absolutely pure tests of intelligence. All are influenced to a
+greater or less degree also by training and by social environment. For
+this reason, all the ascertainable facts bearing on such influences
+should be added to the record of the mental examination, and should be
+given due weight in reaching a final conclusion as to the level of
+intelligence.
+
+The following supplementary information should be gathered, when
+possible:--
+
+ 1. Social status (very superior, superior, average, inferior, or
+ very inferior).
+
+ 2. The teacher's estimate of the child's intelligence (very
+ superior, superior, average, inferior, or very inferior).
+
+ 3. School opportunities, including years of attendance,
+ regularity, retardation or acceleration, etc.
+
+ 4. Quality of school work (very superior, superior, average,
+ inferior, or very inferior).
+
+ 5. Physical handicaps, if any (adenoids, diseased tonsils, partial
+ deafness, imperfect vision, malnutrition, etc.).
+
+In addition, the examiner will need to take account of the general
+attitude of the child during the examination. This is provided for in
+the record blanks under the heading "comments." The comments should
+describe as fully as possible the conduct and attitude of the child
+during the examination, with emphasis upon such disturbing factors as
+fear, timidity, unwillingness to answer, overconfidence, carelessness,
+lack of attention, etc. Sometimes, also, it is desirable to verify the
+child's age and to make record of the verification.
+
+Once more let it be urged that no degree of mechanical perfection of the
+tests can ever take the place of good judgment and psychological
+insight. Intelligence is too complicated to be weighed, like a bag of
+grain, by any one who can read figures.
+
+ALTERNATIVE TESTS. The tests designated as "alternative tests" are not
+intended for regular use. Inasmuch as they have been standardized and
+belong in the year group where they are placed, they may be used as
+substitute tests on certain occasions. Sometimes one of the regular
+tests is spoiled in giving it, or the requisite material for it may not
+be at hand. Sometimes there may be reason to suspect that the subject
+has become acquainted with some of the tests. In such cases it is a
+great convenience to have a few substitutes available.
+
+It is necessary, however, to warn against a possible misuse of
+alternative tests. _It is not permissible to count success in an
+alternative test as offsetting failure in a regular test._ This would
+give the subject too much leeway of failure. There are very exceptional
+cases, however, when it is legitimate to break this rule; namely, when
+one of the regular tests would be obviously unfair to the subject being
+tested. In year X, for example, one of the three alternative tests
+should be substituted for the reading test (X, 4) in case we are testing
+a subject who has not had the equivalent of at least two years of
+school work. In year VIII, it would be permissible to substitute the
+alternative test of naming six coins, instead of the vocabulary test, in
+the case of a subject who came from a home where English was not spoken.
+In VII, it would perhaps not be unfair to substitute the alternative
+test, in place of the test of copying a diamond, in the case of a
+subject who, because of timidity or embarrassment, refused to attempt
+the diamond. But it would be going entirely too far to substitute an
+alternative test in the place of every regular test which the subject
+responded to by silence. In the large majority of cases persistent
+silence deserves to be scored failure.
+
+Certain tests have been made alternatives because of their inferior
+value, some because the presence of other tests of similar nature in the
+same year rendered them less necessary.
+
+FINDING MENTAL AGE. As there are six tests in each age group from III to
+X, each test in this part of the scale counts 2 months toward mental
+age. There are eight tests in group XII, which, because of the omission
+of the 11-year group, have a combined value of 24 months, or 3 months
+each. Similarly, each of the six tests in XIV has a value of 4 months
+(24 ÷ 6 = 4). The tests of the "average adult" group are given a value
+of 5 months each, and those of the "superior adult" group a value of
+6 months each. These values are in a sense arbitrary, but they are
+justified in the fact that they are such as to cause ordinary adults to
+test at the "average adult" level.
+
+The calculation of mental age is therefore simplicity itself. The rule
+is: (1) Credit the subject with all the tests below the point where the
+examination begins (remembering that the examination goes back until a
+year group has been found in which all the tests are passed); and (2)
+add to this basal credit 2 months for each test passed successfully up
+to and including year X, 3 months for each test passed in XII, 4 months
+for each test passed in XIV, 5 months for each success in "average
+adult," and 6 months for each success in "superior adult."
+
+For example, let us suppose that a child passes all the tests in VI,
+five of the six tests in VII, three in VIII, two in IX, and one in X.
+The total credit earned is as follows:--
+
+ _Years__Months_
+ Credit presupposed, years I to V 5
+ Credit earned in VI, 6 tests passed, 2 months each 1
+ Credit earned in VII, 5 tests passed, 2 months each 10
+ Credit earned in VIII, 3 tests passed, 2 months each 6
+ Credit earned in IX, 2 tests passed, 2 months each 4
+ Credit earned in X, 1 test passed, 2 months 2
+ ---- ----
+ Total credit 7 10
+
+Taking a subject who tests higher, let us suppose the following tests
+are passed: All in X, six of the eight in XII, two of the six in XIV,
+and one of the six in "average adult." The total credit is as follows:--
+
+ _Years__Months_
+ Credit presupposed, years I to IX 9
+ Credit earned in X, 6 tests passed, 2 months each 1
+ Credit earned in XII, 6 tests passed, 3 months each 1 6
+ Credit earned in XIV, 2 tests passed, 4 months each 0 8
+ Credit earned in "average adult," 1 success, 5 months 5
+ ---- ----
+ Total credit 12 7
+
+One other point: If one or more tests of a year group have been omitted,
+as sometimes happens either from oversight or lack of time, the question
+arises how the tests which were given in such a year group should be
+evaluated. Suppose, for example, a subject has been given only four of
+the six tests in a given year, and that he passes two, or half of those
+given. In such a case the probability would be that had all six tests
+been given, three would have been passed; that is, one half of all.
+It is evident, therefore, that when a test has been omitted, a
+proportionately larger value should be assigned to each of those given.
+
+If all six tests are given in any year group below XII, each has a value
+of 2 months. If only four are given, each has a value of 3 months
+(12 ÷ 4 = 3). If five tests only are given, each has a value of
+2.4 months (12 ÷ 5 = 2.4). If in year group XII only six of the eight
+tests are given, each has a value of 4 months (24 ÷ 6 = 4). If in the
+"average adult" group only five of the six tests are given, each has a
+value of 6 months instead of the usual 5 months. In this connection it
+will need to be remembered that the six "average adult" tests have a
+combined value of 30 months (6 tests, 5 months each); also that the
+combined value of the six "superior adult" tests is 36 months
+(6 × 6 = 36). Accordingly, if only five of the six "superior adult"
+tests are given, the value of each is 36 ÷ 5 = 7.2 months.
+
+For example, let us suppose that a subject has been tested as follows:
+All the six tests in X were given and all were passed; only six of the
+eight in XII were given and five were passed; five of the six in XIV
+were given and three were passed; five of the six in "average adult"
+were given and one was passed; five were given in "superior adult" and
+no credit earned. The result would be as follows:--
+
+ _Years__Months_
+ Credit presupposed, years I to IX 9
+ Credit earned in X, 6 given, 6 successes 1
+ Credit earned in XII, 6 given, 5 passed. Unit value
+ of each test given is 24 ÷ 6 = 4. Total value
+ of the 5 tests passed is 5 × 4 or 1 8
+ Credit earned in XIV, 5 tests given, 3 passed. Unit
+ value of each of the 5 given is 24 ÷ 5 = 4.8.
+ Value of the 3 passed is 3 × 4.8, or 0 14+
+ Credit earned in "average adult," 5 tests given,
+ 1 passed. Unit value of the 5 tests given is
+ 30 ÷ 5 = 6. Value of the 1 success 0 6
+ Credit earned in "superior adult" 0 0
+ ---- ----
+ Total credit 13 4+
+
+The calculation of mental age is really simpler than our verbal
+illustrations make it appear. After the operation has been performed
+twenty or thirty times, it can be done in less than a half-minute
+without danger of error.
+
+THE USE OF THE INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENT. As elsewhere explained, the mental
+age alone does not tell us what we want to know about a child's
+intelligence status. The significance of a given number of years of
+retardation or acceleration depends upon the age of the child. A
+3-year-old child who is retarded one year is ordinarily feeble-minded; a
+10-year-old retarded one year is only a little below normal. The child
+who at 3 years of age is retarded one year will probably be retarded two
+years at the age of 6, three years at the age of 9, and four years at
+the age of 12.
+
+What we want to know, therefore, is the ratio existing between mental
+age and real age. This is the intelligence quotient, or I Q. To find it
+we simply divide mental age (expressed in years and months) by real age
+(also expressed in years and months). The process is easier if we
+express each age in terms of months alone before dividing. The division
+can, of course, be performed almost instantaneously and with much less
+danger of error by the use of a slide rule or a division table. One who
+has to calculate many intelligence quotients should by all means use
+some kind of mechanical help.
+
+HOW TO FIND THE I Q OF ADULT SUBJECTS. Native intelligence, in so far as
+it can be measured by tests now available, appears to improve but little
+after the age of 15 or 16 years. It follows that in calculating the I Q
+of an adult subject, it will be necessary to disregard the years he has
+lived beyond the point where intelligence attains its final development.
+
+Although the location of this point is not exactly known, it will be
+sufficiently accurate for our purpose to assume its location at
+16 years. Accordingly, any person over 16 years of age, however old, is
+for purposes of calculating I Q considered to be just 16 years old. If a
+youth of 18 and a man of 60 years both have a mental age of 12 years,
+the I Q in each case is 12 ÷ 16, or .75.
+
+The significance of various values of the I Q is set forth
+elsewhere.[44] Here it need only be repeated that 100 I Q means exactly
+average intelligence; that nearly all who are below 70 or 75 I Q are
+feeble-minded; and that the child of 125 I Q is about as much above the
+average as the high-grade feeble-minded individual is below the average.
+For ordinary purposes all who fall between 95 and 105 I Q may be
+considered as average in intelligence.
+
+[44] See Chapter VI.
+
+MATERIAL FOR USE IN TESTING. It is strongly recommended that in testing
+by the Stanford revision the regular Stanford record booklets be
+used. These are so arranged as to make testing accurate, rapid, and
+convenient. They contain square, diamond, round field, vocabulary list,
+fables, sentences, digits, and selections for memory tests, the reading
+selection barred for scoring, the dissected sentences, arithmetical
+problems, etc. One is required for each child tested.[45]
+
+[45] Houghton Mifflin Company will supply all the printed material
+needed in the tests, including the lines for the forms for VI, 2, the
+four pictures for "enumeration," "description," and "interpretation,"
+the pictures for V, 3 and VI, 2, the colors, designs for X, 3, the code
+for Average Adult 6, and score cards for square, diamond, designs, and
+ball-and-field.
+
+This is all the material required for the use of the Stanford revision,
+except the five weights for IX, 2, and V, 1, and the Healy-Fernald
+Construction Puzzle for X. These may be purchased of C. H. Stoelting &
+Co., 3037 Carroll Avenue, Chicago. It is not necessary, however, to have
+the weights and the Construction Puzzle, as the presence of one or
+more alternative tests in each year makes it possible to substitute
+other tests instead of those requiring these materials. This saves
+considerable expense. Apart from these, which may either be made at home
+(see pages 278, 279) or dispensed with, the only necessary equipment for
+using the Stanford revision is a copy of this book with the accompanying
+set of printed matter, and the record booklets. The record booklets are
+supplied only in packages of 25.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+Instructions For Year III
+
+
+III, 1. POINTING TO PARTS OF THE BODY
+
+PROCEDURE. After getting the child's attention, say: "_Show me your
+nose._" "_Put your finger on your nose._" Same with eyes, mouth, and
+hair.
+
+Tact is often necessary to overcome timidity. If two or three
+repetitions of the instruction fail to bring a response, point to the
+child's chin or ear and say: "_Is this your nose?_" "_No?_" "_Then where
+is your nose?_" Sometimes, after one has tried two or three parts of the
+test without eliciting any response, the child may suddenly release his
+inhibitions and answer all the questions promptly. In case of persistent
+refusal to respond it is best not to harass the child for an answer, but
+to leave the test for a while and return to it later. This is a rule
+which applies generally throughout the scale. In the case of one
+exceptionally timid little girl, it was impossible to get any response
+by the usual procedure, but immediately when a doll was shown the child
+pointed willingly to its nose, eyes, mouth, and hair. The device was
+successful because it withdrew the child's attention from herself and
+centered it upon something objective.
+
+SCORING. _Three responses out of four_ must be correct. Instead of
+pointing, the child sometimes responds by winking the eyes, opening the
+mouth, etc., which is counted as satisfactory.
+
+REMARKS. Binet's purpose in this test is to ascertain whether the
+subject is capable of comprehending simple language. The ability to
+comprehend and use language is indeed one of the most reliable
+indications of the grade of mental development. The appreciation of
+gestures comes first, then the comprehension of language heard, next the
+ability to repeat words and sentences mechanically, and finally the
+ability to use language as a means of communication. The present test,
+however, is not more strictly a test of language comprehension than the
+others of the 3-year group, and in any case it could not be said to mark
+the _beginning_ of the power to comprehend spoken language. That is
+fairly well advanced by the age of 2 years. The test closely resembles
+III, 2 (naming familiar objects), and III, 3 (enumeration of objects in
+a picture), except that it brings in a personal element and gives some
+clue to the development of the sense of self. All the data agree in
+locating the test at year III.
+
+
+III, 2. NAMING FAMILIAR OBJECTS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use a key, a penny, a closed knife, a watch, and an ordinary
+lead pencil. The key should be the usual large-sized doorkey, not one of
+the Yale type. The penny should not be too new, for the freshly made,
+untarnished penny resembles very little the penny usually seen. Any
+ordinary pocket knife may be used, and it is to be shown unopened. The
+formula is, "_What is this?_" or, "_Tell me what this is._"
+
+SCORING. There must be at least _three correct responses out of five_. A
+response is not correct unless the object is named. It is not sufficient
+for the child merely to show that he knows its use. A child, for
+example, may take the pencil and begin to mark with it, or go to the
+door and insert the key in the lock, but this is not sufficient. At the
+same time we must not be too arbitrary about requiring a particular
+name. "Cent" or "pennies" for "penny" is satisfactory, but "money" is
+not. The watch is sometimes called "a clock" or "a tick-tock," and we
+shall perhaps not be too liberal if we score these responses _plus_.
+"Pen" for "pencil," however, is unsatisfactory. Substitute names for
+"key" and "knife" are rarely given. Mispronunciations due to baby-talk
+are of course ignored.
+
+REMARKS. The purpose of this test is to find out whether the child has
+made the association between familiar objects and their names. The
+mental processes necessary to enable the child to pass this test are
+very elementary, and yet, as far as they go, they are fundamental.
+Learning the names of objects frequently seen is a form of mental
+activity in which the normally endowed child of 2 to 4 years finds great
+satisfaction. Any marked retardation in making such associations is a
+grave indication of the lack of that spontaneity which is so necessary
+for the development of the higher grades of intelligence. It would be
+entirely beside the point, therefore, to question the validity of the
+test on the ground that a given child may not have been _taught_ the
+names of the objects used. Practically all children 3 years old, however
+poor their environment, have made the acquaintance of at least three of
+the five objects, and if intelligence is normal they have learned their
+names as a result of spontaneous inquiry.
+
+Always use the list of objects here given, because it has been
+standardized. Any improvised selection would be sure to contain some
+objects either less or more familiar than those in the standardized
+list. Note also that three correct responses out of five are sufficient.
+If we required five correct answers out of six (like Kuhlmann), or three
+out of three (like Binet, Goddard, and Huey), the test would probably
+belong at the 4-year level. Binet states that this test is materially
+harder than that of naming objects in a picture, since in the latter the
+child selects from a number of objects in the picture those he knows
+best, while in the former test he must name the objects we have
+arbitrarily chosen. This difference does not hold, however, if we
+require only three correct responses out of five for passing the test of
+naming objects, instead of Binet's three out of three. All else being
+equal, it is of course easier to recognize and name a real object shown
+than it is to recognize and name it from a picture.
+
+
+III, 3. ENUMERATION OF OBJECTS IN PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the three pictures designated as "Dutch Home," "River
+Scene," and "Post-Office." Say, "_Now I am going to show you a pretty
+picture._" Then, holding the first one before the child, close enough to
+permit distinct vision, say: "_Tell me what you see in this picture._"
+If there is no response, as sometimes happens, due to embarrassment or
+timidity, repeat the request in this form: "_Look at the picture and
+tell me everything you can see in it._" If there is still no response,
+say: "_Show me the ..._" (naming some object in the picture). Only one
+question of this type, however, is permissible. If the child answers
+correctly, say: "_That is fine; now tell me everything you see in the
+picture._" From this point the responses nearly always follow without
+further coaxing. Indeed, if _rapport_ has been properly cultivated
+before the test begins, the first question will ordinarily be
+sufficient. If the child names one or two things in a picture and then
+stops, urge him on by saying "_And what else_" Proceed with pictures _b_
+and _c_ in the same manner.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the child enumerates as many as _three_
+objects in _one_ picture _spontaneously_; that is, without intervening
+questions or urging. Anything better than enumeration (as description
+or interpretation) is also acceptable, but description is rarely
+encountered before 5 years and interpretation rarely before 9 or 10.[46]
+
+[46] See instructions for VII, 2, and XII, 7.
+
+REMARKS. The purpose of the test in this year is to find out whether the
+sight of a familiar object in a picture provokes recognition and calls
+up the appropriate name.[47] The average child of 3 or 4 years is in
+what Binet calls "the identification stage"; that is, familiar objects
+in a picture will be identified but not described, their relations to
+one another will not be grasped.
+
+[47] For a discussion of the significance of the different types of
+response, enumeration, description, and interpretation, see VII, 2, and
+XII, 7.
+
+In giving the test, always present the pictures in the same order,
+first Dutch Home, then River Scene, then Post-Office. The order of
+presentation will no doubt seem to the uninitiated too trivial a matter
+to insist upon, but a little experience teaches one that an apparently
+insignificant change in the procedure may exert a considerable influence
+upon the response. Some pictures tend more strongly than others to
+provoke a particular type of response. Some lend themselves especially
+to enumeration, others to description, others to interpretation. The
+pictures used in the Stanford revision have been selected from a number
+which have been tried because they are more uniform in this respect
+than most others in use. However, they are not without their
+differences, picture _b_, for example, tending more than the others to
+provoke description.
+
+There seems to be no disagreement as to the proper location of this
+test.
+
+
+III, 4. GIVING SEX
+
+PROCEDURE. If the subject is a boy, the formula is: "_Are you a little
+boy or a little girl?_" If a girl, "_Are you a little girl or a little
+boy?_" This variation in the formula is necessary because of the
+tendency in young children to repeat mechanically the last word of
+anything that is said to them. If there is no response, say: "_Are you a
+little girl?_" (if a boy); or, "_Are you a little boy?_" (if a girl). If
+the answer to the last question is "no" (or a shake of the head), we
+then say: "_Well, what are you? Are you a little boy or a little girl?_"
+(or _vice versa_).
+
+SCORING. The response is satisfactory if it indicates that the child has
+really made the discrimination, but we must be cautious about accepting
+any other response than the direct answer, "A little girl," or, "A
+little boy." "Yes" and "no" in response to the second question must be
+carefully checked up.
+
+REMARKS. Binet and Goddard say that 3-year-olds cannot pass this test
+and that 4-year-olds almost never fail. We can accept the last part of
+this statement, but not the first part. Nearly all of our 3-year-old
+subjects succeed with it.
+
+The test probably has nothing to do with sex consciousness, as such.
+Success in it would seem to depend on the ability to discriminate
+between familiar class names which are in a certain degree related.
+
+
+III, 5. GIVING THE FAMILY NAME
+
+PROCEDURE. The child is asked, "_What is your name?_" If the answer, as
+often happens, includes only the first name (Walter, for example), say:
+"_Yes, but what is your other name? Walter what?_" If the child is
+silent, or if he only repeats the first name, say: "_Is your name
+Walter ... ?_" (giving a fictitious name, as Jones, Smith, etc.). This
+question nearly always brings the correct answer if it is known.
+
+SCORING. Simply + or -. No attention is paid to faults of pronunciation.
+
+REMARKS. There is unanimous agreement that this test belongs in the
+3-year group. Although the child has not had as much opportunity to
+learn the family name as his first name, he is almost certain to have
+heard it more or less, and if his intelligence is normal the interest in
+self will ordinarily cause it to be remembered.
+
+The critic of the intelligence scale need not be unduly exercised over
+the fact that there may be an occasional child of 3 years who has never
+heard his family name. We have all read of such children, but they
+are so extremely rare that the chances of a given 3-year-old being
+unjustly penalized for this reason are practically negligible. In
+the second place, contingencies of this nature are throughout the
+scale consistently allowed for in the percentage of passes required
+for locating a test. Since (in the year groups below XIV) the
+individual tests are located at the age level where they are passed by
+60 to 70 per cent of unselected children of that age, it follows that
+the child of average ability _is expected_ to fail on about one third of
+the tests of his age group. The plan of the scale is such as to warrant
+this amount of leeway. But even granting the possibility that one
+subject out of a hundred or so may be unjustly penalized for lack of
+opportunity to acquire the knowledge which the test calls for, the
+injustice done does not greatly alter the result. A single test affects
+mental age only to the extent of two months, and the chances of two such
+injustices occurring with the same child are very slight. Herein lies
+the advantage of a multiplicity of tests. No test considered by itself
+is very dependable, but two dozen tests, properly arranged, are almost
+infinitely reliable.
+
+
+III, 6. REPEATING SIX TO SEVEN SYLLABLES
+
+PROCEDURE. Begin by saying: "_Can you say 'mamma'? Now, say 'nice
+kitty.'_" Then ask the child to say, "_I have a little dog._" Speak the
+sentence distinctly and with expression, but in a natural voice and not
+too slowly. If there is no response, the first sentence may be repeated
+two or three times. Then give the other two sentences: "_The dog runs
+after the cat_," and, "_In summer the sun is hot._" A great deal of tact
+is sometimes necessary to enlist the child's coöperation in this test.
+If he cannot be persuaded to try, the alternative test of three digits
+may be substituted.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if at least _one sentence is repeated
+without error after a single reading_. "Without error" is to be taken
+literally; there must be no omission, insertion, or transposition
+of words. Ignore indistinctness of articulation and defects of
+pronunciation as long as they do not mutilate the sentence beyond easy
+recognition.
+
+REMARKS. The test does not presuppose that the child should have
+the ability to make and use sentences like these for purposes of
+communication, or even that he should know the meaning of all the words
+they contain. Its purpose is to bring out the ability of the child to
+repeat a six-syllable series of more or less familiar language sounds.
+As every one knows, the normal child of 2 or 3 years is constantly
+imitating the speech of those around him and finds this a great source
+of delight. Long practice in the semi-mechanical repetition of language
+sounds is necessary for the learning of speech coördinations and is
+therefore an indispensable preliminary to the purposeful use of
+language. High-grade idiots and the lowest grade of imbeciles never
+acquire much facility in the repetition of language heard. The test gets
+at one of the simplest forms of mental integration.
+
+Binet says that children of 3 years _never_ repeat sentences of
+ten syllables. This is not strictly true, for six out of nineteen
+3-year-olds succeeded in doing so. All the data agree, however, that the
+_average_ child of 3 years repeats only six to seven syllables
+correctly.
+
+
+III. ALTERNATIVE TEST: REPEATING THREE DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the following digits: 6-4-1, 3-5-2, 8-3-7. Begin with two
+digits, as follows: "_Listen; say 4-2_." "_Now, say 6-4-1_." "_Now, say
+3-5-2_," etc. Pronounce the digits in a distinct voice and with
+perfectly uniform emphasis at a rate just a little faster than one per
+second. Two per second, as recommended by Binet, is too rapid.
+
+Young subjects, because of their natural timidity in the presence of
+strangers, sometimes refuse to respond to this test. With subjects under
+5 or 6 years of age it is sometimes necessary in such cases to re-read
+the first series of digits several times in order to secure a response.
+The response thus secured, however, is not counted in scoring, the
+purpose of the re-reading being merely to break the child's silence. The
+second and third series may be read but once. With the digits tests
+above year IV the re-reading of a series is never permissible.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the child repeats correctly, _after a single reading,
+one series out of the three_ series given. Not only must the correct
+digits be given, but the order also must be correct.
+
+REMARKS. Others, on the basis of rather scanty data, have usually
+located this test at the 4-year level. Our results show that with the
+procedure described above it is fully as easy as the test of repeating
+sentences of 6 to 7 syllables.[48]
+
+[48] See p. 194 _ff._ for further discussion of the digits test.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IV
+
+
+IV, 1. COMPARISON OF LINES
+
+PROCEDURE. Present the appropriate accompanying card with the lines in
+horizontal position. Point to the lines and say: "_See these lines. Look
+closely and tell me which one is longer. Put your finger on the longest
+one._" We use the superlative as well as the comparative form of _long_
+because it is often more familiar to young subjects. If the child does
+not respond, say: "_Show me which line is the biggest._" Then withdraw
+the card, turn it about a few times, and present it again with the
+position of the two lines reversed, saying: "_Now show me the longest._"
+Turn the card again and make a third presentation.
+
+SCORING. All three comparisons must be made correctly; or if only two
+responses out of three are correct, all three pairs are again shown,
+just as before, and if there is no error this time, the test is passed.
+The standard, therefore, is _three correct responses out of three, or
+five out of six_.
+
+Sometimes the child points, but at no particular part of the card. In
+such cases it may be difficult to decide whether he has failed to
+comprehend and to make the discrimination or has only been careless in
+pointing. It is then necessary to repeat the experiment until the
+evidence is clear.
+
+REMARKS. As noted by Binet, success in this test depends on the
+comprehension of the verbal directions rather than on actual
+discrimination of length. The child who would unerringly choose the
+larger of two pieces of candy might fail on the comparison of lines.
+However, since the child must correctly compare the lines three times in
+succession, or at least in five out of six trials, _willingness to
+attend_ also plays a part. The attention of the low-grade imbecile, or
+even of the normal child of 3 years, is not very obedient to the
+suggestions of the experimenter. It may be gained momentarily, but it is
+not easily held to the same task for more than a few seconds. Hence some
+children who perfectly comprehend this task fail to make a succession of
+correct comparisons because they are unable or unwilling to bring to
+bear even the small amount of attention which is necessary. This does
+not in the least condone the failure, for it is exactly in such
+voluntary control of mental processes that we find one of the most
+characteristic differences between bright and dull, or mature and
+immature subjects.
+
+There has been little disagreement as to the proper location of this
+test.
+
+
+IV, 2. DISCRIMINATION OF FORMS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the forms supplied with this book. First, place the
+circle of the duplicate set at "X", and say: "_Show me one like
+this_," at the same time passing the finger around the circumference of
+the circle. If the child does not respond, say: "_Do you see all of
+these things?_" (running the finger over the various forms); "_And do
+you see this one?_" (pointing again to the circle); "_Now, find me
+another one just like this._" Use the square next, then the triangle,
+and the others in any order.
+
+Correct the child's first error by saying: "_No, find one just like
+this_" (again passing the finger around the outline of the form at "X").
+Make no comment on errors after the first one, proceeding at once with
+the next card, but each time the choice is correct encourage the child
+with a hearty "That's good," or something similar.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _seven out of ten_ choices, are correct,
+the first corrected error being counted.
+
+REMARKS. In the test of discriminating forms, unlike the test of
+comparing lines, lack of success is less often due to inability to
+understand the task than to failure to discriminate. The test may be
+regarded as a variation of the form-board test. It displays the
+subject's ability to compare and contrast successive visual perceptions
+of form. The accurate perception of even a fairly simple form requires
+the integration of a number of sensory elements into one whole. The
+forms used in this test have meaning. They are far from nonsense figures
+even for the (normal) child of 4 years, who has, of course, never heard
+about "triangles," "squares," "rectangles," etc. The meaning present at
+this level of intelligence is probably a compound of such factors as
+appreciation of symmetry and direction, and discrimination of quantity
+and number.
+
+Another element in success, especially in the latter part of the
+experiment, is the ability to make an _attentive_ comparison between the
+form shown and the others. The child may be satisfied to point to the
+first form his eye happens to fall upon. Far from being a legitimate
+excuse for failure, such an exhibition of inattention and of weakness of
+the critical faculty is symptomatic of a mental level below 4 years.
+
+In addition to counting the number of errors made, it is interesting to
+note with what forms they occur. To match the circle with the ellipse or
+the octagon, for example, is a less serious error than to match it with
+the square or triangle.
+
+This test was devised and standardized by Dr. Fred Kuhlmann. It is
+inserted here without essential alteration, except that the size
+recommended for the forms is slightly reduced and minor changes have
+been made in the wording of the directions. Our own results are
+favorable to the test and to the location assigned it by its author.
+
+
+IV, 3. COUNTING FOUR PENNIES
+
+PROCEDURE. Place four pennies in a horizontal row before the child. Say:
+"_See these pennies. Count them and tell me how many there are. Count
+them with your finger, this way_" (pointing to the first one on the
+child's left)--"_One_"--"_Now, go ahead._" If the child simply gives the
+number (whether right or wrong) without pointing, say: "_No; count them
+with your finger, this way_," starting him off as before. Have him count
+them aloud.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed only if the counting tallies with the
+pointing. It is not sufficient merely to state the correct number
+without pointing.
+
+REMARKS. Contrary to what one might think, this is not to any great
+extent a test of "schooling." Practically all children of this age have
+had opportunity to learn to count as far as four, and with normal
+children the spontaneous interest in number is such that very few
+4-year-olds, even from inferior social environment, fail to pass the
+test.
+
+While success requires more than the ability to repeat the number names
+by rote, it does not presuppose any power of calculation or a mastery of
+the number concepts from one to four. Many children who will readily
+say, mechanically, "one, two, three, four," when started off, are not
+able to pass the test. On the other hand, it is not expected that the
+child who passes will also necessarily understand that four is made up
+of two two's, or four one's, or three plus one, etc.
+
+Binet, Goddard, and Kuhlmann place this test in the 5-year group, but
+three separate series of tests made for the Stanford revision, as well
+as nearly all the statistics available from other sources, show that it
+belongs at 4 years.
+
+
+IV, 4. COPYING A SQUARE
+
+PROCEDURE. Place before the child a cardboard on which is drawn in heavy
+black lines a square about 1¼ inches on a side.[49] Give the child a
+pencil and say: "_You see that_ (pointing to the square). _I want you to
+make one just like it. Make it right here_ (showing where it is to be
+drawn). _Go ahead. I know you can do it nicely._"
+
+[49] No material is needed if the regular Stanford record blanks are
+used, as these all contain the square and diamond.
+
+Avoid such an expression as, "_I want you to draw a figure like that._"
+The child may not know the meaning of either _draw_ or _figure_. Also,
+in pointing to the model, take care not to run the finger around the
+four sides.
+
+Children sometimes have a deep-seated aversion to drawing on request and
+a bit of tactful urging may be necessary. Experience and tact will
+enable the experimenter in all but the rarest cases to come out
+victorious in these little battles with balky wills. Give three trials,
+saying each time: "_Make it exactly like this_," pointing to model.
+Make sure that the child is in an easy position and that the paper used
+is held so it cannot slip.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if at least _one drawing out of the three_
+is as good as those marked + on the score card. Young subjects usually
+reduce figures in drawing from copy, but size is wholly disregarded in
+scoring. It is of more importance that the right angles be fairly well
+preserved than that the lines should be straight or the corners entirely
+closed. The scoring of this test should be rather liberal.
+
+REMARKS. After the three copies have been made say: "_Which one do you
+like best?_" In this way we get an idea of the subject's power of
+auto-criticism, a trait in which the mentally retarded are nearly always
+behind normal children of their own age. Normal children, when young,
+reveal the same weakness to a certain extent. It is especially
+significant when the subject shows complete satisfaction with a very
+poor performance.
+
+Observe whether the child makes each part with careful effort, looking
+at the model from time to time, or whether the strokes are made in a
+haphazard way with only an initial glance at the original. The latter
+procedure is quite common with young or retarded subjects. Curiously
+enough, the first trial is more successful than either of the others,
+due perhaps to a waning of effort and attention.
+
+Note that pencil is used instead of pen and that only one success is
+necessary. Binet gives only one trial and requires pen. Goddard allows
+pencil, but permits only one trial. Kuhlmann requires pen and passes the
+child only when two trials out of three are successful. But these
+authors locate the test at 5 years. Our results show that nearly three
+fourths of 4-year-olds succeed with pencil in one out of three trials if
+the scoring is liberal. It makes a great deal of difference whether pen
+or pencil is used, and whether two successes are required or only one.
+No better illustration could be given of the fact that without
+thoroughgoing standardization of procedure and scoring the best mental
+test may be misleading as to the degree of intelligence it indicates.
+
+Copying a square is one of three drawing tests used in the Binet scale,
+the others being the diamond (year VII), and the designs to be copied
+from memory (year X). These tests do not to any great extent test what
+is usually known as "drawing ability." Only the square and the diamond
+tests are strictly comparable with one another, the other having a
+psychologically different purpose. In none of them does success seem to
+depend very much on the amount of previous instruction in drawing. To
+copy a figure like a square or a diamond requires first of all an
+appreciation of spacial relationships. The figure must be perceived as a
+whole, not simply as a group of meaningless lines. In the second place,
+success depends upon the ability to use the visual impression in guiding
+a rather complex set of motor coördinations. The latter is perhaps the
+main difficulty, and is one which is not fully overcome, at least for
+complicated movements, until well toward adult life.
+
+It is interesting to compare the square and the diamond as to relative
+difficulty. They have the same number of lines and in each case the
+opposite sides are parallel; but whereas 4-year intelligence is equal to
+the task of copying a square, the diamond ordinarily requires 7-year
+intelligence. Probably no one could have foreseen that a change in the
+angles would add so much to the difficulty of the figure. It would be
+worth while to devise and standardize still more complicated figures.
+
+
+IV, 5. COMPREHENSION, FIRST DEGREE
+
+PROCEDURE. After getting the child's attention, say: "_What must you do
+when you are sleepy?_" If necessary the question may be repeated a
+number of times, using a persuasive and encouraging tone of voice. No
+other form of question may be substituted. About twenty seconds may be
+allowed for an answer, though as a rule subjects of 4 or 5 years usually
+answer quite promptly or not at all.
+
+Proceed in the same way with the other two questions: "_What ought you
+to do when you are cold?_" "_What ought you to do when you are hungry?_"
+
+SCORING. There must be _two correct responses out of three_. No one form
+of answer is required. It is sufficient if the question is comprehended
+and given a reasonably sensible answer. The following are samples of
+correct responses:--
+
+ (a) "Go to bed." "Go to sleep." "Have my mother get me ready for
+ bed." "Lie still, not talk, and I'll soon be asleep."
+ (b) "Put on a coat" (or "cloak," "furs," "wrap up," etc.).
+ "Build a fire." "Run and I'll soon get warm." "Get close to
+ the stove." "Go into the house," or, "Go to bed," may possibly
+ deserve the score _plus_, though they are somewhat doubtful
+ and are certainly inferior to the responses just given.
+ (c) "Eat something." "Drink some milk." "Buy a lunch." "Have my
+ mamma spread some bread and butter," etc.
+
+With the comprehension questions in this year it is nearly always easy
+to decide whether the response is acceptable, failure being indicated
+usually either by silence or by an absurd or irrelevant answer. One
+8-year-old boy who had less than 4-year intelligence answered all three
+questions by putting his finger on his eye and saying: "I'd do that."
+"Have to cry" is a rather common incorrect response.
+
+REMARKS. The purpose of these questions is to ascertain whether the
+child can comprehend the situations suggested and give a reasonably
+pertinent reply. The first requirement, of course, is to understand the
+language; the second is to tell how the situation suggested should be
+met.
+
+The question may be raised whether a given child might not fail to
+answer the questions correctly and yet have the intelligence to do the
+appropriate thing if the real situation were present. This is at least
+conceivable, but since it would not be practicable to make the subject
+actually cold, sleepy, or hungry in order to observe his behavior, we
+must content ourselves with suggesting a situation to be imagined. It
+probably requires more intelligence to tell what one ought to do in a
+situation which has to be imagined than to do the right thing when the
+real situation is encountered.
+
+The comprehension questions of this year had not been standardized until
+the Stanford investigation of 1913-14. Questions _a_ and _b_ were
+suggested by Binet in 1905, while _c_ is new. They make an excellent
+test of 4-year intelligence.
+
+
+IV, 6. REPEATING FOUR DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_Now, listen. I am going to say over some numbers and
+after I am through, I want you to say them exactly like I do. Listen
+closely and get them just right--4-7-3-9._" Same with 2-8-5-4 and
+7-2-6-1. The examiner should consume nearly four seconds in pronouncing
+each series, and should practice in advance until this speed can be
+closely approximated. If the child refuses to respond, the first series
+may be repeated as often as may be necessary to prove an attempt, but
+_success with a series which has been re-read may not be counted_. The
+second and third series may be pronounced but once.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the child repeats correctly, _after a single reading,
+one series out of the three_ series given. The order must be correct.
+
+REMARKS. The test of repeating four digits was not included by Binet in
+the scale and seems not to have been used by any of the Binet workers.
+It is passed by about three fourths of our 4-year-olds.
+
+
+IV. ALTERNATIVE TEST: REPEATING TWELVE TO THIRTEEN SYLLABLES
+
+The three sentences are:--
+
+ (a) "_The boy's name is John. He is a very good boy._"
+ (b) "_When the train passes you will hear the whistle blow._"
+ (c) "_We are going to have a good time in the country._"
+
+PROCEDURE. Get the child's attention and say: "_Listen, say this: 'Where
+is kitty?'_" After the child responds, add: "_Now say this ..._,"
+reading the first sentence in a natural voice, distinctly and with
+expression. If the child is too timid to respond, the first sentence may
+be re-read, but in this case the response is not counted. _Re-reading is
+permissible only with the first sentence._
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if at least _one sentence is repeated
+without error after a single reading_. As in the alternative test of
+year III, we ignore ordinary indistinctness and defects of pronunciation
+due to imperfect language development, but the sentence must be repeated
+without addition, omission, or transposition of words.
+
+REMARKS. Sentences of twelve syllables had not been standardized
+previous to the Stanford revision, but Binet locates memory for ten
+syllables at year V, and others have followed his example. Our own data
+show that even 4-year-olds are usually able to repeat twelve syllables
+with the procedure here set forth.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR V
+
+
+V, 1. COMPARISON OF WEIGHTS
+
+MATERIALS. It is necessary to have two weights, identical in shape,
+size, and appearance, weighing respectively 3 and 15 grams.[50] If
+manufactured weights are not at hand, it is easy to make satisfactory
+substitutes by taking stiff cardboard pill-boxes, about 1¼ inches in
+diameter, and filling them with cotton and shot to the desired weight.
+The shot must be embedded in the center of the cotton so as to prevent
+rattling. After the box has been loaded to the exact weight, the lid
+should be glued on firmly. If one does not have access to laboratory
+scales, it is always possible to secure the help of a druggist in the
+rather delicate task of weighing the boxes accurately. A set of pill-box
+weights will last through hundreds of tests, if handled carefully, but
+they will not stand rough usage. The manufactured blocks are more
+durable, and so more satisfactory in the long run. If the weights are
+not at hand, the alternative test may be substituted.
+
+[50] The weights required for this test, and also for IX, 2, may be
+purchased of C. H. Stoelting & Co., 3037 Carroll Avenue, Chicago,
+Illinois.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the 3- and 15-gram weights on the table before the
+child some two or three inches apart. Say: "_You see these blocks. They
+look just alike, but one of them is heavy and one is light. Try them and
+tell me which one is heavier._" If the child does not respond, repeat
+the instructions, saying this time, "_Tell me which one is the
+heaviest._" (Many American children have heard only the superlative form
+of the adjective used in the comparison of two objects.)
+
+Sometimes the child merely points to one of the boxes or picks up one at
+random and hands it to the examiner, thinking he is asked to _guess_
+which is heaviest. We then say: "_No, that is not the way. You must take
+the boxes in your hands and try them, like this_" (illustrating by
+lifting with one hand, first one box and then the other, a few inches
+from the table). Most children of 5 years are then able to make the
+comparison correctly. Very young subjects, however, or older ones who
+are retarded, sometimes adopt the rather questionable method of lifting
+both weights in the same hand at once. This is always an unfavorable
+sign, especially if one of the blocks is placed in the hand on top of
+the other block.
+
+After the first trial, the weights are shuffled and again presented for
+comparison as before, _this time with the positions reversed_. The third
+trial follows with the blocks in the same position as in the first
+trial. Some children have a tendency to stereotyped behavior, which in
+this test shows itself by choosing always the block on a certain
+side. Hence the necessity of alternating the positions.[51] Reserve
+commendation until all three trials have been given.
+
+[51] For discussion of "stereotypy" see p. 203.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ comparisons are
+correct. If there is reason to suspect that the successful responses
+were due to lucky guesses, the test should be entirely repeated.
+
+REMARKS. This test is decidedly more difficult than that of comparing
+lines (IV, 1). It is doubtful, however, if we can regard the difference
+as one due primarily to the relative difficulty of visual discrimination
+and muscular discrimination. In fact, the test with weights hardly taxes
+sensory discrimination at all when used with children of 5-year
+intelligence. Success depends, in the first place, on the ability to
+understand the instructions; and in the second place, on the power to
+hold the instructions in mind long enough to guide the process of making
+the comparison. The test presupposes, in elementary form, a power which
+is operative in all the higher independent processes of thought, the
+power to neglect the manifold distractions of irrelevant sensations and
+ideas and to drive direct toward a goal. Here the goal is furnished by
+the instruction, "Try them and see which is heavier." This must be held
+firmly enough in mind to control the steps necessary for making the
+comparison. Ideas of piling the blocks on top of one another, throwing
+them, etc., must be inhibited. Sometimes the low-grade imbecile starts
+off in a very promising way, then apparently forgets the instructions
+(loses sight of the goal), and begins to play with the boxes in a random
+way. His mental processes are not consecutive, stable, or controlled. He
+is blown about at the mercy of every gust of momentary interest.
+
+There is very general agreement in the assignment of this test to
+year V.
+
+
+V, 2. NAMING COLORS
+
+MATERIALS. Use saturated red, yellow, blue, and green papers, about
+2 × 1 inch in size, pasted one half inch apart on white or gray
+cardboard. For sake of uniformity it is best to match the colors
+manufactured especially for this test.[52]
+
+[52] Printed cards showing these colors are included in the set of
+material furnished by the publishers of this book.
+
+PROCEDURE. Point to the colors in the order, red, yellow, blue, green.
+Bring the finger close to the color designated, in order that there may
+be no mistake as to which one is meant, and say: "_What is the name of
+that color?_" Do not say: "_What color is that?_" or, "_What kind of a
+color is that?_" Such a formula might bring the answer, "The first
+color"; or, "A pretty color." Still less would it do to say: "_Show me
+the red_," "_Show me the yellow_," etc. This would make it an entirely
+different test, one that would probably be passed a year earlier than
+the Binet form of the experiment. Nor is it permissible, after a color
+has been miscalled, to return to it and again ask its name.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed only if _all_ the colors are named correctly
+and without marked uncertainty. However, prefixing the adjective "dark,"
+or "light," before the name of a color is overlooked.
+
+REMARKS. Naming colors is not a test of color discrimination, for that
+capacity is well developed years below the level at which this test is
+used. All 5-year-olds who are not color blind discriminate among the
+four primary colors here used as readily as adults do. As stated by
+Binet, it is a test of the "verbalization of color perception." It tells
+us whether the child has associated the names of the four primary colors
+with his perceptual imagery of those colors.
+
+The _ability_ to make simple associations between a sense impression and
+a name is certainly present in normal children some time before the
+above color associations are actually made. Many objects of experience
+are correctly named two or three years earlier, and it may seem at
+first a little strange that color names are learned so late. But it must
+be remembered that the child does not have numerous opportunities to
+observe and hear the names of several colors at once, nor does the
+designation of colors by their names ordinarily have much practical
+value for the young child. When he finally learns their names, it is
+more because of his spontaneous interest in the world of sense. Lack of
+such spontaneous interest is always an unfavorable sign, and it is not
+surprising, therefore, that imbecile intelligence has ordinarily never
+taken the trouble to associate colors with their names. Girls are
+somewhat superior to boys in this test, due probably to a greater
+natural interest in colors.
+
+Binet originally placed this test in year VIII, changing it to year VII
+in the 1911 scale. Goddard places it in year VII, while Kuhlmann omits
+it altogether. With a single exception, all the actual statistics with
+normal children justify the location of the test in year V. Bobertag's
+figures are the exception, opposed to which are Rowe, Winch, Dumville,
+Dougherty, Brigham, and all three of the Stanford investigations.
+
+The test is probably more subject to the influence of home environment
+than most of the other tests of the scale, and if the social status of
+the child is low, failure would not be especially significant until
+after the age of 6 years. On the whole it is an excellent test.
+
+
+V, 3. ÆSTHETIC COMPARISON
+
+Use the three pairs of faces supplied with the printed forms. It goes
+without saying that improvised drawings may not be substituted for
+Binet's until they have first been standardized.
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the pairs in order from top to bottom. Say: "_Which of
+these two pictures is the prettiest?_" Use both the comparative and the
+superlative forms of the adjective. Do not use the question, "Which face
+is the uglier (ugliest)?" unless there is some difficulty in getting the
+child to respond. It is not permitted, in case of an incorrect response,
+to give that part of the test again and to allow the child a chance to
+correct his answer; or, in case this is done, we must consider only the
+original response in scoring.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed only if all _three_ comparisons are made
+correctly. Any marked uncertainty is failure. Sometimes the child
+laughingly designates the ugly picture as the prettier, yet shows by his
+amused expression that he is probably conscious of its peculiarity or
+absurdity. In such cases "pretty" seems to be given the meaning of
+"funny" or "amusing." Nevertheless, we score this response as failure,
+since it betokens a rather infantile tolerance of ugliness.
+
+REMARKS. From the psychological point of view this is a most interesting
+test. One might suppose that æsthetic judgment would be relatively
+independent of intelligence. Certainly no one could have known in
+advance of experience that intellectual retardation would reveal itself
+in weakness of the æsthetic sense about as unmistakably as in memory,
+practical judgment, or the comprehension of language. But such is the
+case. The development of the æsthetic sense parallels general mental
+growth rather closely. The imbecile of 4-year intelligence, even though
+he may have lived forty years, has no more chance of passing this test
+than any other test in year V. It would be profitable to devise and
+standardize a set of pictures of the same general type which would
+measure a less primitive stage of æsthetic development.
+
+The present test was located by Binet in year VI and has been retained
+in that year in other revisions; but three separate Stanford
+investigations, as well as the statistics of Winch, Dumville, Brigham,
+Rowe, and Dougherty, warrant its location in year V.
+
+
+V, 4. GIVING DEFINITIONS IN TERMS OF USE
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the words: _Chair_, _horse_, _fork_, _doll_, _pencil_,
+and _table_. Say: "_You have seen a chair. You know what a chair is.
+Tell me, what is a chair?_" And so on with the other words, always in
+the order in which they are named above.
+
+Occasionally there is difficulty in getting a response, which is
+sometimes due merely to the child's unwillingness to express his
+thoughts in sentences. The earlier tests require only words and phrases.
+In other cases silence is due to the rather indefinite form of the
+question. The child could answer, but is not quite sure what is expected
+of him. Whatever the cause, a little tactful urging is nearly always
+sufficient to bring a response. In this test we have not found the
+difficulty of overcoming silence nearly as great as others have stated
+it to be. In consecutive tests of 150 5- and 6-year-old children we
+encountered unbreakable silence with 8 words out of the total 900
+(150 × 6). This is less than 1 per cent. But tactful encouragement is
+sometimes necessary, and it is best to take the precaution of not giving
+the test until _rapport_ has been well established.
+
+The urging should take the following form: "_I'm sure you know what a
+... is. You have seen a .... Now, tell me, what is a ... ?_" That is, we
+merely repeat the question with a word of encouragement and in a
+coaxing tone of voice. It would not at all do to introduce other
+questions, like, "_What does a ... look like?_" or, "_What is a ...
+for?_" "_What do people do with a ... ?_"
+
+Sometimes, instead of attempting a definition (of _doll_, for example),
+the child begins to talk in a more or less irrelevant way, as "I have a
+great big doll. Auntie gave it to me for Christmas," etc. In such cases
+we repeat the question and say, "_Yes, but tell me; what is a doll?_"
+This is usually sufficient to bring the little chatter-box back to the
+task.
+
+Unless it is absolutely necessary to give the child lavish
+encouragement, it is best to withhold approval or disapproval until the
+test has been finished. If the first response is a poor one and we
+pronounce it "fine" or "very good," we tempt the child to persist in his
+low-grade type of definition. By withholding comment until the last word
+has been defined, we give greater play to spontaneity and initiative.
+
+SCORING. As a rule, children of 5 and 6 years define an object in terms
+of use, stating what it does, what it is for, what people do with it,
+etc. Definitions by description, by telling what substance it is made
+of, and by giving the class to which it belongs are grouped together as
+"definitions superior to use." It is not before 8 years that two thirds
+of the children spontaneously give a large proportion of definitions in
+terms superior to use.
+
+The test is passed in year V if _four words out of the six_ are defined
+in terms of use (or better than use). The following are examples of
+satisfactory responses:--
+
+ _Chair_: "To sit on." "You sit on it." "It is made of wood and
+ has legs and back," etc.
+
+ _Horse_: "To drive." "To ride." "What people drive." "To pull
+ the wagon." "It is big and has four legs," etc.
+
+ _Fork_: "To eat with." "To stick meat with." "It is hard and has
+ three sharp things," etc.
+
+ _Doll_: "To play with." "What you dress and put to bed." "To
+ rock," etc.
+
+ _Pencil_: "To write with." "To draw." "They write with it." "It
+ is sharp and makes a black mark."
+
+ _Table_: "To eat on." "What you put the dinner on." "Where you
+ write." "It is made of wood and has legs."
+
+Examples of failure are such responses as the following: "A chair is a
+chair"; "There is a chair"; or simply, "There" (pointing to a chair). We
+record such responses without pressing for a further definition. About
+the only other type of failure is silence.
+
+REMARKS. It is not the purpose of this test to find out whether the
+child knows the meaning of the words he is asked to define. Words have
+purposely been chosen which are perfectly familiar to all normal
+children of 5 years. But with young children there is a difference
+between knowing a word and giving a definition of it. Besides, we desire
+to find out how the child apperceives the word, or rather the object for
+which it stands; whether the thing is thought of in terms of use,
+appearance (shape, size, color, etc.), material composing it, or class
+relationships.
+
+This test, because it throws such interesting light on the maturity of
+the child's apperceptive processes, is one of the most valuable of all.
+It is possible to differentiate at least a half-dozen degrees of
+excellence in definitions, according to the intellectual maturity of the
+subject. A volume, indeed, could be written on the development of word
+definitions and the growth of meanings; but we will postpone further
+discussion until VIII, 5. Our concern at present is to know that
+children of 5 years should at least be able to define four of these six
+words in terms of use.
+
+Binet placed the test in year VI, but our own figures and those of
+nearly all the other investigations indicate that it is better located
+in year V.
+
+
+V, 5. THE GAME OF PATIENCE
+
+MATERIAL. Prepare two rectangular cards, each 2 × 3 inches, and divide
+one of them into two triangles by cutting it along one of its diagonals.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the uncut card on the table with one of its longer
+sides to the child. By the side of this card, a little nearer the child
+and a few inches apart, lay the two halves of the divided rectangle with
+their hypothenuses turned from each other as follows:
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Then say to the child: "_I want you to take these two pieces_ (touching
+the two triangles) _and put them together so they will look exactly like
+this_" (pointing to the uncut card). If the child hesitates, we repeat
+the instructions with a little urging. Say nothing about hurrying, as
+this is likely to cause confusion. Give three trials, of one minute
+each. If only one trial is given, success is too often a result of
+chance moves; but luck is not likely to bring two successes in three
+trials. If the first trial is a failure, move the cut halves back to
+their original position and say: "_No; put them together so they will
+look like this_" (pointing to the uncut card). Make no other comment of
+approval or disapproval. Disregard in silence the inquiring looks of the
+child who tries to read his success or failure in your face.
+
+If one of the pieces is turned over, the task becomes impossible, and it
+is then necessary to turn the piece back to its original position and
+begin over, not counting this trial. Have the under side of the pieces
+marked so as to avoid the risk of presenting one of them to the child
+wrong side up.
+
+SCORING. There must be _two successes in three trials_. About the only
+difficulty in scoring is that of deciding what constitutes a trial. We
+count it a trial when the child brings the pieces together and (after
+few or many changes) leaves them in some position. Whether he succeeds
+after many moves, or leaves the pieces with approval in some absurd
+position, or gives up and says he cannot do it, his effort counts as one
+trial. A single trial may involve a number of unsuccessful changes of
+position in the two cards, but these changes may not consume altogether
+more than one minute.
+
+REMARKS. As aptly described by Binet, the operation has the following
+elements: "(1) To keep in mind the end to be attained, that is to say,
+the figure to be formed. It is necessary to comprehend this end and not
+to lose sight of it. (2) To try different combinations under the
+influence of this directing idea, which guides the efforts of the child
+even though he be unconscious of the fact. (3) To judge the formed
+combination, compare it with the model, and decide whether it is the
+correct one."
+
+It may be classed, therefore, as one of the many forms of the
+"combination method." Elements must be combined into some kind of whole
+under the guidance of a directing idea. In this respect it has something
+in common with the form-board test, the Ebbinghaus test, and the test
+with dissected sentences (XII, 4). Binet designates it a "test of
+patience," because success in it depends upon a certain willingness to
+persist in a line of action under the control of an idea.
+
+Not all failures in this test are equally significant. A bright child of
+5 years sometimes fails, but usually not without many trial combinations
+which he rejects one after another as unsatisfactory. A dull child of
+the same age often stops after he has brought the pieces into any sort
+of juxtaposition, however absurd, and may be quite satisfied with his
+foolish effort. His mind is not fruitful and he lacks the power of
+auto-criticism.
+
+It would be well worth while to work out a new and somewhat more
+difficult "test of patience," but with special care to avoid the
+puzzling features of the usual games of anagrams. The one given us by
+Binet is rather easy for year V, though plainly somewhat too difficult
+for year IV.
+
+
+V, 6. THREE COMMISSIONS
+
+PROCEDURE. After getting up from the chair and moving with the child to
+the center of the room, say: "_Now, I want you to do something for me.
+Here's a key. I want you to put it on that chair over there; then I want
+you to shut (or open) that door, and then bring me the box which you see
+over there_ (pointing in turn to the objects designated). _Do you
+understand? Be sure to get it right. First, put the key on the chair,
+then shut_ (open) _the door, then bring me the box_ (again pointing).
+_Go ahead._" Stress the words _first_ and _then_ so as to emphasize the
+order in which the commissions are to be executed.
+
+Give the commissions always in the above order. Do not repeat the
+instructions again or give any further aid whatever, even by the
+direction of the gaze. If the child stops or hesitates it is never
+permissible to say: "_What next?_" Have the self-control to leave the
+child alone with his task.
+
+SCORING. _All three commissions must be executed and in the proper
+order._ Failure may result, therefore, either from leaving out one or
+more of the commands or from changing the order. The former is more
+often the case.
+
+REMARKS. Success depends first on the ability to comprehend the
+commands, and secondly, on the ability to hold them in mind. It is
+therefore a test of memory, though of a somewhat different kind from
+that involved in repeating digits or sentences. It is an excellent test,
+for it throws light on a kind of intelligence which is demanded in all
+occupations and in everyday life. A more difficult test of the same type
+ought to be worked out for a higher age level.
+
+Binet originally located this test in year VI, but in 1911 changed it to
+year VII. This is unfortunate, for the three Stanford investigations, as
+well as the statistics of all other investigators, show conclusively
+that it is easy enough for year V.
+
+
+V. ALTERNATIVE TEST: GIVING AGE
+
+PROCEDURE. The formula is simply, "_How old are you?_" The child of this
+age is, of course, not expected to know the date of his birthday, but
+merely how many years old he is.
+
+SCORING. About the only danger in scoring is in the failure to verify
+the child's response. Some children give an incorrect answer with
+perfect assurance, and it is therefore always necessary to verify.
+
+REMARKS. Inability to give the age may or may not be significant. If the
+child has arrived at the age of 7 or 8 years and has had anything like a
+normal social environment, failure in the test is an extremely
+unfavorable sign. But if the child is an orphan or has grown up in
+neglect, ignorance of age has little significance for intelligence.
+About all we can say is that if a child gives his age correctly, it is
+because he has had sufficient interest and intelligence to remember
+verbal statements which have been made concerning him in his presence.
+He may even pass the test without attaching any definite meaning to the
+word "year." On the other hand, if he has lived seven or eight years in
+a normal environment, it is safe to assume that he has heard his age
+given many times, and failure to remember it would then indicate either
+a weak memory or a grave inferiority of spontaneous interests, or both.
+Normal children have a natural interest in the things they hear said
+about themselves, while the middle-grade imbecile of even 40 years may
+fail to remember his age, however often he may have heard it stated.
+
+Binet placed the test in year VI of the 1908 series, but omitted it
+altogether in 1911. Kuhlmann and Goddard also omit it, perhaps wisely.
+Nevertheless, it is always interesting to give as a supplementary test.
+Children from good homes acquire the knowledge about a year earlier than
+those from less favorable surroundings. Unselected children of
+California ordinarily pass the test at 5 years.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VI
+
+
+VI, 1. DISTINGUISHING RIGHT AND LEFT
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_Show me your right hand._" After this is
+responded to, say: "_Show me your left ear._" Then: "_Show me your right
+eye._" Stress the words _left_ and _ear_ rather strongly and equally;
+also _right_ and _eye_. If there is one error, repeat the test, this
+time with left hand, right ear, and left eye. Carefully avoid giving any
+help by look of approval or disapproval, by glancing at the part of the
+body indicated, or by supplementary questions.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if all three questions are answered
+correctly, or if, in case of one error, the three additional questions
+are all answered correctly. The standard, therefore, _is three out of
+three, or five out of six_.
+
+The chief danger of variation among different examiners in scoring
+comes from double responses. For example, the child may point first to
+one ear and then to the other. In all cases of double response, the rule
+is to count the second response and disregard the first. This holds
+whether the first response was wrong and the second right, or _vice
+versa_.
+
+REMARKS. It is interesting to follow the child's acquisitions
+of language distinctions relating to spacial orientation. Other
+distinctions of this type are those between up and down, above and
+below, near and far, before and behind, etc. As Bobertag has pointed
+out, the child first masters such distinctions as up and down, above and
+below, before and behind, etc., and arrives at a knowledge of right and
+left rather tardily.
+
+How may we explain the late distinction of right and left as compared
+with up and down? At least four theories may be advanced: (1) Something
+depends on the frequency with which children have occasion to make the
+respective distinctions. (2) It may be explained on the supposition that
+kinæsthetic sensations are more prominently involved in distinctions of
+up and down than in distinctions of right and left. It is certainly true
+that, in distinguishing the two sides of a thing, less bodily movement
+is ordinarily required than in distinctions of its upper and lower
+aspects. The former demands only a shift of the eyes, the latter often
+requires an upward or downward movement of the head. (3) It may be due
+to the fact that the appearance of an object is more affected by
+differences in vertical orientation than by those of horizontal
+orientation. We see an object now from one side, now from the other, and
+the two aspects easily blend, while the two aspects corresponding to
+above and below are not viewed in such rapid succession and so remain
+much more distinct from one another in the child's mind. Or, (4), the
+difference may be mainly a matter of language. The child undoubtedly
+hears the words _up_ and _down_ much oftener than _right_ and _left_,
+and thus learns their meaning earlier. Horizontal distinctions are
+commonly made in such terms as _this side_ and _that side_, or merely by
+pointing, while in the case of vertical distinctions the words _up_ and
+_down_ are used constantly. This last explanation is a very plausible
+one, but it is very probable that other factors are also involved.
+
+The distinction between right and left has a certain inherent and more
+or less mysterious difficulty. To convince one's self of this it is only
+necessary to try a little experiment on the first fifty persons one
+chances to meet. The experiment is as follows. Say: "I am going to ask
+you a question and I want you to answer it as quickly as you can." Then
+ask: "Which is your right hand?" About forty persons out of fifty will
+answer correctly without a second's hesitation, several will require two
+or three seconds to respond, while a few, possibly four or five
+per cent, will grow confused and perhaps be unable to respond for five
+or ten seconds. Some very intelligent adults cannot possibly tell which
+is the right or left hand without first searching for a scar or some
+other distinguishing mark which is known to be on a particular hand.
+Others resort to incipient movements of writing, and since, of course,
+every one knows which hand he writes with, the writing movements
+automatically initiated give the desired clue. One bright little girl of
+8 years responded by trying to wink first one eye and then the other.
+Asked why she did this, she said she knew she could wink her left eye,
+but not her right! One who is resourceful enough to adopt such an
+ingenious method is surely not less intelligent than the one who is able
+to respond by a direct instead of an intermediate association.
+
+It seems that normal people never encounter a corresponding difficulty
+in distinguishing up and down. The writer has questioned several hundred
+without finding a single instance, whereas a great many have to employ
+some intermediate association in order to distinguish right and left. It
+is the "p's and q's" that children must be told to mind; not the "p's
+and b's." The former is a horizontal, the latter a vertical distinction.
+
+Considering the difficulty which normal adults sometimes have in
+distinguishing right and left, is it fair to use this test as a measure
+of intelligence? We may answer in the affirmative. It is fair because
+normal adults, notwithstanding momentary uncertainty, are invariably
+able to make the distinction, if not by direct association, then by an
+intermediate one. We overlook the momentary confusion and regard only
+the correctness of the response. Subjects who are below middle-grade
+imbecile, however long they have lived, seldom pass the test.
+
+This test found a place in year VI of Binet's 1908 scale, but was
+shifted to year VII in the 1911 revision. The Stanford statistics, and
+all other available data, with the exception of Bobertag's, justify its
+retention in year VI. It is possible that the children of different
+nations do not have equal opportunity and stimulus for learning the
+distinction between right and left, but the data show that as far as
+American and English children are concerned we have a right to expect
+this knowledge in children of 6 years.
+
+
+VI, 2. FINDING OMISSIONS IN PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the pictures to the child one at a time in the order in
+which they are lettered, _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_. When the first picture is
+shown (that with the eye lacking), say: "_There is something wrong with
+this face. It is not all there. Part of it is left out. Look carefully
+and tell me what part of the face is not there._" Often the child gives
+an irrelevant answer; as, "The feet are gone," "The stomach is not
+there," etc. These statements are true, but they do not satisfy the
+requirements of the test, so we say: "_No; I am talking about the face.
+Look again and tell me what is left out of the face._" If the correct
+response does not follow, we point to the place where the eye should be
+and say: "_See, the eye is gone._" When picture _b_ is shown we say
+merely: "_What is left out of this face?_" Likewise with picture _c_.
+For picture _d_ we say: "_What is left out of this picture?_" No help of
+any kind is given unless (if necessary) with the first picture. With the
+others we confine ourselves to the single question, and the answer
+should be given promptly, say within twenty to twenty-five seconds.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the omission is correctly pointed out in _three out
+of four_ of the pictures. Certain minor errors we may overlook, such as
+"eyes" instead of "eye" for the first picture; "nose and one ear"
+instead of merely "nose" for the third; "hands" instead of "arms" for
+the fourth, etc. Errors like the following, however, count as failure:
+"The other eye," or "The other ear" for the first or third; "The ears"
+for the fourth, etc.
+
+REMARKS. The test is one of the two or three dozen forms of the
+so-called "completion test," all of which have it in common that from
+the given parts of a whole the missing parts are to be found. The whole
+to be completed may be a word, a sentence, a story, a picture, a group
+of pictures, an object, or in fact almost anything. Sometimes all the
+parts of the whole are given and only the arrangement or order is to be
+found, as in the test with dissected sentences.
+
+Further discussion of the completion test will be found in connection
+with test 4, year XII. For the present we will only observe that
+notwithstanding a certain similarity among the tests of this type, they
+do not all call into play the same mental processes. The factor most
+involved may be verbal language coherence, visual perception of form,
+the association of abstract ideas, etc. To pass Binet's test with
+mutilated pictures requires, (1) that the parts of the picture be
+perceived as constituting a whole; and (2) that the idea of a human face
+or form be so easily and so clearly reproducible that it may act, even
+before it comes fully into consciousness, as a model or pattern, for the
+criticism of the picture shown. The younger the child, the less
+adequate, in this sense, is his perceptual familiarity with common
+objects. In standardizing a series of "absurd pictures," the writer has
+found that normal children of 3 years often see nothing wrong in a
+picture which shows a cat with two legs or a hen with four legs. Such
+children would, of course, never mistake a cat for a hen. Their trouble
+lies in the inability to call up in clear form a "free idea" of a cat or
+a hen for comparison with the perceptual presentation offered by the
+picture. Middle-grade imbeciles of adult age have much the same
+difficulty as normal children of 4 years in recognizing mutilations or
+absurdities in pictures of familiar objects.
+
+Binet first placed this test in year VII, changing it to year VIII in
+the 1911 revision. In other revisions it has been retained in year VII,
+although all the available statistics except Bobertag's warrant its
+location in year VI.
+
+
+VI, 3. COUNTING THIRTEEN PENNIES
+
+PROCEDURE. The procedure is the same as in the test of counting four
+pennies (year IV, test 3). If the first response contains only a minor
+error, such as the omission of a number in counting, failure to tally
+with the finger, etc., a second trial is given.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if there is _one success in two trials_.
+Success requires that the counting should tally with the pointing. It is
+not sufficient merely to state the number of pennies without pointing,
+for unless the child points and counts aloud we cannot be sure that his
+correct answer may not be the joint result of two errors in opposite
+directions and equal; for example, if one penny were skipped and
+another were counted twice the total result would still be correct, but
+the performance would not satisfy the requirements.
+
+REMARKS. Does success in this test depend upon intelligence or upon
+schooling? The answer is, intelligence mainly. There are possibly a few
+normal 6-year-old children who could not pass the test for lack of
+instruction, but children of this age usually have enough spontaneous
+interest in numbers to acquire facility in counting as far as 13 without
+formal teaching. Certainly, inability to do so by the age of 7 years is
+a suspicious sign unless the child's environment has been extraordinarily
+unfavorable. On the other hand, feeble-minded adults of the 5-year level
+usually have to have a great deal of instruction before they acquire
+the ability to count 13, and many of them are hardly able to learn it at
+all. So much does our learning depend on original endowment.
+
+Binet originally placed this test in year VII, but moved it to year VI
+in 1911. All the statistics, without exception, show that this change
+was justified. Bobertag says that nearly all 7-year-olds who are not
+feeble-minded can pass it, a statement with which we can fully agree.
+
+
+VI, 4. COMPREHENSION, SECOND DEGREE
+
+PROCEDURE. The questions used in this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_What's the thing to do if it is raining when you start to
+ school?_"
+ (b) "_What's the thing to do if you find that your house is on
+ fire?_"
+ (c) "_What's the thing to do if you are going some place and
+ miss your train (car)?_"
+
+Note that the wording of the first part of the questions is slightly
+different from that in year IV, test 5.
+
+If there is no response, or if the child looks puzzled, the question may
+be repeated once or twice. The form of the question must not under any
+circumstances be altered. Question _b_, for example, would be materially
+changed if we should say: "_Suppose you were to come home from school
+and find that your house was burning up. What would you do?_" The
+expression "burning up" would probably be much less likely to suggest
+calling a fireman than would the words "on fire."
+
+SCORING. _Two out of three_ must be answered correctly. The harder the
+comprehension questions are, the greater the variety of answers and the
+greater the difficulty of scoring. Because of the difficulty many
+examiners find in scoring this test, we will list the most common
+satisfactory, unsatisfactory, and doubtful responses to each question.
+
+(a) _If it is raining when you start to school_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Take umbrella," "Bring a parasol," "Put on
+ rubbers," "Wear an overcoat," etc. This type of response
+ occurred 61 times out of 72 successes. "Have my father bring me"
+ also counts _plus_.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Go home," "Stay at home," "Stay in the
+ house," "Have the rainbow," "Stay in school," etc. "Stay at
+ home" is the most common failure and might at first seem to the
+ examiner to be a satisfactory response. As a matter of fact,
+ this answer rests on a slight misunderstanding of the question,
+ the import of which is that one is to go to school and it is
+ raining.
+
+ _Doubtful._ "Run" as an answer is a little more troublesome. It
+ may reasonably be scored _plus_ if it can be ascertained that
+ the child is accustomed to meet the situation in this way. It is
+ a common response with children in those regions of the
+ Southwest where rains are so infrequent that umbrellas are
+ rarely used. "Bring my lunch" may be considered a satisfactory
+ response in case the child is in the habit of so doing on rainy
+ days.
+
+(b) _If you find that your house is on fire_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Ring the fire alarm," "Call the firemen," "Call
+ for help," "Put water on it," etc.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ The most common failure, accounting for nearly
+ half of all, is to suggest finding other shelter; _e.g._, "Go to
+ the hotel," "Get another house," "Stay with your friends,"
+ "Build a new house," etc. Others are: "Tell them you are sorry
+ it burned down," "Be careful and not let it burn again," "Have
+ it insured," "Cry," "Call the policeman," etc.
+
+ _Doubtful._ Instead of suggesting measures to put out the fire,
+ a good many children suggest mere escape or the saving of
+ household articles. Responses of this type are: "Jump out of the
+ windows," "Save yourself," "Get out as fast as you can," "Save
+ the baby," "Get my dolls and jewelry and hurry and get out."
+ These answers are about one seventh as frequent as the perfectly
+ satisfactory ones, and the rule for scoring them is a matter of
+ some importance. Under certain circumstances the logical thing
+ to do would be to save one's self or valuables without wasting
+ time trying to call help. There may be no help in reach, or a
+ fire which the child imagines may be too far along for help to
+ be effective. In order to avoid the possibility of doing a
+ subject an injustice, it may be desirable to score such answers
+ _plus_. We must not be too arbitrary.
+
+(c) _If you miss your train_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The answer we expect is, "Wait for another,"
+ "Take the next car," or something to that effect. This type of
+ answer includes about 85 per cent of the responses which do not
+ belong obviously in the unsatisfactory group. "Take a jitney" is
+ a modern variation of this response which must be counted as
+ satisfactory.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ These are endless. One continues to meet new
+ examples of absurdity, however many children one has tested. The
+ possibilities are literally inexhaustible, but the following are
+ among the most common: "Wait for it to come back," "Have to
+ walk," "Be mad," "Don't swear," "Run and try to catch it," "Try
+ to jump on," "Don't go to that place," "Go to the next station,"
+ etc.
+
+ _Doubtful._ The main doubtful response is, "Go home again,"
+ "Come back next day and catch another," etc. In small or
+ isolated towns having only one or two trains per day, this is
+ the logical thing to do, and in such cases the score is _plus_.
+ Fortunately, only about one answer in ten gives rise to any
+ difference of opinion among even partly trained examiners.
+
+REMARKS. The three comprehension questions of this group were all
+suggested by Binet in 1905. Only one of them, however, "What would you
+do if you were going some place and missed your train?" was incorporated
+in the 1908 or 1911 series, and this was used in year X with seven
+others much harder. The other two remained unstandardized previous to
+the Stanford investigation.[53]
+
+[53] For general discussion of the comprehension questions as a test,
+see p. 158.
+
+
+VI, 5. NAMING FOUR COINS
+
+PROCEDURE. Show a nickel, a penny, a quarter, and a dime, asking each
+time: "_What is that?_" If the child misunderstands and answers,
+"Money," or "A piece of money," we say: "_Yes, but what do you call that
+piece of money?_" Show the coins always in the order given above.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _three of the four_ questions are
+correctly answered. Any correct designation of a coin is satisfactory,
+including provincialisms like "two bits" for the 25-cent piece, etc. If
+the child changes his response for a coin, we count the second answer
+and ignore the first. No supplementary questions are permissible.
+
+REMARKS. Some of the critics of the Binet scale regard this test as of
+little value, because, they say, the ability to identify pieces of money
+depends entirely on instruction or other accidents of environment. The
+figures show, however, that it is not greatly influenced by differences
+of social environment, although children from poor homes do slightly
+better with it than those from homes of wealth and culture. The fact
+seems to be that practically all children by the age of 6 years have
+had opportunity to learn the names of the smaller coins, and if they
+have failed to learn them it betokens a lack of that spontaneity of
+interest in things which we have mentioned so often as a fundamental
+presupposition of intelligence. It is by no means a test of mere
+mechanical memory.
+
+This test was given a place in year VII of Binet's 1908 scale, the coins
+used being the 1-sou, 2-sous, 10-sous, and 5-franc pieces. It was
+omitted from the Binet 1911 revision and also from that of Goddard.
+Kuhlmann retains it in year VII. Others, however, have required all four
+coins to be correctly named, and when this standard is used the test is
+difficult enough for year VII. Germany has six coins up to and including
+the 1-mark piece, all of which could be named by 76 per cent of
+Bobertag's 7-year-olds. With the coins and the standard of scoring used
+in the Stanford revision the test belongs well in year VI.
+
+
+VI, 6. REPEATING SIXTEEN TO EIGHTEEN SYLLABLES
+
+The sentences are:--
+
+ (a) "_We are having a fine time. We found a little mouse in the
+ trap._"
+ (b) "_Walter had a fine time on his vacation. He went fishing
+ every day._"
+ (c) "_We will go out for a long walk. Please give me my pretty
+ straw hat._"
+
+PROCEDURE. The instructions should be given as follows: "_Now, listen. I
+am going to say something and after I am through I want you to say it
+over just like I do. Understand? Listen carefully and be sure to say
+exactly what I say._" Then read the first sentence rather slowly, in a
+distinct voice, and with expression. If the response is not too bad,
+praise the child's efforts. Then proceed with the second and third
+sentences, prefacing each with an exhortation to "say exactly what I
+say."
+
+In this year and in the memory-for-sentences test of later years it is
+not permissible to re-read even the first sentence. The only reason for
+allowing a repetition of one of the sentences in the earlier test of
+this kind was to overcome the child's timidity. With children of 6 years
+or upward we seldom encounter the timidity which sometimes makes it so
+hard to secure responses in some of the tests of the earlier years.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if at least one sentence out of three is
+repeated without error, or if two are repeated with not more than one
+error each_. A single omission, insertion, or transposition counts as an
+error. Faults of pronunciation are of course overlooked. It is not
+sufficient that the thought be reproduced intact; the exact language
+must be repeated. The responses should be recorded _verbatim_. This is
+easily done if record blanks used for scoring have the sentences printed
+in full.
+
+REMARKS. In this test and in later tests of memory for sentences, it is
+interesting to ask after each response: "_Did you get it right?_" As in
+the tests with digits, it is an unfavorable sign when the child is
+perfectly satisfied with a very poor response.
+
+It is evident that tests of this type give opportunity for different
+degrees of failure. To repeat only a half or a third of each sentence is
+much more serious than to make but one error in each sentence (one word
+omitted, inserted, or misplaced). It would be possible to use the same
+sentences at three or four different age levels, by setting the
+appropriate standard for success at each age. If the standard is one
+sentence out of three repeated with no more than two errors, the test
+belongs in year V. If we require two absolutely correct responses out of
+three, the test belongs at about year VII. The shifting standard is
+rendered unnecessary, however, by the use of other tests of the same
+kind, easier ones in the lower years and more difficult ones in the
+upper.
+
+Sentences of sixteen syllables found a place in Binet's 1908 scale and
+were correctly located in year VI, but later revisions, including that
+of Binet, have omitted the test.
+
+
+VI. ALTERNATIVE TEST: FORENOON AND AFTERNOON
+
+PROCEDURE. If it is morning, ask: "_Is it morning or afternoon?_" If it
+is afternoon, put the question in the reverse form, "_Is it afternoon or
+morning?_" This precaution is necessary because of the tendency of some
+children to choose always the latter of two alternatives. Do not
+cross-question the child or give any suggestion that might afford a clue
+as to the correct answer.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the correct response is given with
+apparent assurance. If the child says he is not sure but _thinks_ it
+forenoon (or afternoon, as the case may be), we score the response a
+failure even if the answer happens to be correct. However, this type of
+response is not often encountered.
+
+REMARKS. It is interesting to follow the child's development with regard
+to orientation in time. This development proceeds much more slowly than
+we are wont to assume. Certain distinctions with regard to space, as up
+and down, come much earlier. As Binet remarks, schools sometimes try to
+teach the events of national history to children whose time orientation
+is so rudimentary that they do not even know morning from afternoon!
+
+The test has two rather serious faults: (1) It gives too much play to
+chance, for since only two alternatives are offered, guesses alone would
+give about fifty per cent of correct responses. (2) We cannot be sure
+that the verbal distinction between forenoon and afternoon always
+corresponds the two divisions of the day. It is possible that the
+temporal discrimination precedes the formation of the correct verbal
+association.
+
+This test was included in the year VI group of the 1908 scale, but was
+omitted from the 1911 revision. Nearly all the data except Bobertag's
+show that it is rather easy for year VI, though too difficult for
+year V. Bobertag's figures would place the test in year VII. Possibly
+the corresponding German words are not as easy to learn as our _morning_
+and _afternoon_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VII
+
+
+VII, 1. GIVING THE NUMBER OF FINGERS
+
+PROCEDURE. "_How many fingers have you on one hand?_" "_How many on the
+other hand?_" "_How many on both hands together?_" If the child begins
+to count in response to any of the questions, say: "_No, don't count.
+Tell me without counting._" Then repeat the question.
+
+SCORING. Passed _if all three questions are answered correctly and
+promptly_ without the necessity of counting. Some subjects do not
+understand the question to include the thumbs. We disregard this if the
+number of fingers exclusive of thumbs is given correctly.
+
+REMARKS. Like the two tests of counting pennies, this one, also, throws
+light on the child's spontaneous interest in numbers. However, the
+mental processes it calls into play are a little less simple than those
+required for mere counting. If the child is able to give the number of
+fingers, it is ordinarily because he has previously counted them and has
+remembered the result. The memory would hardly be retained but for a
+certain interest in numbers as such. Middle-grade imbeciles of even
+adult age seldom remember how many fingers they have, however often
+they may have been told. They are not able to form accurate concepts of
+other than the simplest number relationships, and numbers have little
+interest or meaning for them.
+
+Binet gave this test a place in year VII of the 1908 series, but omitted
+it in the 1911 revision. Goddard omits it, while Kuhlmann retains it in
+year VII, where, according to our own figures, it unmistakably belongs.
+Bobertag finds it rather easy for year VII, though too difficult for
+year VI.
+
+Our data prove that this test fulfills the requirements of a good test.
+It shows a rapid but even rise from year V to year VIII in the per cent
+passing, the agreement among the different testers is extraordinarily
+close, and it is relatively little influenced by training and social
+environment. For these reasons, and because it is so easy to give and
+score with uniformity, it well deserves a place in the scale.
+
+
+VII, 2. DESCRIPTION OF PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the same pictures as in III, 3, presenting them always in
+the following order: Dutch Home, River Scene, Post-Office. The formula
+for the test in this year is somewhat different from that of year III.
+Say: "_What is this picture about? What is this a picture of?_" Use the
+double question, and follow the formula exactly. It would ruin the test
+to say: "_Tell me everything you see in this picture_," for this form of
+question tends to provoke the enumeration response even with intelligent
+children of this age.
+
+When there is no response, the question may be repeated as often as is
+necessary to break the silence.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ pictures are described
+or interpreted. Interpretation, however, is seldom encountered at this
+age. Often the response consists of a mixture of enumeration and
+description. The rule is that the reaction to a picture should not
+be scored _plus_ unless it is made up chiefly of description (or
+interpretation).
+
+Study of the following samples of satisfactory responses will give a
+fairly definite idea of the requirements for satisfactory description:--
+
+_Picture (a): satisfactory responses_
+
+ "The little girl is crying. The mother is looking at her and
+ there is a little kitten on the floor."
+
+ "The mother is watching the baby, and the cat is looking at a
+ hole in the floor, and there is a lamp and a table so I guess
+ it's a dining room."
+
+ "The little girl has wooden shoes. Her mother is sitting in a
+ chair and has a funny cap on her head. The cat is sitting on the
+ floor and there is a basket by the mother and a table with
+ something on it."
+
+ "It's about Holland. The little Dutch girl is crying and the
+ mother is sitting down."
+
+ "A little Dutch girl and her mother and that's a kitten, and the
+ little girl has her hand up as if she was doing something to her
+ forehead. She has shoes that curve up in front."
+
+ "Dutch lady, and the little baby doesn't want to come to her
+ mother and the cat is looking for some mice."
+
+ "The mother is sitting down and the little one has her hands up
+ over her eyes. There's a pail by the mother and a chair with
+ some clothes on it and a table with dishes. And here's a lamp
+ and here's some curtains."
+
+_Picture (b): satisfactory responses_
+
+ "Some people in a boat. The water is high and if they don't look
+ out the boat will tip over."
+
+ "Some Indians and a lady and man. They are in a boat on the
+ river and the boat is about to upset, and there are some dead
+ trees going to fall."
+
+ "There's a lot of water coming up to drown the people. There are
+ two people in the boat and the boat is sinking."
+
+ "There's some people sailing in a canoe and the woman is leaning
+ over on the man because she is afraid."
+
+ "There's an Indian and some white people in the boat. I suppose
+ they are out for a ride in a canoe."
+
+ "Picture about some man and lady in a canoe and going down to
+ the sea."
+
+ "They are taking a boat ride on the ocean and the water is up so
+ high that one of them is scared. Here are some trees and two of
+ them are going to fall down. Here's a little place or bridge you
+ can stand on. The man is touching this one's head and this one
+ has his hand on the cover."
+
+ "The water is splashing all over. There's trees on this bank and
+ there's a rock and some trees falling down. The people have a
+ blanket over them."
+
+_Picture (c): satisfactory responses_
+
+ "A man selling eggs and two men reading the paper together and
+ two men watching."
+
+ "A few men reading a newspaper and one has a basket of eggs and
+ this one has been fishing."
+
+ "There's a man with a basket of eggs and another is reading the
+ paper and a woman is hanging out clothes. There's a house near."
+
+ "There's a man trying to read the paper and the others want to
+ read it too. Here's a lady walking up to the barn. There are
+ houses over there and one man has a basket."
+
+ "There's a big brick house and five men by it and a man with a
+ basket of eggs and a post-office sign and a lady going home."
+
+ "They are all looking at the paper. He is looking over the other
+ man's shoulder and this one is looking at the back of the paper.
+ There's a woman cleaning up her back yard and some coops for
+ hens."
+
+ "A man reading a paper, a man with eggs, a woman and a tree and
+ another house. That man has an apron on. This is the
+ post-office."
+
+Unsatisfactory responses are those made up entirely or mainly of
+enumeration. A phrase or two of description intermingled with a larger
+amount of enumeration counts _minus_. Sometimes the description is
+satisfactory as far as it goes, but is exceedingly brief. In such cases
+a little tactful urging ("_Go ahead_," etc.) will extend the response
+sufficiently to reveal its true character.
+
+REMARKS. Description is better than enumeration because it involves
+putting the elements of a picture together in a simple way or noting
+their qualities. This requires a higher type of mental association
+(combinative power) than mere enumeration. An unusually complete
+description indicates relative wealth of mental content and facility of
+association.
+
+Binet placed this test in year VII, and it seems to have been retained
+in this location in all revisions except Bobertag's. However, the
+statistics of various workers show much disagreement. Lack of agreement
+is easily accounted for by the fact that different investigators have
+used different series of pictures and doubtless also different standards
+for success. The pictures used by Binet have little action or detail and
+are therefore rather difficult for description. On the other hand, the
+Jingleman-Jack pictures used by Kuhlmann represent such familiar
+situations and have so much action that even 5- or 6-year intelligence
+seldom fails with them. The pictures we employ belong without question
+in year VII.
+
+No better proof than the above could be found to show how ability of a
+given kind does not make its appearance suddenly. There is no one time
+in the life of even a single child when the power to describe pictures
+suddenly develops. On the contrary, pictures of a certain type will
+ordinarily provoke description, rather than enumeration, as early as
+5 or 6 years; others not before 7 or 8 years, or even later.
+
+
+VII, 3. REPEATING FIVE DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use: 3-1-7-5-9; 4-2-3-8-5; 9-8-1-7-6. Tell the child to
+listen and to say after you just what you say. Then read the first
+series of digits at a slightly faster rate than one per second, in a
+distinct voice, and with perfectly uniform emphasis. _Avoid rhythm._
+
+In previous tests with digits, it was permissible to re-read the first
+series if the child refused to respond. In this year, and in the digits
+tests of later years, this is not permissible. Warning is not given as
+to the number of digits to be repeated. Before reading each series, get
+the child's attention. Do not stare at the child during the response, as
+this is disconcerting. Look aside or at the record sheet.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the child repeats correctly, after a single reading,
+_one series out of the three_ series given. The order must be correct.
+
+REMARKS. Psychologically the repetition of digits differs from the
+repetition of sentences mainly in the fact that digits have less meaning
+(fewer associations) than the words of a sentence. It is because they
+are not as well knit together in meaning that three digits tax the
+memory as much as six syllables making up a sentence.
+
+Testing auditory memory for digits is one of the oldest of intelligence
+tests. It is easy to give and lends itself well to exact quantitative
+standardization. Its value has been questioned, however, on two grounds:
+(1) That it is not a test of pure memory, but depends largely on
+attention; and (2) that the results are too much influenced by the
+child's type of imagery. As to the first objection, it is true that more
+than one mental function is brought into play by the test. The same may
+be said of every other test in the Binet scale and for that matter of
+any test that could be devised. It is impossible to isolate any function
+for separate testing. In fact, the functions called memory, attention,
+perception, judgment, etc., never operate in isolation. There are no
+separate and special "faculties" corresponding to such terms, which are
+merely convenient names for characterizing mental processes of various
+types. In any test it is "general ability" which is operative, perhaps
+now _chiefly_ in remembering, at another time _chiefly_ in sensory
+discrimination, again in reasoning, etc.
+
+The second objection, that the test is largely invalidated by the
+existence of imagery types, is not borne out by the facts. Experiments
+have shown that pure imagery types are exceedingly rare, and that
+children, especially, are characterized by "mixed" imagery. There are
+probably few subjects so lacking in auditory imagery as to be placed at
+a serious disadvantage in this test.
+
+Lengthening a series by the addition of a single digit adds greatly to
+the difficulty. While four digits can usually be repeated by children of
+4 years, five digits belong in year VII and six in year X.
+
+It is always interesting to note the type of errors made. The most
+common error is to omit one or more of the digits, usually in the first
+part of the series. If the child's ability is decidedly below the test
+he may give only the last two or three out of the five or six heard.
+Substitutions are also quite frequent, and if so many substitutions are
+made as to give a series quite unlike that which the child has heard, it
+is an unfavorable sign, indicating weakness of the critical sense which
+is so often found with low-level intelligence. In case of extreme
+weakness of the power of auto-criticism, the child in response to the
+series 9-8-1-7-6-, may say 1-2-3-4-5-6, or perhaps merely a couple of
+digits like 8-6, and still express complete satisfaction with his absurd
+response. After each series, therefore, the examiner should say, "_Was
+it right?_"[54] Very young subjects, however, have a tendency to answer
+"yes" to any question of this type, and it is therefore best not to call
+for criticism of a performance below the age of 6 or 7 years.
+
+[54] "_Was it wrong?_" is not an equivalent question and should not be
+used.
+
+Digit series of a given length are not always of equal difficulty, and
+for this reason it is never wise to use series improvised at the moment
+of the experiment. We must avoid especially series of regularly
+ascending or descending value, the repetition at regular intervals of a
+particular digit, and all other peculiarities of arrangement which would
+favor the grouping of the digits for easier retention.
+
+It remains to mention two or three further cautions in regard to
+procedure. It is best to begin with a series about one digit below the
+child's expected ability. If the child has a probable intelligence of
+about 6 or 7 years, we should begin with four digits; in case of
+probable 10-year intelligence we begin with five digits, etc. On the
+other hand, we should avoid beginning too far down, because then the
+result is too much complicated by the effects of practice and fatigue.
+
+It is not necessary, and often it is not expedient, to give the digits
+tests of all the different years in succession; that is, without other
+tests intervening. While this may be permissible with older children, in
+young children the power of sustained attention is so weak that no
+single kind of test should occupy more than two or three minutes.
+Children below 6 or 7 years should ordinarily be given the tests in the
+order in which they are listed in the record booklet.
+
+In his 1911 revision of the scale Binet unfortunately shifted this test
+from year VII to year VIII. Goddard follows his example, but Kuhlmann
+retains it in year VII. The data from more than a dozen leading
+investigations in America, England, and Germany agree in showing that
+the test should remain in year VII.
+
+
+VII, 4. TYING A BOW-KNOT
+
+PROCEDURE. Prepare a shoestring tied in a bow-knot around a stick. The
+knot should be an ordinary "double bow," with wings not over three or
+four inches long. Make this ready in advance of the experiment and show
+the child only the completed knot.
+
+Place the model before the subject with the wings pointing to the right
+and left, and say: "_You know what kind of knot this is, don't you? It
+is a bow-knot. I want you to take this other piece of string and tie the
+same kind of knot around my finger._" At the same time give the child a
+piece of shoestring, of the same length as that which is tied around the
+stick, and hold out a finger pointed toward the child and in convenient
+position for the operation. It is better to have the subject tie the
+string around the examiner's finger than around a pencil or other object
+because the latter often falls out of the string and is otherwise
+awkward to handle.
+
+Some children who assert that they do not know how to tie a bow-knot are
+sometimes nevertheless successful when urged to try. It is always
+necessary, therefore, to secure an actual trial.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if a double bow-knot (both ends folded in)
+is made _in not more than a minute_. A single bow-knot (only one end
+folded in) counts half credit, because children are often accustomed to
+use the single bow altogether. The usual plain common knot, which
+precedes the bow-knot proper, must not be omitted if the response is to
+count as satisfactory, for without this preliminary plain knot a
+bow-knot will not hold and is of no value. To be satisfactory the knot
+should also be drawn up reasonably close, not left gaping.
+
+REMARKS. This test, which had not before been standardized, was
+suggested to the writer by the late Dr. Huey, who in a conversation
+once remarked upon the frequent inability of feeble-minded adults to
+perform the little motor tasks which are universally learned by normal
+persons in childhood. The test was therefore incorporated in the
+Stanford trial series of 1913-14 and tried with 370 non-selected
+children within two months of the 6th, 7th, 8th, or 9th birthday. It was
+expected that the test would probably be found to belong at about the
+8-year level, but it proved to be easy enough for year VII, where
+69 per cent of the children passed it. Only 35 per cent of the
+6-year-olds succeeded, but after that age the per cent passing increased
+rapidly to 94 per cent at 9 years.
+
+This little experiment, simple as it is, seems to fulfill reasonably
+well the requirements of a good test. The main objection which might be
+brought against it is that it is much subject to the influence of
+training. If this were true in any marked degree, the mentally retarded
+children of 7-year intelligence should be expected to succeed better
+with it than mentally advanced children of the same mental level, since
+the former would have had at least two or three years more in which to
+learn the task. A comparison of the two groups, however, shows no great
+difference. The factor of age, apart from mental age, affects the
+results so little that it is evident we have here a real test of
+intelligence.
+
+It would, of course, be easy to imagine a child of 7 years who had not
+had reasonable opportunity to make the acquaintance of bow-knots or to
+learn to tie them. But such children are seldom encountered in the ages
+above 6 or 7. Of 68 7-year-olds who were asked whether they had ever
+seen a bow-knot ("a knot like that") only two replied in the negative.
+It cannot be denied, however, that specific instruction and special
+stimulus to practice do play a certain part. This is suggested by the
+fact that girls excel the boys somewhat at each age, doubtless because
+bow-knots play a larger rôle in feminine apparel. Social status affects
+the results in only a moderate degree, though it might be supposed that
+poor ragamuffins, on the one hand, and children of the very rich, on the
+other, would both make a poor showing in this test; the former because
+of their scanty apparel, the latter because they sometimes have servants
+to dress them.
+
+The following are probably the chief factors determining success with
+this test: (1) Interest in common objective things; (2) ability to form
+permanent associative connections between successive motor coördinations
+(memory for a series of acts); and (3) skill in the acquisition of
+voluntary motor control. The last factor is probably much less important
+than the other two. Motor awkwardness often prolongs the time from the
+usual ten or fifteen seconds to thirty or forty seconds, but it is
+rarely a cause of a failure. The important thing is to be able to
+reproduce the appropriate succession of acts, acts which nearly all
+children of 7 years, under the joint stimulus of example and spontaneous
+interest, have before performed or tried to perform.
+
+
+VII, 5. GIVING DIFFERENCES FROM MEMORY
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_What is the difference between a fly and a
+butterfly?_" If the child does not seem to understand, say: "_You know
+flies, do you not? You have seen flies? And you know the butterflies!
+Now, tell me the difference between a fly and a butterfly._" Proceed in
+the same way with _stone and egg_, and _wood and glass_. A little
+coaxing is sometimes necessary to secure a response, but supplementary
+questions and suggestions of every kind are to be avoided. For example,
+it would not be permissible for the examiner to say: "_Which is larger,
+a fly or a butterfly?_" This would give the child his cue and he would
+immediately answer, "A butterfly." The child must be left to find a
+difference by himself. Sometimes a difference is given, but without any
+indication as to its direction, as, for example, "One is bigger than the
+other" (for fly and butterfly). It is then permissible to ask: "_Which
+is bigger?_"
+
+SCORING. Passed if a real difference is given in _two out of three
+comparisons_. It is not necessary, however, that an _essential_
+difference be given; the difference may be trivial, only it must be a
+real one. The following are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+responses:--
+
+_Fly and butterfly_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Butterfly is larger." "Butterfly has bigger
+ wings." "Fly is black and a butterfly is not." "Butterfly is
+ yellow (or white, etc.) and fly is black." "Fly bites you and
+ butterfly don't." "Butterfly has powder on its wings, fly does
+ not." "Fly flies straighter." "Butterfly is outdoors and a fly
+ is in the house." "Flies are more dangerous to our health."
+ "Flies haven't anything to sip honey with." "Butterfly doesn't
+ live as long as a fly." "Butterfly comes from a caterpillar."
+
+ Sometimes a double contrast is meant, but not fully expressed;
+ as, "A fly is small and a butterfly is pretty." Here the thought
+ is probably correct, only the language is awkward.
+
+ Of 102 correct responses, 70 were in terms of size, or size plus
+ color or form; 12 were in terms of both form and color; 6 in
+ terms of color alone; and the rest scattered among such
+ responses as those mentioned above.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ These are mostly misstatements of facts; as:
+ "Fly is bigger." "Fly has legs and butterfly hasn't." "Butterfly
+ has no feet and fly has." "Butterfly makes butter." "Fly is a
+ fly and a butterfly is not." Failures due to misstatement of
+ fact are of endless variety. If an indefinite response is given,
+ like "The fly is different," or "They don't look alike," we ask,
+ "_How is it different?_" or, "_Why don't they look alike?_" It
+ is satisfactory if the child then gives a correct answer.
+
+_Stone and egg_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Stone is harder." "Egg is softer." "Egg breaks
+ easier." "Egg breaks and stone doesn't." "Stone is heavier."
+ "Egg is white and stone is not." "Egg has a shell and stone does
+ not." "Eggs have a white and a yellow in them." "You put eggs in
+ a pudding." "An egg is rounder than a stone." We may also accept
+ statements which are only qualifiedly true; as, "You can break
+ an egg, but not a stone." Likewise double but incomplete
+ comparisons are satisfactory; as, "An egg you fry and a stone
+ you throw," "A stone is tough and an egg you eat," etc.
+
+ A little over three fourths of the comparisons made by children
+ of 6, 7, and 8 years are in terms of hardness. The other
+ responses are widely scattered.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A stone is bigger (or smaller) than an egg."
+ "A stone is square and an egg is round." "An egg is yellow and a
+ stone is white." "Stones are red (or black, etc.) and eggs are
+ white." "An egg is to eat and a stone is to plant." "An egg is
+ round and a stone is sometimes round."
+
+ It will be noted that the above responses are partly true and
+ partly false. The error they contain renders them unacceptable.
+ Most of the failures are due to misstatements as to size, shape,
+ or color, but occasionally one meets a bizarre answer.
+
+_Wood and glass_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Glass breaks easier than wood." "Glass breaks
+ and wood does not." "Wood is stronger than glass." "Glass you
+ can see through and wood you can't." "Glass cuts you and wood
+ doesn't." "You get splinters from wood and you don't from
+ glass." "Glass melts and wood doesn't." "Wood burns and glass
+ doesn't." "Wood has bark and glass hasn't." "Wood grows and
+ glass doesn't." "Glass is heavier than wood." "Glass glistens in
+ the sun and wood does not."
+
+ An incomplete double comparison is also counted satisfactory;
+ as, "Wood you can burn and glass you can see through."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Wood is black and glass is white." (Color
+ differences are always unsatisfactory in this comparison unless
+ transparency is also mentioned.) "Glass is square and wood is
+ round." "Glass is bigger than wood" (or _vice versa_). "Wood is
+ oblong and glass is square." "Glass is thin and wood is thick."
+ "Wood is made out of trees and glass out of windows." "There is
+ no glass in wood."
+
+ The two most frequent types of failures are misstatements
+ regarding color and thickness. The other failures are widely
+ scattered.
+
+REMARKS. The test is one which all the critics agree in commending,
+largely because it is so little influenced by ordinary school
+experience. Its excellence lies mainly, however, in the fact that it
+throws light upon the character of the child's higher thought processes,
+for thinking means essentially the association of ideas on the basis of
+differences or similarities. Nearly all thought processes, from the most
+complex to the very simplest, involve to a greater or less degree one or
+the other of these two types of association. They are involved in the
+simple judgments made by children, in the appreciation of puns, in
+mechanical inventions, in the creation of poetry, in the scientific
+classification of natural phenomena, and in the origination of the
+hypotheses of science or philosophy.
+
+The ability to note differences precedes somewhat the ability to note
+resemblances, though the contrary has sometimes been asserted by
+logician-psychologists. The difficulty of the test is greatly increased
+by the fact that the objects to be compared are not present to the
+senses, which means that the free ideas must be called up for comparison
+and contrast. Failure may result either from weakness in the power of
+ideational representation of objects, or from the inadequacy of the
+associations themselves, or from both. Probably both factors are usually
+involved.
+
+Intellectual development is especially evident in increased ability to
+note _essential_ differences and likenesses, as contrasted with those
+which are trivial, superficial, and accidental. To distinguish an egg
+from a stone on the basis of one being organic, the other inorganic
+matter requires far higher intelligence than to distinguish them on the
+basis of shape, color, fragibility, etc. It is not till well toward the
+adult stage that the ability to give very essential likenesses and
+differences becomes prominent, and when we get a comparison of this type
+from a child of 7 or 8 years it is a very favorable sign.
+
+It would be well worth while to standardize a new test of this kind for
+use in the upper years and especially adapted to display the ability to
+give essential likenesses and differences. At year VII we must accept as
+satisfactory any real difference.
+
+One point remains. In the tests of giving differences and similarities,
+it is well to make note of any tendency to _stereotypy_, by which is
+meant the mechanical reappearance of the same idea, or element, in
+successive responses. For example, the child begins by comparing fly and
+butterfly on the basis of size; as, "A butterfly is bigger than a fly."
+So far, this is quite satisfactory; but the child with a tendency to
+stereotypy finds himself unable to get away from the dominating idea of
+size and continues to make it the basis of the other comparisons: "A
+stone is larger than an egg," "Wood is larger than glass," etc. In case
+of stereotypy in all three responses, we should have to score the total
+response failure even though the idea employed happened to fit all three
+parts of the question. As a rule it is encountered only with very young
+children or with older children who are mentally retarded. It is
+therefore an unfavorable sign.
+
+Although this test has been universally used in year VIII, all the
+available statistics, with the exception of Bobertag's and Bloch's,
+indicate that it is decidedly too easy for that year. Binet himself says
+that nearly all 7-year-olds pass it. Goddard finds 97 per cent passing
+at year VIII, and Dougherty 90 per cent at year VI. With the standard of
+scoring given in the present revision, and with the substitution of
+_stone and egg_ instead of the more difficult _paper and cloth_, the
+test is unquestionably easy enough for year VII.
+
+
+VII, 6. COPYING A DIAMOND
+
+PROCEDURE. On a white cardboard draw in heavy black lines a diamond with
+the longer diagonal three inches and the shorter diagonal an inch and a
+half. The specially prepared record booklet contains the diamond as well
+as many other conveniences.
+
+Place the model before the child with the longer diagonal pointing
+directly toward him, and giving him _pen and ink_ and paper, say: "_I
+want you to draw one exactly like this._" Give three trials, saying each
+time: "_Make it exactly like this one._" In repeating the above formula,
+merely point to the model; do not pass the fingers around its edge.
+
+Unlike the test of copying a square in year IV, there is seldom any
+difficulty in getting the child to try this one. By the age of 7 the
+child has grown much less timid and has become more accustomed to the
+use of writing materials.
+
+Note whether the child draws each part carefully, looking at the model
+from time to time, or whether the strokes are made in a more or less
+haphazard manner with only an initial glance at the original.
+
+After each trial, say to the child: "_Is it good?_" And after the three
+copies have been made say: "_Which one is the best?_" Retarded children
+are sometimes entirely satisfied with the most nondescript drawings
+imaginable, but they are more likely correctly to pick out the best of
+three than to render a correct judgment about the worth of each drawing
+separately.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ drawings are at least
+as good as those marked satisfactory on the score card. The diamond
+should be drawn approximately in the correct position, and the diagonals
+must not be reversed. Disregard departures from the model with respect
+to size.
+
+REMARKS. The test is a good one. Age and training, apart from
+intelligence, affect it only moderately. There are few adult imbeciles
+of 6-year intelligence who are able to pass it, while but few subjects
+who have reached the 8-year level fail on it.[55]
+
+[55] For further discussion of drawing tests, see V, 1, and X, 3.
+
+This test was located in year VII of the 1908 scale, but was shifted to
+year VI in Binet's 1911 revision. The change was without justification,
+for Binet expressly states, both in 1908 and 1911, that only half of the
+6-year-olds succeed with it. The large majority of investigations have
+given too low a proportion of successes at 6 years to warrant its
+location at that age, particularly if pen is required instead of pencil.
+Location at year VI would be warranted only on the condition that the
+use of pencil be permitted and only one success required in three
+trials.
+
+
+VII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING THE DAYS OF THE WEEK
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_You know the days of the week, do you not? Name the
+days of the week for me._" Sometimes the child begins by naming various
+annual holidays, as Christmas, Fourth of July, etc. Perhaps he has not
+comprehended the task; at any rate, we give him one more trial by
+stopping him and saying: "_No; that is not what I mean. I want you to
+name the days of the week._" No supplementary questions are permissible,
+and we must be careful not to show approval or disapproval in our looks
+as the child is giving his response.
+
+If the days have been named in correct order, we check up the response
+to see whether the real order of days is known or whether the names have
+only been repeated mechanically. This is done by asking the following
+questions: "_What day comes before Tuesday?_" "_What day comes before
+Thursday?_" "_What day comes before Friday?_"
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if, within _fifteen seconds_, the days of
+the week are _all named in correct order_, and if the child succeeds in
+at least _two of the three check questions_. We disregard the point of
+beginning.
+
+REMARKS. The test has been criticized as too dependent on rote memory.
+Bobertag says a child may pass it without having any adequate conception
+of "week," "yesterday," "day before yesterday," etc. This criticism
+holds if the test is given according to the older procedure, but does
+not apply with the procedure above recommended. The "checking-up"
+questions enable us at once to distinguish responses that are given by
+rote from those which rest upon actual knowledge.
+
+The test has been shown to be much more influenced by age, apart from
+intelligence, than most other tests of the scale. Notwithstanding this
+fault, it seems desirable to keep the test, at least as an alternative,
+because it forms one of a group which may be designated as tests of time
+orientation. The others of this group are: "_Distinguishing forenoon and
+afternoon_" (VI), "_Giving the date_" and "_Naming the months_" (IX). It
+would be well if we had even more of this type, for interest in the
+passing of time and in the names of time divisions is closely correlated
+with intelligence. One reason for the inferiority of the dull and
+feeble-minded in tests of this type is that their mental associations
+are weaker and less numerous. The greater poverty of their associations
+brings it about that their remembered experiences are less definitely
+located in time with reference to other events.
+
+The test was located in year IX of the 1908 scale, but was omitted from
+the 1911 revision. Kuhlmann also omits it, while Goddard places it in
+year VIII. The statistics from every American investigation, however,
+warrant its location in year VII. It may be located in year VIII only on
+the condition that the child be required to name the days backwards, and
+that within a rather low time limit.
+
+
+VII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: REPEATING THREE DIGITS REVERSED
+
+PROCEDURE. The digits used are: 2-8-3; 4-2-7; 5-9-6. The test should be
+given after, but not immediately after, the tests of repeating digits
+forwards.
+
+Say to the child: "_Listen carefully. I am going to read some numbers
+again, but this time I want you to say them backwards. For example, if I
+should say 1-2-3, you would say 3-2-1. Do you understand?_" When it is
+evident that the child has grasped the instructions, say: "_Ready now;
+listen carefully, and be sure to say the numbers backwards._" Then read
+the series at the same rate and in the same manner as in the other
+digits tests. It is not permissible to re-read any of the series.
+
+If the first series is repeated forwards instead of backwards series
+exhort the child to listen carefully and to be sure to repeat the
+numbers backwards.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _one series out of three_ is repeated
+backwards without error.
+
+REMARKS. The test of repeating digits backwards was suggested by
+Bobertag in 1911, but appears not to have been used or standardized
+previous to the Stanford investigation.
+
+It is very much harder to repeat a series of digits backwards in the
+direct order at year VII, and six at year X. Reversing the order places
+three digits in year VII, four in year X, five in year XII, and six in
+"average adult." Even intelligent adults sometimes have difficulty in
+repeating six digits backwards, once in three trials.
+
+As a test of intelligence this test is better than that of repeating
+digits in the direct order. It is less mechanical and makes a much
+heavier demand on attention. The digits must be so firmly fixated in
+memory that they can be held there long enough to be told off, one by
+one, backwards.
+
+Feeble-minded children find this test especially difficult, perhaps
+mainly because of its element of novelty. School children are often
+asked to write numbers dictated by the teacher, and even the very dull
+acquire a certain proficiency in doing so; but the test of repeating
+digits backwards requires a certain facility in adjusting to a new task,
+exactly the sort of thing in which the feeble-minded are so markedly
+deficient.
+
+As a rule the response consumes much more time than in the other digits
+test. This is particularly true when the series to be repeated backwards
+contains four or more digits. The chance of success is greatly increased
+if the subject first thinks the series through two or three times in the
+direct order before attempting the reverse order. The subject who
+responds immediately is likely to begin correctly, but to give the first
+part of the original series in the direct order. For example, 6-5-2-8 is
+given 8-2-6-5.
+
+Sometimes the child gives one or two numbers and then stops, having
+completely lost the rest of the series in the stress of adjusting to the
+novel and relatively difficult task of beginning with the final digit.
+In such cases the feeble-minded are prone to fill in with any numbers
+they may happen to think of. A good method for the subject is to break
+the series up into groups and to give each group separately. Thus,
+6-5-2-8 is given 8-2 (pause) 5-6. As a rule only the more intelligent
+subjects adopt this method. One 12-year-old girl attending high school
+was able to repeat eight digits backwards by the aid of this device.
+
+It would be well worth while to investigate the relation of this test to
+imagery type. Such a study would have to make use of adult subjects
+trained in introspection. It would seem that success might be favored by
+the ability to translate the auditory impression into visual imagery, so
+that the remembered numbers could be read off as from a book; but this
+may or may not be the case. At any rate, success seems to depend largely
+upon the ability to manipulate mental imagery.
+
+The degree of certainty as to the correctness of the response is usually
+much less than in repeating digits forwards.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VIII
+
+
+VIII, 1. THE BALL-AND-FIELD TEST (SCORE 2, INFERIOR PLAN)
+
+PROCEDURE. Draw a circle about two and one half inches in diameter,
+leaving a small gap in the side next the child. Say: "_Let us suppose
+that your baseball has been lost in this round field. You have no idea
+what part of the field it is in. You don't know what direction it came
+from, how it got there, or with what force it came. All you know is
+that the ball is lost somewhere in the field. Now, take this pencil and
+mark out a path to show me how you would hunt for the ball so as to be
+sure not to miss it. Begin at the gate and show me what path you would
+take._"[56]
+
+[56] The Stanford record booklet contains the circle ready for use.
+
+Give the instructions always as worded above. Avoid using an expression
+like, "_Show me how you would walk around in the field_"; the word
+_around_ might suggest a circular path.
+
+Sometimes the child merely points or tells how he would go. It is then
+necessary to say: "_No; you must mark out your path with the pencil so I
+can see it plainly._" Other children trace a path only a little way and
+stop, saying: "Here it is." We then say: "_But suppose you have not
+found it yet. Which direction would you go next?_" In this way the child
+must be kept tracing a path until it is evident whether any plan governs
+his procedure.
+
+SCORING. The performances secured with this test are conveniently
+classified into four groups, representing progressively higher types.
+The first two types represent failures; the third is satisfactory at
+year VIII, the fourth at year XII. They may be described as follows:--
+
+ _Type a_ (failure). The child fails to comprehend the
+ instructions and either does nothing at all or else, perhaps,
+ takes the pencil and makes a few random strokes which could not
+ be said to constitute a search.
+
+ _Type b_ (also failure). The child comprehends the instructions
+ and carries out a search, but without any definite plan. Absence
+ of plan is evidenced by the crossing and re-crossing of paths,
+ or by "breaks." A break means that the pencil is lifted up and
+ set down in another part of the field. Sometimes only two or
+ three fragments of paths are drawn, but more usually the field
+ is pretty well filled up with random meanderings which cross
+ each other again and again. Other illustrations of type _b_ are:
+ A single straight or curved line going direct to the ball, short
+ haphazard dashes or curves, bare suggestion of a fan or spiral.
+
+ _Type c_ (satisfactory at year VIII). A successful performance
+ at year VIII is characterized by the presence of a plan, but one
+ ill-adapted to the purpose. That some forethought is exercised
+ is evidenced, (1) by fewer crossings, (2) by a tendency either
+ to make the lines more or less parallel or else to give them
+ some kind of symmetry, and (3) by fewer breaks. The
+ possibilities of type _c_ are almost unlimited, and one is
+ continually meeting new forms. We have distinguished more than
+ twenty of these, the most common of which may be described as
+ follows:--
+
+ 1. Very rough or zigzag circles or similarly imperfect spirals.
+ 2. Segments of curves joined in a more or less symmetrical fashion.
+ 3. Lines going back and forth across the field, joined at the ends
+ and not intended to be parallel.
+ 4. The "wheel plan," showing lines radiating from near the center
+ of the field toward the circumference.
+ 5. The "fan plan," showing a number of lines radiating (usually)
+ from the gate and spreading out over the field.
+ 6. "Fan ellipses" or "fan spirals" radiating from the gate like the
+ lines just described.
+ 7. The "leaf plan," "rib plan," or "tree plan," with lines branching
+ off from a trunk line like ribs, veins of a leaf, or branches of
+ a tree.
+ 8. Parallel lines which cross at right angles and mark off the field
+ like a checkerboard.
+ 9. Paths making one or more fairly symmetrical geometrical figures,
+ like a square, a diamond, a star, a hexagon, etc.
+ 10. A combination of two or more of the above plans.
+
+ _Type d_ (satisfactory at year XII). Performances of this type
+ meet perfectly, or almost perfectly, the logical requirements of
+ the problem. The paths are almost or quite parallel, and there
+ are no intersections or breaks. The possibilities of type _d_
+ are fewer and embrace chiefly the following:--
+
+ 1. A spiral, perfect or almost perfect, and beginning either at
+ the gate or at the center of the field. 2. Concentric circles.
+ 3. Transverse lines, parallel or almost so, and joined at the
+ ends.
+
+Up to about 4 years most children failed entirely to comprehend the
+task. By the age of 6 years the task is usually understood, but the
+search is conducted without plan. Type _c_ is not attained by two
+thirds before the mental level of 8 years, and score 3 ordinarily not
+until 11 or 12 years.
+
+Grading presents some difficulties because of occasional border-line
+performances which have a value almost midway between the types _b_ and
+_c_ or between _c_ and _d_. Frequent reference to the scoring card will
+enable the examiner, after a little experience, to score nearly all the
+doubtful performances satisfactorily.
+
+REMARKS. The ball-and-field problem may be called a test of practical
+judgment. Unlike a majority of the other tests, it gives the subject a
+chance to show how well he can meet the demands of a real, rather
+than an imagined, situation. Tests like this, involving practical
+adjustments, are valuable in rounding out the scale, which, as left by
+Binet, placed rather excessive emphasis on abstract reasoning and the
+comprehension of language. The test requires little time and always
+arouses the child's interest.
+
+Our analysis of the responses of nearly 1500 subjects shows that
+improvement with increasing mental age is steady and fairly rapid.
+Occasionally, however, one meets a high-grade performance with children
+of 6 or 7 years, and a low-grade performance with adults of average
+intelligence. Like all the other tests of the scale, it is unreliable
+when used alone.
+
+
+VIII, 2. COUNTING BACKWARDS FROM 20 TO 1
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_You can count backwards, can you not? I
+want you to count backwards for me from 20 to 1. Go ahead._" In the
+great majority of cases this is sufficient; the child comprehends the
+task and begins. If he does not comprehend, and is silent, or starts in,
+perhaps, to count forwards from 1 or 20, say: "_No; I want you to count
+backwards from 20 to 1, like this: 20-19-18, and clear on down to 1.
+Now, go ahead._"
+
+Insist upon the child trying it even though he asserts he cannot do it.
+In many such cases an effort is crowned with success. Say nothing about
+hurrying, as this confuses some subjects. Prompting is not permissible.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the child counts from 20 to 1 _in not
+over forty seconds and with not more than a single error_ (one omission
+or one transposition). Errors which the child spontaneously corrects are
+not counted as errors.
+
+REMARKS. The statistics on this test agree remarkably well. It is
+plainly too easy for year IX, and no one has found it easy enough for
+year VII. The main lack of uniformity has been in the adherence to a
+time limit. Binet required that the task be completed in twenty seconds,
+and Goddard and most others adhere rather strictly to this rule.
+Kuhlmann, however, allows thirty seconds if there is no error and twenty
+seconds if one error is committed. We agree with Bobertag that owing to
+the nature of this test we should not be pedantic about the time. While
+a majority of children who are able to count backwards do the task in
+twenty seconds, there are some intelligent but deliberate subjects who
+require as much as thirty-five or forty seconds. If the counting is done
+with assurance and without stumbling, there is no reason why we should
+not allow even forty seconds. Beyond this, however, our generosity
+should not go, because of the chance it would give for the use of
+special devices such as counting forwards each time to the next number
+wanted.
+
+It may be said that counting backwards is a test of schooling, and to a
+certain extent this is true. It is reasonable to suppose that special
+training would enable the child to pass the test a little earlier than
+he would otherwise be able to do, though it is doubtful whether many
+children below 7 years of age have had enough of such training to
+influence the performance very materially. On the other hand, when the
+child has reached an intelligence level of 8 or at most 9 years, he is
+ordinarily able to count from 20 to 1 whether he has ever tried it
+before or not.
+
+What psychological factors are involved in this test? It presupposes, in
+the first place, the ability to count from 1 to 20. But this alone does
+not guarantee success in counting backwards. Something more is required
+than a mere rote memory for the number names in their order from 1 up to
+20. The quantitative relationships of the numbers must also be
+apprehended if the task is to be performed smoothly without a great deal
+of special training. In addition to being reasonably secure in his
+knowledge of the number relationships involved, the child must be able
+to give sustained attention until the task is completed. His mental
+processes must be dominated by the guiding idea, "count backwards."
+Associations which do not harmonize with this aim, or which fail to
+further it, must be inhibited. Even momentary relaxation of attention
+means a loss of directive force in the guiding idea and the dominance of
+better known associations which may be suggested by the task, but are
+out of harmony with it. Thus, if a child momentarily loses sight of the
+end after counting backwards successfully from 20 to 14, he is likely to
+be overpowered by the law of habit and begin counting forwards,
+14-15-16-17, etc. We may regard the test, therefore, as a test of
+attention, or prolonged thought control. The ability to exercise
+unbroken vigilance for a period of twenty or thirty seconds is rarely
+found below the level of 7- or 8-year intelligence.
+
+
+VIII, 3. COMPREHENSION, THIRD DEGREE
+
+The questions for this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_What's the thing for you to do when you have broken
+ something which belongs to some one else?_"
+ (b) "_What's the thing for you to do when you notice on your way
+ to school that you are in danger of being tardy?_"
+ (c) "_What's the thing for you to do if a playmate hits you
+ without meaning to do it?_"
+
+The procedure is the same as in previous comprehension questions.[57]
+Each question may be repeated once or twice, but its form must not be
+changed. No explanations are permissible.
+
+[57] See IV, 5, and VI, 4.
+
+SCORING:--
+
+_Question a (If you have broken something)_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ are those suggesting either restitution
+ or apology, or both. Confession is not satisfactory unless
+ accompanied by apology. The following are satisfactory: "Buy a
+ new one." "Pay for it." "Give them something instead of it."
+ "Have my father mend it." "Apologize." "Tell them I'm sorry,
+ that I did not mean to break it," etc. Of 92 correct answers, 76
+ suggested restitution, while 16 suggested apology, or apology
+ and restitution.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Tell them I did it." "Go tell my mother."
+ "Feel sorry." "Be ashamed." "Pick it up," etc. Mere confession
+ accounts for over 20 per cent of all failures.
+
+_Question b (In danger of being tardy)_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The expected response is, "Hurry," "Walk
+ faster," or something to that effect. One bright city boy said
+ he would take a car. Of the answers not obviously incorrect,
+ nearly 95 per cent suggest hurrying. The rule ordinarily
+ recommended is to grade all other responses _minus_. But this
+ rule is too sweeping to be followed blindly. One who would use
+ intelligence tests must learn to discriminate. "I would go back
+ home and not go to school that day" is a good answer in those
+ cases (fortunately rare) in which children are forbidden by the
+ teacher to enter the schoolroom if tardy. "Go back home and get
+ mother to write an excuse" would be good policy if by so doing
+ the child might escape the danger of incurring an extreme
+ penalty. When teachers inflict absurd penalties for unexcused
+ tardiness, it is the part of wisdom for children to incur no
+ risks! When such a response is given, it is well to inquire into
+ the school's method of dealing with tardiness and to score the
+ response accordingly.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Go to the principal." "Tell the teacher I
+ couldn't help it." "Have to get an excuse." "Go to school
+ anyway." "Get punished." "Not do it again." "Not play hooky."
+ "Start earlier next time," etc.
+
+ Lack of success results oftenest from failure to get the exact
+ shade of meaning conveyed by the question. It is implied, of
+ course, that something is to be done at once to avoid tardiness;
+ but the subject of dull comprehension may suggest a suitable
+ thing to do in case tardiness has been incurred. Hence the
+ response, "I would go to the principal and explain." Answers of
+ this type are always unsatisfactory.
+
+_Question c (Playmate hits you)_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ are only those which suggest either
+ excusing or overlooking the act. These ideas are variously
+ expressed as follows: "I would excuse him" (about half of all
+ the correct answers). "I would say 'yes' if he asked my pardon."
+ "I would say it was all right." "I would take it for a joke." "I
+ would just be nice to him." "I would go right on playing." "I
+ would take it kind-hearted." "I would not fight or run and tell
+ on him." "I would not blame him for it." "Ask him to be more
+ careful," etc.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory responses_ are all those not of the above two
+ types; as: "I would hit them back." "I would not hit them back,
+ but I would get even some other way." "Tell them not to do it
+ again." "Tell them to 'cut it out.'" "Tell him it's a wrong
+ thing to do." "Make him excuse himself." "Make him say he's
+ sorry." "Would not play with him." "Tell my mamma." "I would ask
+ him why he did it." "He'd say 'excuse me' and I'd say 'thank
+ you.'" "He should excuse me." "He is supposed to say 'excuse
+ me.'"
+
+REMARKS. All three comprehension questions of this year were used by
+Binet, Goddard, Huey, and others in year X; two of them in the "easy
+series" and one in the "hard series." The Stanford data show that they
+belong at the 8-year level on the standard of scoring above set forth.
+The three differ little among themselves in difficulty, but all of them
+are decidedly easier than the other five used by Binet. It would be
+absurd to go on using the comprehension questions as Binet bunched them,
+eight together, ranging in difficulty from one which is easy enough for
+6-year intelligence ("What's the thing to do if you miss your train?")
+to one which is hard for the 12-year level ("Why is a bad act done when
+one is angry more excusable than the same act done when one is not
+angry?").
+
+
+VIII, 4. GIVING SIMILARITIES; TWO THINGS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_I am going to name two things which are
+alike in some way, and I want you to tell me how they are alike. Wood
+and coal: in what way are they alike?_" Proceed in the same manner
+with:--
+
+ _An apple and a peach._
+ _Iron and silver._
+ _A ship and an automobile._
+
+After the first pair the formula may be abbreviated to "_In what way are
+... and ... alike?_" It is often necessary to insist a little if the
+child is silent or says he does not know, but in doing this we must
+avoid supplementary questions and suggestions. In giving the first pair,
+for example, it would not be permissible to ask such additional
+questions as, "_What do you use wood for? What do you use coal for? And
+now, how are wood and coal alike?_" This is really putting the answer in
+the child's mouth. It is only permissible to repeat the original
+question in a persuasive tone of voice, and perhaps to add: "_I'm sure
+you can tell me how ... and ... are alike_," or something to that
+effect.
+
+A very common mistake which the child makes is to give differences
+instead of similarities. This tendency is particularly strong if test 5,
+year VII (giving differences), has been given earlier in the sitting,
+but it happens often enough in other cases also to suggest that finding
+differences is, to a much greater extent than finding similarities, the
+child's preferred method of making a comparison. When a difference is
+given, instead of a similarity, we say: "_No, I want you to tell me how
+they are alike. In what way are ... and ... alike?_" Unless the child is
+of rather low intelligence level this is sufficient, but the mentally
+retarded sometimes continue to give differences persistently in spite
+of repeated admonitions, or if they cease to do so for one or two
+comparisons, they are likely to repeat the mistake in the latter part of
+the test.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if a likeness is given in _two out of four_
+comparisons. We accept as satisfactory any real likeness, whether
+fundamental or superficial, though, of course, the more essential the
+resemblance, the better indication it is of intelligence. The following
+are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory answers:--[58]
+
+[58] For aid in classifying the responses in this and certain other
+tests the writer is indebted to Miss Grace Lyman.
+
+(a) _Wood and coal_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both burn." "Both keep you warm." "Both are
+ used for fuel." "Both are vegetable matter." "Both come from the
+ ground." "Can use them both for running engines." "Both hard."
+ "Both heavy." "Both cost money."
+
+ Of 80 correct answers, 64, or 80 per cent, referred in one way
+ or another to combustibility.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ Most frequent is the persistent giving of a
+ difference instead of a similarity. This accounts for a little
+ over half of all the failures. About half of the remainder are
+ cases of inability to give any response. Incorrect statements
+ with regard to color are rather common. Sample failures of this
+ type are: "Both are black," or "Both the same color." Other
+ failures are: "Both are dirty on the outside;" "You can't break
+ them;" "Coal burns better;" "Wood is lighter than coal," etc.
+
+(b) _An apple and a peach_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both are round." "Both the same shape." "They
+ are about the same color." "Both nearly always have some red on
+ them." "Both good to eat." "Can make pies of both of them."
+ "Both can be cooked." "Both mellow when they are ripe." "Both
+ have a stem" (or seeds, skin, etc.). "Both come from trees."
+ "Can be dried in the same way." "Both are fruits." "Both green
+ (in color) when they are not ripe."
+
+ Of 82 correct answers, 25 per cent mention color; 25 per cent,
+ form; 22 per cent, edibility; 20 per cent, having stem, seed, or
+ skin; and 5 per cent, that both grow on trees.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Both taste the same." "Both have a lot of
+ seeds." "Both have a fuzzy skin." "An apple is bigger than a
+ peach." "One is red and one is white," etc.
+
+ Again, over 50 per cent of the failures are due to giving
+ differences and about 18 per cent to silence.
+
+(c) _Iron and silver_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both are metals" (or mineral). "Both come out
+ of the ground." "Both cost money." "Both are heavy." "Both are
+ hard." "Both can be melted." "Both can be bent." "Both used for
+ utensils." "You manufacture things out of both of them." "Both
+ can be polished."
+
+ These are named most frequently in the following order: (1)
+ hardness, (2) origin from the ground, (3) heaviness, (4) use in
+ making things.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Both thin" (or thick). "Sometimes they are
+ the same shape." "Both the same color." "A little silver and
+ lots of iron weigh the same." "Both made by the same company."
+ "They rust the same." "You can't eat them" (!)[59]
+
+ [59] One is here reminded of the puzzling conundrum, "Why is a
+ brick like an elephant?" The answer being, "Because neither can
+ climb a tree!" A response of this type states a fact, but because
+ of its bizarre nature should hardly be counted satisfactory.
+
+ Of 60 failures, 32 were due to giving differences and 14 to
+ silence or unwillingness to hazard a reply.
+
+(d) _A ship and an automobile_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both means of travel." "Both go." "You ride in
+ them." "Both take you fast." "They both use fuel." "Both run by
+ machinery." "Both have a steering gear." "Both have engines in
+ them." "Both have wood in them." "Both can be wrecked." "Both
+ break if they hit a rock."
+
+ About 45 per cent of the answers are in terms of running or
+ travel, 37 per cent in terms of machinery or structure, the rest
+ scattered.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Both black" (or some other color). "Both very
+ big." "They are made alike." "Both run on wheels." "Ship is for
+ the water and automobile for the land." "Ship goes on water and
+ an automobile sometimes goes in water." "An auto can go faster."
+ "Ship is run by coal and automobile by gasoline."
+
+ Of 51 failures, 32 were due to giving differences and 14 to
+ failure to reply.
+
+REMARKS. The test of finding similarities was first used by Binet in
+1905. Our results show that it is fully as satisfactory as the test of
+giving differences. The test reveals in a most interesting way one of
+the fundamental weaknesses of the feeble mind. Young normal children,
+say of 7 or 8 years, often fail to pass, but it is the feeble-minded who
+give the greatest number of absurd answers and who also find greatest
+difficulty in resisting the tendency to give differences.[60]
+
+[60] For further discussion of the processes involved, see VII, 5.
+
+
+VIII, 5. GIVING DEFINITIONS SUPERIOR TO USE
+
+PROCEDURE. The words for this year are _balloon_, _tiger_, _football_,
+and _soldier_. Ask simply: "_What is a balloon?_" etc.
+
+If it appears that any of the words are not familiar to the child,
+substitution may be made from the following: _automobile_,
+_battle-ship_, _potato_, _store_.
+
+Make no comments on the responses until all the words have been given.
+In case of silence or hesitation in answering, the question may be
+repeated with a little encouragement; but supplementary questions are
+never in order. Ordinarily there is no difficulty in securing a response
+to the definition test of this year. The trouble comes in scoring the
+response.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if two of the four words are defined in
+terms superior to use. "Superior to use" includes chiefly: (a)
+Definitions which describe the object or tell something of its nature
+(form, size, color, appearance, etc.); (b) definitions which give the
+substance or the materials or parts composing it; and (c) those which
+tell what class the object belongs to or what relation it bears to
+other classes of objects.
+
+It is possible to distinguish different grades of definitions in each of
+the above classes. A definition by description (type _a_) may be brief
+and partial, mentioning only one or two qualities or characteristics, or
+it may be relatively rich and complete. Likewise with definitions of
+type _b_. Classificatory definitions (type _c_) are of particularly
+uneven value, the lowest order being those which subsume the object to
+be defined under a remote class and give few if any characteristics to
+distinguish it from other members of the same class; as, for example, "A
+football is a thing you can have fun with," or, "A soldier is a person."
+The best classificatory definitions are those which subsume the object
+under the next higher class and give the more essential traits (perhaps
+a number of them) which distinguish the object from others of the class
+named; as, for example, "A tiger is a large animal like a cat; it lives
+in the jungle and eats men and other animals," or, "A soldier is a man
+who goes to war." These shades of distinction give interesting and
+valuable clues to the maturity and richness of the apperceptive
+processes, but for purposes of scoring it is necessary merely to decide
+whether the definition is given in terms superior to use.
+
+The following are samples of satisfactory definitions, those for each
+word being arranged roughly in the order of their value from excellent
+to barely passing:--
+
+(a) _Balloon_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "A balloon is a means of traveling through the
+ air." "It is a kind of airship, made of cloth and filled with
+ air so it can go up." "It is big and made of cloth. It has gas
+ in it and carries people up in a basket that's fastened on to
+ the bottom." "It is a thing you hold by a string and it goes
+ up." "It is like a big bag with air in it." "It is a big thing
+ that goes up."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To go up in the air." "What you go up in."
+ "When you go up." "They go up in it." "It's full of gas." "To
+ carry you up." "A balloon is a balloon," etc. "It is big." "They
+ go up," etc.
+
+(b) _Tiger_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "It is a wild animal of the cat family." "It is
+ an animal that's a cousin to the lion." "It is an animal that
+ lives in the jungle." "It is a wild animal." "It looks like a
+ big cat." "It lives in the woods and eats flesh." "Something
+ that eats people."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To eat you up." "To kill people." "To travel
+ in the circus." "What eats people." "It is a tiger," etc. "You
+ run from it," etc.
+
+(c) _Football_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "It is a leather bag filled with air and made
+ for kicking." "It is a ball you kick." "It is a thing you play
+ with." "It is made of leather and is stuffed with air." "It is a
+ thing you kick." "It is brown and filled with air." "It is a
+ thing shaped like a watermelon."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To kick." "To play with." "What they play
+ with." "Boys play with it." "It's filled with air." "It is a
+ football." "It is a basket ball." "It is round." "You kick it."
+
+(d) _Soldier_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "A man who goes to war." "A brave man." "A man
+ that walks up and down and carries a gun." "It is a man who
+ minds his captain and stands still and walks straight." "It is a
+ man who goes to war and shoots." "It is a man who stands
+ straight and marches."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To shoot." "To go to war." "It is a soldier."
+ "A soldier that marches." "He fights." "He shoots." "What
+ fights," etc. "When you march and shoot."
+
+Silence accounts for only a small proportion of the failures with
+children of 8, 9, and 10 years.
+
+REMARKS. The "use definitions" sometimes given at this age are usually
+of slightly better quality than those given in year V. Younger children
+more often use the infinitive form, "to play with" (doll), "to drive"
+(horse), "to eat on" (table), etc. Use definitions of this year more
+often begin with "they," or "what"; as, "they go up in it" (balloon),
+"they kick it" (football), etc.
+
+Why, it may be asked, is the use definition regarded as inferior to the
+descriptive or the classificatory definition? Is not the use to which an
+object may be put the most essential thing about it, for the child at
+least? Is it not more important to know that a fork is to eat with than
+to be able to name the material it is made of? Is not the use primary
+and does it not determine most of the physical characteristics of the
+object?
+
+The above questions may sound reasonable, but they are based on poor
+psychology. We must rest our case upon the facts. The first lesson which
+the student of child psychology must learn is that it is unsafe to set
+up criteria of intelligence, of maturity, or of any other mental trait
+on the basis of theoretical considerations. Experiment teaches that
+normal children of 5 or 6 years, also older feeble-minded persons of the
+5-year intelligence level, define objects in terms of use; also that
+normal children of 8 or 9 years and older feeble-minded persons of this
+mental level have for the most part developed beyond the stage of use
+definitions into the descriptive or classificatory stage. An ounce of
+fact is worth a ton of theory.
+
+The test has usually been located in year IX, with the requirement of
+three successes out of five trials and with somewhat more rigid scoring
+of the individual definitions. When only two successes are required in
+four trials, and when scored leniently, the test belongs at the 8-year
+level.
+
+
+VIII, 6. VOCABULARY; TWENTY DEFINITIONS, 3600 WORDS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the list of words given in the record booklet. Say to the
+child: "_I want to find out how many words you know. Listen; and when I
+say a word you tell me what it means._" If the child can read, give him
+a printed copy of the word list and let him look at each word as you
+pronounce it.
+
+The words are arranged approximately (though not exactly) in the order
+of their difficulty, and it is best to begin with the easier words and
+proceed to the harder. With children under 9 or 10 years, begin with the
+first. Apparently normal children of 10 years may safely be credited
+with the first ten words without being asked to define them. Apparently
+normal children of 12 may begin with word 16, and 15-year-olds with
+word 21. Except with subjects of almost adult intelligence there is no
+need to give the last ten or fifteen words, as these are almost never
+correctly defined by school children. A safe rule to follow is to
+continue until eight or ten successive words have been missed and to
+score the remainder _minus_ without giving them.
+
+The formula is as follows: "What is an _orange_?" "What is a _bonfire_?"
+"_Roar_; what does _roar_ mean?" "_Gown_; what is a _gown_?" "What does
+_tap_ mean?" "What does _scorch_ mean?" "What is a _puddle_?" etc.
+
+Some children at first show a little hesitation about answering,
+thinking that a strictly formal definition is expected. In such cases a
+little encouragement is necessary; as: "_You know what a bonfire is. You
+have seen a bonfire. Now, what is a bonfire?_" If the child still
+hesitates, say: "_Just tell me in your own words; say it any way you
+please. All I want is to find out whether you know what a bonfire is._"
+Do not torture the child, however, by undue insistence. If he persists
+in his refusal to define a word which he would ordinarily be expected to
+know, it is better to pass on to the next one and to return to the
+troublesome word later. Above all, avoid helping the child by
+illustrating the use of a word in a sentence. Adhere strictly to the
+formula given above. If the definition as given does not make it clear
+whether the child has the correct idea, say: "_Explain_," or, "_I don't
+understand; explain what you mean._"
+
+Encourage the child frequently by saying: "That's fine. You are doing
+beautifully. You know lots of words," etc. Never tell the child his
+definition is not correct, and never ask for a different definition.
+
+Avoid saying anything which would suggest a model form of definition, as
+the type of definition which the child spontaneously chooses throws
+interesting light on the degree of maturity of the apperceptive
+processes. Record all definitions _verbatim_ if possible, or at least
+those which are exceptionally good, poor, or doubtful.
+
+SCORING. Credit a response in full if it gives one correct meaning for
+the word, regardless of whether that meaning is the most common one, and
+regardless of whether it is the original or a derived meaning.
+Occasionally half credit may be given, but this should be avoided as far
+as possible.
+
+To find the entire vocabulary, multiply the number of words known by
+180. (This list is made up of 100 words selected by rule from a
+dictionary containing 18,000 words.) Thus, the child who defines
+20 words correctly has a vocabulary of 20 × 180 = 3600 words; 50 correct
+definitions would mean a vocabulary of 9000 words, etc. The following
+are the standards for different years, as determined by the vocabulary
+reached by 60 to 65 per cent of the subjects of the various mental
+levels:--
+
+ 8 years 20 words vocabulary 3,600
+ 10 years 30 words vocabulary 5,400
+ 12 years 40 words vocabulary 7,200
+ 14 years 50 words vocabulary 9,000
+ Average adult 65 words vocabulary 11,700
+ Superior adult 75 words vocabulary 13,500
+
+Although the form of the definition is significant, it is not taken into
+consideration in scoring. The test is intended to explore the range of
+ideas rather than the evolution of thought forms. When it is evident
+that the child has one fairly correct meaning for a word, he is given
+full credit for it, however poorly the definition may have been stated.
+
+While there is naturally some difficulty now and then in deciding
+whether a given definition is correct, this happens much less frequently
+than one would expect. In order to get a definite idea of the extent of
+error due to the individual differences among examiners, we have had the
+definitions of 25 subjects graded independently by 10 different persons.
+The result showed an average difference below 3 in the number of
+definitions scored _plus_. Since these subjects attempted on an average
+about 60 words, the average number of doubtful definitions per subject
+was below 5 per cent of the number attempted.
+
+An idea of the degree of leniency to be exercised may be had from the
+following examples of definitions, which are mostly of low grade, but
+acceptable unless otherwise indicated:--
+
+ 1. _Orange._ "An orange is to eat." "It is yellow and grows on a
+ tree." (Both full credit.)
+
+ 2. _Bonfire._ "You burn it outdoors." "You burn some leaves or
+ things." "It's a big fire." (All full credit.)
+
+ 3. _Roar._ "A lion roars." "You holler loud." (Full credit.)
+
+ 4. _Gown._ "To sleep in." "It's a nightie." "It's a nice gown that
+ ladies wear." (All full credit.)
+
+ 7. _Puddle._ "You splash in it." "It's just a puddle of water."
+ (Both full credit.)
+
+ 9. _Straw._ "It grows in the field." "It means wheat-straw." "The
+ horses eat it." (All full credit.)
+
+ 10. _Rule._ "The teacher makes rules." "It means you can't do
+ something." "You make marks with it," i.e., a ruler, often
+ called a _rule_ by school children. (All full credit.)
+
+ 11. _Afloat._ "To float on the water." "A ship floats." (Both full
+ credit.)
+
+ 12. _Eyelash._ If the child says, "It's over the eye," tell him to
+ point to it, as often the word is confused with _eyebrow_.
+
+ 14. _Copper._ "It's a penny." "It means some copper wire." (Both
+ full credit.)
+
+ 15. _Health._ "It means good health or bad health." "It means
+ strong." (Both full credit.)
+
+ 17. _Guitar._ "You play on it." (Full credit.)
+
+ 18. _Mellow._ If the child says, "It means a mellow apple," ask
+ what kind of apple that would be. For full credit the answer
+ must be "soft," "mushy," etc.
+
+ 19. _Pork._ If the answer is "meat," ask what animal it comes
+ from. Half credit if wrong animal is named.
+
+ 21. _Plumbing._ "You fix pipes." (Full credit.)
+
+ 25. _Southern._ If the answer is "Southern States," or
+ "Southern California," say: "_Yes; but what does 'southern'
+ mean?_" Do not credit unless explanation is forthcoming.
+
+ 26. _Noticeable._ "You notice a thing." (Full credit.)
+
+ 29. _Civil._ "Civil War." (Failure unless explained.) "It means to
+ be nice." (Full credit.)
+
+ 30. _Treasury._ Give half credit for definitions like "Valuables,"
+ "Lots of money," etc.; i.e., if the word is confused with
+ _treasure._
+
+ 32. _Ramble._ "To go about fast." (Half credit.)
+
+ 38. _Nerve._ Half credit if the slang use is defined, "You've got
+ nerve," etc.
+
+ 41. _Majesty._ "What you say to a king." (Full credit.)
+
+ 45. _Sportive._ "To like sports." (Half credit.) "Playful" or
+ "happy." (Full credit.)
+
+ 46. _Hysterics._ "You laugh and cry at the same time." "A kind of
+ sickness." "A kind of fit." (All full credit.)
+
+ 48. _Repose._ "You pose again." (Failure.)
+
+ 52. _Coinage._ "A place where they make money." (Half credit.)
+
+ 56. _Dilapidated._ "Something that's very old." (Half credit.)
+
+ 58. _Conscientious._ "You're careful how you do your work." (Full
+ credit.)
+
+ 60. _Artless._ "No art." (Failure unless correctly explained.)
+
+ 61. _Priceless._ "It has no price." (Failure.)
+
+ 66. _Promontory._ "Something prominent." (Failure unless child can
+ explain what it refers to.)
+
+ 68. _Milksop._ "You sop up milk." (Failure.)
+
+ 73. _Harpy._ "A kind of bird." (Full credit.)
+
+ 80. _Exaltation._ "You feel good." (Full credit.)
+
+ 85. _Retroactive._ "Acting backward." (Full credit.)
+
+ 92. _Theosophy._ "A religion." (Full credit.)
+
+It is seen from the above examples that a very liberal standard has been
+used. Leniency in judging definitions is necessary because the child's
+power of expression lags farther behind his understanding than is true
+of adults, and also because for the young subject the word has a
+relatively less unitary existence.
+
+REMARKS. Our vocabulary test was derived by selecting the last word
+of every sixth column in a dictionary containing approximately
+18,000 words, presumably the 18,000 most common words in the language.
+The test is based on the assumption that 100 words selected according to
+some arbitrary rule will be a large enough sampling to afford a fairly
+reliable index of a subject's entire vocabulary. Rather extensive
+experimentation with this list and others chosen in a similar manner
+has proved that the assumption is justified. Tests of the same
+75 individuals with five different vocabulary tests of this type showed
+that the average difference between two tests of the same person was
+less than 5 per cent. This means that any one of the five tests used is
+reliable enough for all practical purposes. It is of no special
+importance that a given child's vocabulary is 8000 rather than 7600; the
+significance lies in the fact that it is approximately 8000 and not
+4000, 12,000, or some other widely different number.
+
+It may seem to the reader almost incredible that so small a sampling of
+words would give a reliable index of an individual's vocabulary. That it
+does so is due to the operation of the ordinary laws of chance. It is
+analogous to predicting the results of an election when only a small
+proportion of the ballots have been counted. It is known that a ballot
+box contains 600 votes, and if when only 30 have been counted it is
+found that they are divided between two candidates in the proportion of
+20 and 10, it is safe to predict that a complete count will give the two
+candidates approximately 400 and 200 respectively.[61] In 1914 about
+1,000,000 votes were cast for governor in California, and when only
+10,000 votes had been counted, or a hundredth of all, it was announced
+and conceded that Governor Johnson had been reëlected by the 150,000
+plurality. The completed count gave him 188,505 plurality. The error was
+less than 4 per cent of the total vote.
+
+[61] Supposing the ballots to have been shuffled.
+
+The vocabulary test has a far higher value than any other single test of
+the scale. Used with children of English-speaking parents (with children
+whose home language is not English it is of course unreliable), it
+probably has a higher value than any three other tests in the scale. Our
+statistics show that in a large majority of cases the vocabulary test
+alone will give us an intelligence quotient within 10 per cent of that
+secured by the entire scale. Out of hundreds of English-speaking
+children we have not found one testing significantly above age who had a
+significantly low vocabulary; and correspondingly, those who test much
+below age never have a high vocabulary.
+
+Occasionally, however, a subject tests somewhat higher or lower in
+vocabulary than the mental age would lead us to expect. This is often
+the case with dull children in cultured homes and with very intelligent
+children whose home environment has not stimulated language development.
+But even in these cases we are not seriously misled, for the dull child
+of fortunate home surroundings shows his dullness in the quality of his
+definitions if not in their quantity; while the bright child of
+illiterate parents shows his intelligence in the aptness and accuracy of
+his definitions.
+
+We have not worked out a satisfactory method of scoring the quality of
+definitions in our vocabulary test, but these differences will be
+readily observed by the trained examiner. Definitions in terms of use
+and definitions which are slightly inaccurate or hazy are quite
+characteristic of the lower mental ages. Children of the lower mental
+age have also a tendency to venture wild guesses at words they do not
+know. This is especially characteristic of retarded subjects and is
+another example of their weakness of auto-criticism. One feeble-minded
+boy of 12 years, with a mental age of 8 years, glibly and confidently
+gave definitions for every one of the hundred words. About 70 of the
+definitions were pure nonsense.
+
+This vocabulary test was arranged and partially standardized by Mr.
+H. G. Childs and the writer in 1911. Many experiments since then have
+proved its value as a test of intelligence.
+
+
+VIII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING SIX COINS
+
+PROCEDURE is exactly as in VI, 5 (naming four coins). The dollar should
+be shown before the half-dollar.
+
+SCORING. _All six coins must be correctly named._ If a response is
+changed the rule is to count the second answer and ignore the first.
+
+REMARKS. Binet used nine pieces and required knowledge of all at year X
+(1908), but at year IX in the 1911 revision. Most other workers have
+used the same method, with the test located in either year IX or year X.
+
+
+VIII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: WRITING FROM DICTATION
+
+PROCEDURE. Give the child pen, ink, and paper, place him in a
+comfortable position for writing, and say: "_I want you to write
+something for me as nicely as you can. Write these words: 'See the
+little boy.' Be sure to write it all: 'See the little boy.'_"
+
+Do not dictate the words separately, but give the sentence as a whole.
+Further repetition of the sentence is not permissible, as ability to
+remember what has been dictated is a part of the test. Copy, of course,
+must not be shown.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the sentence is written legibly enough to be easily
+recognized, and if no word has been omitted. Ordinary mistakes of
+spelling are disregarded. The rule is that the mistake in spelling must
+not mutilate the word beyond easy recognition. The performance may be
+graded by the use of Thorndike's handwriting scale. The handwriting of
+8-year-old children who have been in school not less than one year or
+more than two usually falls between quality 7 and quality 9 on this
+scale, but we shall, perhaps, not be too liberal if we consider a
+performance satisfactory which does not grade below quality 6, provided
+it is not seriously mutilated by errors, omissions, etc.[62]
+
+[62] See scoring card for samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+performances.
+
+REMARKS. This test found a place in year VIII of Binet's 1908 scale, but
+has been omitted from all the other revisions, including Binet's own.
+Bobertag did not even regard the test as worthy of a trial. The
+universal criticism has been that it is a test of schooling rather than
+of intelligence. That the performance depends, in a certain sense, upon
+special instruction is self-evident. Without such instruction no child
+of 8 years, however intelligent, would be able to pass the test. Nature
+does not give us a conventionalized language, either written or spoken.
+It must be acquired. It is also true that a high-grade feeble-minded
+child, say 8 years of age and of 6-year intelligence, is sometimes
+(though not always) able to pass the test after two years of
+school instruction. It is exceedingly improbable, however, that a
+feeble-minded subject with less than 6-year intelligence will ever be
+able to pass this test, however long he remains in school.
+
+The conclusions to be drawn from these facts are as follows: (1)
+Inability to pass the test should not be counted against the child
+unless it is known that he has had at least a full year of the usual
+school instruction. (2) Ability to pass the test after only two years of
+school instruction is almost certain proof that the child has reached a
+mental level of at least 6 years. (3) Failure to pass the test must be
+regarded as a grave symptom in the case of the child 9 or more years of
+age who is known to have attended school as much as two years. (4) For
+mental levels higher than 8 years the test has hardly any diagnostic
+value, since feeble-minded persons of 8- or 9-year intelligence can
+usually be taught to write quite legibly.
+
+If the limitations above set forth are kept in mind, the test is by no
+means without value, and is always worth giving as a supplementary test.
+Learning to write simple sentences from dictation is no mean
+accomplishment. It demands, in the first place, a fairly complete
+mastery of rather difficult muscular coördinations. Moreover, these
+coördinations must be firmly associated with the corresponding letters
+and words, for if the writing coördinations are not fairly automatic, so
+much attention will be required to carry them out that the child will
+not be able to remember what he has been told to write. The necessity of
+remembering the passage acts as a distraction, and writing from
+dictation is therefore a more difficult task than writing from copy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IX
+
+
+IX, 1. GIVING THE DATE
+
+PROCEDURE. Ask the following questions in order:--
+
+ (a) "_What day of the week is it to-day?_"
+ (b) "_What month is it?_"
+ (c) "_What day of the month is it?_"
+ (d) "_What year is it?_"
+
+If the child misunderstands and gives the day of the month for the day
+of the week, or _vice versa_, we merely repeat the question with
+suitable emphasis, but give no other help.
+
+SCORING. An error of three days in either direction is allowed for _c_,
+but _a_, _b_, and _d_ must all be given correctly. If the child makes an
+error and spontaneously corrects it, the change is allowed, but
+corrections must not be called for or suggested.
+
+REMARKS. Binet originally located this test in year IX, but
+unfortunately moved it to year VIII in the 1911 revision. Kuhlmann,
+Goddard, and Huey all retain it in year IX, where, according to our own
+data, it unquestionably belongs. With the exception of Binet's 1911
+results, the statistics for the test are in remarkably close agreement
+for children in France, Germany, England, and Eastern and Western United
+States. It seems that practically all children in civilized countries
+have ample opportunity to learn the divisions of the year, month, and
+week, and to become oriented with respect to these divisions. Special
+instruction is doubtless capable of hastening time orientation to a
+certain degree, but not greatly. Binet tells of a French _école
+maternelle_ attended by children 4 to 6 years of age, where instruction
+was given daily in regard to the date, and yet not a single one of the
+children was able to pass this test. This is a beautiful illustration of
+the futility of precocious teaching. In spite of well-meant instruction,
+it is not until the age of 8 or 9 years that children have enough
+comprehension of time periods, and sufficient interest in them, to keep
+very close track of the date. Failure to pass the test at the age of
+10 or 11 years is a decidedly unfavorable sign, unless the error is very
+slight.
+
+The fact that normal adults are occasionally unable to give the day of
+the month is no argument against the validity of the test, since the
+system of tests is so constructed as to allow for accidental failures on
+any particular test. As a matter of fact, very nearly 100 per cent of
+normal 12-year-old children pass this test.
+
+The unavoidable fault of the test is its lack of uniformity in
+difficulty at different dates. It is easier for school children to give
+the day of the week on Monday or Friday than on Tuesday, Wednesday, or
+Thursday. Mistakes in giving the day of the month are less likely to
+occur at the beginning or end of the month than at any other time, while
+mistakes in naming the month are most likely to occur then.
+
+It is interesting to compare the four parts of this test in regard to
+difficulty. Binet and Bobertag both state that ability to name the year
+comes last, but they give no figures. Our own data show that the four
+parts of the test are of almost exactly the same difficulty and that
+this is true at all ages.
+
+
+IX, 2. ARRANGING FIVE WEIGHTS
+
+Use the five weights, 3, 6, 9, 12, and 15 grams. Be sure that the
+weights are identical in appearance. The weights may be made as
+described under V, 1, or they may be purchased of C. H. Stoelting & Co.,
+Chicago, Illinois. If no weights are at hand one of the alternative
+tests may be substituted.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the five boxes on the table in an irregular group
+before the child and say: "_See the boxes. They all look alike, don't
+they? But they are not alike. Some of them are heavy, some are not quite
+so heavy, and some are still lighter. No two weigh the same. Now, I want
+you to find the heaviest one and place it here. Then find the one that
+is just a little lighter and put it here. Then put the next lighter one
+here, and the next lighter one here, and the lightest of all at this
+end_ (pointing each time at the appropriate spot). _Do you understand?_"
+Whatever the child answers, in order to make sure that he does
+understand, we repeat the instructions thus: "_Remember now, that no two
+weights are the same. Find the heaviest one and put it here, the next
+heaviest here, and lighter, lighter, until you have the very lightest
+here. Ready; go ahead._"
+
+It is best to follow very closely the formula here given, otherwise
+there is danger of stating the directions so abstractly that the subject
+could not comprehend them. A formula like "_I want you to arrange the
+blocks in a gradually decreasing series according to weight_" would be
+Greek to most children of 10 years.
+
+If the subject still seems at a loss to know what to do, the
+instructions may be again repeated. But no further help of any kind may
+be given. Do not tell the subject to take the blocks one at a time in
+the hand and try them, and do not illustrate by hefting the blocks
+yourself. It is a part of the test to let the subject find his own
+method.
+
+Give three trials, shuffling the boxes after each. Do not repeat the
+instructions before the second and third trials unless the subject has
+used an absurd procedure in the previous trial.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the blocks are arranged in the correct
+order _twice out of three trials_. Always record the order of
+arrangement and note the number and extent of displacement. Obviously an
+arrangement like 12-6-15-3-9 is very much more serious than one like
+15-12-6-9-3, but we require that two trials be absolutely without error.
+
+Scoring is facilitated if the blocks are marked on the bottom so that
+they may be easily identified. It is then necessary to exercise some
+care to see that the subject does not examine the bottom of the blocks
+for a clue as to the correct order.
+
+REMARKS. Binet originally located this test in year IX, but in his 1911
+revision changed it to year VIII. Other revisions have retained it in
+year IX. The correct location depends upon the weights used and upon the
+procedure and scoring. Kuhlmann uses weights of 3, 9, 18, 27, 36, and
+45 grams, and this probably makes the test easier. Bobertag tried two
+sets of boxes, one set being of larger dimensions than the other. The
+larger gave decidedly the more errors. If we require only one success in
+three trials the test could be located a year or two lower in the scale,
+while three successes as a standard would require that it be moved
+upward possibly as much as two years.
+
+Much depends also on whether the child is left to find his own method,
+and on this there has been much difference of procedure. Kuhlmann,
+Bobertag, and Wallin illustrate the correct method of making the
+comparison by first hefting and arranging the weights while the subject
+looks on. We prefer to keep the test in its original form, and with the
+procedure and scoring we have used it is well located in year IX.
+
+Wallin carries his assistance still further by saying, after the first
+block has been placed, "Now, find the heaviest of the four," and after
+the second has been placed, "Now, find the heaviest of the three," etc.
+Finally, when the arrangement has been made, he tells the subject to try
+them again to make sure the order is correct, allowing the subject to
+make whatever changes he thinks necessary. This procedure robs the test
+of its most valuable features. The experiment was not devised primarily
+as a test of sensory discrimination, for it has long been recognized
+that individuals who have developed as far as the 9- or 10-year level of
+intelligence are ordinarily but little below normal in sensory capacity.
+
+Psychologically, the test resembles that of comparing weights in V, 1.
+Success depends, in the first place, upon the correct comprehension of
+the task and the setting of a goal to be attained; secondly, upon the
+choice of a suitable method for realizing the goal; and finally, upon
+the ability to keep the end clearly in consciousness until all the steps
+necessary for its attainment have been gone through. Elementary as are
+the processes involved, they represent the prototype of all purposeful
+behavior. The statesman, the lawyer, the teacher, the physician, the
+carpenter, all in their own way and with their own materials, are
+continually engaged in setting goals, choosing means, and inhibiting the
+multitudinous appeals of irrelevant and distracting ideas.
+
+In this experiment the subject may fail in any one of the three
+requirements of the test or in all of them. (1) He may not comprehend
+the instructions and so be unable to set the goal. (2) Though
+understanding what is expected of him, he may adopt an absurd method of
+carrying out the task. Or (3) he may lose sight of the end and begin to
+play with the blocks, stacking them on top of one another, building
+trains, tossing them about, etc. Sometimes the guiding idea is not
+completely lost, but is weakened or rendered only partially operative.
+In such a case the subject may compare some of the blocks carefully,
+place others without trying them at all, but continue in his
+half-rational, half-irrational procedure until all the blocks have been
+arranged.
+
+It is essential, therefore, to supplement the mere record of success or
+failure by jotting down a brief but accurate description of the
+performance. Note any hesitation or inability to grasp the instructions.
+Note especially any absurd procedure, such as placing all the blocks
+without hefting any of them, comparing only some of them, holding them
+up and shaking them, hefting two at once in the same hand, etc. The
+ideal method, of course, is to try all the blocks carefully before
+placing any of them, then to make a tentative arrangement, and finally,
+to correct this tentative arrangement by means of individual
+comparisons. A slight departure from this method does not always bring
+failure, but it renders success less probable. As a rule it is only the
+very intelligent children of 10 years who think to test out their first
+arrangement by making a final and additional trial of each block in
+turn. Contrary to what might be supposed, success is slightly favored by
+hefting the blocks successively with one hand rather than by taking one
+in each hand for simultaneous comparison, but as the child cannot be
+expected to know this, we must regard the two methods as equally
+logical.
+
+The test of arranging weights has met universal praise. Its special
+advantage is that it tests the subject's intelligence in the
+manipulation of _things_ rather than his capacity for dealing with
+_abstractions_. It tests his ability to do something rather than his
+ability to express himself in language. It throws light upon certain
+factors of motor adaptation and practical judgment which play a great
+part in the everyday life of the average human being. It depends as
+little upon school, perhaps, as any other test of the scale, and it is
+readily usable with children of all nations without danger of being
+materially altered in translation Moreover, it is always an interesting
+test for the child. Bobertag goes so far as to say that any 8- or 9-year
+child who passes this test cannot possibly be feeble-minded. This may be
+true; but the converse is hardly the case; that is, the failure of older
+children is by no means certain proof of mental retardation. The same
+observation, however, applies equally well to many other of the Binet
+tests, some of which correlate more closely with true mental age than
+this one. A rather considerable fraction of normal 12-year-olds fail on
+it, and it is in fact somewhat less dependable than certain other tests
+if we wish to differentiate between 9-year and 11-year intelligence. But
+it is a test we could ill afford to eliminate.[63]
+
+[63] Compare with V, 1.
+
+
+IX, 3. MAKING CHANGE
+
+PROCEDURE. Ask the following questions in the order here given:--
+
+ (a) "_If I were to buy 4 cents worth of candy and should give
+ the storekeeper 10 cents, how much money would I get back?_"
+ (b) "_If I bought 13 cents worth and gave the storekeeper
+ 15 cents, how much would I get back?_"
+ (c) "_If I bought 4 cents worth and gave the storekeeper
+ 25 cents, how much would I get back?_"
+
+Coins are not used, and the subject is not allowed the help of pencil
+and paper. If the subject forgets the statement of the problem, it is
+permissible to repeat it once, but only once. The response should be
+made in ten or fifteen seconds for each problem.
+
+SCORING, The test is passed if _two out of three_ problems are answered
+correctly in the allotted time. In case two answers are given to a
+problem, we follow the usual rule of counting the second and ignoring
+the first.
+
+REMARKS. Problems of this nature, when thoroughly standardized, are
+extremely valuable as tests of intelligence. The difficulty of the test,
+as we have used it, does not lie in the subtraction of 4 from 10, 12
+from 15, etc. Such subtractions, when given as problems in subtraction,
+are readily solved by practically all normal 8-year-olds who have
+attended school as much as two years. The problems of the test have a
+twofold difficulty: (1) The statement of the problem must be
+comprehended and held in mind until the solution has been arrived at;
+(2) the problem is so stated that the subject must himself select the
+fundamental operation which applies. The latter difficulty is somewhat
+the greater of the two, addition sometimes being employed instead of
+subtraction.
+
+It is just such difficulties as this that prove so perplexing to the
+feeble-minded. High-grade defectives, although they require more than
+the usual amount of drill and are likely to make occasional errors, are
+nevertheless capable of learning to add, subtract, multiply, and divide
+fairly well. Their main trouble comes in deciding which of these
+operations a given problem calls for. They can master routine, but as
+regards initiative, judgment, and power to reason they are little
+educable. The psychology and pedagogy of mental deficiency is epitomized
+in this statement.
+
+There has been little disagreement as to the proper location of the test
+of making change, but various procedures have been employed. Coins have
+generally been employed, in which case the subject is actually allowed
+to make the change. Most other revisions have also given only a single
+problem, usually 4 cents out of 20 cents, or 4 out of 25, or 9 out of
+25. It is evident that these are not all of equal difficulty. There is
+general agreement, however, that normal children of 9 years should be
+able to make simple change.
+
+
+IX, 4. REPEATING FOUR DIGITS REVERSED
+
+The series are 6-5-2-8; 4-9-3-7; 3-6-2-9.
+
+PROCEDURE AND SCORING. Exactly as in VII, alternate test 2.[64]
+
+[64] See discussion, p. 207 _ff._
+
+
+IX, 5. USING THREE WORDS IN A SENTENCE
+
+PROCEDURE The words used are:--
+
+ (a) _Boy_, _ball_, _river_.
+ (b) _Work_, _money_, _men_.
+ (c) _Desert_, _rivers_, _lakes_.
+
+Say: "_You know what a sentence is, of course. A sentence is made up of
+some words which say something. Now, I am going to give you three words,
+and you must make up a sentence that has all three words in it. The
+three words are 'boy,' 'ball,' 'river.' Go ahead and make up a sentence
+that has all three words in it._" The others are given in the same way.
+
+Note that the subject is not shown the three words written down, and
+that the reply is to be given orally.
+
+If the subject does not understand what is wanted, the instruction may
+be repeated, but it is not permissible to illustrate what a sentence is
+by giving one. There must be no preliminary practice.
+
+A curious misunderstanding which is sometimes encountered comes from
+assuming that the sentence must be constructed entirely of the three
+words given. If it appears that the subject is stumbling over this
+difficulty, we explain: "_The three words must be put with some other
+words so that all of them together will make a sentence._"
+
+Nothing is said about hurrying, but if a sentence is not given within
+one minute the rule is to count that part of the test a failure and to
+proceed to the next trio of words.
+
+Give only one trial for each part of the test.
+
+Do not specially caution the child to avoid giving more than one
+sentence, as this is implied in the formula used and should be
+understood.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ sentences are
+satisfactory. In order to be satisfactory a sentence must fulfill the
+following requirements: (1) It must either be a simple sentence, or, if
+compound, must not contain more than two distinct ideas; and (2) it must
+not express an absurdity.
+
+Slight changes in one or more of the key words are disregarded, as
+_river_ for _rivers_, etc.
+
+The scoring is difficult enough to justify rather extensive
+illustration.
+
+(a) _Boy, ball, river_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ An analysis of 128 satisfactory responses gave
+ the following classification:--
+
+ (1) Simple sentence containing a simple subject and a simple
+ predicate; as: "The boy threw his ball into the river." "The boy
+ lost his ball in the river." "The boy's ball fell into the
+ river." "The boy swam into the river after his ball," etc. This
+ group contains 76 per cent of the correct responses.
+
+ (2) A sentence with a simple subject and a compound predicate;
+ as: "A boy went to the river and took his ball with him." About
+ 8 per cent of all were of this type.
+
+ (3) A complex sentence containing a relative clause (2 per cent
+ only); as: "The boy ran after his ball which was rolling toward
+ the river."
+
+ (4) A compound sentence containing two independent clauses
+ (about 14 per cent); as: "The boy had a ball and he lost it in
+ the river."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ The failures fall into four chief groups:--
+
+ (1) Sentences with three clauses (or else three separate
+ sentences).
+
+ (2) Sentences containing an absurdity.
+
+ (3) Sentences which omit one of the key words.
+
+ (4) Silence, due ordinarily to inability to comprehend the task.
+
+ Group 1 includes 78 per cent of the failures; group 2, about
+ 12 per cent; and group 3 and 4 about 5 per cent each. Samples of
+ group 1 are: "There was a boy, and he bought a ball, and it fell
+ into the river." "I saw a boy, and he had a ball, and he was
+ playing by the river." Illustration of an absurd sentence, "The
+ boy was swimming in the river and he was playing ball."
+
+(b) _Work, money, men_
+
+ _Satisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Sentence with a simple subject and simple predicate
+ (including 75 per cent of 116 satisfactory responses); as: "Men
+ work for their money." "Men get money for their work," etc.
+
+ (2) A complex sentence with a relative clause (12 per cent of
+ correct answers); as: "Men who work earn much money." "It is
+ easy for men to earn money if they are willing to work," etc.
+
+ (3) A compound sentence with two independent, coördinate clauses
+ (13 per cent); as: "Men work and they earn money." "Some men
+ have money and they do not work."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Three clauses; as: "I know a man and he has money, and he
+ works at the store."
+
+ (2) Sentences which are absurd or meaningless; as: "Men work
+ with their money."
+
+ (3) Omission of one of the words.
+
+ (4) Inability to respond.
+
+(c) _Desert, rivers, lakes_
+
+ _Satisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Sentences with a simple subject and a simple predicate
+ (including 84 per cent of 126 correct answers); as: "There are
+ no rivers or lakes in the desert." "The desert has one river and
+ one lake," etc.
+
+ (2) A complex sentence with a relative clause (only 2 per cent);
+ as: "In the desert there was a river which flowed into a lake."
+
+ (3) A compound sentence with two independent, coördinate clauses
+ (11 per cent); as: "We went to the desert, and it had no rivers
+ or lakes."
+
+ (4) A compound, complex sentence (3 per cent of all); as: "There
+ was a desert, and near by there was a river that emptied into a
+ lake."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Sentences with three clauses (40 per cent of all failures);
+ as: "A desert is dry, rivers are long, lakes are rough."
+
+ (2) Sentences containing an absurdity (12 per cent of the
+ failures): as: "a desert is dry, rivers are long, lakes are
+ filled with swimming boys." "The lake went through the desert
+ and the river." "There was a desert and rivers and lakes in the
+ forest." "The desert is full of rivers and lakes."
+
+ (3) Omission of one of the words (40 per cent of the failures).
+
+ (4) Inability to respond (8 per cent).
+
+REMARKS. The test of constructing a sentence containing given words was
+first used by Masselon and is known as "the Masselon experiment."
+Meumann, who used it in a rather extended experiment,[65] finds it a
+good test of intelligence and a reliable index as to the richness,
+definiteness, and maturity of the associative processes. As Meumann
+shows, it is instructive to study the qualitative differences between
+the responses of bright and dull children, apart from questions of
+sentence structure. These differences are especially discernible
+in (a) the logical qualities of the associations, and (b) the
+definiteness of statement. As regards (a), bright children are much
+more likely to use the given words as keystones in the construction of a
+sentence which would be logically suggested by them. For example,
+_donkey_, _blows_, suggest some such sentence as, "The donkey receives
+blows because he is lazy." In like manner we have found that the words
+_work_, _money_, _men_ usually suggest to the more intelligent children
+a sentence like "Men work for their money" (or "because they need
+money," etc.), while the dull child is more likely to give some such
+sentence as "The men have work and they don't have much money." That is,
+the sentence of the dull child, even though correct in structure and
+free enough from outright absurdity to satisfy the standard of scoring
+which we have set forth, is likely to express ideas which are more or
+less nondescript, ideas not logically suggested by the set of words
+given.
+
+[65] "Ueber eine neue Methode der Intelligenzprüfung und über den Wert
+der Kombinationsmethoden," in _Zeitschrift für Pädagogische Psychologie
+und Experimentelle Pädagogik_ (1912), pp. 145-63.
+
+The experiment is one of the many forms of the "completion test," or
+"the combination method." As we have already noted, the power to combine
+more or less separate and isolated elements into a logical whole is one
+of the most essential features of intelligence. The ability to do so in
+a given case depends, in the first place, upon the number and logical
+quality of the associations which have previously been made with each of
+the given elements separately, and in the second place, upon the
+readiness with which these ideational stores yield up the particular
+associations necessary for weaving the given words into some kind of
+unity. The child must pass from what is given to what is not given but
+merely suggested. This requires a certain amount of invention. Scattered
+fragments must be conceived as the skeleton of a thought, and this
+skeleton, or partial skeleton, must be assembled and made whole. The
+task is analogous to that which confronts the palæontologist, who is
+able to reconstruct, with a high degree of certainty, the entire
+skeleton of an extinct animal from the evidence furnished by three or
+four fragments of bones. It is no wonder, therefore, that subjects whose
+ideational stores are scanty, and whose associations are based upon
+accidental rather than logical connections, find the test one of
+peculiar difficulty. Invention thrives in a different soil.
+
+Binet located this test in year X. Goddard and Kuhlmann assign it the
+same location, though their actual statistics agree closely with our
+own. Our procedure makes the test somewhat easier than that of Binet,
+who gave only one trial and used the somewhat more difficult words
+_Paris_, _river_, _fortune_. Others have generally followed the Binet
+procedure, merely substituting for Paris the name of a city better known
+to the subject. Binet's requirement of a written response also makes the
+test harder.
+
+Perhaps the greatest obstacle to uniformity in the use of the test comes
+from the difficulty of scoring, particularly in deciding whether the
+sentence contains enough absurdity to disqualify it, and whether it
+expresses three separate ideas or only two. It is hoped that the rather
+large variety of sample responses which we have given will reduce these
+difficulties to a minimum.
+
+An additional word is necessary in regard to what constitutes an
+absurdity in (b). A sentence like "There are some rivers and lakes in
+the desert" is not an absurdity in certain parts of Western United
+States. In Professor Ordahl's tests at Reno, Nevada, many children whose
+intelligence was altogether above suspicion gave this reply. The
+statement is, indeed, perfectly true for the semi-arid region in the
+vicinity of Reno known as "the desert." On the other hand, such
+sentences as "The desert is full of rivers and lakes," or "There are
+forty rivers and lakes in the desert," can hardly be considered
+satisfactory. Similar difficulties are presented by (c), though not so
+frequently. "Men who work do not have money" expresses, unfortunately,
+more truth than nonsense.
+
+
+IX, 6. FINDING RHYMES
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_You know what a rhyme is, of course. A
+rhyme is a word that sounds like another word. Two words rhyme if they
+end in the same sound. Understand?_" Whether the child says he
+understands or not, we proceed to illustrate what a rhyme is, as
+follows: "_Take the two words 'hat' and 'cat.' They sound alike and so
+they make a rhyme. 'Hat,' 'rat,' 'cat,' 'bat' all rhyme with one
+another._"
+
+That is, we first explain what a rhyme is and then we give an
+illustration. A large majority of American children who have reached the
+age of 9 years understand perfectly what a rhyme is, without any
+illustration. A few, however, think they understand, but do not; and in
+order to insure that all are given equal advantage it is necessary never
+to omit the illustration.
+
+After the illustration say: "_Now, I am going to give you a word and you
+will have one minute to find as many words as you can that rhyme with
+it. The word is 'day.' Name all the words you can think of that rhyme
+with 'day.'_"
+
+If the child fails with the first word, before giving the second we
+repeat the explanation and give sample rhymes for _day_; otherwise we
+proceed without further explanation to _mill_ and _spring_, saying,
+"_Now, you have another minute to name all the words you can think of
+that rhyme with 'mill,'_" etc. Apart from the mention of "one minute"
+say nothing to suggest hurrying, as this tends to throw some children
+into mental confusion.
+
+SCORING. Passed if in _two out of the three_ parts of the experiment the
+child finds _three words_ which rhyme with the word given, the time
+limit for each series being _one minute_. Note that in each case there
+must be three words in addition to the word given. These must be real
+words, not meaningless syllables or made-up words. However, we should be
+liberal enough to accept such words as _ding_ (from "ding-dong ") for
+_spring_, _Jill_ (see "Jack and Jill") for _mill_, _Fay_ (girl's name)
+for _day_, etc.
+
+REMARKS. At first thought it would seem that the demands made by this
+test upon intelligence could not be very great. Sound associations
+between words may be contrasted unfavorably with associations like those
+of cause and effect, part to whole, whole to part, opposites, etc. But
+when we pass from _a-priori_ considerations to an examination of the
+actual data, we find that the giving of rhymes is closely correlated
+with general intelligence.
+
+The 9-year-olds who test at or above 10 years nearly always do well in
+finding rhymes, while 9-year-olds who test as low as 8 years seldom
+pass. When a test thus shows high correlation with the scale as a whole,
+we must either accept the test as valid or reject the scale altogether.
+While the feeble-minded do not do as well in this test as normal
+children of corresponding mental age, the percentage successes for them
+rises rapidly between mental age 8 and mental age 10 or 11.
+
+Closer psychological analysis of the processes involved will show why
+this is true. To find rhymes for a given word means that one must hunt
+out verbal associations under the direction of a guiding idea. Every
+word has innumerable associations and many of these tend, in greater or
+less degree, to be aroused when the stimulus word is given. In order to
+succeed with the test, however, it is necessary to inhibit all
+associations which are not relevant to the desired end. The directing
+idea must be held so firmly in mind that it will really direct the
+thought associations. Besides acting to inhibit the irrelevant, it must
+create a sort of magnetic stress (to borrow a figure from physics) which
+will give dominance to those associative tendencies pointing in the
+right direction. Even the feeble-minded child of imbecile grade has in
+his vocabulary a great many words which rhyme with _day_, _mill_, and
+_spring_. He fails on the test because his verbal associations cannot be
+subjugated to the influence of a directing idea. The end to be attained
+does not dominate consciousness sufficiently to create more than a faint
+stress. Instead of a single magnetic pole there is a conflict of forces.
+The result is either chaos or partial success. _Mill_ may suggest
+_hill_, and then perhaps the directing idea becomes suddenly inoperative
+and the child gives _mountain_, _valley_, or some other irrelevant
+association. The lack of associations, however, is a more frequent cause
+of failure than inability to inhibit the irrelevant.
+
+If any one supposes that finding rhymes does not draw upon the higher
+mental powers, let him try the experiment upon himself in various stages
+of mental efficiency, say at 9 A.M., when mentally refreshed by a good
+night of sleep and again when fatigued and sleepy. Poets questioned by
+Galton on this point all testified to the greater difficulty of finding
+rhymes when mentally fatigued. In this and in many other respects the
+mental activities of the fatigued or sleepy individual approach the type
+of mentation which is normal to the feeble-minded.
+
+It is important to note that adults make a less favorable showing
+in this test than normal children of corresponding mental age,
+Mr. Knollin's "hoboes" of 12-year intelligence doing hardly as well as
+school children of 10-year intelligence. Those who are habitually
+employed in school exercises probably acquire an adeptness in verbal
+associations which is later gradually lost in the preoccupations of real
+life.
+
+There has been more disagreement as to the proper location of this test
+than of any other test of the Binet scale. Binet placed it in year XII
+of the 1908 scale, but shifted it to year XV in 1911. Kuhlmann retains
+it in year XII, while Goddard drops it down to year XI. However, when we
+examine the actual statistics for normal children we do not find very
+marked disagreement, and such disagreement as is present can be largely
+accounted for by variations in procedure and by differing conclusions
+drawn from identical data. In the first place, Binet gave but one trial.
+This, of course, makes the test much harder than when three trials are
+given and only two successes are required. To make one trial equal in
+difficulty to three trials we should perhaps need to demand only two
+rhymes, instead of three, in the one trial. In the second place, the
+word used by Binet (_obeissance_) is much harder than one-syllable words
+like _day_, _mill_, and _spring_. Finally, the wide shift of the test
+from year XII to year XV was not justified by the statistics of Binet
+himself, and the figures of Kuhlmann and Goddard are really in
+exceptionally close agreement with our own, notwithstanding the fact
+that Goddard required three successes instead of two. In four series of
+tests, considered together, we have found 62 per cent passing at
+year IX, 81 per cent at year X, 83 per cent at year XI, and 94 per cent
+at year XII.
+
+
+IX, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING THE MONTHS
+
+PROCEDURE. Simply ask the subject to "_name all the months of the
+year_." Do not start him off by naming one month; give no look of
+approval or disapproval as the months are being named, and make no
+suggestions or comments of any kind.
+
+When the months have been named, we "check up" the performance by
+asking: "_What month comes before April?_" "_What month comes before
+July?_" "_What month comes before November?_"
+
+SCORING. Passed if the months are named in about _fifteen or twenty
+seconds with no more than one error_ of omission, repetition, or
+displacement, and if _two out of the three check questions_ are answered
+correctly. Disregard place of beginning.
+
+REMARKS. Some are inclined to consider this test of little value,
+because of its supposed dependence on accidental training. With this
+opinion we cannot fully agree. The arguments already given in favor of
+the retention of naming the days of the week (year VII), apply equally
+well in the present case. It has been shown, however, that age, apart
+from intelligence, does have some effect on the ability to name the
+months. Defective adults of 9-year intelligence do about as well with it
+as normal children of 10-year intelligence.
+
+The test appears in year X of Binet's 1908 scale and in year IX of the
+1911 revision. Goddard places it correctly in year IX, while Kuhlmann
+and Bobertag have omitted it.
+
+
+IX, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: COUNTING THE VALUE OF STAMPS
+
+PROCEDURE. Place before the subject a cardboard on which are pasted
+three 1-cent and three 2-cent stamps arranged as follows: 111222. Be
+sure to lay the card so that the stamps will be right side up for the
+child. Say: "_You know, of course, how much a stamp like this costs_
+(pointing to a 1-cent stamp). _And you know how much one like this
+costs_ (pointing to a 2-cent stamp). _Now, how much money would it take
+to buy all these stamps?_"
+
+Do not tell the individual values of the stamps if these are not known,
+for it is a part of the test to ascertain whether the child's
+spontaneous curiosity has led him to find out and remember their values.
+If the individual values are known, but the first answer is wrong, a
+second trial may be given. In such cases, however, it is necessary to be
+on guard against guessing.
+
+If the child merely names an incorrect sum without saying anything to
+indicate how he arrived at his answer, it is well to tell him to figure
+it up aloud. "_Tell me how you got it._"
+
+SCORING. Passed if the correct value is given in not over fifteen
+seconds.
+
+REMARKS. The value of this test may be questioned on two grounds: (1)
+That it has an ambiguous significance, since failure to pass it may
+result either from incorrect addition or from lack of knowledge of the
+individual values of the stamps; (2) that familiarity with stamps and
+their values is so much a matter of accident and special instruction
+that the test is not fair.
+
+Both criticisms are in a measure valid. The first, however, applies
+equally well to a great many useful intelligence tests. In fact, it is
+only a minority in which success depends on but one factor. The other
+criticism has less weight than would at first appear. While it is, of
+course, not impossible for an intelligent child to arrive at the age of
+9 years without having had reasonable opportunity to learn the cost of
+the common postage stamps, the fact is that a large majority have had
+the opportunity and that most of those of normal intelligence have taken
+advantage of it. It is necessary once more to emphasize the fact that in
+its method of locating a test the Binet system makes ample allowance for
+"accidental" failures.
+
+Like the tests of naming coins, repeating the names of the days of the
+week or the months of the year, giving the date, tying a bow-knot,
+distinguishing right and left, naming the colors, etc., this one also
+throws light on the child's spontaneous interest in common objects. It
+is mainly the children of deficient intellectual curiosity who do not
+take the trouble to learn these things at somewhere near the expected
+age.
+
+The test was located in year VIII of the Binet scale. However, Binet
+used coins, three single and three double sous. Since we do not have
+either a half-cent or a 2-cent coin, it has been necessary to substitute
+postage stamps. This changes the nature of the test and makes it much
+harder. It becomes less a test of ability to do a simple sum, and more a
+test of knowledge as to the value of the stamps used. That the test is
+easy enough for year VIII when it can be given in the original form is
+indicated by all the French, German, and English statistics available,
+but four separate series of Stanford tests agree in finding it too hard
+for year VIII when stamps are substituted and the test is carried out
+according to the procedure described above.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR X
+
+
+X, 1. VOCABULARY (THIRTY DEFINITIONS, 5400 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE AND SCORING AS IN VIII, 6. At year X, thirty words should be
+correctly defined.
+
+
+X, 2. DETECTING ABSURDITIES
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_I am going to read a sentence which has
+something foolish in it, some nonsense. I want you to listen carefully
+and tell me what is foolish about it._" Then read the sentences, rather
+slowly and in a matter-of-fact voice, saying after each: "_What is
+foolish about that?_" The sentences used are the following:--
+
+ (a) "_A man said: 'I know a road from my house to the city which
+ is downhill all the way to the city and downhill all the way
+ back home.'_"
+ (b) "_An engineer said that the more cars he had on his train the
+ faster he could go._"
+ (c) "_Yesterday the police found the body of a girl cut into
+ eighteen pieces. They believe that she killed herself._"
+ (d) "_There was a railroad accident yesterday, but it was not very
+ serious. Only forty-eight people were killed._"
+ (e) "_A bicycle rider, being thrown from his bicycle in an
+ accident, struck his head against a stone and was instantly
+ killed. They picked him up and carried him to the hospital,
+ and they do not think he will get well again._"
+
+Each should ordinarily be answered within thirty seconds. If the child
+is silent, the sentence should be repeated; but no other questions or
+suggestions of any kind are permissible. Such questions as "_Could the
+road be downhill both ways?_" or, "_Do you think the girl could have
+killed herself?_" would, of course, put the answer in the child's mouth.
+It is even best to avoid laughing as the sentence is read.
+
+Owing to the child's limited power of expression it is not always easy
+to judge from the answer given whether the absurdity has really been
+detected or not. In such cases ask him to explain himself, using some
+such formula as: "_I am not sure I know what you mean. Explain what you
+mean. Tell me what is foolish in the sentence I read._" This usually
+brings a reply the correctness or incorrectness of which is more
+apparent, while at the same time the formula is so general that it
+affords no hint as to the correct answer. Additional questions must be
+used with extreme caution.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the absurdity is detected in _four out of the five_
+statements. The following are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+answers:--
+
+(a) _The road downhill_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "If it was downhill to the city it would be
+ uphill coming back." "It can't be downhill both directions."
+ "That could not be." "That is foolish. (Explain.) Because it
+ must be uphill one way or the other." "That would be a funny
+ road. (Explain.) No road can be like that. It can't be downhill
+ both ways."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Perhaps he took a little different road
+ coming back." "I guess it is a very crooked road." "Coming back
+ he goes around the hill." "The man lives down in a valley." "The
+ road was made that way so it would be easy." "Just a road. I
+ don't see anything foolish." "He should say, 'a road which
+ goes.'"
+
+(b) _What the engineer said_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "If he has more cars he will go slower." "It is
+ the other way. If he wants to go faster he mustn't have so many
+ cars." "The man didn't mean what he said, or else it was a slip
+ of the tongue." "That's the way it would be if he was going
+ downhill." "Foolish, because the cars don't help pull the
+ train." "He ought to say _slower_, not _faster_."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A long train is nicer." "The engine pulls
+ harder if the train has lots of cars." "That's all right. I
+ suppose he likes a big train." "Nothing foolish; when I went to
+ the city I saw a train that had lots of cars and it was going
+ awfully fast." "He should have said, 'the faster I can _run_.'"
+
+(c) _The girl who was thought to have killed herself_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "She could not have cut herself into eighteen
+ pieces." "She would have been dead before that." "She might have
+ cut two or three pieces off, but she couldn't do the rest."
+ (Laughing) "Well, she may have killed herself; but if she did
+ it's a sure thing that some one else came along after and
+ chopped her up." "That policeman must have been a fool.
+ (Explain.) To think that she could chop herself into eighteen
+ pieces."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "_Think_ that she killed herself; they _know_
+ she did." "They can't be sure. Some one may have killed her."
+ "It was a foolish girl to kill herself." "How can they tell who
+ killed her?" "No girl would kill herself unless she was crazy."
+ "It ought to read: 'They think that she committed suicide.'"
+
+(d) _The railroad accident_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "That was very serious." "I should like to know
+ what you would call a serious accident!" "You could say it was
+ not serious if two or three people were killed, but
+ forty-eight,--that is serious."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "It was a foolish mistake that made the
+ accident." "They couldn't help it. It was an accident." "It
+ might have been worse." "Nothing foolish; it's just sad."
+
+(e) _The bicycle rider_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "How could he get well after he was already
+ killed?" "Why, he's already dead." "No use to take a dead man to
+ the hospital." "They ought to have taken him to a grave-yard!"
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Foolish to fall off of a bicycle. He should
+ have known how to ride." "They ought to have carried him home.
+ (Why?) So his folks could get a doctor." "He should have been
+ more careful." "Maybe they can cure him if he isn't hurt very
+ bad." "There's nothing foolish in that."
+
+REMARKS. The detection of absurdities is one of the most ingenious and
+serviceable tests of the entire scale. It is little influenced by
+schooling, and it comes nearer than any other to being a test of
+that species of mother-wit which we call common sense. Like the
+"comprehension questions," it may be called a test of judgment, using
+this term in the colloquial and not in the logical sense. The stupid
+person, whether depicted in literature, proverb, or the ephemeral joke
+column, is always (and justly, it would seem) characterized by a huge
+tolerance for absurd contradictions and by a blunt sensitivity for the
+fine points of a joke. Intellectual discrimination and judgment are
+inferior. The ideas do not cross-light each other, but remain relatively
+isolated. Hence, the most absurd contradictions are swallowed, so to
+speak, without arousing the protest of the critical faculty. The latter,
+indeed, is only a name for the tendency of intellectually irreconcilable
+elements to clash. If there is no clash, if the elements remain apart,
+it goes without saying that there will be no power of criticism.
+
+The critical faculty begins its development in the early years and
+strengthens _pari passu_ with the growing wealth of inter-associations
+among ideas; but in the average child it is not until the age of about
+10 years that it becomes equal to tasks like those presented in this
+test. Eight-year intelligence hardly ever scores more than two or three
+correct answers out of five. By 12, the critical ability has so far
+developed that the test is nearly always passed. It is an invaluable
+test for the higher grades of mental deficiency.
+
+As a test of the critical powers Binet first used "trap questions"; as,
+for example, "Is snow red or black?" The results were disappointing, for
+it was found that owing to timidity, deference, and suggestibility
+normal children often failed on such questions. Deference is more marked
+in normal than in feeble-minded children, and it is because of the
+influence of this trait that it is necessary always to forewarn the
+subject that the sentence to be given contains nonsense.
+
+Binet located the test in year XI of the 1908 scale, but changed it to
+year X in 1911. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in year XI. The large
+majority of the statistics, including those of Goddard and Kuhlmann,
+warrant the location of the test in year X. Not all have used the same
+absurdities, and these have not been worded uniformly. Most have
+required three successes out of five, but Bobertag and Kuhlmann require
+three out of four; Bobertag's procedure is also different in that he
+does not forewarn the child that an absurdity is to follow.
+
+The present form of the test is the result of three successive
+refinements. It will be noted that we have made two substitutions in
+Binet's list of absurdities. Those omitted from the original scale are:
+"_I have three brothers--Paul, Ernest, and myself_," and, "_If I were
+going to commit suicide I would not choose Friday, because Friday is an
+unlucky day and would bring me misfortune._" The last has a puzzling
+feature which makes it much too hard for year X, and the other is
+objectionable with children who are accustomed to hear a foreign
+language in which the form of expression used in the absurdity is
+idiomatically correct.
+
+The two we have substituted for these objectionable absurdities are,
+"The road downhill" and "What the engineer said." The five we have
+used, though of nearly equal difficulty, are here listed in the order
+from easiest to hardest. Our series as a whole is slightly easier than
+Binet's.
+
+
+X, 3. DRAWING DESIGNS FROM MEMORY
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the designs shown on the accompanying printed form. If
+copies are used they must be exact in size and shape. Before showing the
+card say: "_This card has two drawings on it. I am going to show them to
+you for ten seconds, then I will take the card away and let you draw
+from memory what you have seen. Examine both drawings carefully and
+remember that you have only ten seconds._"
+
+Provide pencil and paper and then show the card for ten seconds, holding
+it at right angles to the child's line of vision and with the designs in
+the position given in the plate. Have the child draw the designs
+immediately after they are removed from sight.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _one of the designs is reproduced
+correctly and the other about half correctly_. "Correctly" means that
+the _essential plan_ of the design has been grasped and reproduced.
+Ordinary irregularities due to lack of motor skill or to hasty execution
+are disregarded. "Half correctly" means that some essential part of the
+design has been omitted or misplaced, or that parts have been added.
+
+The sample reproductions shown on the scoring card will serve as a
+guide. It will be noted that an inverted design, or one whose right and
+left sides have been transposed, is counted only half correct, however
+perfect it many be in other respects; also that design _b_ is counted
+only half correct if the inner rectangle is not located off center.
+
+REMARKS. Binet states that the main factors involved in success are
+"attention, visual memory, and a little analysis." The power of rapid
+analysis would seem to be the most important, for if the designs are
+analyzed they may be reproduced from a verbal memory of the analysis.
+Without some analysis it would hardly be possible to remember the
+designs at all, as one of them contains thirteen lines and the other
+twelve. The memory span for unrelated objects is far too limited to
+permit us to grasp and retain that number of unrelated impressions.
+Success is possible only by grouping the lines according to their
+relationships, so that several of them are given a unitary value and
+remembered as one. In this manner, the design to the right, which is
+composed of twelve lines, may be reduced to four elements: (1) The outer
+rectangle; (2) the inner rectangle; (3) the off-center position of the
+inner rectangle; and (4) the joining of the angles. Of course the child
+does not ordinarily make an analysis as explicit as this; but analysis
+of some kind, even though it be unconscious, is necessary to success.
+
+Ability to pass the test indicates the presence, in a certain definite
+amount, of the tendency for the contents of consciousness to fuse into a
+meaningful whole. Failure indicates that the elements have maintained
+their unitary character or have fused inadequately. It is seen,
+therefore, that the test has a close kinship with the test of memory for
+sentences. The latter, also, permits the fusion or grouping of
+impressions according to meaning, with the result that five or six times
+as many meaningful syllables as nonsense syllables or digits can be
+retained.
+
+Binet had many more failures on design _a_ than on design _b_. This was
+probably due to the fact that he showed the designs with our _b_ to the
+left. A majority of subjects, probably because of the influence of
+reading habits, examine first the figure to the left, and because of the
+short time allowed for the inspection are unable to devote much time to
+the design at the right. We have placed the design of greater intrinsic
+difficulty at the left, with the result that the failures are almost
+equally divided between the two.
+
+Binet used this test in his unstandardized series of 1905, omitted it in
+1908, but included it in the 1911 revision, locating it in year X.
+Except for Goddard, who recommends year XI, there is rather general
+agreement that the test belongs at year X. Our own data show that it may
+be placed either at year X or year XI, according as the grading is rigid
+or lenient.
+
+
+X, 4. READING FOR EIGHT MEMORIES
+
+MATERIAL. We use Binet's selection, slightly adapted, as follows:--
+
+ _New York, September 5th. A fire last night burned three houses
+ near the center of the city. It took some time to put it out.
+ The loss was fifty thousand dollars, and seventeen families lost
+ their homes. In saving a girl, who was asleep in a bed, a
+ fireman was burned on the hands._
+
+The copy of the selection used by the subject should be printed in heavy
+type and should not contain the bars dividing it into memories. The
+Stanford record booklet contains the selection in two forms, one
+suitable for use in scoring, the other in heavy type to be read by the
+subject.
+
+PROCEDURE. Hand the selection to the subject, who should be seated
+comfortably in a good light, and say: "_I want you to read this for me
+as nicely as you can._" The subject must read aloud.
+
+Pronounce all the words which the subject is unable to make out, not
+allowing more than five seconds' hesitation in such a case.
+
+Record all errors made in reading the selection, and the exact time. By
+"error" is meant the omission, substitution, transposition, or
+mispronunciation of one word.
+
+The subject is not warned in advance that he will be asked to report
+what he has read, but as soon as he has finished reading, put the
+selection out of sight and say: "_Very well done. Now, I want you to
+tell me what you read. Begin at the first and tell everything you can
+remember._" After the subject has repeated everything he can recall and
+has stopped, say: "_And what else? Can you remember any more of it?_"
+Give no other aid of any kind. It is of course not permissible, when the
+child stops, to prompt him with such questions as, "_And what next?
+Where were the houses burned? What happened to the fireman?_" etc. The
+report must be spontaneous.
+
+Now and then, though not often, a subject hesitates or even refuses to
+try, saying he is unable to do it. Perhaps he has misunderstood the
+request and thinks he is expected to repeat the selection word for word,
+as in the tests of memory for sentences. We urge a little and repeat:
+"_Tell me in your own words all you can remember of it._" Others
+misunderstand in a different way, and thinking they are expected to tell
+merely what the story is about, they say: "It was about some houses that
+burned." In such cases we repeat the instructions with special emphasis
+on the words _all you can remember_.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if the selection is read in thirty-five
+seconds with not more than two errors, and if the report contains at
+least eight "memories."_ By underscoring the memories correctly
+reproduced, and by interlineations to show serious departures from the
+text, the record can be made complete with a minimum of trouble.
+
+The main difficulty in scoring is to decide whether a memory has been
+reproduced correctly enough to be counted. Absolutely literal
+reproduction is not expected. The rule is to count all memories whose
+thought is reproduced with only minor changes in the wording. "It took
+quite a while" instead of "it took some time" is satisfactory; likewise,
+"got burnt" for "was burned"; "who was sleeping" for "who was asleep";
+"are homeless" for "lost their homes"; "in the middle" for "near the
+center"; "a big fire" for "a fire," etc.
+
+Memories as badly mutilated as the following, however, are not counted:
+"A lot of buildings" for "three houses;" "a man" for "a fireman"; "who
+was sick" for "who was asleep"; etc. Occasionally we may give half
+credit, as in the case of "was seventeen thousand dollars" for "was
+fifty thousand dollars"; "and fifteen families" for "and seventeen
+families," etc.
+
+REMARKS. Are we warranted in using at all as a measure of intelligence a
+test which depends as much on instruction as this one does? Many are
+inclined to answer this question in the negative. The test has been
+omitted from the revisions of Goddard, Kuhlmann, and Binet himself. As
+regards Binet's earlier test of reading for two memories, in year VIII,
+there could hardly be any difference of opinion. The ability to read at
+that age depends so much on the accident of environment that the test is
+meaningless unless we know all about the conditions which have
+surrounded the child.
+
+The use of the test in year X, however, is a very different matter.
+There are comparatively few children of that age who will fail to pass
+it for lack of the requisite school instruction. Children of 10 years
+who have attended school with reasonable regularity for three years are
+practically always able to read the selection in thirty-five seconds and
+without over two mistakes unless they are retarded almost to the
+border-line of mental deficiency. Of our 10-year-olds who failed to meet
+the test, only a fourth did so because of inability to meet the reading
+requirements as regards time or mistakes. The remaining failures were
+caused by inadequate report, and most of these subjects were of the
+distinctly retarded group.
+
+We may conclude, therefore, that given anything approaching normal
+educational advantages, the test is really a measure of intelligence.
+Used with due caution, it is perhaps as valuable as any other test in
+the scale. It is only necessary, in case of failure, to ascertain the
+facts regarding the child's educational opportunities. Even this
+precaution is superfluous in case the subject tests as low as 8 years by
+the remainder of the scale. A safe rule is to omit the test from the
+calculation of mental age if the subject has not attended school the
+equivalent of two or three years.
+
+It has been contended by some that tests in which success depends upon
+language mastery cannot be real tests of intelligence. By such critics
+language tests have been set over against intelligence tests as
+contrasting opposites. It is easy to show, however, that this view is
+superficial and psychologically unsound. Every one who has an
+acquaintance with the facts of mental growth knows that language mastery
+of some degree is the _sine qua non_ of conceptual thinking. Language
+growth, in fact, mirrors the entire mental development. There are few
+more reliable indications of a subject's stage of intellectual maturity
+than his mastery of language.
+
+The rate of reading, for example, is a measure of the rate of
+association. Letters become associated together in certain combinations
+making words, words into word groups and sentences. Recognition is for
+the most part an associative process. Rapid and accurate association
+will mean ready recognition of the printed form. Since language units
+(whether letters, words, or word groups) have more or less preferred
+associations according to their habitual arrangement into larger units,
+it comes about that in the normal mind under normal conditions these
+preferred sequences arouse the apperceptive complex necessary to make a
+running recognition rapid and easy. It is reasonable to suppose that in
+the subnormal mind the habitual common associations are less firmly
+fixed, thus diminishing the effectiveness of the ever-changing
+apperceptive expectancy. Reading is, therefore, largely dependent on
+what James calls the "fringe of consciousness" and the "consciousness of
+meaning." In reading connected matter, every unit is big with a mass of
+tendencies. The smaller and more isolated the unit, the greater is the
+number of possibilities. Every added unit acts as a modifier limiting
+the number of tendencies, until we have finally, in case of a large
+mental unit, a fairly manageable whole. When the most logical and
+suitable of these associations arise easily from subconsciousness to
+consciousness, recognition is made easy, and their doing so will depend
+on whether the habitual relations of the elements have left permanent
+traces in the mind.
+
+The reading of the subnormal subject bears a close analogy to the
+reading of nonsense matter by the normal person. It has been ascertained
+by experiment that such reading requires about twice as much time as the
+reading of connected matter. This is true for the reason that out of
+thousands of associations possible with each word, no particular
+association is favored. The apperceptive expectancy, practically _nil_
+in the reading of nonsense material, must be decidedly deficient in all
+poor reading.
+
+Furthermore, in the case of the ordinary reader there is a feeling of
+rightness or wrongness about the thought sequences. That less
+intelligent subjects have this sense of fitness to a much less degree is
+evidenced by their passing over words so mutilated in pronunciation as
+to deprive them of all meaning. The transposition of letters and words,
+and the failure to observe marks of punctuation, point to the same
+thing. In other words, all the reading of the stupid subject is with
+material which to him is more or less nonsensical.[66]
+
+[66] See "Genius and Stupidity," by Lewis M. Terman, in _Pedagogical
+Seminary_, September, 1906, p. 340 _ff._
+
+A little observation will convince one that mentally retarded subjects,
+even when they possess a reasonable degree of fluency in recognizing
+printed words, do not sense shades of meaning. Their reading is by small
+units. Words and phrases do not fuse into one mental content, but remain
+relatively unconnected. The expression is monotonous and the voice has
+more of the unnatural "schoolroom" pitch. They read more slowly, more
+often misplace the emphasis, and miscall more words. In short, one who
+has psychological insight and is acquainted with reading standards can
+easily detect the symptoms of intellectual inferiority by hearing a dull
+subject read a brief selection.
+
+The giving of memories is also significant. Feeble-minded adults who
+have been well schooled are sometimes able to read the words of the text
+fairly fluently, but are usually unable to give more than a scanty
+report of what has been read. The scope of attention has been exhausted
+in the mere recognition and pronouncing of words. In general, the
+greater the mechanical difficulties which a subject encounters, the less
+adequate is his report of memories.
+
+The test has, however, one real fault. School children have a certain
+advantage in it over older persons _of the same mental age_ whose school
+experience is less recent. Adult subjects tend to give their report in
+less literal form. It is necessary, therefore, to give credit for the
+reproduction of the ideas of the passage rather than for strictly
+literal "memories."
+
+The selection we have used is, with minor changes, the same as Binet's.
+His selection was divided into nineteen memories. The one here given has
+twenty-one memories. Binet used the test both in year VIII and year IX,
+requiring two memories at year VIII and six memories at year IX. When we
+require eight memories, as we have done, the test becomes difficult
+enough for non-selected school children of 10 years. Location in year X
+seems preferable, because it insures that the child will almost
+certainly have had the schooling requisite for learning to read a
+selection of this difficulty, even if he has started to school at a
+later age than is customary. Naturally, placing the test higher in the
+scale makes it more a test of report and less a test of ability to
+recognize and pronounce printed words.
+
+
+X, 5. COMPREHENSION, FOURTH DEGREE
+
+The questions for this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_What ought you to say when some one asks your opinion
+ about a person you don't know very well?_"
+ (b) "_What ought you to do before undertaking (beginning)
+ something very important?_"
+ (c) "_Why should we judge a person more by his actions than by
+ his words?_"
+
+The PROCEDURE is the same as for the previous comprehension tests. Each
+question may be repeated, but its form must not be changed. It is not
+permissible to make any explanation whatever as to the meaning of the
+question, except to substitute _beginning_ for _undertaking_ when (b)
+seems not to be comprehended.
+
+SCORING. _Two out of the three_ questions must be answered
+satisfactorily. Study of the following classified responses should make
+scoring fairly easy in most cases:--
+
+(a) _When some one asks your opinion_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "I would say I don't know him very well"
+ (42 per cent of the correct answers). "Tell him what I know and
+ no more" (34 per cent of correct answers). "I would say that I'd
+ rather not express any opinion about him" (20 per cent of the
+ correct answers). "Tell him to ask some one else." "I would not
+ express any opinion."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ Unsatisfactory responses are due either to
+ failure to grasp the import of the question, or to inability to
+ suggest the appropriate action demanded by the situation.
+
+ The latter form of failure is the more common; e.g.: "I'd say
+ they are nice." "Say you like them." "Say what I think." "Say
+ it's none of their business." "Tell them I mind my own
+ business." "Say I would get acquainted with them." "Say that I
+ don't talk about people." "Say I didn't know how he looked."
+ "Tell them you ought not to say such things; you might get into
+ trouble." "I wouldn't say anything." "I would try to answer."
+ "Say I did not know his name," etc.
+
+ The following are samples of failure due to mistaking the import
+ of the question: "I'd say, 'How do you do?'" "Say,'I'm glad to
+ meet you.'"
+
+(b) _Before undertaking something important_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ fall into the following classes:--
+ (1) Brief statement of preliminary consideration; as: "Think
+ about it." "Look it over." "Plan it all out." "Make your
+ plans." "Stop and think," etc.
+ (2) Special emphasis on preliminary preparation and correct
+ procedure; as: "Find out the best way to do it." "Find out
+ what it is." "Get everything ready." "Do every little thing
+ that would help you." "Get all the details you can." "Take
+ your time and figure it out," etc.
+ (3) Asking help; as: "Ask some one to help you who knows all
+ about it." "Pray, if you are a Christian." "Ask advice,"
+ etc.
+ (4) Preliminary testing of ability, self-analysis, etc.; as:
+ "Try something easier first." "Practice and make sure I
+ could do it." "Learn how to do it," etc.
+ (5) Consider the wisdom or propriety of doing it: "Think whether
+ it would be best to do it." "See whether it would be
+ possible."
+
+ About 65 per cent of the correct responses belong either to
+ group (1) or (2), about 20 per cent to group (3), and most of
+ the remainder to group (4).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory responses_ are of the following types:--
+ (1) Due to mistaking the import of the question; e.g.: "Ask for
+ it." "Ought to say please." "Ask whose it is." Replies of
+ this kind can be nearly all eliminated by repeating the
+ question, using _beginning_ instead of _undertaking_.
+ (2) Replies more or less absurd or irrelevant; as: "Promise to
+ do your best." "Wash your face and hands." "Get a lot of
+ insurance." "Dress up and take a walk." "Tell your name."
+ "Know whether it's correct." "Begin at the beginning." "Say
+ you will do it." "See if it's a fake." "Go to school a long
+ time." "Pass an examination." "Do what is right." "Add up
+ and see how much it will cost." "Say I would do it." "Just
+ start doing it." "Go away." "Consult a doctor." "See if you
+ have time," etc.
+
+(c) _Why we should judge a person more by his actions than by his words_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ fall into the following classes:--
+ (1) Words and deeds both mentioned and contrasted in
+ reliability; as: "Actions speak louder than words" (this in
+ 8 per cent of successes). "You can tell more by his actions
+ than by his words." "He might talk nice and do bad things."
+ "Sometimes people say things and don't do them." "It's not
+ what you say but what you do that counts." "Talk is cheap;
+ when he does a thing you can believe it." "People don't do
+ everything they say." "A man might steal but talk like a
+ nice man." Over 45 per cent of all correct responses belong
+ to group (1).
+ (2) Acts stressed without mention of words; as: "You can tell by
+ his actions whether he is good or not." "If he _acts_ nice
+ he _is_ nice." "Actions show for themselves." Group (2)
+ contains about 25 per cent of the correct responses.
+ (3) Emphasis on unreliability of words; as: "You can't tell by
+ his words, he might lie or boast." "Because you can't always
+ believe what people say." (Group (3) contains 15 per cent of
+ the correct responses.)
+ (4) Responses which state that a man's deeds are sometimes
+ better than his words; as: "He might talk ugly and still not
+ do bad things." "Some really kind-hearted people scold and
+ swear." "A man's words may be worse than his deeds," etc.
+ Group (4) contains over 10 per cent of the correct
+ responses.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory responses_ are usually due to inability to
+ comprehend the meaning of the question. If there is a complete
+ lack of comprehension the result is either silence or a totally
+ irrelevant response. If there is partial comprehension of the
+ question the response may be partially relevant, but fail to
+ make the expected distinction.
+
+ The following are sample failures: "You could tell by his words
+ that he was educated." "It shows he is polite if he acts nice."
+ "Sometimes people aren't polite." "Actions show who he might
+ be." "Acts may be foolish." "Words ain't right." "A man might be
+ dumb." "A fellow don't know what he says." "Some people can
+ talk, but don't have control of themselves." "You can tell by
+ his acts whether he goes with bad people." "If he doesn't act
+ right you know he won't talk right." "Actions show if he has
+ manners." "Might get embarrassed and not talk good." "He may not
+ know how to express his thoughts." "He might be a rich man but a
+ poor talker." "He might say the wrong thing and afterwards be
+ sorry for it," etc. (The last four are nearer correct than the
+ others, but they fall just short of expressing the essential
+ contrast.)
+
+REMARKS. For discussion of the comprehension questions as a test of
+intelligence, see page 158.
+
+Binet used eight questions, three "easy" and five "difficult," and
+required that five out of eight be answered correctly in year X. The
+eight were as follows:--
+
+ (1) What to do when you have missed your train.
+ (2) When you have been struck by a playmate, etc.
+ (3) When you have broken something, etc.
+ (4) When about to be late for school.
+ (5) When about to undertake something important.
+ (6) Why excuse a bad act committed in anger more readily than a bad
+ act committed without anger.
+ (7) What to do if some one asks your opinion, etc.
+ (8) Why can you judge a person better by his actions, etc.
+
+As we have shown, questions 1, 2, 3, and 4 are much too easy for year X.
+Question 6 is hard enough for year XII. We have omitted it because it
+was not needed and is not entirely satisfactory.
+
+
+X, 6. NAMING SIXTY WORDS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_Now, I want to see how many different words you can
+name in three minutes. When I say ready, you must begin and name the
+words as fast as you can, and I will count them. Do you understand? Be
+sure to do your very best, and remember that just any words will do,
+like 'clouds,' 'dog,' 'chair,' 'happy'--Ready; go ahead!_"
+
+The instructions may be repeated if the subject does not understand what
+is wanted. As a rule the task is comprehended instantly and entered into
+with great zest.
+
+Do not stare at the child, and do not say anything as the test proceeds
+unless there is a pause of fifteen seconds. In this event say: "_Go
+ahead, as fast as you can. Any words will do._" Repeat this urging after
+every pause of fifteen seconds.
+
+Some subjects, usually rather intelligent ones, hit upon the device of
+counting or putting words together in sentences. We then break in with:
+"_Counting_ (or _sentences_, as the case may be) _not allowed. You must
+name separate words. Go ahead._"
+
+Record the individual words if possible, and mark the end of each
+half-minute. If the words are named so rapidly that they cannot be taken
+down, it is easy to keep the count by making a pencil stroke for each
+word. If the latter method is employed, repeated words may be indicated
+by making a cross instead of a single stroke. Always make record of
+repetitions.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _sixty_ words, exclusive of repetitions,
+are named in three minutes. It is not allowable to accept twenty words
+in one minute or forty words in two minutes as an equivalent of the
+expected score. Only real words are counted.
+
+REMARKS. Scoring, as we have seen, takes account only of the number of
+words. It is instructive, however, to note the kind of words given. Some
+subjects, more often those of the 8- or 9-year intelligence level, give
+mainly isolated, detached words. As well stated by Binet, "Little
+children exhaust an idea in naming it. They say, for example, _hat_, and
+then pass on to another word without noticing that hats differ in color,
+in form, have various parts, different uses and accessories, and that in
+enumerating all these they could find a large number of words."
+
+Others quickly take advantage of such relationships and name many parts
+of an object before leaving it, or name a number of other objects
+belonging to the same class. _Hat_, for example, suggests _cap_, _hood_,
+_coat_, _shirt_, _shoes_, _stockings_, etc. _Pencil_ suggests _book_,
+_slate_, _paper_, _desk_, _ink_, _map_, _school-yard_, _teacher_, etc.
+Responses of this type may be made up of ten or a dozen plainly distinct
+word groups.
+
+Another type of response consists in naming only objects present, or
+words which present objects immediately suggest. It is unfortunate that
+this occurs, since rooms in which testing is done vary so much with
+respect to furnishings. The subject who chooses this method is obviously
+handicapped if the room is relatively bare. One way to avoid this
+influence is to have all subjects name the words with eyes closed, but
+the distraction thus caused is sometimes rather disturbing. It is
+perhaps best for the present to adhere to the original procedure, and to
+follow the rule of making tests in a room containing few furnishings in
+addition to the necessary table and chairs.
+
+A fourth type of response is that including a large proportion of
+unusual or abstract words. This is the best of all, and is hardly ever
+found except with subjects who are above the 11-year intelligence level.
+
+It goes without saying that a response need not belong entirely to any
+one of the above types. Most responses, in fact, are characterized by a
+mixture of two or three of the types, one of them perhaps being
+dominant.
+
+Though not without its shortcomings, the test is interesting and
+valuable. Success in it does not, as one might suppose, depend solely
+upon the size of the vocabulary. Even 8-year-olds ordinarily know the
+meaning of more than 3000 words, and by 10 years the vocabulary usually
+exceeds 5000 words, or eighty times as many as the child is expected to
+name in three minutes. The main factors in success are two, (1) richness
+and variety of previously made associations with common words; and (2)
+the readiness of these associations to reinstate themselves. The young
+or the retarded subject fishes in the ocean of his vocabulary with a
+single hook, so to speak. He brings up each time only one word. The
+subject endowed with superior intelligence employs a net (the idea of a
+class, for example) and brings up a half-dozen words or more. The latter
+accomplishes a greater amount and with less effort; but it requires
+intelligence and will power to avoid wasting time with detached words.
+
+One is again and again astonished at the poverty of associations which
+this test discloses with retarded subjects. For twenty or thirty seconds
+such children may be unable to think of a single word. It would be
+interesting if at such periods we could get a glimpse into the subject's
+consciousness. There must be some kind of mental content, but it seems
+too vague to be crystallized in words. The ready association of thoughts
+with definite words connotes a relatively high degree of intellectual
+advancement. Language forms are the short-hand of thought; without
+facile command of language, thinking is vague, clumsy, and ineffective.
+Conversely, vague mental content entails language shortage.
+
+Occasionally a child of 11- or 12-year intelligence will make a poor
+showing in this test. When this happens it is usually due either to
+excessive embarrassment or to a strange persistence in running down all
+the words of a given class before launching out upon a new series.
+Occasionally, too, an intelligent subject wastes time in thinking up a
+beautiful list of big or unusual words. As stated by Bobertag, success
+is favored by a certain amount of "intellectual nonchalance," a
+willingness to ignore sense and a readiness to break away from a train
+of associations as soon as the "point of diminishing returns" has been
+reached. This doubtless explains why adults sometimes make such a
+surprisingly poor showing in the test. They have less "intellectual
+nonchalance" than children, are less willing to subordinate such
+considerations as completeness and logical connection to the demands of
+speed. Knollin's unemployed men of 12- to 13-year intelligence succeeded
+no better than school children of the 10-year level.
+
+We do not believe, however, that this fault is serious enough to warrant
+the elimination of the test. The fact is that in a large majority of
+cases the score which it yields agrees fairly closely with the result of
+the scale as a whole. Subjects more than a year or two below the mental
+age of 10 years seldom succeed. Those more than a year or two above the
+10-year level seldom fail.
+
+There is another reason why the test should be retained, it often has
+significance beyond that which appears in the mere number of words
+given. The naming of unusual and abstract words is an instance of this.
+An unusually large number of repetitions has symptomatic significance
+in the other direction. It indicates a tendency to mental stereotypy, so
+frequently encountered in testing the feeble-minded. The proportion of
+repetitions made by normal children of the 10- or 11-year intelligence
+level rarely exceeds 2 or 3 per cent of the total number of words named;
+those of older retarded children of the same level occasionally reach
+6 or 8 per cent.
+
+It is conceivable, of course, that a more satisfactory test of this
+general nature could be devised; such, for example, as having the
+subject name all the words he can of a given class (four-footed animals,
+things to eat, articles of household furniture, trees, birds, etc.). The
+main objection to this form of the test is that the performance would in
+all probability be more influenced by environment and formal instruction
+than is the case with the test of naming sixty words.
+
+One other matter remains to be mentioned; namely, the relative number of
+words named in the half-minute periods. As would be expected, the rate
+of naming words decreases as the test proceeds. In the case of the
+10-year-olds, we find the average number of words for the six successive
+half-minutes to be as follows:--
+
+ 18, 12½, 10½, 9, 8½, 7.
+
+Some subjects maintain an almost constant rate throughout the test,
+others rapidly exhaust themselves, while a very few make a bad beginning
+and improve as they go. As a rule it is only the very intelligent who
+improve after the first half-minute. On the other hand, mentally
+retarded subjects and very young normals exhaust themselves so quickly
+that only a few words are named in the last minute.
+
+Binet first located this test in year XI, but shifted it to year XII in
+1911. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in year XI, though Goddard's
+statistics suggest year X as the proper location, and Kuhlmann's even
+suggest year IX. Kuhlmann, however, accepts fifty words as satisfactory
+in case the response contains a considerable proportion of abstract or
+unusual words. All the American statistics except Rowe's agree in
+showing that the test is easy enough for year X.
+
+
+X, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: REPEATING SIX DIGITS
+
+The digit series used are 3-7-4-8-5-9; and 5-2-1-7-4-6.
+
+The PROCEDURE and SCORING are the same as in VII, 3, except that only
+two trials are given, one of which must be correct. The test is somewhat
+too easy for year 10 when three trials are given.
+
+The test of repeating six digits did not appear in the Binet scale and
+seems not to have been standardized until inserted in the Stanford
+series.
+
+
+X, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: REPEATING TWENTY TO TWENTY-TWO SYLLABLES
+
+The sentences for this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_The apple tree makes a cool, pleasant shade on the ground
+ where the children are playing._"
+ (b) "_It is nearly half-past one o'clock; the house is very
+ quiet and the cat has gone to sleep._"
+ (c) "_In summer the days are very warm and fine; in winter it
+ snows and I am cold._"
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING exactly as in VI, 6.
+
+REMARKS. It is interesting to note that five years of mental growth are
+required to pass from the ability to repeat sixteen or eighteen
+syllables (year VI) to the ability to repeat twenty or twenty-two
+syllables. Similarly in memory for digits. Five digits are almost as
+easy at year VII as six at year X. Two explanations are available: (1)
+The increased difficulty may be accounted for by a relatively slow
+growth of memory power after the age of 6 or 7 years; or (2) the
+increase in difficulty may be real, expressing an inner law as to the
+behavior of the memory span in dealing with material of increasing
+length. Both factors are probably involved.
+
+This is another of the Stanford additions to the scale. Average children
+of 10 years ordinarily pass it, but older, retarded children of 10-year
+mental age make a poorer showing. In the case of mentally retarded
+adults, especially, the verbal memory is less exact than that of school
+children of the same mental age.
+
+
+X, ALTERNATIVE TEST 3: CONSTRUCTION PUZZLE A (HEALY AND FERNALD)
+
+MATERIAL. Use the form-board pictured on page 279. This may be
+purchased of C. H. Stoelting & Co., Chicago, Illinois. A home-made one
+will do as well if care is taken to get the dimensions exact.
+Quarter-inch wood should be used. The inside of the frame should be
+3 × 4 inches, and the dimensions of the blocks should be as follows:
+1+3/16 × 3; 1 × 1½; 1 × 2¾; 1 × 1½; 1¼ × 2.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the frame on the table before the subject, the short
+side nearest him. The blocks are placed in an irregular position on the
+side of the frame away from the subject. Take care that the board with
+the blocks in place is not exposed to view in advance of the experiment.
+
+Say: "_I want you to put these blocks in this frame so that all the
+space will be filled up. If you do it rightly they will all fit in and
+there will be no space left over. Go ahead._"
+
+Do not tell the subject to see how quickly he can do it. Say nothing
+that would even suggest hurrying, for this tends to call forth the
+trial-and-error procedure even with intelligent subjects.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the child succeeds in fitting the blocks
+into place _three times in a total time of five minutes for the three
+trials_.
+
+The method of procedure is fully as important as the time, but is not so
+easily scored in quantitative terms. Nevertheless, the examiner should
+always take observations on the method employed, noting especially
+any tendency to make and to repeat moves which lead to obvious
+impossibilities; i.e., moves which leave a space obviously unfitted to
+any of the remaining pieces. Some subjects repeat an absurd move many
+times over; others make an absurd move, but promptly correct it; others,
+and these are usually the bright ones, look far enough ahead to avoid
+error altogether.
+
+REMARKS. This test was devised by Professor Freeman, was adapted
+slightly by Healy and Fernald, and was first standardized by
+Dr. Kuhlmann. Miss Gertrude Hall has also standardized it, but on a
+different procedure from that described above.[67]
+
+[67] _Eugenics and Social Welfare Bulletin_, No. 5, The State Board of
+Charities, Albany, New York.
+
+The test has a lower correlation with intelligence than most of the
+other tests of the scale. Many bright children of 10-year intelligence
+adopt the trial-and-error method and have little success, while retarded
+older children of only 8-year intelligence sometimes succeed. Age, apart
+from intelligence, seems to play an important part in determining the
+nature of the performance. A favorable feature of the test, however, is
+the fact that it makes no demand on language ability and that it brings
+into play an aspect of intelligence which is relatively neglected by the
+remainder of the scale. For this reason it is at least worth keeping as
+an alternative test.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XII
+
+
+XII, 1. VOCABULARY (FORTY DEFINITIONS, 7200 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING as in previous vocabulary tests.[68] In this case
+forty words must be defined.
+
+[68] See VIII, 6.
+
+
+XII, 2. DEFINING ABSTRACT WORDS
+
+PROCEDURE. The words to be defined are _pity_, _revenge_, _charity_,
+_envy_, and _justice_. The formula is, "_What is pity? What do we mean
+by pity?_" and so on with the other words. If the meaning of the
+response is not clear, ask the subject to explain what he means. If the
+definition is in terms of the word itself, as "Pity means to pity
+someone," "Revenge is to take revenge," etc., it is then necessary to
+say: "_Yes, but what does it mean to pity some one?_" or, "_What does it
+mean to take revenge?_" etc. Only supplementary questions of this kind
+are permissible.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _three of the five_ words are
+satisfactorily defined. The definition need not be strictly logical nor
+the language elegant. It is sufficient if the definition shows that the
+meaning of the word is known. Definitions which define by means of an
+illustration are acceptable. The following are samples of satisfactory
+and unsatisfactory responses:--
+
+(a) _Pity_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To be sorry for some one." "To feel
+ compassion." "To have sympathy for a person." "To feel bad for
+ some one." "It means you help a person out and don't like to
+ have him suffer." "To have a feeling for people when they are
+ treated wrong." "If anybody gets hurt real bad you pity them."
+ "It's when you feel sorry for a tramp and give him something to
+ eat." "If some one is in trouble and you know how it feels to be
+ in that condition, you pity him." "You see something that's
+ wrong and have your feeling aroused."
+
+ Of 130 correct responses, 85, or 65 per cent, defined _pity_ as
+ "to feel sorry for some one," or words to that effect. Less than
+ 10 per cent defined by means of illustration.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To think of the poor." "To be good to
+ others." "To help." "It means sorrow." "Mercy." "To cheer people
+ up." "It means 'What a pity!'" "To be ashamed." "To be sick or
+ poor." "It's when you break something."
+
+ Apart from inability to reply, which accounts for nearly one
+ fourth of the failures, there is no predominant type of
+ unsatisfactory response.
+
+(b) _Revenge_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To get even with some one." "To get back on
+ him." "To do something to the one who has done something to
+ you." "To hurt them back." "To pay it back," or "Do something
+ back." "To do something mean in return." "To square up with a
+ person." "When somebody slaps you, you slap back." "You kill a
+ person if he does something to you."
+
+ The expression "to get even" was found in 42 per cent of 120
+ correct answers; "to pay it back," or "To do something back," in
+ 20 per cent; "To get back on him," in 17 per cent. About
+ 8 per cent were illustrations.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To be mad." "You try to hurt them." "To
+ fight." "You hate a person." "To kill them." "It means hateful."
+ "To try again." "To think evil of some one." "To hate some one
+ who has done you wrong." "To let a person off." "To go away from
+ something."
+
+ Inability to reply accounts for a little over 40 per cent of the
+ failures.
+
+(c) _Charity_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To give to the poor." "To help those who are
+ needy." "It is charity if you are poor and somebody helps you."
+ "To give to somebody without pay."
+
+ Of 110 correct replies, 72 per cent were worded substantially
+ like the first or second given above.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A person who helps the poor." "A place where
+ poor people get food and things." "It is a good life." "To be
+ happy." "To be poor." "Charity is being treated good." "It is to
+ be charitable." "Charity is selling something that is not worth
+ much." "It means to be good" or "to be kind."
+
+ When the last named response is given, we should say: "_Explain
+ what you mean._" If this brings an amplification of the response
+ to "It means to do things for the poor," or the equivalent, the
+ score is _plus_. "Charity means love" is also _minus_ if the
+ statement cannot be further explained and is merely rote memory
+ of the passage in the 13th chapter of 1st Corinthians. Simply
+ "To help" or "To give" is unsatisfactory. Half of the failures
+ are due to inability to reply.
+
+(d) _Envy_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "You envy some one who has something you want."
+ "It's the way you feel when you see some one with something
+ nicer than you have." "It's when a poor girl sees a rich girl
+ with nice dresses and things." "You hate some one because
+ they've got something you want." "Jealousy" (satisfactory if
+ subject can explain what _jealousy_ means; otherwise it is
+ _minus_). "It's when you see a person better off than you are."
+
+ Nearly three fourths of the correct responses say in substance,
+ "You envy a person who has something you want." Most of the
+ others are concrete illustrations.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To hate some one," or simply "To hate." "You
+ don't like 'em." "Bad feeling toward any one." "To be a great
+ man or woman." "Not to be nice to people." "What we do to our
+ enemies."
+
+ Inability to respond accounts for 55 per cent of the failures.
+
+(e) _Justice_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To give people what they deserve." "It means
+ that everybody is treated the same way, whether he is rich or
+ poor." "It's what you get when you go to court." "If one does
+ something and gets punished, that's justice." "To do the square
+ thing." "To give everybody his dues." "Let every one have what's
+ coming to him." "To do the right thing by any one." "If two
+ people do the same thing and they let one go without punishing,
+ that is not justice."
+
+ Approximately 38 per cent of 102 correct responses referred to
+ treating everybody the same way; 25 per cent to "doing the
+ square thing", 12 per cent were concrete illustrations; and
+ 4 per cent were definitions of what justice is not.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "It means to have peace." "It is where they
+ have court." "It's the Courthouse." "To be honest." "Where one
+ is just" (_minus_, unless further explained). "To do right"
+ (_minus_, unless in explaining _right_ the subject gives a
+ definition of _justice_).
+
+ It is very necessary, in case of such answers as "Justice is to
+ do right," "To be just," etc., that the subject be urged to
+ explain further what he means. "To do right" includes nearly
+ 12 per cent of all answers, and is given by the very brightest
+ children. Most of these are able, when urged, to complete the
+ definition in a satisfactory manner.
+
+REMARKS. The reader may be surprised that the ability to define common
+abstract words should develop so late. Most children who have had
+anything like ordinary home or school environment have doubtless heard
+all of these words countless times before the age of 12 years.
+Nevertheless, the statistics from the test show unmistakably that before
+this age such words have but limited and vague meaning. Other vocabulary
+studies confirm this fact so completely that we may say there is hardly
+any trait in which 12- to 14-year intelligence more uniformly excels
+that of the 9- or 10-year level.
+
+This is readily understandable when we consider the nature of abstract
+meanings and the intellectual processes by which we arrive at them.
+Unlike such words as _tree_, _house_, etc., the ideas they contain are
+not the immediate result of perceptual processes, in which even childish
+intelligence is adept, but are a refined and secondary product of
+relationships between other ideas. They require the logical processes of
+comparison, abstraction, and generalization. One cannot see justice, for
+example, but one is often confronted with situations in which justice or
+injustice is an element; and given a certain degree of abstraction and
+generalization, out of such situations the idea of justice will
+gradually be evolved.
+
+The formation and use of abstract ideas, of one kind or another,
+represent, _par excellence_, the "higher thought processes." It is not
+without significance that delinquents who test near the border-line of
+mental deficiency show such inferior ability in arriving at correct
+generalizations regarding matters of social and moral relationships. We
+cannot expect a mind of defective generalizing ability to form very
+definite or correct notions about justice, law, fairness, ownership
+rights, etc.; and if the ideas themselves are not fairly clear, the
+rules of conduct based upon them cannot make a very powerful appeal.[69]
+
+[69] See also p. 298 _ff._
+
+Binet used the words _charity_, _justice_, and _kindness_, and required
+two successes. In the 1911 revision he shifted the test from year XI to
+year XII, where it more nearly belongs. Goddard also places it in
+year XII and uses Binet's words, translating _bonté_, however, as
+_goodness_ instead of _kindness_. Kuhlmann retains the test in year XI
+and adds _bravery_ and _revenge_, requiring three correct definitions
+out of five. Bobertag uses _pity_, _envy_, and _justice_, requires two
+correct definitions, and finds the test just hard enough for year XII.
+
+After using the words _goodness_ and _kindness_ in two series of tests,
+we have discarded them as objectionable in that they give rise to so
+many doubtful definitions. Even intelligent children often say:
+"Goodness means to do something good," "Kindness means to be kind to
+some one," etc. These definitions in a circle occur less than half as
+often with _pity_, _revenge_, and _envy_, which are also superior to
+_charity_ and _justice_ in this respect.
+
+The relative difficulty of our five words is indicated by the order in
+which we have listed them in the test (i.e., beginning with the easiest
+and ending with the hardest). On the standard of three correct
+definitions, these words fit very accurately in year XII.
+
+
+XII, 3. THE BALL-AND-FIELD TEST (SUPERIOR PLAN)
+
+PROCEDURE, as in year VIII, test 1.
+
+SCORING. Score 3 (or superior plan) is required for passing in
+year XII.[70]
+
+[70] See scoring card.
+
+
+XII, 4. DISSECTED SENTENCES
+
+The following disarranged sentences are used:--
+
+ FOR THE STARTED AN WE COUNTRY EARLY AT HOUR
+
+ TO ASKED PAPER MY TEACHER CORRECT I MY
+
+ A DEFENDS DOG GOOD HIS BRAVELY MASTER
+
+These should be printed in type like that used above. The Stanford
+record booklet contains the sentences in convenient form.
+
+It is not permissible to substitute written words or printed script, as
+that would make the test harder. All the words should be printed in caps
+in order that no clue shall be given as to the first word in a sentence.
+For a similar reason the period is omitted.
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_Here is a sentence that has the words all mixed up so
+that they don't make any sense. If the words were changed around in the
+right order they would make a good sentence. Look carefully and see if
+you can tell me how the sentence ought to read._"
+
+Give the sentences in the order in which they are listed in the record
+booklet. Do not tell the subject to see how quickly he can do it,
+because with this test any suggestion of hurrying is likely to produce a
+kind of mental paralysis. If the subject has no success with the first
+sentence in one minute, read it off correctly for him, somewhat slowly,
+and pointing to each word as it is spoken. Then proceed to the second
+and third, allowing one minute for each.
+
+Give no further help. It is not permissible, in case an incorrect
+response is given, to ask the subject to try again, or to say: "_Are you
+sure that is right?_" "_Are you sure you have not left out any words?_"
+etc. Instead, maintain absolute silence. However, the subject is
+permitted to make as many changes in his response as he sees fit,
+provided he makes them spontaneously and within the allotted time.
+Record the entire response.
+
+Once in a great while the subject misunderstands the task and thinks the
+only requirement is to use all the words given, and that it is permitted
+to add as many other words as he likes. It is then necessary to repeat
+the instructions and to allow a new trial.
+
+SCORING. _Two sentences out of three must be correctly given within the
+minute allotted to each._ It is understood, of course, that if the first
+sentence has to be read for the subject, both the other responses must
+be given correctly.
+
+A sentence is not counted correct if a single word is omitted, altered,
+or inserted, or if the order given fails to make perfect sense.
+
+Certain responses are not absolutely incorrect, but are objectionable as
+regards sentence structure, or else fail to give the exact meaning
+intended. These are given half credit. Full credit on one, and half
+credit on each of the other two, is satisfactory. The following are
+samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory responses:--
+
+(a)
+ _Satisfactory._
+ "We started for the country at an early hour."
+ "At an early hour we started for the country."
+ "We started at an early hour for the country."
+ _Unsatisfactory._
+ "We started early at an hour for the country."
+ "Early at an hour we started for the country."
+ "We started early for the country."
+ _Half credit._
+ "For the country at an early hour we started."
+ "For the country we started at an early hour."
+
+(b)
+ _Satisfactory._
+ "I asked my teacher to correct my paper."
+ _Unsatisfactory._
+ "My teacher asked to correct my paper."
+ "To correct my paper I asked my teacher."
+ _Half credit._
+ "My teacher I asked to correct my paper."
+
+(c)
+ _Satisfactory._
+ "A good dog defends his master bravely."
+ "A good dog bravely defends his master."
+ _Unsatisfactory._
+ "A dog defends his master bravely."
+ "A bravely dog defends his master."
+ "A good dog defends his bravely master."
+ "A good brave dog defends his master."
+ _Half credit._
+ "A dog defends his good master bravely."
+ "A dog bravely defends his good master."
+ "A good master bravely defends his dog."
+
+REMARKS. This is an excellent test. It involves no knowledge which may
+not be presupposed at the age in which it is given, and success
+therefore depends very little on experience. The worst that can be urged
+against it is that it may possibly be influenced to a certain extent by
+the amount of reading the subject has done. But this has not been
+demonstrated. At any rate, the test satisfies the most important
+requirement of a test of intelligence; namely, the percentage of
+successes increases rapidly and steadily from the lower to the higher
+levels of mental age.
+
+This experiment can be regarded as a variation of the completion test.
+Binet tells us, in fact, that it was directly suggested by the
+experiment of Ebbinghaus. As will readily be observed, however, it
+differs to a certain extent from the Ebbinghaus completion test.
+Ebbinghaus omits parts of a sentence and requires the subject to supply
+the omissions. In this test we give all the parts and require the
+formation of a sentence by rearrangement. The two experiments are
+psychologically similar in that they require the subject to relate given
+fragments into a meaningful whole. Success depends upon the ability of
+intelligence to utilize hints, or clues, and this in turn depends on the
+logical integrity of the associative processes. All but the highest
+grade of the feeble-minded fail with this test.
+
+This test is found in year XI of Binet's 1908 series and in year XII of
+his 1911 revision. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in the original
+location. That it is better placed in year XII is indicated by all the
+available statistics with normal children, except those of Goddard. With
+this exception, the results of various investigators for year XII are in
+remarkably close agreement, as the following figures will show:--
+
+ _Per cent passing at year XII_
+
+ Binet 66
+ Kuhlmann 68
+ Bobertag 78
+ Dougherty 64
+ Strong 72
+ Léviste and Morlé 70
+ Stanford series (1911) 62
+ Stanford series (1913) 57
+ Stanford series (1914) 62
+ Princeton data 61
+
+This agreement is noteworthy considering that no two experiments seem to
+have used exactly the same arrangement of words, and that some have
+presented the words of a sentence in a single line, others in two or
+three lines. A single line would appear to be somewhat easier.
+
+
+XII, 5. INTERPRETATION OF FABLES (SCORE 4)
+
+The following fables are used:--
+
+(a) _Hercules and the Wagoner_
+
+ _A man was driving along a country road, when the wheels
+ suddenly sank in a deep rut. The man did nothing but look at the
+ wagon and call loudly to Hercules to come and help him. Hercules
+ came up, looked at the man, and said: "Put your shoulder to the
+ wheel, my man, and whip up your oxen." Then he went away and
+ left the driver._
+
+(b) _The Milkmaid and her Plans_
+
+ _A milkmaid was carrying her pail of milk on her head, and was
+ thinking to herself thus: "The money for this milk will buy
+ 4 hens; the hens will lay at least 100 eggs; the eggs will
+ produce at least 75 chicks; and with the money which the chicks
+ will bring I can buy a new dress to wear instead of the ragged
+ one I have on." At this moment she looked down at herself,
+ trying to think how she would look in her new dress; but as she
+ did so the pail of milk slipped from her head and dashed upon
+ the ground. Thus all her imaginary schemes perished in a moment._
+
+(c) _The Fox and the Crow_
+
+ _A crow, having stolen a bit of meat, perched in a tree and held
+ it in her beak. A fox, seeing her, wished to secure the meat,
+ and spoke to the crow thus: "How handsome you are! and I have
+ heard that the beauty of your voice is equal to that of your
+ form and feathers. Will you not sing for me, so that I may judge
+ whether this is true?" The crow was so pleased that she opened
+ her mouth to sing and dropped the meat, which the fox
+ immediately ate._
+
+(d) _The Farmer and the Stork_
+
+ _A farmer set some traps to catch cranes which had been eating
+ his seed. With them he caught a stork. The stork, which had not
+ really been stealing, begged the farmer to spare his life,
+ saying that he was a bird of excellent character, that he was
+ not at all like the cranes, and that the farmer should have pity
+ on him. But the farmer said: "I have caught you with these
+ robbers, and you will have to die with them."_
+
+(e) _The Miller, His Son, and the Donkey_
+
+ _A miller and his son were driving their donkey to a neighboring
+ town to sell him. They had not gone far when a child saw them
+ and cried out: "What fools those fellows are to be trudging
+ along on foot when one of them might be riding." The old man,
+ hearing this, made his son get on the donkey, while he himself
+ walked. Soon, they came upon some men. "Look," said one of them,
+ "see that lazy boy riding while his old father has to walk." On
+ hearing this, the miller made his son get off, and he climbed on
+ the donkey himself. Farther on they met a company of women, who
+ shouted out: "Why, you lazy old fellow, to ride along so
+ comfortably while your poor boy there can hardly keep pace by
+ the side of you!" And so the good-natured miller took his boy up
+ behind him and both of them rode. As they came to the town a
+ citizen said to them, "Why, you cruel fellows! You two are
+ better able to carry the poor little donkey than he is to carry
+ you." "Very well," said the miller, "we will try." So both of
+ them jumped to the ground, got some ropes, tied the donkey's
+ legs to a pole and tried to carry him. But as they crossed the
+ bridge the donkey became frightened, kicked loose and fell into
+ the stream._
+
+PROCEDURE. Present the fables in the order in which they are given
+above. The method is to say to the subject:
+
+"_You know what a fable is? You have heard fables?_" Whatever the
+answer, proceed to explain a fable as follows: "_A fable, you know, is a
+little story, and is meant to teach us a lesson. Now, I am going to read
+a fable to you. Listen carefully, and when I am through I will ask you
+to tell me what lesson the fable teaches us. Ready; listen._" After
+reading the fable, say: "_What lesson does that teach us?_" Record the
+response _verbatim_ and proceed with the next as follows: "_Here is
+another. Listen again and tell me what lesson this fable teaches us_,"
+etc.
+
+As far as possible, avoid comment or commendation until all the fables
+have been given. If the first answer is of an inferior type and we
+express too much satisfaction with it, we thereby encourage the
+subject to continue in his error. On the other hand, never express
+dissatisfaction with a response, however absurd or _malapropos_ it may
+be. Many subjects are anxious to know how well they are doing and
+continually ask, "Did I get that one right?" It is sufficient to say,
+"You are getting along nicely," or something to that effect. Offer no
+comments, suggestions, or questions which might put the subject on the
+right track. This much self-control is necessary if we would make the
+conditions of the test uniform for all subjects.
+
+The only occasion when a supplementary question is permissible is in
+case of a response whose meaning is not clear. Even then we must be
+cautious and restrict ourselves to some such question as, "_What do you
+mean?_" or, "_Explain; I don't quite understand what you mean_." The
+scoring of fables is somewhat difficult at best, and this additional
+question is often sufficient to place the response very definitely in
+the right or wrong column.
+
+SCORING. Give score 2, i.e., 2 points, for a correct answer, and 1 for
+an answer which deserves half credit. The test is passed in year XII
+_if 4 points are earned_; that is, if two responses are correct or if
+one is correct and two deserve half credit.
+
+Score 2 means that the fable has been correctly interpreted and that the
+lesson it teaches has been stated in general terms.
+
+There are two types of response which may be given half credit. They
+include (1) the interpretations which are stated in general terms and
+are fairly plausible, but are not exactly correct; and (2) those which
+are perfectly correct as to substance, but are not generalized.
+
+We overlook ordinary faults of expression and regard merely the
+essential meaning of the response.
+
+The only way to explain the method is by giving copious illustrations.
+If the following sample responses are carefully studied, a reasonable
+degree of expertness in scoring fables may be acquired with only a
+limited amount of actual practice. The sampling may appear to the reader
+needlessly prolix, but experience has taught us that in giving
+directions for the scoring of tests error always lies on the side of
+taking too much for granted.
+
+(a) _Hercules and the Wagoner_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "God helps those who help themselves."
+ "Do not depend on others." "Help yourself before calling for
+ help." "It teaches that we should rely upon ourselves."
+
+ The following are not quite so good, but are nevertheless
+ considered satisfactory. "We should always try, even if it looks
+ hard and we think we can't do it." "When in trouble try to get
+ out of it yourself." "We've got to do things without help." "Not
+ to be lazy."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ This is most often given for the
+ response which contains the correct idea, but states it in terms
+ of the concrete situation, e.g.: "The man ought to have tried
+ himself first." "Hercules wanted to teach the man to help
+ himself." "The driver was too much inclined to depend on
+ others." "The man was too lazy. He should not have called for
+ help until he had tried to get out by himself." "To get out and
+ try instead of watching."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Failures are mainly of five
+ varieties: (1) generalized interpretations which entirely miss
+ the point; (2) crude interpretations which not only miss the
+ point, but are also stated in terms of the concrete situation;
+ (3) irrelevant or incoherent remarks; (4) efforts to repeat the
+ story; and (5) inability to respond.
+
+ Sample failures of type (1), entirely incorrect generalizations:
+ "Teaches us to look where we are going." "Not to ask for
+ anything when there is no one to help." "To help those who are
+ in trouble." "Teaches us to be polite." "How to help others."
+ "Not to be cruel to horses." "Always to do what people tell you"
+ (or "obey orders," etc.). "Not to be foolish" (or stupid, etc.).
+ "If you would have a thing well done, do it yourself."
+
+ Failures of type (2), crude interpretations stated in concrete
+ terms: "How to get out of the mud." "Not to get stuck in the
+ mud." "To carry a stick along to pry yourself out if you get
+ into a mud-hole." "To help any one who is stuck in the mud."
+ "Taught Hercules to help the horses along and not whip them too
+ hard." "Not to be mean like Hercules."
+
+ Failures of type (3), irrelevant responses: "It was foolish not
+ to thank him." "He should have helped the driver." "Hercules was
+ mean." "If any one helps himself the horses will try." "The
+ driver should have done what Hercules told him." "He wanted the
+ man to help the oxen."
+
+ Type (4): Efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5): Inability to respond.
+
+(b) _The Maid and the Eggs_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "Teaches us not to build air-castles."
+ "Don't count your chickens before they are hatched." "Not to
+ plan too far ahead." Slightly inferior, but still acceptable:
+ "Never make too many plans." "Don't count on the second thing
+ till you have done the first."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ "It teaches us not to have our minds on
+ the future when we carry milk on the head." "She was building
+ air-castles and so lost her milk." "She was planning too far
+ ahead."
+
+ The responses just given are examples of fairly correct
+ interpretations in non-generalized terms. The following are
+ examples of generalized interpretations which fall below the
+ accuracy required for full credit: "Never make plans." "Not to
+ be too proud." "To keep our mind on what we are doing." "Don't
+ cross a bridge till you come to it." "Don't count your _eggs_
+ before they are hatched." "Not to be wanting things; learn to
+ wait." "Not to imagine; go ahead and do it."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), entirely incorrect
+ generalization: "That money does not buy everything." "Not to be
+ greedy." "Not to be selfish." "Not to waste things." "Not to
+ take risks like that." "Not to think about clothes." "Count your
+ chickens before they are hatched."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretations stated in concrete terms:
+ "Not to carry milk on the head." "Teaches her to watch and not
+ throw down her head." "To carry her head straight." "Not to
+ spill milk." "To keep your chickens and you will make more
+ money."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "She wanted the money." "Teaches
+ us to read and write" (18-year-old of 8-year intelligence).
+ "About a girl who was selling some milk."
+
+ Type (4), effort to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to respond.
+
+(c) _The Fox and the Crow_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "Teaches us not to listen to flattery."
+ "Don't let yourself be flattered." "It is not safe to believe
+ people who flatter us." "We had better look out for people who
+ brag on us."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ Correct idea in concrete terms: "The
+ crow was so proud of herself that she lost all she had." "The
+ crow listened to flattery and got left." "Not to be proud and
+ let people think you can sing when you can't." "If anybody
+ brags on you don't sing or do what he tells you."
+
+ Pertinent but somewhat inferior generalizations: "Not to be too
+ proud." "Pride goes before a fall." "To be on our guard against
+ people who are our enemies." "Not to do everything people tell
+ you." "Don't trust every slick fellow you meet."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), incorrect generalization:
+ "Not to go with people you don't know." "Not to be selfish." "To
+ share your food." "Look before you leap." "Not to listen to
+ evil." "Not to steal." "Teaches honesty." "Not to covet." "Think
+ for yourself." "Teaches wisdom." "Never listen to advice."
+ "Never let any one get ahead of you." "To figure out what they
+ are going to do." "Never try to do two things at once." "How to
+ get what you want."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretation stated in terms of the
+ concrete situation: "Not to sing before you eat." "Not to hold a
+ thing in your mouth; eat it." "To eat a thing before you think
+ of your beauty." "To swallow it before you sing." "To be on your
+ watch when you have food in your mouth."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "The fox was greedy." "The fox
+ was slicker than what the crow was." "The crow ought not to have
+ opened her mouth." "The crow should just have shaken her head."
+ "It served the crow right for stealing the meat." "The fox
+ wanted the meat and just told the crow that to get it."
+ "Foolishness." "Guess that's where the old fox got his
+ name--'Old Foxy'--Don't teach us anything."
+
+ Type (4), efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to respond.
+
+(d) _The Farmer and the Stork_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "You are judged by the company you
+ keep." "Teaches us to keep out of bad company." "Birds of a
+ feather flock together." "If you go with bad people you are
+ counted like them." "We should choose our friends carefully."
+ "Don't go with bad people." "Teaches us to avoid the appearance
+ of evil."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ "The stork should not have been with the
+ cranes." "Teaches him not to go with robbers." "Don't go with
+ people who are not of your nation." "Not to follow others."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), incorrect generalization:
+ "Not to steal." "Not to tell lies." "Not to give excuses." "A
+ poor excuse is better than none." "Not to trust what people
+ say." "Not to listen to excuses." "Not to harm animals that do
+ no harm." "To have pity on others." "Not to be cruel." "To be
+ kind to birds." "Not to blame people for what they don't do."
+ "Teaches that those who do good often suffer for those who do
+ evil." "To tend to your own business." "Not to meddle with other
+ people's things." "Not to trespass on people's property." "Not
+ to think you are so nice." "To keep out of mischief."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretations in concrete terms: "Taught
+ the stork to look where it stepped and not walk into a trap."
+ "Taught the stork to keep out of the man's field." "Not to take
+ the seeds."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "The farmer was right; storks do
+ eat grain." "Served the stork right, he was stealing too." "He
+ should try to help the stork out of the field."
+
+ Type (4), efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to reply.
+
+(e) _The Miller, His Son, and the Donkey_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "When you try to please everybody you
+ please nobody." "Don't listen to everybody; you can't please
+ them all." "Don't take every one's advice." "Don't try to do
+ what everybody tells you." "Use your own judgment." "Have a mind
+ of your own." "Make up your mind and stick to it." "Don't be
+ wishy-washy." "Have confidence in your own opinions."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ Interpretations which are generalized
+ but somewhat inferior: "Never take any one's advice" (too
+ sweeping a conclusion). "Don't take foolish advice." "Take your
+ own advice." "It teaches us that people don't always agree."
+
+ Correct idea but not generalized: "They were fools to listen to
+ everybody." "They should have walked or rode just as they
+ thought best, without listening to other people."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), incorrect generalization:
+ "To do right." "To do what people tell you." "To be kind to old
+ people." "To be polite." "To serve others." "Not to be cruel to
+ animals." "To have sympathy for beasts of burden." "To be
+ good-natured." "Not to load things on animals that are small."
+ "That it is always better to leave things as they are." "That
+ men were not made for beasts of burden."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretations stated in concrete terms:
+ "Not to try to carry the donkey." "That walking is better than
+ riding." "The people should have been more polite to the old
+ man." "That the father should be allowed to ride."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "The men were too heavy for the
+ donkey." "They ought to have stayed on and they would not have
+ fallen into the stream." "It teaches about a man and he lost his
+ donkey."
+
+ Type (4), efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to respond.
+
+REMARKS. The fable test, or the "test of generalization," as it may
+aptly be named, was used by the writer in a study of the intellectual
+processes of bright and dull boys in 1905,[71] and was further
+standardized by the writer and Mr. Childs in 1911.[72] It has proved its
+worth in a number of investigations. It has been necessary, however, to
+simplify the rather elaborate method of scoring which was proposed in
+1911, not because of any logical fault of the method, but because of the
+difficulty in teaching examiners to use the system correctly. The method
+explained above is somewhat coarser, but it has the advantage of being
+much easier to learn.
+
+[71] "Genius and Stupidity," in _Pedagogical Seminary_, vol. xiii,
+pp. 307-73.
+
+[72] "A Tentative Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Measuring
+Scale of Intelligence," _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912).
+
+The generalization test presents for interpretation situations which are
+closely paralleled in the everyday social experience of human beings. It
+tests the subject's ability to understand motives underlying acts or
+attitudes. It gives a clue to the status of the social consciousness.
+This is highly important in the diagnosis of the upper range of mental
+defectiveness. The criterion of the subnormal's fitness for life outside
+an institution is his ability to understand social relations and to
+adjust himself to them. Failure of a subnormal to meet this criterion
+may lead him to break common conventions, and to appear disrespectful,
+sulky, stubborn, or in some other way queer and exceptional. He is
+likely to be misunderstood, because he so easily misunderstands others.
+The skein of human motives is too complex for his limited intelligence
+to untangle.
+
+Ethnological studies have shown in an interesting way the social origin
+of the moral judgment. The rectitude of the moral life, therefore,
+depends on the accuracy of the social judgment. It would be interesting
+to know what proportion of offenders have transgressed moral codes
+because of continued failure to grasp the essential lessons presented
+by human situations.
+
+For the intelligent child even the common incidents of life carry an
+endless succession of lessons in right conduct. On the average school
+playground not an hour passes without some happening which is fraught
+with a moral hint to those who have intelligence enough to generalize
+the situation. A boy plays unfairly and is barred from the game. One
+bullies his weaker companion and arouses the anger and scorn of all his
+fellows. Another vents his braggadocio and feels at once the withering
+scorn of those who listen. Laziness, selfishness, meanness, dishonesty,
+ingratitude, inconstancy, inordinate pride, and the countless other
+faults all have their social penalties. The child of normal intelligence
+sees the point, draws the appropriate lesson and (provided emotions and
+will are also normal) applies it more or less effectively as a guide to
+his own conduct. To the feeble-minded child, all but lacking in the
+power of abstraction and generalization, the situation conveys no such
+lesson. It is but a muddle of concrete events without general
+significance; or even if its meaning is vaguely apprehended, the powers
+of inhibition are insufficient to guarantee that right action will
+follow.
+
+It is for this reason that the generalization test is so valuable in the
+mental examinations of delinquents. It presents a moral situation,
+imagined, to be sure, but none the less real to the individual of normal
+comprehension. It tells us quickly whether the subject tested is able to
+see beyond the incidents of the given situation and to grasp their wider
+relations--whether he is able to generalize the concrete.
+
+The following responses made by feeble-minded delinquents from
+16 to 21 years of age demonstrate sufficiently their inability to
+comprehend the moral situation:--
+
+ _Hercules and the Wagoner._ "Teaches you to look where you are
+ going." "Not to help any one who is stuck in the mud." "Not to
+ whip oxen." "Teaches that Hercules was mean." "Teaches us to
+ carry a stick along to pry the wheels out."
+
+ _The Fox and the Crow._ "Not to sing when eating." "To keep away
+ from strangers." "To swallow it before you sing." "Not to be
+ stingy." "Not to listen to evil." "The fox was wiser than the
+ crow." "Not to be selfish with food." "Not to do two things at
+ once." "To hang on to what you've got."
+
+ _The Farmer and the Stork._ "Teaches the stork to look where he
+ steps." "Not to be cruel like the farmer." "Not to tell lies."
+ "Not to butt into other people's things." "To be kind to birds."
+ "Teaches us how to get rid of troublesome people." "Never go
+ with anything else."
+
+The following are the responses of an 18-year-old delinquent
+(intelligence level 10 years) to the five fables:--
+
+ _Maid and Eggs._ "She was thinking about getting the dress and
+ spilled the milk. Teaches selfishness."
+
+ _Hercules and the Wagoner._ "He wanted to help the oxen out."
+
+ _Fox and Crow._ "Guess that's where the fox got his name--'Old
+ Foxy.' Don't teach us anything."
+
+ _Farmer and Stork._ "Try and help the stork out of the field."
+
+ _Miller, Son, and Donkey._ "They was all big fools and mean to
+ the donkey."
+
+One does not require very profound psychological insight to see that a
+person of this degree of comprehension is not promising material for
+moral education. His weakness in the ability to generalize a moral
+situation is not due to lack of instruction, but is inherent in the
+nature of his mental processes, all of which have the infantile quality
+of average 9- or 10-year intelligence. Well-instructed normal children
+of 10 years ordinarily succeed no better. The ability to draw the
+correct lesson from a social situation is little developed below the
+mental level of 12 or 13 years.
+
+The test is also valuable because it throws light on the subject's
+ability to appreciate the finer shades of meaning. The mentally retarded
+often show marked inferiority in this respect. They sense, perhaps, in a
+general way the trend of the story, but they fail to comprehend much
+that to us seems clearly expressed. They do not get what is left for the
+reader to infer, because they are insensible to the thought fringes. It
+is these which give meaning to the fable. The dull subject may be able
+to image the objects and activities described, but taken in the rough
+such imagery gets him nowhere.
+
+Finally, the test is almost free from the danger of coaching. The
+subject who has been given a number of fables along with twenty-five or
+thirty other tests can as a rule give only hazy and inaccurate testimony
+as to what he has been put through. Moreover, we have found that, even
+if a subject has previously heard a fable, that fact does not materially
+increase his chances of giving a correct interpretation. If the
+situation depicted in the fable is beyond the subject's power of
+comprehension even explicit instruction has little effect upon the
+quality of the response.
+
+Incidentally, this observation raises the question whether the use of
+proverbs, mottoes, fables, poetry, etc., in the moral instruction of
+children may not often be futile because the material is not fitted to
+the child's power of comprehension. Much of the school's instruction in
+history and literature has a moral purpose, but there is reason to
+suspect that in this field schools often make precocious attempts in
+"generalizing" exercises.
+
+
+XII, 6. REPEATING FIVE DIGITS REVERSED
+
+The series are 3-1-8-7-9; 6-9-4-8-2; 5-2-9-6-1.
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING. Exactly as in years VII and IX.[73]
+
+[73] See discussion, p. 207 _ff._
+
+
+XII, 7. INTERPRETATION OF PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the same pictures as in III, 1, and VII, 2, and the
+additional picture _d_. Present in the same order. The formula to begin
+with is identical with that in VII, 2: "_Tell me what this picture is
+about. What is this a picture of?_" This formula is chosen because it
+does not suggest specifically either description or interpretation, and
+is therefore adapted to show the child's spontaneous or natural mode of
+apperception. However, in case, this formula fails to bring spontaneous
+interpretation for three of the four pictures, we then return to those
+pictures on which the subject has failed and give a second trial with
+the formula: "_Explain this picture_." A good many subjects who failed
+to interpret the pictures spontaneously do so without difficulty when
+the more specific formula is used.
+
+If the response is so brief as to be difficult to classify, the subject
+should be urged to amplify by some such injunction as "_Go ahead_," or
+"_Explain what you mean_."
+
+One more caution. It is necessary to refrain from voicing a single word
+of commendation or approval until all the pictures have been responded
+to. A moment's thought will reveal the absolute necessity of adhering to
+this rule. Often a subject will begin by giving an inferior type of
+response (description, say) to the first picture, but with the second
+picture adjusts better to the task and responds satisfactorily. If in
+such a case the first (unsatisfactory) response were greeted with an
+approving "That's fine, you are doing splendidly," the likelihood of any
+improvement taking place as the test proceeds would be greatly lessened.
+
+SCORING. _Three pictures out of four_ must be satisfactorily
+interpreted. "Satisfactorily" means that the interpretation given should
+be reasonably plausible; not necessarily the exact one the artist had in
+mind, yet not absurd. The following classified responses will serve as
+a fairly secure guide for scoring:--
+
+(a) _Dutch Home_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Child has spilled something and is getting a
+ scolding." "The baby has hurt herself and the mother is
+ comforting her." "The baby is crying because she is hungry and
+ the mother has nothing to give her." "The little girl has been
+ naughty and is about to be punished." "The baby is crying
+ because she does not like her dinner." "There's bread on the
+ table and the mother won't let the little girl have it and so
+ she is crying." "The baby is begging for something and is crying
+ because her mamma won't give it to her." "It's a poor family.
+ The father is dead and they don't have enough to eat."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "The baby is crying and the mother is looking
+ at her" (description). "It's in Holland, and there's a little
+ girl crying, and a mamma, and there's a dish on the table"
+ (mainly description). "The mother is teaching the child to walk"
+ (absurd interpretation).
+
+(b) _River Scene_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Man and lady eloping to get married and an
+ Indian to row for them." "I think it represents a honeymoon
+ trip." "In frontier days and a man and his wife have been
+ captured by the Indians." "It's a perilous journey and they have
+ engaged the Indian to row for them."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "They are shooting the rapids." "An Indian
+ rowing a man and his wife down the river" (mainly description).
+ "A storm at sea" (absurd interpretation). "Indians have rescued
+ a couple from a shipwreck." "They have been up the river and
+ are riding down the rapids."
+
+ The following responses are somewhat doubtful, but should
+ probably be scored _minus_: "People going out hunting and have
+ Indian for a guide." "The man has rescued the woman from the
+ Indians." "It's a camping trip."
+
+(c) _Post-Office_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "It's a lot of old farmers. They have come to
+ the post-office to get the paper, which only comes once a week,
+ and they are all happy." "There's something funny in the paper
+ about one of the men and they are all laughing about it." "They
+ are reading about the price of eggs, and they look very happy so
+ I guess the price has gone up." "It's a bunch of country
+ politicians reading the election news."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A man has just come out of the post-office
+ and is reading to his friends." "It's a little country town and
+ they are looking at the paper." "A man is reading the paper and
+ the others are looking on and laughing." "Some men are reading a
+ paper and laughing, and the other man has brought some eggs to
+ market, and it's in a little country town." (All the above are
+ mainly description.)
+
+ Responses like the following are somewhat better, but hardly
+ satisfactory: "They are reading something funny in the paper."
+ "They are reading the ads." "They are laughing about something
+ in the newspaper," etc.
+
+(d) _Colonial Home_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "They are lovers and have quarreled." "The man
+ has to go away for a long time, maybe to war, and she is afraid
+ he won't return." "He has proposed and she has rejected him, and
+ she is crying because she hated to disappoint him." "The woman
+ is crying because her husband is angry and leaving her." "The
+ man is a messenger and has brought the woman bad news."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "The husband is leaving and the dog is looking
+ at the lady." "It's a picture to show how people dressed in
+ colonial times." "The lady is crying and the man is trying to
+ comfort her." "The man is going away. The woman is angry because
+ he is going. The dog has a ball in its mouth and looks happy,
+ and the man looks sad."
+
+ Such responses as the following are doubtful, but rather _minus_
+ than _plus_: "A picture of George Washington's home." "They
+ have lost their money and they are sad" (gratuitous
+ interpretation). "The man has struck the woman."
+
+ Doubt sometimes arises as to the proper scoring of imaginative
+ or gratuitous interpretations. The following are samples of
+ such: (a) "The little girl is crying because she wants a new
+ dress and the mother is telling her she can have one when
+ Christmas comes if she will be good." (b) "The man and woman
+ have gone up the river to visit some friends and an Indian guide
+ is bringing them home." (c) "Some old Rubes are reading about
+ a circus that's going to come." (d) "Napoleon leaving his
+ wife."
+
+Sometimes these imaginative responses are given by very bright subjects,
+under the impression that they are asked to "make up" a story based on
+the picture. We may score them _plus_, provided they are not too much
+out of harmony with the situation and actions represented in the
+picture. Interpretations so gratuitous as to have little or no bearing
+upon the scene depicted should be scored _minus_.
+
+REMARKS. The test of picture interpretation has been variously located
+from 12 to 15 years. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that
+everything depends on the nature of the pictures used, the form in which
+the question is put, and the standard for scoring. The Jingleman-Jack
+pictures used by Kuhlmann are as easy to interpret at 10 years as the
+Stanford pictures at 12. Spontaneous interpretation ("What is this a
+picture of?" or "What do you see in this picture?") comes no more
+readily at 14 years than provoked interpretation ("Explain this
+picture") at 12. The standard of scoring is no less important. If with
+the Stanford pictures we require three satisfactory responses out of
+four, the test belongs at the 12-year level, but the standard of two
+correct out of four can be met a year or two earlier.
+
+Even after we have agreed upon a given series of pictures, the formula
+for giving the test, and upon the requisite number of passes, there
+remains still the question as to the proper degree of liberality in
+deciding what constitutes interpretation. There is no single point in
+mental development where the "ability to interpret pictures" sweeps in
+with a rush. Like the development of most other abilities, it comes by
+slow degrees, beginning even as early as 6 years.
+
+The question is, therefore, to decide whether a given response contains
+as much and as good interpretation as we have a right to expect at the
+age level where the test has been placed. It is imperative for any one
+who would use the scale correctly to acquaint himself thoroughly with
+the procedure and standards described above.
+
+
+XII, 8. GIVING SIMILARITIES, THREE THINGS
+
+PROCEDURE. The procedure is the same as in VIII, 4, but with the
+following words:--
+
+ (a) _Snake_, _cow_, _sparrow_.
+ (b) _Book_, _teacher_, _newspaper_.
+ (c) _Wool_, _cotton_, _leather_.
+ (d) _Knife-blade_, _penny_, _piece of wire_.
+ (e) _Rose_, _potato_, _tree_.
+
+As before, a little tactful urging is occasionally necessary in order to
+secure a response.
+
+SCORING. _Three satisfactory responses out of five_ are necessary for
+success. Any real similarity is acceptable, whether fundamental or
+superficial, although the giving of fundamental likenesses is especially
+symptomatic of good intelligence.
+
+Failures may be classified under four heads: (1) Leaving one of the
+words out of consideration; (2) giving a difference instead of a
+similarity; (3) giving a similarity that is not real or that is too
+bizarre or far-fetched; and (4) inability to respond. Types (1), (3),
+and (4) are almost equally numerous, while type (2) is not often
+encountered at this level of intelligence.
+
+This test provokes doubtful responses somewhat oftener than the earlier
+test of giving similarities. Those giving greatest difficulty are the
+indefinite statements like "All are useful," "All are made of the same
+material," etc. Fortunately, in most of these cases an additional
+question is sufficient to determine whether the subject has in mind a
+real similarity. Questions suitable for this purpose are: "Explain what
+you mean," "In what respect are they all useful?" "What material do
+you mean?" etc. Of course it is only permissible to make use of
+supplementary questions of this kind when they are necessary in order to
+clarify a response which has already been made.
+
+While the amateur examiner is likely to have more or less trouble in
+deciding upon scores, this difficulty rapidly disappears with
+experience. The following samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+responses will serve as a fairly adequate guide in dealing with doubtful
+cases:--
+
+(a) _Snake_, _cow_, _sparrow_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All are animals" (or creatures, etc.). "All
+ live on the land." "All have blood" (or flesh, bones, eyes,
+ skin, etc.). "All move about." "All breathe air." "All are
+ useful" (_plus_ only if subject can give a use which they have
+ in common). "All have a little intelligence" (or sense,
+ instinct, etc.).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All have legs." "All are dangerous." "All
+ feed on grain" (or grass, etc.). "All are much afraid of man."
+ "All frighten you." "All are warm-blooded." "All get about the
+ same way." "All walk on the ground." "All can bite." "All
+ holler." "All drink water." "A snake crawls, a cow walks, and a
+ sparrow flies" (or some other difference). "They are not alike."
+
+(b) _Book_, _teacher_, _newspaper_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All teach." "You learn from all." "All give you
+ information." "All help you get an education." "All are your
+ good friends" (_plus_ if subject can explain how). "All are
+ useful" (_plus_ if subject can explain how).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All tell you the news." "A teacher writes,
+ and a book and newspaper have writing." "They are not alike."
+ "All read." "All use the alphabet."
+
+(c) _Wool_, _cotton_, _leather_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All used for clothing." "We wear them all."
+ "All grow" (_plus_ if subject can explain). "All have to be sent
+ to the factory to be made into things." "All are useful" (_plus_
+ if subject can give a use which all have in common). "All are
+ valuable" (_plus_ if explained).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All come from plants." "All grow on animals."
+ "All came off the top of something." "All are things." "They are
+ pretty." "All spell alike." "All are furry" (or soft, hard,
+ etc.).
+
+(d) _Knife-blade_, _penny_, _piece of wire_
+
+ _Satisfactory_. "All are made from minerals" (or metals). "All
+ come from mines." "All are hard material."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All are made of steel" (or copper, iron,
+ etc.). "All are made of the same metal." "All cut." "All bend
+ easily." "All are used in building a house." "All are
+ worthless." "All are useful in fixing things." "All have an
+ end." "They are small." "All weigh the same." "Can get them all
+ at a hardware store." "You can buy things with all of them."
+ "You buy them with money." "One is sharp, one is round, and one
+ is long" (or some other difference).
+
+ Such answers as "All are found in a boy's pocket," or "Boys like
+ them," are not altogether bad, but hardly deserve to be called
+ satisfactory. "All are useful" is _minus_ unless the subject can
+ give a use which they have in common, which in this case he is
+ not likely to do. Bizarre uses are also _minus_; as, "All are
+ good for a watch fob," "Can use all for paper weights," etc.
+
+(e) _Rose_, _potato_, _tree_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All are plants." "All grow from the ground."
+ "All have leaves" (or roots, etc.). "All have to be planted."
+ "All are parts of nature." "All have colors."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All are pretty." "All bear fruit." "All have
+ pretty flowers." "All grow on bushes." "All are valuable" (or
+ useful). "They grow close to a house." "All are ornamental."
+ "All are shrubbery."
+
+REMARKS. The words of each series lend themselves readily to
+classification into a next higher class. This is the best type of
+response, but with most of the series it accounts for less than two
+thirds of the successes among subjects of 12-year intelligence. The
+proportion is less than one third for subjects of 10-year intelligence
+and nearly three fourths at the 14-year level. It would be possible and
+very desirable to devise and standardize an additional test of this
+kind, but requiring the giving of an essential resemblance or
+classificatory similarity.
+
+For discussion of the psychological factors involved in the similarities
+test, see VII, 5.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XIV.
+
+
+XIV, 1. VOCABULARY (FIFTY DEFINITIONS, 9000 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in VIII, X, and XII. At year XIV fifty words
+must be correctly defined.
+
+
+XIV, 2. INDUCTION TEST: FINDING A RULE
+
+PROCEDURE. Provide six sheets of thin blank paper, say 8½ × 11 inches.
+Take the first sheet, and telling the subject to watch what you do, fold
+it once, and in the middle of the folded edge tear out or cut out a
+small notch; then ask the subject to tell you _how many holes there will
+be in the paper when it is unfolded_. The correct answer, _one_, is
+nearly always given without hesitation. But whatever the answer, unfold
+the paper and hold it up broadside for the subject's inspection. Next,
+take another sheet, fold it once as before and say: "_Now, when we
+folded it this way and tore out a piece, you remember it made one hole
+in the paper. This time we will give the paper another fold and see how
+many holes we shall have._" Then proceed to fold the paper again, this
+time in the other direction, and tear out a piece from the folded side
+and ask how many holes there will be when the paper is unfolded. After
+recording the answer, unfold the paper, hold it up before the subject so
+as to let him see the result. The answer is often incorrect and the
+unfolded sheet is greeted with an exclamation of surprise. The governing
+principle is seldom made out at this stage of the experiment. But
+regardless of the correctness or incorrectness of the first and second
+answers, proceed with the third sheet. Fold it once and say: "_When we
+folded it this way there was one hole._" Then fold it again and say:
+"_And when we folded it this way there were two holes._" At this point
+fold the paper a third time and say: "_Now, I am folding it again. How
+many holes will it have this time when I unfold it?_" Record the answer
+and again unfold the paper while the subject looks on.
+
+Continue in the same manner with sheets four, five, and six, adding one
+fold each time. In folding each sheet recapitulate the results with the
+previous sheets, saying (with the sixth, for example): "_When we folded
+it this way there was one hole, when we folded it again there were two,
+when we folded it again there were four, when we folded it again there
+were eight, when we folded it again there were sixteen; now, tell me
+how many holes there will be if we fold it once more._" In the
+recapitulation avoid the expression "_When we folded it once, twice,
+three times_," etc., as this often leads the subject to double the
+numeral heard instead of doubling the number of holes in the previously
+folded sheet. After the answer is given, do not fail to unfold the paper
+and let the subject view the result.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if the rule is grasped by the time the
+sixth sheet is reached_; that is, the subject may pass after five
+incorrect responses, provided the sixth is correct and the governing
+rule can then be given. It is not permissible to ask for the rule until
+all six parts of the experiment have been given. Nothing must be said
+which could even suggest the operation of a rule. Often, however, the
+subject grasps the principle after two or three steps and gives it
+spontaneously. In this case it is unnecessary to proceed with the
+remaining steps.
+
+REMARKS. This test was first used by the writer in a comparative study
+of the intellectual processes of bright and dull boys in 1905, but it
+was not standardized until 1914. Rather extensive data indicate that it
+is a genuine test of intelligence. Of 14-year-old school children
+testing between 96 and 105 I Q, 59 per cent passed this test; of
+14-year-olds testing below 96 I Q, 41 per cent passed; of those testing
+above 105, 71 per cent passed. That is, the test agrees well with the
+results obtained by the scale as a whole. Of "average adults" only
+10 per cent fail; and of "superior adults," fewer than 5 per cent. As a
+rule, the higher the grade of intelligence, the fewer the steps
+necessary for grasping the rule. Of the superior adults, only
+35 per cent fail to get the rule as early as the end of the fourth step.
+
+The test is little affected by schooling, and apart from differences in
+intelligence it is little influenced by age. Other advantages of the
+test are the keen interest it always arouses and its independence of
+language ability. It has been used successfully with immigrant subjects
+who had been in this country but a few months.
+
+We have named the experiment an "induction test." It might be supposed
+that the solution would ordinarily be arrived at by deduction, or by an
+_a-priori_ logical analysis of the principle involved. This, however, is
+rarely the case. Not one average adult out of ten reasons out the
+situation in this purely logical manner. It is ordinarily only after one
+or more mistakes have been made and have been exposed by the examiner
+holding up the unfolded paper to view that the correct principle is
+grasped. In the absence of deductive reasoning the subject must note
+that each unfolded sheet contains twice as many holes as the previous
+one, and must infer that folding the paper again will again double the
+number. The ability tested is the ability to generalize from
+particulars where the common element of the particulars can be discerned
+only by the selective action of attention, in this case attention to the
+fact that each number is the double of its predecessor.
+
+
+XIV, 3. GIVING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN A PRESIDENT AND A KING
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_There are three main differences between a president
+and a king; what are they?_" If the subject stops after one difference
+is given, we urge him on, if possible, until three are given.
+
+SCORING. The three differences relate to power, tenure, and manner of
+accession. Only these differences are considered correct, and the
+successful response must include at least two of the three. We disregard
+crudities of expression and note merely whether the subject has the
+essential idea. As regards power, for example, any of the following
+responses are satisfactory: "The king is absolute and the president is
+not." "The king rules by himself, but the president rules with the help
+of the people." "Kings can have things their own way more than
+presidents can," etc.
+
+It may be objected that the reverse of this is sometimes true, that the
+king of to-day often has less power than the average president.
+Sometimes subjects mention this fact, and when they do we credit them
+with this part of the test. As a matter of fact, however, this answer is
+seldom given.
+
+Sometimes the subject does not stop until he has given a half-dozen or
+more differences, and in such cases the first three differences may be
+trivial and some of the later ones essential. The question then arises
+whether we should disregard the errors and pass the subject on his later
+correct responses. The rule in such cases is to ask the subject to pick
+out the "three main differences."
+
+Sometimes accession and tenure are given in the form of a single
+contrast, as: "The president is elected, but the king inherits his
+throne and rules for life." This answer entitles the subject to credit
+for both accession and tenure, the contrast as regards tenure being
+plainly implied.
+
+Unsatisfactory contrasts are of many kinds and are often amusing. Some
+of the most common are the following:--
+
+ "A king wears a crown." "A king has jewels." "A king sits on a
+ throne." ("A king sets on a thorn" as one feeble-minded boy put
+ it!) "A king lives in a palace." "A king has courtiers." "A king
+ is very dignified." "A king dresses up more." "A president has
+ less pomp and ceremony." "A president is more ready to receive
+ the people." "A king sits on a chair all the time and a
+ president does not." "No differences; it's just names." "A
+ president does not give titles." "A king has a larger salary."
+ "A king has royal blood." "A king is in more danger." "They have
+ a different title." "A king is more cruel." "Kings have people
+ beheaded." "A king rules in a monarchy and a president in a
+ republic." "A king rules in a foreign country." "A president is
+ elected and a king fights for his office." "A president appoints
+ governors and a king does not." "A president lets the lawyers
+ make the laws." "Everybody works for a king."
+
+It is surprising to see how often trivial differences like the above are
+given. About thirty "average adults" out of a hundred, including
+high-school students, give at least one unsatisfactory contrast.
+
+The test has been criticized as depending too much on schooling. The
+criticism is to a certain extent valid when the test is used with young
+subjects, say of 10 or 12 years. It is not valid, however, if the use of
+the test is confined to older subjects. With the latter, it is not a
+test of knowledge, but of the discriminative capacity to deal with
+knowledge already in the possession of the subject. It would be
+difficult to find an adult, not actually feeble-minded, who is ignorant
+of the facts called for: That the king inherits his throne, while the
+president is elected; that the tenure of the king is for life, and that
+of the president for a term of years; that kings ordinarily have, or are
+supposed to have, more power. Even the relatively stupid adult knows
+this; but he also knows that kings are different from presidents in
+having crowns, thrones, palaces, robes, courtiers, larger pay, etc., and
+he makes no discrimination as regards the relative importance of these
+differences.
+
+The test is psychologically related to that of giving differences in
+year VII and to the two tests of finding similarities; but it differs
+from these in requiring a comparison based on fundamental rather than
+accidental distinctions. The idea is good and should be worked out in
+additional tests of the same type.
+
+The test first appeared in the Binet revised scale of 1911. Kuhlmann
+omits it, and besides our own there are few statistics bearing on it.
+Our results show that if two essential differences are required, the
+test belongs where we have placed it, but that if only one essential
+difference is required, the test is easy enough for year XII.
+
+
+XIV, 4. PROBLEM QUESTIONS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_Listen, and see if you can understand
+what I read._" Then read the following three problems, rather slowly and
+with expression, pausing after each long enough for the subject to find
+an answer:--
+
+ (a) "_A man who was walking in the woods near a city stopped
+ suddenly, very much frightened, and then ran to the nearest
+ policeman, saying that he had just seen hanging from the limb
+ of a tree a ... a what?_"
+ (b) "_My neighbor has been having queer visitors. First a doctor
+ came to his house, then a lawyer, then a minister (preacher or
+ priest). What do you think happened there?_"
+ (c) "_An Indian who had come to town for the first time in his
+ life saw a white man riding along the street. As the white man
+ rode by, the Indian said--'The white man is lazy; he walks
+ sitting down.' What was the white man riding on that caused
+ the Indian to say, 'He walks sitting down'?_"
+
+Do not ask questions calculated to draw out the correct response, but
+wait in silence for the subject's spontaneous answer. It is permissible,
+however, to re-read the passage if the subject requests it.
+
+SCORING. _Two responses out of three must be satisfactory._ The
+following explanations and examples will make clear the requirements of
+the test:--
+
+(a) _What the man saw hanging_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The only correct answer for the first is "A man
+ who had hung himself" (or who had committed suicide, been
+ hanged, etc.). We may also pass the following answer: "Dead
+ branches that looked like a man hanging."
+
+ A good many subjects answer simply, "A man." This answer cannot
+ be scored because of the impossibility of knowing what is in the
+ subject's mind, and in such cases it is always necessary to say:
+ "_Explain what you mean._" The answer to this interrogation
+ always enables us to score the response.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ There is an endless variety of failures: "A
+ snake," "A monkey," "A robber," or "A tramp" being the most
+ common. Others include such answers as "A bear," "A tiger," "A
+ wild cat," "A cat," "A bird," "An eagle," "A bird's nest," "A
+ hornet's nest," "A leaf," "A swing," "A boy in a swing," "A
+ basket of flowers," "An egg," "A ghost," "A white sheet,"
+ "Clothes," "A purse," etc.
+
+(b) _My neighbor_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The expected answer is "A death," "Some one has
+ died," etc. We must always check up this response, however, by
+ asking what the lawyer came for, and this must also be answered
+ correctly.
+
+ While it is expected that the subject will understand that the
+ doctor came to attend a sick person, the lawyer to make his
+ will, and the minister to preach the funeral, there are a few
+ other ingenious interpretations which pass as satisfactory. For
+ example, "A man got hurt in an accident; the doctor came to make
+ him well, the lawyer to see about damages, and then he died and
+ the preacher came for the funeral." Or, "A man died, the lawyer
+ came to help the widow settle the estate and the preacher came
+ for the funeral." We can hardly expect the 14-year-old child to
+ know that it is not the custom to settle an estate until after
+ the funeral.
+
+ The following excellent response was given by an enlightened
+ young eugenist: "A marriage; the doctor came to examine them and
+ see if they were fit to marry, the lawyer to arrange the
+ marriage settlement, and the minister to marry them." The
+ following logical responses occurred once each: "A murder. The
+ doctor came to examine the body, the lawyer to get evidence, and
+ the preacher to preach the funeral." "An unmarried girl has
+ given birth to a child. The lawyer was employed to get the man
+ to marry her and then the preacher came to perform the wedding
+ ceremony." Perhaps some will consider this interpretation too
+ far-fetched to pass. But it is perfectly logical and,
+ unfortunately, represents an occurrence which is not so very
+ rare.
+
+ If an incorrect answer is first given and then corrected, the
+ correction is accepted.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ The failures again are quite varied, but are
+ most frequently due to failure to understand the lawyer's
+ mission. Of 66 tabulated failures, 26 are accounted for in this
+ way, while only 6 are due to inability to state the part played
+ by the minister. The most common incorrect responses are: "A
+ baby born" (accounting for 5 out of 66 failures); "A divorce"
+ (very common with the children tested by Dr. Ordahl, at Reno,
+ Nevada!); "A marriage"; "A divorce and a remarriage"; "A
+ dinner"; "An entertainment"; "Some friends came to chat," etc.
+ In 20 failures out of 66, marriage was incorrectly connected
+ with a will, a divorce, the death of a child, etc.
+
+ The following are not bad, but hardly deserve to pass: "Sickness
+ and trouble; the lawyer and minister came to help him out of
+ trouble." Or, "Somebody was sick; the lawyer wanted his money
+ and the minister came to see how he was." A few present a still
+ more logical interpretation, but so far-fetched that it is
+ doubtful whether they should count as passes; for example: "A
+ man and his wife had a fight. One got hurt and had to have the
+ doctor, then they had a lawyer to get them divorced, then the
+ minister came to marry one of them." Again, "Some one is dying
+ and is getting married and making his will before he dies."
+
+(c) _What the man was riding on_
+
+ The only correct response is "Bicycle." The most common error is
+ _horse_ (or _donkey_), accounting for 48 out of 71 tabulated
+ failures. Vehicles, like _wagon_, _buggy_, _automobile_, or
+ _street car_, were mentioned in 14 out of 71 failures. Bizarre
+ replies are: "A cripple in a wheel chair"; "A person riding on
+ some one's back," etc.
+
+REMARKS. The experiment is a form of the completion test. Elements of a
+situation are given, out of which the entire situation is to be
+constructed. This phase of intelligence has already been discussed.[74]
+
+[74] See IX, 5, and XII, 4.
+
+While it is generally admitted that the underlying idea of this test is
+good, some have criticized Binet's selection of problems. Meumann thinks
+the lawyer element of the second is so unfamiliar to children as to
+render that part of the test unfair. Several "armchair" critics have
+mentioned the danger of nervous shock from the first problem. Bobertag
+throws out the test entirely and substitutes a completion test modeled
+after that of Ebbinghaus. Our own results are altogether favorable to
+the test. If it is used in year XIV, Meumann's objection hardly holds,
+for American children of that age do ordinarily know something about
+making wills. As for the danger of shock from the first problem, we have
+never once found the slightest evidence of this much-feared result. The
+subject always understands that the situation depicted is hypothetical,
+and so answers either in a matter-of-fact manner or with a laugh.
+
+The bicycle problem is our own invention. Binet used the other two and
+required both to be answered correctly. The test was located in year XII
+of the 1908 scale, and in year XV of the 1911 revision. Goddard and
+Kuhlmann retain it in the original location. The Stanford results of
+1911, 1912, 1914, and 1915 agree in showing the test too difficult for
+year XII, even when only two out of three correct responses are
+required. If the original form of the experiment is used, it is
+exceedingly difficult for year XV. As here given it fits well at
+year XIV.
+
+
+XIV, 5. ARITHMETICAL REASONING
+
+PROCEDURE. The following problems, printed in clear type, are shown one
+at a time to the subject, who reads each problem aloud and (with the
+printed problem still before him) finds the answer without the use of
+pencil or paper.
+
+ (a) _If a man's salary is $20 a week and he spends $14 a week,
+ how long will it take him to save $300?_
+ (b) _If 2 pencils cost 5 cents, how many pencils can you buy for
+ 50 cents?_
+ (c) _At 15 cents a yard, how much will 7 feet of cloth cost?_
+
+Only one minute is allowed for each problem, but nothing is said about
+hurrying. While one problem is being solved, the others should be hidden
+from view. It is not permissible, if the subject gives an incorrect
+answer, to ask him to solve the problem again. The following exception,
+however, is made to this rule: If the answer given to the third problem
+indicates that the word _yard_ has been read as _feet_, the subject is
+asked to read the problem through again carefully (aloud) and to tell
+how he solved it. No further help of any kind may be given.
+
+SCORING. _Two of the three_ problems must be solved correctly within the
+minute allotted to each. No credit is allowed for correct method if the
+answer is wrong.
+
+REMARKS. We have selected these problems from the list used by Bonser in
+his _Study of the Reasoning Ability of Children in the Fourth, Fifth,
+and Sixth School Grades_.[75]
+
+[75] Columbia University Contributions to Education, no. 37, 1910.
+
+Our tests of 279 "at age" children between 12 and 15 years reveal the
+surprising fact that the test as here used and scored is not passed by
+much over half of the children of any age in the grades below the
+high-school age. Of the high-school pupils 19 per cent failed to pass,
+21 per cent of ordinarily successful business men (!), and 27 per cent
+of Knollin's unemployed men testing up to the "average adult" level. To
+find average intelligence cutting such a sorry figure raises the
+question whether the ancient definition of man as "the rational animal"
+is justified by the facts. The truth is, _average_ intelligence does not
+do a great deal of abstract, logical reasoning, and the little it does
+is done usually under the whip of necessity.
+
+At first thought these problems will doubtless appear to the reader to
+be mere tests of schooling. It is true, of course, that in solving them
+the subject makes use of knowledge which is ordinarily obtained in
+school; but this knowledge (that is, knowledge of reading and of
+addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division) is possessed by
+practically all adults who are not feeble-minded, and by many who are.
+Success, therefore, depends upon the ability to apply this knowledge
+readily and accurately to the problems given--precisely the kind of
+ability in which a deficiency cannot be made good by school training. We
+can teach even morons how to read problems and how to add, subtract,
+multiply, and divide with a fair degree of accuracy; the trouble comes
+when they try to decide which of these processes the problem calls for.
+This may require intelligence of high or low order, according to the
+difficulty of the problem. As for the present test, we have shown that
+almost totally unschooled men of "average adult" intelligence pass this
+test as frequently as high-school seniors of the same mental level.
+
+
+XIV, 6. REVERSING HANDS OF CLOCK
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_Suppose it is six twenty-two o'clock,
+that is, twenty-two minutes after six; can you see in your mind where
+the large hand would be, and where the small hand would be?_" Subjects
+of 12- to 14-year intelligence practically always answer this in the
+affirmative. Then continue: "_Now, suppose the two hands of the clock
+were to trade places, so that the large hand takes the place where the
+small hand was, and the small hand takes the place where the large hand
+was. What time would it then be?_"
+
+Repeat the test with the hands at 8.10 (10 minutes after 8), and again
+with the hands at 2.46 (14 minutes before 3).
+
+The subject is not allowed to look at a clock or watch, or to aid
+himself by drawing, but must work out the problem mentally. As a rule
+the answer is given within a few seconds or not at all. If an answer is
+not forthcoming within two minutes the score is failure.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ problems are solved
+within the following range of accuracy: the first solution is considered
+correct if the answer falls between 4.30 and 4.35, inclusive; the second
+if the answer falls between 1.40 and 1.45, and the third if the answer
+falls between 9.10 and 9.15.
+
+REMARKS. It appears that success in the test chiefly depends upon
+voluntary control over constructive visual imagery. Weakness of visual
+imagery may account for the failure of a considerable percentage of
+adults to pass the test. Visual imagery, however, is not absolutely
+necessary to success. One 8-year-old prodigy, who had 12-year
+intelligence, arrived in forty seconds at a strictly mathematical
+solution for the second problem, as follows: "If it is 2.46, and the
+hands trade places, then the little hand has gone about one fourth of
+the distance from 9 o'clock to 10 o'clock. One fourth of 60 minutes is
+15 minutes, and so the time would be 15 minutes after 9 o'clock." Such a
+solution is certainly possible by the use of verbal imagery of any type.
+
+The test shows a high correlation with mental age, but more than most
+others it is subject to the influence of cribbing. For this reason,
+other positions of the clock hands should be tried out for the purpose
+of finding substitute experiments of equal difficulty. Until such
+experiments have been made, it will be necessary to confine the
+experiment to the three positions here presented.
+
+Schooling seems to have no influence whatever on the percentage of
+passes.
+
+This test was first used by Binet in 1905, but was not included in
+either the 1908 or 1911 series. Goddard and Kuhlmann both include the
+test in their revisions, placing it in year XV. They give only two
+problems (our _a_ and _c_) and require that both be answered correctly.
+Neither Goddard nor Kuhlmann, however, indicates the degree of error
+permitted.
+
+Something depends upon original position of the hands. Binet used 6.20
+and 2.46. For some reason the 2.46 arrangement is much more difficult
+than either 8.10 or 6.22, yielding almost twice as many failures as
+either of the other positions.
+
+
+XIV, ALTERNATIVE TESTS: REPEATING SEVEN DIGITS
+
+This time, as in year X, only two series are given, one of which must be
+repeated without error. The two series are: 2-1-8-3-4-3-9 and
+9-7-2-8-4-7-5. Note that in none of the tests of repeating digits is it
+permissible to warn the subject of the number to be given.
+
+REMARKS. Binet originally placed this test in year XII, giving three
+trials, but later moved it to year XV. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in
+year XII. Our data show that when three trials are given the test is too
+easy for year XIV, but that it fits this age when only two trials are
+allowed; that after the age of 12 or 14 years memory for relatively
+meaningless material, like digits or nonsense syllables, improves but
+little; and that above this level it does not correlate very closely
+with intelligence.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "AVERAGE ADULT"
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 1: VOCABULARY (SIXTY-FIVE DEFINITIONS, 11,700 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in previous vocabulary tests.[76] At the
+average adult level sixty-five words should be correctly defined.
+
+[76] See VIII, 6.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 2: INTERPRETATION OF FABLES (SCORE 8)
+
+PROCEDURE. As in year XII, test 6. Use the same fables.
+
+SCORING. The method of scoring is the same as for XII, but the total
+score must be 8 points to satisfy the requirements at this level.
+
+REMARKS. For discussion of test, see XII, 5.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 3: DIFFERENCES BETWEEN ABSTRACT TERMS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: _What is the difference between_:--
+
+ (a) _Laziness and idleness?_
+ (b) _Evolution and revolution?_
+ (c) _Poverty and misery?_
+ (d) _Character and reputation?_
+
+SCORING. _Three correct contrasting definitions out of four_ are
+necessary for a pass. It is not sufficient merely to give a correct
+meaning for each word of a pair; the subject must point out a difference
+between the two words so as to make a real contrast. For example, if the
+subject defines _evolution_ as a "growth" or "gradual change," and
+_revolution_ as the turning of a wheel on its axis, the experimenter
+should say: "_Yes, but I want you to tell me the difference between
+evolution and revolution._" If the contrast is not then forthcoming the
+response is marked _minus_.
+
+The following are sample definitions which may be considered
+acceptable:--
+
+ (a) _Laziness and idleness._ "It is laziness if you won't
+ work, and idleness if you are willing to work but haven't any
+ job." "Lots of men are idle who are not lazy and would like to
+ work if they had something to do." "Laziness means you don't
+ want to work; idleness means you are not doing anything just
+ now." "Idle people may be lazy, or they may just happen to be
+ out of a job." "It is laziness when you don't like to work, and
+ idleness when you are not working." "An idle person might be
+ willing to work; a lazy man won't work." "Laziness comes from
+ within; idleness may be forced upon one." "Laziness is aversion
+ to activity; idleness is simply the state of inactivity."
+ "Laziness is idleness from choice or preference; idleness means
+ doing nothing."
+
+ The essential contrast, accordingly, is that _laziness refers to
+ unwillingness to work; idleness to the mere fact of inactivity_.
+ This contrast must be expressed, however clumsily.
+
+ (b) _Evolution and revolution._ "Evolution is a gradual
+ change; revolution is a sudden change." "Evolution is natural
+ development; revolution is sudden upheaval." "Evolution means an
+ unfolding or development; revolution means a complete upsetting
+ of everything." "Evolution is the gradual development of a
+ country or government; revolution is a quick change of
+ government." "Evolution takes place by natural force; a
+ revolution is caused by an outside force." "Evolution is growth;
+ revolution is a quick change from existing conditions."
+ "Evolution is a natural change; revolution is a violent
+ change." "Evolution is growth step by step; revolution is more
+ sudden and radical in its action." "Evolution is a change
+ brought about by peaceful development, while revolution is
+ brought about by an uprising."
+
+ The essential distinction, accordingly, is that _evolution means
+ a gradual, natural, or slow change, while revolution means a
+ sudden, forced, or violent change_. Non-contrasting definitions,
+ even when the individual terms are defined correctly, are not
+ satisfactory.
+
+ (c) _Poverty and misery._ "Poverty is when you are poor;
+ misery means suffering." "Only the poor are in poverty, but
+ everybody can be miserable." "Poverty is the lowest stage of
+ poorness; misery means pain." "The poor are not always
+ miserable, and the rich are miserable sometimes." "Poverty means
+ to be in want; misery comes from any kind of suffering or
+ anguish." "The poor are in poverty; the sick are in misery."
+ "Poverty is the condition of being very poor financially; misery
+ is a feeling which any class of people can have." "One who is
+ poor is in poverty; one who is wretched or doesn't enjoy life is
+ in misery." "Poverty comes from lack of money; misery, from lack
+ of happiness or comfort." "Misery means distress. It can come
+ from poverty or many other things."
+
+ (d) _Character and reputation._ "Character is what you are;
+ reputation is what people say about you." "You have character if
+ you are honest; but you might be honest and still have a bad
+ reputation among people who misjudge you." "Character is your
+ real self; reputation is the opinion people have about you."
+ "Your character depends upon yourself; reputation depends on
+ what others think of you." "Character means your real morals;
+ reputation is the way you are known in the world." "A man has a
+ good character if he would not do evil; but a man may have a
+ good reputation and still have a bad character."
+
+A little practice and a good deal of discrimination are necessary for
+the correct grading of responses to this test. Subjects are often so
+clumsy in expression that their responses are anything but clear. It is
+then necessary to ask them to explain what they mean. Further
+questioning, however, is not permissible. For uniformity in scoring it
+is necessary to bear in mind that the definitions given must, in order
+to be satisfactory, express the essential distinction between the two
+words.
+
+REMARKS. What we have said regarding the psychological significance of
+test 2, year XII, applies equally well here. The test on the whole is a
+valuable one. Our statistics show that it is not, as some critics have
+thought, mainly a test of schooling.
+
+The main criticism to be made is that it imposes a somewhat difficult
+task upon the power of language expression. For this reason it is
+necessary in scoring to disregard clumsiness of expression and to look
+only to the essential correctness or incorrectness of the thought.
+
+This test first appeared in year XIII of Binet's 1908 scale. The terms
+used were "happiness and honor"; "evolution and revolution"; "event and
+advent"; "poverty and misery"; "pride and pretension." In the 1911
+revision, "happiness and honor" and "pride and pretension" were dropped,
+and the other three pairs were moved up to the adult group, two out of
+three successes being required for a pass. Kuhlmann places it in
+year XV, using "happiness and honor" instead of our "character and
+reputation," and requires three successes out of five.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 4: PROBLEM OF THE ENCLOSED BOXES
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the subject a cardboard box about one inch on a side.
+Say: "_You see this box; it has two smaller boxes inside of it, and each
+one of the smaller boxes contains a little tiny box. How many boxes are
+there altogether, counting the big one?_" To be sure that the subject
+understands repeat the statement of the problem: "_First the large box,
+then two smaller ones, and each of the smaller ones contains a little
+tiny box._"
+
+Record the response, and, showing another box, say: "_This box has two
+smaller boxes inside, and each of the smaller boxes contains two tiny
+boxes. How many altogether? Remember, first the large box, then two
+smaller ones, and each smaller one contains two tiny boxes._"
+
+The third problem, which is given in the same way, states that there are
+_three_ smaller boxes, each of which contains _three_ tiny boxes.
+
+In the fourth problem there are _four_ smaller boxes, each containing
+_four_ tiny boxes.
+
+The problem must be given orally, and the solution must be found without
+the aid of pencil or paper. Only one half-minute is allowed for each
+problem. Note that each problem is stated twice.
+
+A correction is permitted, provided it is offered spontaneously and does
+not seem to be the result of guessing. Guessing can be checked up by
+asking the subject to explain the solution.
+
+SCORING. _Three of the four_ problems must be solved correctly within
+the half-minute allotted to each.
+
+REMARKS. Success depends, in the first place, upon ability to comprehend
+the statement of the problem and to hold its conditions in mind.
+Subjects much below the 12-year level of intelligence are often unable
+to do this.
+
+Granting that the problem has been comprehended, success seems to depend
+chiefly upon the facility with which the constructive imagination
+manipulates concrete visual imagery. In this respect it resembles the
+problem of reversing the hands of a clock. With some subjects, however,
+verbal imagery alone is operative. Tactual imagery would, of course,
+serve the purpose as well.
+
+This is as good a place as any to emphasize the fact that the
+introspective study of mental imagery has little to contribute to the
+measurement of intelligence. Intelligence tests are concerned with the
+total result of a thought process, rather than with the imagery supports
+of that process. Thought may be carried on almost equally well by
+various kinds of imagery. As Galton showed, a person can be taught to
+carry on arithmetical processes by the use of smell imagery. The kind of
+imagery employed is the product of slight, innate preferences
+complicated by the more or less accidental effects of habit.
+
+We may say that imagery is to thinking what scaffolding is to
+architecture. The important thing is the completed building rather than
+the nature of the scaffolding employed in erecting it. No one thinks of
+blaming the ill construction of a building upon the kind of scaffolding
+used, for if the architect and builder are competent satisfactory
+scaffolding will be found. Just as little are deficiencies or
+peculiarities of imagery the real cause of low-order intelligence. We
+cannot increase intelligence by formal drill in the use of supposedly
+important kinds of mental imagery, any more than we can transform a
+plain carpenter into a Michael Angelo by instructing him in the use of
+scaffolding materials such as were employed in the construction of St.
+Peter's Cathedral.
+
+This test is of our own invention and has been brought to its present
+form only after a good deal of preliminary experimentation. It
+correlates fairly well with mental age as determined by the scale as a
+whole. It was passed by 55 per cent of high-school pupils and by
+65 per cent of unschooled business men. Success in it is thus seen not
+to depend upon schooling.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 5: REPEATING SIX DIGITS REVERSED
+
+The series used are: 4-7-1-9-5-2; 5-8-3-2-9-4; and 7-5-2-6-3-8.
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in year VII, alternative 2.
+
+REMARKS. The test is passed by approximately half of "average adults"
+and by three fourths of "superior adults." It shows no effect of
+schooling, the uneducated business men even surpassing our high-school
+students.
+
+For the higher levels of intelligence, especially, the test is superior
+to that of repeating digits in the direct order. It is less mechanical
+and makes heavier demands upon higher intelligence.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 6: USING A CODE
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the subject the code given on the accompanying form.
+Say: "_See these diagrams here. Look and you will see that they contain
+all the letters of the alphabet. Now, examine the arrangement of the
+letters. They go_ (pointing) _a b c, d e f, g h i, j k l, m n o, p q r,
+s t u v, w x y z. You see the letters in the first two diagrams are
+arranged in the up-and-down order_ (pointing again), _and the letters in
+the other two diagrams run in just the opposite way from the hands of a
+clock_ (pointing). _Look again and you will see that the second diagram
+is drawn just like the first, except that each letter has a dot with it,
+and that the last diagram is like the third except that here, also, each
+letter has a dot. Now, all of this represents a code; that is, a secret
+language. It is a real code, one that was used in the Civil War for
+sending secret messages. This is the way it works: we draw the lines
+which hold a letter, but leave out the letter. Here, for example, is the
+way we would write 'spy?'_" Then write the word _spy_, pointing out
+carefully where each letter comes from, and emphasizing the fact that
+the dot must be used in addition to the lines in writing any letter in
+the second or the fourth diagram. Illustrate also with _war_.
+
+Then add: "_I am going to have you write something for me; remember now,
+how the letters go, first_ (pointing, as before) _a b c, d e f, g h i,
+then j k l, m n o, p q r, then s t u v, then w x y z. And don't forget
+the dots for the letters in this diagram and this one_" (pointing). At
+this point, take away the diagrams and tell the subject to write the
+words _come quickly_. Say nothing about hurrying.
+
+The subject is given a pencil, but is allowed to draw only the symbols
+for the words _come quickly_. He is not permitted to reproduce the
+entire code and then to copy the code letters from his reproduction.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the words are written in _six minutes and
+without more than two errors_. Omission of a dot counts as only a half
+error.
+
+REMARKS. It is not easy to analyze the mental functions which contribute
+to success in the code test. Contrary to what might be supposed, success
+does not necessarily depend upon getting and retaining a visual picture
+of the diagrams. Kinæsthetic imagery will answer the purpose just as
+well, or the original visual impression may even be translated at once
+into auditory-verbal imagery and remembered as such. The significance of
+the test must be expressed in other terms than the kind of imagery it
+may happen to bring into play.
+
+Healy and Fernald describe the task of writing a code sentence without
+copy as one which requires "close attention and steadiness of purpose."
+They also emphasize the fact that the attention must be directed inward,
+since there is no object of interest before the senses and since no
+special stimulus to attention is offered by the experimenter.
+Observations we have made on subjects during the test confirm this view
+as to the factors involved.
+
+That inability to remember the code as a whole is not a common cause of
+failure is shown by the fact that subjects above 12-year intelligence
+who have failed on the test are nearly always able to reproduce the
+diagrams and insert the letters in their proper places. To give the code
+form of a given letter without copy, however, makes a much heavier
+demand on attention. Nearly all subjects find it necessary to trace the
+code form, in imagination, from the beginning up to each letter whose
+code form is sought. Subjects of superior intelligence, however,
+sometimes hit upon the device of remembering the position of the
+individual key letters e.g. (the first letter of each figure) from
+which, as a base, any desired letter form may be quickly sought out.
+
+The test correlates well with mental age, but for some reason not
+apparent it is passed by a larger percentage of high-school pupils than
+unschooled adults of the same mental level.
+
+The code test was first described by Healy and Fernald in their "Tests
+for Practical Mental Classification."[77] The authors gave no data,
+however, which would indicate the mental level to which the test
+belongs. Dr. Goddard incorporated it in year XV of his revision of the
+Binet scale, but also fails to give statistics. The location given
+the test in the Stanford revision is based on tests of nearly
+500 individuals ranging from a mental level of 12 years to that of
+"superior adult." It appears that the test is considerably more
+difficult than most had thought it to be.
+
+[77] _Psychological Review Monographs_ (1911), vol. XIII, no. 2, p. 51.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: REPEATING TWENTY-EIGHT SYLLABLES
+
+The sentences for this test are:--
+
+ (a) _Walter likes very much to go on visits to his grandmother,
+ because she always tells him many funny stories._
+ (b) _Yesterday I saw a pretty little dog in the street. It had
+ curly brown hair, short legs, and a long tail._
+
+PROCEDURE. Exactly as in VI, 6. Emphasize that the sentence must be
+repeated without a single change of any sort. Get attention before
+giving each sentence.
+
+SCORING. Passed _if one sentence is repeated without a single error_. In
+VI and X we scored the response as satisfactory if one sentence was
+repeated without error, or if two were repeated with not more than one
+error each.
+
+REMARKS. The test of repeating sentences is not as satisfactory in the
+higher intelligence levels as in the lower. It is too mechanical to tax
+very heavily the higher thought processes. It does, however, have a
+certain correlation with intelligence. Contrary to what one would have
+expected, uneducated adults of "average adult" intelligence surpassed
+our high-school students of the same mental level.
+
+Binet located this test in year XII of the 1908 series, but shifted it
+to year XV in 1911. The American versions of the Binet scale have
+usually retained it in year XII, though Goddard admits that the
+sentences are somewhat too difficult for that year. Kuhlmann puts the
+test in year XII, but reduces the sentences to twenty-four syllables and
+permits one re-reading. We give only two trials and our sentences are
+considerably more difficult. With the procedure and scoring we have
+used, the test is rather easy for the "average adult" group, but a
+little too hard for year XIV.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: COMPREHENSION OF PHYSICAL RELATIONS
+
+
+(a) _Problem regarding the path of a cannon ball_
+
+PROCEDURE. Draw on a piece of paper a horizontal line six or eight
+inches long. Above it, an inch or two, draw a short horizontal line
+about an inch long and parallel to the first. Tell the subject that the
+long line represents the perfectly level ground of a field, and that the
+short line represents a cannon. Explain that the cannon is "_pointed
+horizontally (on a level) and is fired across this perfectly level
+field_." After it is clear that these conditions of the problem are
+comprehended, we add: "_Now, suppose that this cannon is fired off and
+that the ball comes to the ground at this point here_ (pointing to the
+farther end of the line which represents the field). _Take this pencil
+and draw a line which will show what path the cannon ball will take from
+the time it leaves the mouth of the cannon till it strikes the ground._"
+
+SCORING. There are four types of response: (1) A straight diagonal line
+is drawn from the cannon's mouth to the point where the ball strikes.
+(2) A straight line is drawn from the cannon's mouth running
+horizontally until almost directly over the goal, at which point the
+line drops almost or quite vertically. (3) The path from the cannon's
+mouth first rises considerably from the horizontal, at an angle perhaps
+of between ten to forty-five degrees, and finally describes a gradual
+curve downward to the goal. (4) The line begins almost on a level and
+drops more rapidly toward the end of its course.
+
+Only the last is satisfactory. Of course, nothing like a mathematically
+accurate solution of the problem is expected. It is sufficient if the
+response belongs to the fourth type above instead of being absurd, as
+the other types described are. Any one who has ever thrown stones should
+have the data for such an approximate solution. Not a day of schooling
+is necessary.
+
+
+(b) _Problem as to the weight of a fish in water_
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_You know, of course, that water holds
+up a fish that is placed in it. Well, here is a problem. Suppose we have
+a bucket which is partly full of water. We place the bucket on the
+scales and find that with the water in it it weighs exactly 45 pounds.
+Then we put a 5-pound fish into the bucket of water. Now, what will the
+whole thing weigh?_"
+
+SCORING. Many subjects even as low as 9- or 10-year intelligence will
+answer promptly, "Why, 45 pounds and 5 pounds makes 50 pounds, of
+course." But this is not sufficient. We proceed to ask, with serious
+demeanor: "_How can this be correct, since the water itself holds up the
+fish?_" The young subject who has answered so glibly now laughs
+sheepishly and apologizes for his error, saying that he answered without
+thinking, etc. This response is scored failure without further
+questioning.
+
+Other subjects, mostly above the 14-year level, adhere to the answer
+"50 pounds," however strongly we urge the argument about the water
+holding up the fish. In response to our question, "_How can that be the
+case?_" it is sufficient if the subject replies that "The weight is
+there just the same; the scales have to hold up the bucket and the
+bucket has to hold up the water," or words to that effect. Only some
+such response as this is satisfactory. If the subject keeps changing his
+answer or says that he _thinks_ the weight would be 50 pounds, but is
+not certain, the score is failure.
+
+
+(c) _Difficulty of hitting a distant mark_
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_You know, do you not, what it means
+when they say a gun 'carries 100 yards'? It means that the bullet goes
+that far before it drops to amount to anything._" All boys and most
+girls more than a dozen years old understand this readily. If the
+subject does not understand, we explain again what it means for a gun
+"to carry" a given distance. When this part is clear, we proceed as
+follows: "_Now, suppose a man is shooting at a mark about the size of a
+quart can. His rifle carries perfectly more than 100 yards. With such a
+gun is it any harder to hit the mark at 100 yards than it is at
+50 yards?_" After the response is given, we ask the subject to explain.
+
+SCORING. Simply to say that it would be easier at 50 yards is not
+sufficient, nor can we pass the response which merely states that it is
+"easier to aim" at 50 yards. The correct principle must be given, one
+which shows the subject has appreciated the fact that a small deviation
+from the "bull's-eye" at 50 yards, due to incorrect aim, becomes a
+larger deviation at 100 yards. However, the subject is not required to
+know that the deviation at 100 yards is exactly twice as great as at
+50 yards. A certain amount of questioning is often necessary before we
+can decide whether the subject has the correct principle in mind.
+
+SCORING THE ENTIRE TEST. _Two of the three problems_ must be solved in
+such a way as to satisfy the requirements above set forth.
+
+REMARKS. These problems were devised by the writer. They yield
+interesting results, when properly given, but are not without their
+faults. Sometimes a very superior subject fails, while occasionally an
+inferior subject unexpectedly succeeds. On the whole, however the test
+correlates fairly well with mental age. At the 14-year level less than
+50 per cent pass; of "average adults," from 60 to 75 per cent are
+successful. Few "superior adults" fail.
+
+The test as here given is little influenced by the formal instruction
+given in the grades or the high school. In fact, 80 per cent of our
+uneducated business men, as contrasted with 65 per cent of high-school
+juniors and seniors, passed the test. Success probably depends in the
+main upon previous interest in physical relationships and upon the
+ability to understand phenomena of this kind which the subject has had
+opportunity to observe.
+
+It would be interesting to standardize a longer series of problems
+designed to test a subject's comprehension of common physical
+relationships. In the first few months of life a normal child learns
+that objects unsupported fall to the ground. Later he learns that fire
+burns; that birds fly in the air; that fish do not sink in the water;
+that water does not run uphill; that it is easy to lift a leg or arm as
+one lies prone in the water; that mud is thrown from a rotating wheel
+(and always in the same direction); that a stone which is flying
+through the air swiftly is more dangerous than one which is moving
+slowly; that it is more dangerous to be run over by a train than by a
+buggy; that it is hard to run against a strong wind; that cyclones blow
+down trees and houses; that a rapidly moving train creates a stronger
+wind than a slower train; that a feather falls through the air with less
+speed than a stone; that a falling object gains momentum; that a heavy
+moving object is harder to stop than a light object moving at the same
+rate; that freezing water bursts pipes; that sounds sometimes give
+echoes; that rainbows cannot be approached; that a lamp seems dim by
+daylight; that by day the stars are not visible and the moon only barely
+visible; that the headlights of an approaching automobile or train are
+blinding; that if the room in which we are reading is badly lighted we
+must hold the book nearer to the eyes; that running makes the heart beat
+faster and increases the rate of breathing; that if we are cold we can
+get warm by running; that whirling rapidly makes us dizzy; that heat or
+exercise will cause perspiration, etc.
+
+Although the causes of some of these phenomena are not understood even
+by intelligent adults without some instruction, the facts themselves are
+learned by the normal individual from his own experience. The higher the
+mental level and the greater the curiosity, the more observant one is
+about such matters and the more one learns. Many items of knowledge such
+as we have mentioned could and should be standardized for various mental
+levels. In devising tests of this kind we should, of course, have to
+look out for the influences of formal instruction.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "SUPERIOR ADULT"
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 1: VOCABULARY (SEVENTY-FIVE DEFINITIONS, 13,500 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in previous vocabulary tests. At the "superior
+adult" level seventy-five words should be known.
+
+The test is passed by only one third of those at the "average adult"
+level, but by about 90 per cent of "superior adults." Ability to pass
+the test is relatively independent of the number of years the subject
+has attended school, our business men showing even a higher percentage
+of passes than high-school pupils.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 2: BINET'S PAPER-CUTTING TEST
+
+PROCEDURE. Take a piece of paper about six inches square and say:
+"_Watch carefully what I do. See, I fold the paper this way_ (folding it
+once over in the middle), _then I fold it this way_ (folding it again in
+the middle, but at right angles to the first fold). _Now, I will cut out
+a notch right here_" (indicating). At this point take scissors and cut
+out a small notch from the middle of the side which presents but one
+edge. Throw the fragment which has been cut out into the waste-basket or
+under the table. Leave the folded paper exposed to view, but pressed
+flat against the table. Then give the subject a pencil and a second
+sheet of paper like the one already used and say: "_Take this piece of
+paper and make a drawing to show how the other sheet of paper would look
+if it were unfolded. Draw lines to show the creases in the paper and
+show what results from the cutting._"
+
+The subject is not permitted to fold the second sheet, but must solve
+the problem by the imagination unaided.
+
+Note that we do not say, "_Draw the holes_," as this would inform the
+subject that more than one hole is expected.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if the creases in the paper are properly
+represented, if the holes are drawn in the correct number, and if they
+are located correctly_, that is, both on the same crease and each about
+halfway between the center of the paper and the side. The shape of the
+holes is disregarded.
+
+Failure may be due to error as regards the creases or the number and
+location of the holes, or it may involve any combination of the above
+errors.
+
+REMARKS. Success seems to depend upon constructive visual imagination.
+The subject must first be able to construct in imagination the creases
+which result from the folding, and secondly, to picture the effects of
+the cutting as regards number of holes and their location. It appears
+that a solution is seldom arrived at, even in the case of college
+students, by logical mathematical thinking. Our unschooled subjects even
+succeeded somewhat better than high-school and college students of the
+same mental level.
+
+Binet placed this test in year XIII of the 1908 scale, but shifted it to
+the adult group in the 1911 revision. Goddard retains it in the adult
+group, while Kuhlmann places it in year XV. There have also been certain
+variations in the procedure employed. As given in the Stanford revision
+the test is passed by hardly any subjects below the 14-year level, but
+by about one third of "average adults" and by the large majority of
+"superior adults."
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 3: REPEATING EIGHT DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, the same as in previous tests with digits
+reversed. The series used are: 7-2-5-3-4-8-9-6; 4-9-8-5-3-7-6-2; and
+8-3-7-9-5-4-8-2.
+
+Guard against rhythm and grouping in reading the digits and do not give
+warning as to the number to be given.
+
+The test is passed by about one third of "average adults" and by over
+two thirds of "superior adults." The test shows no marked difference
+between educated and uneducated subjects of the same mental level.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 4: REPEATING THOUGHT OF PASSAGE
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_I am going to read a little selection of about six or
+eight lines. When I am through I will ask you to repeat as much of it as
+you can. It doesn't make any difference whether you remember the exact
+words or not, but you must listen carefully so that you can tell me
+everything it says._" Then read the following selections, pausing after
+each for the subject's report, which should be recorded _verbatim_:--
+
+ (a) "_Tests such as we are now making are of value both for the
+ advancement of science and for the information of the person
+ who is tested. It is important for science to learn how people
+ differ and on what factors these differences depend. If we can
+ separate the influence of heredity from the influence of
+ environment, we may be able to apply our knowledge so as to
+ guide human development. We may thus in some cases correct
+ defects and develop abilities which we might otherwise
+ neglect._"
+ (b) "_Many opinions have been given on the value of life. Some
+ call it good, others call it bad. It would be nearer correct
+ to say that it is mediocre; for on the one hand, our
+ happiness is never as great as we should like, and on the
+ other hand, our misfortunes are never as great as our enemies
+ would wish for us. It is this mediocrity of life which
+ prevents it from being radically unjust._"
+
+Sometimes the subject hesitates to begin, thinking, in spite of our
+wording of the instructions, that a perfect reproduction is expected.
+Others fall into the opposite misunderstanding and think that they are
+prohibited from using the words of the text and must give the thought
+entirely in their own language. In cases of hesitation we should urge
+the subject a little and remind him that he is to express the thought of
+the selection in whatever way he prefers; that the main thing is to tell
+what the selection says.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the subject is able to repeat in
+reasonably consecutive order the main thoughts of at least one of the
+selections. Neither elegance of expression nor _verbatim_ repetition is
+expected. We merely want to know whether the leading thoughts in the
+selection have been grasped and remembered.
+
+All grades of accuracy are found, both in the comprehension of the
+selection and in the recall, and it is not always easy to draw the line
+between satisfactory and unsatisfactory responses. The following sample
+performances will serve as a guide:--
+
+_Selection (a)_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "The tests which we are making are given for the
+ advancement of science and for the information of the person
+ tested. By scientific means we will be able to separate
+ characteristics derived from heredity and environment and to
+ treat each class separately. By doing so we can more accurately
+ correct defects."
+
+ "Tests like these are for two purposes. First to develop a
+ science, and second to apply it to the person to help him. The
+ tests are to find out how you differ from another and to measure
+ the difference between your heredity and environment."
+
+ "These tests are given to see if we can separate heredity and
+ environment and to see if we can find out how one person differs
+ from another. We can then correct these differences and teach
+ people more effectively."
+
+ "The tests that we are now making are valuable along both
+ scientific and personal lines. By using them it can be found out
+ where a person is weak and where he is strong. We can then
+ strengthen his weak points and remedy some things that would
+ otherwise be neglected. They are of great benefit to science and
+ to the person concerned."
+
+ "Tests such as we are now making are of great importance because
+ they aim to show in what respects we differ from others and why,
+ and if they do this they will be able to guide us into the right
+ channel and bring success instead of failure."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Tests such as we are now making are of value
+ both for the advancement of science and for the information of
+ the person interested. It is necessary to know this."
+
+ "Such tests as we are now making show about the human mind and
+ show in what channels we are fitted. It is the testing of each
+ individual between his effects of inheritancy and environment."
+
+ "It is very interesting for us to study science for two reasons;
+ first, to test our mental ability, and second for the further
+ development of science."
+
+ "Tests such as we are now making help in two ways; it helps the
+ scientists and it gives information to the people."
+
+ "Tests are being given to pupils to-day to better them and to
+ aid science for generations to come. If each person knows
+ exactly his own beliefs and ideas and faults he can find out
+ exactly what kind of work he is fitted for by heredity. The
+ tests show that environment doesn't count, for if you are all
+ right you will get along anyway." (Note invention.)
+
+_Selection (b)_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "There are different opinions about life. Some
+ call it good and some bad. It would be more correct to say that
+ it is middling, because we are never as happy as we would like
+ to be and we are never as sad as our enemies want us to be."
+
+ "One hears many judgments about life. Some say it is good, while
+ others say it is bad. But it is really neither of the extremes.
+ Life is mediocre. We do not have as much good as we desire, nor
+ do we have as much misfortune as others want us to have.
+ Nevertheless, we have enough good to keep life from being
+ unjust."
+
+ "Some people have different views of life from others. Some say
+ it is bad, others say it is good. It is better to class life as
+ mediocre, as it is never as good as we wish it, and on the other
+ hand, it might be worse."
+
+ "Some people think differently of life. Some think it good, some
+ bad, others mediocre, which is nearest correct. It brings
+ unhappiness to us, but not as much as our enemies want us to
+ have."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Some say life is good, some say it is
+ mediocre. Even though some say it is mediocre they say it is
+ right."
+
+ "There are two sides of life. Some say it is good while others
+ say it is bad. To some, life is happy and they get all they can
+ out of life. For others life is not happy and therefore they
+ fail to get all there is in life."
+
+ "One hears many different judgments of life. Some call it good,
+ some call it bad. It brings unhappiness and it does not have
+ enough pleasure. It should be better distributed."
+
+ "There are different opinions of the value of life. Some say it
+ is good and some say it is bad. Some say it is mediocrity. Some
+ think it brings happiness while others do not."
+
+ "Nowadays there is much said about the value of life. Some say
+ it is good, while others say it is bad. A person should not have
+ an ill feeling toward the value of life, and he should not be
+ unjust to any one. Honesty is the best policy. People who are
+ unjust are more likely to be injured by their enemies." (Note
+ invention.)
+
+REMARKS. Contrary to what the subject is led to expect, the test is less
+a test of memory than of ability to comprehend the drift of an abstract
+passage. A subject who fully grasps the meaning of the selection as it
+is read is not likely to fail because of poor memory. Mere verbal memory
+improves but little after the age of 14 or 15 years, as is shown by the
+fact that our adults do little better than eighth-grade children in
+repeating sentences of twenty-eight syllables. On the other hand, adult
+intelligence is vastly superior in the comprehension and retention of a
+logically presented group of abstract ideas.
+
+There is nothing in which stupid persons cut a poorer figure than in
+grappling with the abstract. Their thinking clings tenaciously to the
+concrete; their concepts are vague or inaccurate; the interrelations
+among their concepts are scanty in the extreme; and such poor mental
+stores as they have are little available for ready use.
+
+A few critics have objected to the use of tests demanding abstract
+thinking, on the ground that abstract thought is a very special aspect
+of intelligence and that facility in it depends almost entirely on
+occupational habits and the accidents of education. Some have even gone
+so far as to say that we are not justified, on the basis of any number
+of such tests, in pronouncing a subject backward or defective. It is
+supposed that a subject who has no capacity in the use of abstract ideas
+may nevertheless have excellent intelligence "along other lines." In
+such cases, it is said, we should not penalize the subject for his
+failures in handling abstractions, but substitute, instead, tests
+requiring motor coördination and the manipulation of things, tests in
+which the supposedly dull child often succeeds fairly well.
+
+From the psychological point of view, such a proposal is naïvely
+unpsychological. It is in the very essence of the higher thought
+processes to be conceptual and abstract. What the above proposal amounts
+to is, that if the subject is not capable of the more complex and
+strictly human type of thinking, we should ignore this fact and estimate
+his intelligence entirely on the ability he displays to carry on mental
+operations of a more simple and primitive kind. This would be like
+asking the physician to ignore the diseased parts of his patient's body
+and to base his diagnosis on an examination of the organs which are
+sound!
+
+The present test throws light in an interesting way on the integrity of
+the critical faculty. Some subjects are unwilling to extend the report
+in the least beyond what they know to be approximately correct, while
+others with defective powers of auto-criticism manufacture a report
+which draws heavily on the imagination, perhaps continuing in garrulous
+fashion as long as they can think of anything having the remotest
+connection with any thought in the selection. We have included, for each
+selection, one illustration of this type in the sample failures given
+above.
+
+The worst fault of the test is its susceptibility to the influence of
+schooling. Our uneducated adults of even "superior adult" intelligence
+often fail, while about two thirds of high-school pupils succeed. The
+unschooled adults have a marked tendency either to give a summary which
+is inadequate because of its extreme brevity, or else to give a
+criticism of the thought which the passage contains.
+
+This test first appeared in Binet's 1911 revision, in the adult group.
+Binet used only selection (b), and in a slightly more difficult form
+than we have given above. Goddard gives the test like Binet and retains
+it in the adult group. Kuhlmann locates it in year XV, using only
+selection (a). On the basis of over 300 tests of adults we find the
+test too difficult for the "average adult" level, even on the basis of
+only one success in two trials and when scored on the rather liberal
+standard above set forth.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 5: REPEATING SEVEN DIGITS REVERSED
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, the same as in previous tests of this kind. The
+series are: 4-1-6-2-5-9-3; 3-8-2-6-4-7-5; and 9-4-5-2-8-3-7.
+
+We have collected fewer data on this test than on any of the others, as
+it was added later to the test series. As far as we have used it we have
+found few "average adults" who pass, while about half the "superior
+adults" do so.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 6: INGENUITY TEST
+
+PROCEDURE. Problem _a_ is stated as follows:--
+
+ _A mother sent her boy to the river and told him to bring back
+ exactly 7 pints of water. She gave him a 3-pint vessel and a
+ 5-pint vessel. Show me how the boy can measure out exactly
+ 7 pints of water, using nothing but these two vessels and not
+ guessing at the amount. You should begin by filling the 5-pint
+ vessel first. Remember, you have a 3-pint vessel and a 5-pint
+ vessel and you must bring back exactly 7 pints._
+
+The problem is given orally, but may be repeated if necessary.
+
+The subject is not allowed pencil or paper and is requested to give his
+solution orally as he works it out. It is then possible to make a
+complete record of the method employed.
+
+The subject is likely to resort to some such method as to "fill the
+3-pint vessel two thirds full," or, "I would mark the inside of the
+5-pint vessel so as to show where 4 pints come to," etc. We inform the
+subject that such a method is not allowable; that this would be
+guessing, since he could not be sure when the 3-pint vessel was two
+thirds full (or whether he had marked off his 5-pint vessel accurately).
+Tell him he must _measure_ out the water without any guesswork. Explain
+also, that it is a fair problem, not a "catch."
+
+Say nothing about pouring from one vessel to another, but if the subject
+asks whether this is permissible the answer is "yes."
+
+The time limit for each problem is 5 minutes. If the subject fails on
+the first problem, we explain the solution in full and then proceed to
+the next.
+
+The second problem is like the first, except that a 5-pint vessel and a
+7-pint vessel are given, to get 8 pints, the subject being told to begin
+by filling the 5-pint vessel.
+
+In the third problem 4 and 9 are given, to get 7, the instruction being
+to "begin by filling the 4-pint vessel."
+
+Note that in each problem we instruct the subject how to begin. This is
+necessary in order to secure uniformity of conditions. It is possible to
+solve all of the problems by beginning with either of the two vessels,
+but the solution is made very much more difficult if we begin in the
+direction opposite from that recommended.
+
+Give no further aid. It is necessary to refrain from comment of every
+kind.
+
+SCORING. _Two of the three_ problems must be solved correctly within the
+5 minutes allotted to each.
+
+REMARKS. We have called this a test of ingenuity. The subject who is
+given the problem finds himself involved in a difficulty from which he
+must extricate himself. Means must be found to overcome an obstacle.
+This requires practical judgement and a certain amount of inventive
+ingenuity. Various possibilities must be explored and either accepted
+for trial or rejected. If the amount of invention called for seems to
+the reader inconsiderable, let it be remembered that the important
+inventions of history have not as a rule had a Minerva birth, but
+instead have developed by successive stages, each involving but a small
+step in advance.
+
+It is unnecessary to emphasize at length the function of invention in
+the higher thought processes. In one form or another it is present in
+all intellectual activity; in the creation and use of language, in art,
+in social adjustments, in religion, and in philosophy, as truly as in
+the domains of science and practical affairs. Certainly this is true if
+we accept Mason's broad definition of invention as including "every
+change in human activity made designedly and systematically."[78] From
+the psychological point of view, perhaps, Mason is justified in looking
+upon the great inventor as "an epitome of the genius of the world." To
+develop a Krag-Joergensen from a bow and arrow, a "velvet-tipped"
+lucifer match from the primitive fire-stick, or a modern piano from the
+first crude, stringed, musical instrument has involved much the same
+intellectual processes as have been operative in transforming fetishism
+and magic into religion and philosophy, or scattered fragments of
+knowledge into science.
+
+[78] Otis T. Mason: _The Origins of Inventions_. (London, 1902.)
+
+Psychologically, invention depends upon the constructive imagination;
+that is, upon the ability to abstract from what is immediately present
+to the senses and to picture new situations with their possibilities and
+consequences. Images are united in order to form new combinations.
+
+As we have several times emphasized, the decisive intellectual
+differences among human beings are not greatly dependent upon mere sense
+discrimination or native retentiveness. Far more important than the raw
+mass of sense data is the correct shooting together of the sense
+elements in memory and imagination. This is but another name for
+invention. It is the synthetic, or apperceptive, activity of the mind
+that gives the "seven-league boots" to genius. It is, however, a kind of
+ability which is possessed by all minds to a greater or less degree. Any
+test has its value which gives a clue, as this test does, to the
+subject's ability in this direction.
+
+The test was devised by the writer and used in 1905 in a study of the
+intellectual processes of bright and dull boys, but it was not at that
+time standardized. It has been found to belong at a much higher mental
+level than was at first supposed. Only an insignificant number pass the
+test below the mental age of 14 years, and about two thirds of "average
+adults" fail. Of our "superior adults" somewhat more than 75 per cent
+succeed. Formal education influences the test little or not at all, the
+unschooled business men making a somewhat better showing than the
+high-school students.
+
+
+
+
+SELECTED REFERENCES
+
+
+The following classified lists include only the most important
+references under each topic. So many investigations have been made with
+the Binet-Simon tests in the last few years, and so many articles have
+been written in evaluation of the method, that a complete bibliography
+of the subject would require thirty or forty pages. Those who desire to
+make a more thorough study of the literature are referred to the
+admirable annotated bibliography compiled by Samuel C. Kohs, and
+published by Warwick & York, Baltimore. Kohs's Bibliography contains
+254 references, and is complete to January 1, 1914.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF NORMAL CHILDREN
+
+ 1. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Le développement de l'intelligence
+ chez les enfants"; in _Année psychologique_ (1908), vol. 14,
+ pp. 1-94.
+
+ Exposition of the original 1908 scale with results.
+
+ 2. Binet, A. "Nouvelles recherches sur la mesure du niveau
+ intellectuel chez les enfants d'école"; in _Année
+ psychologique_ (1911), vol. 17, pp. 145-201.
+
+ Presents the 1911 revision.
+
+ 3. Bobertag, O. "Ueber Intelligenzprüfungen (nach der Methode von
+ Binet und Simon)"; in _Zeitschrift für angewande Psychologie_
+ (1911), vol. 5, pp. 105-203; and (1912), vol. 6, pp. 495-537.
+
+ Analysis of 400 cases and criticism of method and results.
+
+ 4. Dougherty, M. L. "Report on the Binet-Simon Tests given to Four
+ Hundred and Eighty-three Children in the Public Schools of
+ Kansas City, Kansas"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_
+ (1913), vol. 4, pp. 338-52.
+
+ 5. Goddard, H. H. "The Binet-Simon Measuring Scale for
+ Intelligence, Revised"; in _Training School Bulletin_ (1911),
+ vol. 8, pp. 56-62.
+
+ 6. Hoffman, A. "Vergleichende Intelligenzprüfungen an Vorschülern
+ und Volksschülern"; in _Zeitschrift für angewande Psychologie_
+ (1913), vol. 8, pp. 102-20.
+
+ One hundred and fifty-six subjects. Ages seven, nine, and ten.
+
+ 7. Johnston, Katherine L. "Binet's Method for the Measurement of
+ Intelligence; Some Results"; in _Journal of Experimental
+ Pedagogy_ (1911), vol. 1, pp. 24-31.
+
+ Results of 200 tests of school children.
+
+ 8. Kuhlmann, F. "Some Results of Examining 1000 Public-School
+ Children with a Revision of the Binet-Simon Tests of
+ Intelligence by Untrained Teachers"; in _Journal of
+ Psycho-Asthenics_ (1914), vol. 18, pp. 150-79, and 233-69.
+
+ 9. Phillips, Byron A. "The Binet Tests applied to Colored
+ Children"; in _Psychological Clinic_ (1914), pp. 190-96.
+
+ A comparison of 86 colored and 137 white children.
+
+ 10. Rogers, Agnes L., _and_ McIntyre, J. L. "The Measurement of
+ Intelligence in Children by the Binet-Simon Scale"; in
+ _British Journal of Psychology_ (1914), vol. 7, pp. 265-300.
+
+ 11. Rowe, E. C. "Five Hundred Forty-Seven White and Two Hundred
+ Sixty-Eight Indian Children tested by the Binet-Simon Tests";
+ in _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1914), vol. 21, pp. 454-69.
+
+ 12. Strong, Alice C. "Three Hundred Fifty White and Colored
+ Children measured by the Binet-Simon Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence"; in _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1913), vol. 20,
+ pp. 485-515.
+
+ 13. Terman, L. M., _and_ Childs, H. G. "A Tentative Revision and
+ Extension of the Binet-Simon Measuring Scale of Intelligence"; in
+ _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912), vol. 3, pp. 61-74,
+ 133-43, 198-208, and 277-89.
+
+ Results of 396 tests of California school-children.
+
+ 14. Terman, Lyman, Ordahl, Galbreath, _and_ Talbert. _The Stanford
+ Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence._ (1916.)
+
+ Detailed analysis of the results secured by testing 1000
+ unselected school-children within two months of a birthday.
+
+ 15. Weintrob, J. _and_ R. "The Influence of Environment on Mental
+ Ability as shown by the Binet Tests"; in _Journal of
+ Educational Psychology_ (1912), pp. 577-86.
+
+ 16. Winch, W. H. "Binet's Mental Tests: What They Are, and What We
+ Can Do with Them"; in _Child Study_ (London), 1913, 1914,
+ 1915, and 1916.
+
+ An extended series of articles setting forth results of tests with
+ normal children, and giving valuable criticisms and suggestions.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED
+
+ 17. Chotzen, F. "Die Intelligenzprüfungsmethode von Binet-Simon
+ bei schwachsinnigen Kindern"; in _Zeitschrift für angewande
+ Psychologie_ (1912), vol. 6, pp. 411-94.
+
+ A critical study of the results of 280 tests.
+
+ 18. Goddard, H. H. "Four Hundred Feeble-Minded Children classified
+ by the Binet Method"; in _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1910),
+ vol. 17, pp. 387-97; also in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_
+ (1910), vol. 15, pp. 17-30.
+
+ Offers important evidence of the value of the Binet-Simon method.
+
+ 19. Kuhlmann, F. "The Binet and Simon Tests of Intelligence in
+ Grading Feeble-Minded Children"; in _Journal of
+ Psycho-Asthenics_ (1912), vol. 16, pp. 173-93.
+
+ Analysis of results from 1300 cases.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF DELINQUENTS
+
+ 20. Bluemel, C. S. "Binet Tests on Two Hundred Juvenile
+ Delinquents"; in _Training School Bulletin_ (1915),
+ pp. 187-93.
+
+ 21. Goddard, H. H. _The Criminal Imbecile._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1915.) 157 pages.
+
+ An analysis of the mentality of three murderers of moron or
+ borderline intelligence.
+
+ 22. Goddard, H. H. "The Responsibility of Children in the Juvenile
+ Court"; in _Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology_
+ (September, 1912).
+
+ Analysis of 100 tests of juvenile delinquents.
+
+ 23. Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ Little, Brown &
+ Co. (1915.) 830 pages.
+
+ A textbook on delinquents. Gives results of many Binet-Simon
+ tests.
+
+ 24. Spaulding, Edith R. "The Results of Mental and Physical
+ Examination of Four Hundred Women Offenders"; in _Journal of
+ Criminal Law and Criminology_ (1915), pp. 704-17.
+
+ 25. Sullivan, W. C. "La mesure du développement intellectuel chez
+ les jeunes délinquantes"; in _Année psychologique_ (1912),
+ vol. 18, pp. 341-61.
+
+ 26. Williams, J. Harold. _A Study of 150 Delinquent Boys._
+ Bulletin no. 1, Research Laboratory of the Buckel Foundation.
+ (1915.) 15 pages.
+
+ The Stanford revision used. Report of over 400 cases to follow.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN
+
+ 27. Jeronutti, A. "Ricerche psicologiche sperimentali sugli alunni
+ molto intelligenti"; in _Lab. di Psicol. Sperim. della Reg.
+ Univ. Roma_. (1912)
+
+ Out of fifteen hundred school and kindergarten children, ages five
+ to twelve, fourteen were selected by the teachers as the
+ brightest. The Binet test showed them to be from one to three
+ years in advance of their chronological ages.
+
+ 28. Terman, L. M. "The Mental Hygiene of Exceptional Children"; in
+ _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1915), vol. 22, pp. 529-37.
+
+ Data on 31 children testing above 120 I. Q.
+
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR GIVING THE BINET-SIMON TESTS
+
+ 29. Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _A Method of Measuring the
+ Development of Intelligence in Young Children._ Chicago
+ Medical Book Company. (1915.) 82 pages.
+
+ Authorized translation of Binet's final instructions for giving
+ the tests.
+
+ 30. Goddard, H. H. "A Measuring Scale of Intelligence"; in
+ _Training School Bulletin_ (1910), vol. 6, pp. 146-55.
+
+ Condensed translation of Binet's 1908 _Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence_.
+
+ 31. Goddard, H. H. "The Binet-Simon Measuring Scale for
+ Intelligence, Revised"; in _Training School Bulletin_ (1911),
+ vol. 8, pp. 56-62.
+
+ 32. Goddard, H. H. "Standard Method for Giving the Binet Test"; in
+ _Training School Bulletin_ (1913), vol. 10, pp. 23-30.
+
+ 33. Kuhlmann, F. "A Revision of the Binet-Simon System for
+ Measuring the Intelligence of Children"; Monograph Supplement
+ of _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (September, 1912), 41 pages.
+
+ 34. Wallin, J. E. W. "A Practical Guide for the Administration of
+ the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring Intelligence"; in _The
+ Psychological Clinic_ (1911), vol. 5, pp. 217-38.
+
+
+CRITICISMS AND EVALUATIONS OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD
+
+ 35. Berry, C. S. "A Comparison of the Binet Tests of 1908 and
+ 1911"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912), vol. 3,
+ pp. 444-51.
+
+ 36. Bobertag, O. "Ueber Intelligenzprüfungen (nach der Methode von
+ Binet und Simon)"; in _Zeitschrift für angewande Psychologie_.
+ (A, 1911), vol. 5, pp. 105-203; (B, 1912), vol. 6,
+ pp. 495-537.
+
+ Accepts the method and gives valuable suggestions for improvement.
+
+ 37. Brigham, Carl C. "An Experimental Critique of the Binet-Simon
+ Scale"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1914),
+ pp. 439-48.
+
+ Finds the scale 96% efficient.
+
+ 38. Goddard, H. H. "The Reliability of the Binet-Simon Measuring
+ Scale of Intelligence"; in _Proceedings of the Fourth
+ International Congress of School Hygiene_ (1913), vol. 5,
+ pp. 693-99.
+
+ Application of the theory of probability to the results proves the
+ extremely small liability of error.
+
+ 39. Kohs, Samuel C. "The Practicability of the Binet Scale and the
+ Question of the Borderline Case"; in _Training School
+ Bulletin_ (1916), pp. 211-23.
+
+ Analysis of cases showing the reliability of the scale.
+
+ 40. Kuhlmann, F. "Binet and Simon's System for Measuring the
+ Intelligence of Children"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_
+ (1911), vol. 15, pp. 79-92.
+
+ Finds the method of the greatest value.
+
+ 41. Kuhlmann, F. "A Reply to Dr. L. P. Ayres's Criticism of the
+ Binet and Simon System for Measuring the Intelligence of
+ Children"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (1911), vol. 16,
+ pp. 58-67.
+
+ Many of the Ayres criticisms are shown to be unfounded.
+
+ 42. Meumann, E. _Vorlesungen zur Einführung in die Experimentelle
+ Pädagogik_ (1913), vol. 2, pp. 130-300.
+
+ Summary of the literature on Binet tests up to 1913. Accepts the
+ method but gives suggestions for improvement. This summary and
+ other writings of Meumann on the psychology of endowment are
+ reviewed by Lewis M. Terman in a series of four articles in
+ the _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ for 1915.
+
+ 43. Otis, A. S. "Some Logical and Mathematical Aspects of the
+ Measurement of Intelligence by the Binet-Simon Method"; in
+ _The Psychological Review_ (April and June, 1916).
+
+ Considers the Binet-Simon method imperfect from the mathematical
+ point of view.
+
+ 44. Schmitt, Clara. _Standardization of Tests for Defective
+ Children._ Psychological Monographs (1915), no. 83, 181 pages.
+
+ Contains (pp. 52-67) a discussion of the "Fallacies and
+ Inadequacies of the Binet-Simon Series." Most of the
+ criticisms here given are either superficial or unfair, some
+ of them apparently being due to a lack of acquaintance with
+ Binet's writings.
+
+ 45. Stern, W. _The Psychological Methods of Measuring
+ Intelligence._ Translated by G. M. Whipple. (1913.) 160 pages.
+
+ A splendid critical discussion of the Binet-Simon method. Should
+ be read by every one who would use the scale.
+
+ 46. Terman, L. M. "Suggestions for Revising, Extending, and
+ Supplementing the Binet Intelligence Tests"; in _Journal of
+ Psycho-Asthenics_ (1913), vol. 18, pp. 20-33.
+
+ 47. Terman, L. M. "Psychological Principles Underlying the
+ Binet-Simon Scale and Some Practical Considerations for its
+ Correct Use"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (1913),
+ vol. 18, pp. 93-104.
+
+ 48. Terman, L. M. "A Report of the Buffalo Conference on the
+ Binet-Simon Tests of Intelligence"; in _Pedagogical Seminary_
+ (1913), vol. 20, pp. 549-54.
+
+ Abstracts of papers presented at the above conference.
+
+ 49. Terman, Lyman, Ordahl, Galbreath, _and_ Talbert. _The Stanford
+ Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring
+ Intelligence._ (1916.)
+
+ Contains a chapter on the validity of the individual tests and on
+ considerations relating to the formation of an intelligence
+ scale.
+
+ 50. Terman _and_ Knollin. "The Detection of Borderline Deficiency
+ by the Binet-Simon Method"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_
+ (June, 1916).
+
+ A comparison of the accuracy of the Stanford and other revisions
+ with borderline cases.
+
+ 51. Trèves _and_ Saffiotti. "L'échelle métrique de l'intelligence
+ modifiée selon la méthode Trèves-Saffiotti"; in _Année
+ Psychologique_ (1912), pp. 327-40.
+
+ Criticize the age-grade method of measuring intelligence and
+ propose a substitute.
+
+ 52. Wallin, J. E. W. _Experimental Studies of Mental Defectives. A
+ Critique of the Binet-Simon Tests._ Warwick & York. (1912.)
+
+ Criticism based on the use of the scale with epileptics.
+
+ 53. Yerkes _and_ Bridges. _A Point Scale for Measuring Mental
+ Ability._ Warwick & York.
+
+ Authors think the point scale preferable to the Binet-Simon
+ method.
+
+
+BOOKS ON MENTAL DEFICIENCY
+
+ 54. Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _Mentally Defective Children._
+ Translated from the French by W. B. Drummond. Longmans, Green
+ & Co. (1914.) 171 pages.
+
+ Discusses the psychology, pedagogy, and medical examination of
+ defectives.
+
+ 55. Goddard, H. H. _Feeble-Mindedness; Its Causes and
+ Consequences._ The Macmillan Company. (1913.) 599 pages.
+
+ The most important single volume on the subject. Extensive data on
+ the causes of feeble-mindedness and excellent clinical pictures
+ of all grades of mental defects.
+
+ 56. Goddard, H. H. _The Kallikak Family._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1914.) 121 pages.
+
+ An epoch-making study of the hereditary transmission of mental
+ deficiency in a degenerate family.
+
+ 57. Holmes, Arthur. _The Conservation of the Child._ J. B.
+ Lippincott Company. (1912.) 345 pages.
+
+ Methods of examination and treatment of defective children.
+
+ 58. Holmes, Arthur. _The Backward Child._ Bobbs-Merrill Company.
+ (1915.)
+
+ A popular treatment of the handling of backward children.
+
+ 59. Huey, E. B. _Backward and Feeble-Minded Children._ Warwick &
+ York. (1912.) 221 pages.
+
+ Devoted mainly to clinical accounts of borderline cases.
+
+ 60. Lapage, C. P. _Feeble-Mindedness in Children of School Age._
+ The University Press, Manchester, England. (1911.) 359 pages.
+
+ 61. Sherlock, E. B. _The Feeble-Minded; A Guide to Study and
+ Practice._ The Macmillan Company. (1911.) 327 pages.
+
+ 62. Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency (Amentia)._ Baillière,
+ Tindall, and Cox. London, England. (2d ed. 1914.) 491 pages.
+
+ The best medical treatment of the subject.
+
+
+STUDIES OF THE PROGRESS OF CHILDREN THROUGH THE GRADES
+
+ 63. Ayres, Leonard P. _Laggards in our Schools._ The Russell Sage
+ Foundation. (1909.) 236 pages.
+
+ Interesting and instructive discussion of school retardation and
+ its causes.
+
+ 64. Blan, Louis B. _A Special Study of the Incidence of
+ Retardation._ Teachers College, Columbia University,
+ Contributions to Education, no. 40. (1911.) 111 pages.
+
+ Review of the literature and a statistical study of the progress
+ of 4579 children.
+
+ 65. Keyes, C. H. _Progress Through the Grades of City Schools._
+ Teachers College, Columbia University, Contributions to
+ Education, no. 42. (1911.) 79 pages.
+
+ Important study of the progress of several thousand children.
+
+ 66. Strayer, George D. _Age and Grade Census of Schools and
+ Colleges._ Bulletin no. 451, U.S. Bureau of Education. (1911.)
+ 144 pages.
+
+ Statistics of the age-grade status of the children in 318 cities.
+
+ 67. See also the _Reports_ of leading school surveys, such as
+ those of New York, Salt Lake City, Butte, Springfield (Mass.),
+ Denver, Cleveland, etc.
+
+
+REFERENCES ON THE SPECIAL CLASS FOR EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN
+
+ 68. Huey, E. B. "The Education of Defectives and the Training of
+ Teachers for Special Classes"; in _Journal of Educational
+ Psychology_ (1913), pp. 545-50.
+
+ 69. Goddard, H. H. _School Training of Defective Children._ World
+ Book Company. (1914.) 97 pages.
+
+ Based on his survey of the treatment of backward children in the
+ schools of New York City.
+
+ 70. Holmes, W. H. _School Organization and the Individual Child._
+ The Davis Press, Worcester, Massachusetts. (1912.) 211 pages.
+
+ A comprehensive account of the efforts which have been made to
+ adjust the school to the capacities of individual children.
+
+ 71. Maennel, B. _Auxiliary Education._ Translated from the German
+ by Emma Sylvester. Doubleday, Page & Co. (1909.) 267 pages.
+
+ 72. Van Sickle, J. H., Witmer, L., _and_ Ayres, L. P. _Provision
+ for Exceptional Children in Public Schools._ Bulletin no. 461,
+ U.S. Bureau of Education. (1911.) 92 pages.
+
+ 73. Shaer, I. "Special Classes for Bright Children in an English
+ Elementary School"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_
+ (1913), pp. 209-22.
+
+ 74. Stern, W. "The Supernormal Child"; in _Journal of Educational
+ Psychology_ (1911), pp. 143-48 and 181-90.
+
+ A strong plea for special classes for superior children.
+
+ 75. Vaney, V. _Les classes pour enfants arrières._ Bulletin de la
+ Société libre pour l'étude psychologique de l'enfant (1911),
+ pp. 53-152.
+
+ Report of the French National Commission appointed to investigate
+ methods of treatment and training.
+
+ 76. Witmer, L. _The Special Class for Backward Children._ The
+ Psychological Clinic Press, Philadelphia. (1911.) 275 pages.
+
+ An account of the special class conducted in connection with the
+ University of Pennsylvania Summer School.
+
+
+LIST OF BINET'S MOST IMPORTANT CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE MEASUREMENT OF
+INTELLIGENCE
+
+ 77. Binet, A. _L'Étude experimentale de l'intelligence._ Paris:
+ Schleicher frères. (1903.)
+
+ 78. Binet, A. "A Propos de la mesure de l'intelligence"; in _Année
+ psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11, pp. 69-82.
+
+ 79. Binet, A. _Les enfants anormaux; guide pour l'admission des
+ enfants anormaux dans les classes de perfectionnement._ Paris:
+ Colin (1907.)
+
+ 80. Binet, A. _Comment les instituteurs jugent-ils l'intelligence
+ d'un ecolier?_ Bulletin de la Société libre pour l'étude
+ psychologique de l'enfant (1910), no. 10, pp. 172-82.
+
+ 81. Binet, A. "Nouvelles recherches sur la mesure du niveau
+ intellectuel chez les enfants d'école"; in _Année
+ psychologique_ (1911), vol. 17, pp. 145-201.
+
+ 82. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Sur la nécessité d'établir un
+ diagnostique scientifique des états inférieurs de
+ l'intelligence"; in _Année psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11,
+ pp. 163-90.
+
+ 83. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Méthodes nouvelles pour le
+ diagnostique du niveau intellectuel des anormaux"; in _Année
+ psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11, pp. 191-244.
+
+ 84. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Application des Méthodes nouvelles
+ au diagnostique du niveau intellectuel chez des enfants
+ normaux et anormaux d'hospice et d'école primaire"; in _Année
+ psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11, pp. 245-336.
+
+ 85. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Le développement de l'intelligence
+ chez les enfants"; in _Année psychologique_ (1908), vol. 14,
+ pp. 1-94.
+
+ 86. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Langage et pensée"; in _Année
+ psychologique_ (1908), vol. 14, pp. 284-339.
+
+ 87. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "L'intelligence des imbeciles"; in
+ _Année psychologique_ (1909), vol. 15, pp. 1-147.
+
+ 88. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Nouvelle théorie psychologique et
+ clinique de la démence"; in _Année psychologique_ (1909),
+ vol. 15, pp. 168-272.
+
+ 89. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. _La mesure du développement de
+ l'intelligence chez les jeunes enfants._ Bulletin de la
+ Société libre pour l'étude psychologique de l'enfant (1911),
+ no. 11, pp. 187-256.
+
+
+
+
+SUGGESTIONS FOR A TEACHER'S PRIVATE LIBRARY
+
+
+ON EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN
+
+ Ayres, L. P. _Laggards in our Schools._ The Russell Sage
+ Foundation. (1909.) 236 pages.
+
+ Treats the amount and causes of school retardation.
+
+ Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _Mentally Defective Children._
+ Translated from the French by W. B. Drummond. Longmans, Green
+ & Co. (1914.) 171 pages.
+
+ Discusses the psychology, pedagogy and medical examination of
+ defectives.
+
+ Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _A Method of Measuring the Development
+ of Intelligence in Young Children._ Chicago Medical Book
+ Company. (1915.) 82 pages.
+
+ Authorized translation of Binet's final instructions for giving
+ the tests.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _Feeble-Mindedness; Its Causes and Consequences._
+ The Macmillan Company. (1913.) 599 pages.
+
+ The most important single volume on the subject.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _The Kallikak Family._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1914.) 121 pages.
+
+ A study of the hereditary transmission of mental deficiency in one
+ family.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _School Training of Defective Children._ World Book
+ Company. (1914.) 97 pages.
+
+ Admirable treatment of the entire subject.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _The Criminal Imbecile._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1915.) 157 pages.
+
+ An analysis of three murderers of borderline intelligence.
+
+ Holmes, Arthur. _The Conservation of the Child._ J. B. Lippincott
+ Company. (1912.) 345 pages.
+
+ Methods of examination and treatment of defective children.
+
+ Holmes, Arthur. _The Backward Child._ The Bobbs-Merrill Co.
+ (1915.)
+
+ A popular treatment of the subject.
+
+ Holmes, W. H. _School Organization and the Individual Child._ The
+ Davis Press, Worcester, Massachusetts. (1912) 211 pages.
+
+ A comprehensive account of methods of adjusting school work to the
+ capacity of the individual child.
+
+ Huey, E. B. _Backward and Feeble-Minded Children._ Warwick & York.
+ (1912.) 221 pages.
+
+ Clinical studies of borderline cases.
+
+ Kelynack, T. N. (_Editor_). _Defective Children._ John Bale, Sons,
+ and Daniellson, London. (1915.) 447 pages.
+
+ Written by many authors and devoted to all kinds of physical and
+ mental defects.
+
+ Kuhlmann, F. "A Revision of the Binet-Simon System for Measuring
+ the Intelligence of Children." Monograph Supplement of
+ _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_. (1912.) 41 pages.
+
+ Contains instructions for use of the Kuhlmann revision.
+
+ Stern, W. _The Psychological Method of Measuring Intelligence._
+ Translated from the German by G. M. Whipple. Warwick & York.
+ (1913.) 160 pages.
+
+ Terman, Lyman, Ordahl, Galbreath, _and_ Talbert. _The Stanford
+ Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring
+ Intelligence._ (1916.)
+
+ Extended analysis of 1000 tests. Data on the relation of
+ intelligence to school success, social status, etc.
+
+ Terman, Lewis M. _The Hygiene of the School Child._ Houghton
+ Mifflin Company. (1914.) 417 pages.
+
+ Devoted to the physical defects of school children.
+
+ Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency (Amentia)._ Baillière, Tindall
+ & Cox, London. (1914.) 491 pages.
+
+ The best medical treatment of the subject.
+
+ Whipple, G. M. _Manual of Mental and Physical Tests._ Warwick &
+ York. Vol. I (1914), 365 pages; vol. II (1915), 336 pages.
+
+ The best treatment of mental tests other than those of the Binet
+ system.
+
+ Witmer, L. _The Special Class for Backward Children._ The
+ Psychological Clinic Press, Philadelphia. (1911.) 275 pages.
+
+ Problems encountered in connection with the special class.
+
+
+MAGAZINES
+
+ _The Training School Bulletin._ Published monthly by the Training
+ School, Vineland, New Jersey. Edited by H. H. Goddard and
+ E. R. Johnstone.
+
+ _The Psychological Clinic._ Published monthly by the Psychological
+ Clinic Press, Philadelphia. Edited by Lightner Witmer.
+
+ _The Journal of Delinquency._ Published bi-monthly by the Whittier
+ State School, Whittier, California. Edited by Williams,
+ Goddard, Terman, and others.
+
+ _The Journal of Psycho-Asthenics._ Published quarterly at
+ Faribault, Minnesota. Organ of the American Association for
+ the Study of the Feeble-Minded. Edited by A. C. Rogers and F.
+ Kuhlmann.
+
+ _The Journal of Educational Psychology._ Published by Warwick &
+ York, Baltimore. Edited by J. Carleton Bell.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+ Abstract thought, tests of, 344.
+
+ Absurdities, 255 _ff._
+
+ Adolescence, and variability in intelligence, 67.
+
+ Adult intelligence, 54.
+
+ Adults, how to find I Q of adults, 140.
+
+ Æsthetic comparison, 165 _ff._
+
+ Age, test of giving age, 173 _ff._
+
+ Age standards, 40.
+
+ Alternative tests, 136.
+
+ Amateur testing, 107 _ff._
+
+ Apperception, 169.
+
+ Arithmetical reasoning, 319 _ff._
+
+ Association processes, 274.
+
+ Attention, during the test, 121.
+
+ Attitude of the subject, 109.
+
+ Auto-criticism, 156, 171, 195.
+
+ Average intelligence, 94 _ff._
+
+
+ Ball and field test, 210 _ff._, 286.
+
+ Berry, C. S., 114.
+
+ Binet,
+ on how teachers judge intelligence, 28 _ff._;
+ Binet's conception of intelligence, 44 _ff._, 123, 149, 151, 154,
+ 156, 159, 165, 171, 173, 180, 181, 183, 185, 186, 190, 196, 203,
+ 205, 217, 231, 232, 234, 247, 251, 252, 254, 258, 260, 261, 264,
+ 276, 285, 289, 315, 322, 327, 333, 339, 345.
+
+ Binet-Simon method,
+ nature and derivation of the scale, 36 _ff._, 47 _ff._;
+ limitations of, 48 _ff._
+
+ Bloch, 203.
+
+ Bluemel, C. S., 107.
+
+ Bobertag, Otto, 106, 113, 176, 178, 180, 181, 185, 188, 190, 203, 206,
+ 232, 237, 240, 252, 275, 285, 318.
+
+ Borderline intelligence, 79, 87 _ff._
+
+ Bow-knot, test of tying, 196 _ff._
+
+ Brigham, 165, 166.
+
+
+ Change, test of making change, 240 _ff._
+
+ Childs, H. G., 231, 298.
+
+ Coaching, 110 _ff._
+
+ Code test, 330 _ff._
+
+ Color naming, 163 _ff._
+
+ Combination method, 171. _See also_ Completion test.
+
+ Commissions, 172 _ff._
+
+ Comparison of lines, 151 _ff._
+
+ Completion test, 179, 246, 289.
+
+ Comprehension questions, 157 _ff._, 181 _ff._, 215 _ff._, 268 _ff._
+
+ Conditions favorable to testing, 121 _ff._
+
+ Counting,
+ four pennies, 154;
+ thirteen pennies, 180;
+ counting backwards, 213.
+
+ Crime,
+ relation to feeble-mindedness, 8 _ff._;
+ cost of, 12.
+
+ Cuneo, Irene, 51.
+
+
+ Davenport, C. B., 10.
+
+ Definitions,
+ in terms of use, 167;
+ superior to use, 221;
+ of abstract words, 281 _ff._, and 324 _ff._
+ _See also_ Vocabulary tests.
+
+ "Degenerate" families, 9 _ff._
+
+ Delinquency, relation to feeble-mindedness, 7 _ff._
+
+ Diamond, test of copying diamond, 204.
+
+ Differences, test of finding, 199, 313 _ff._
+
+ Digits. _See_ Memory for digits.
+
+ Discrimination of forms, 152 _ff._
+
+ Dissected sentences, 286 _ff._
+
+ Distribution of intelligence, 65 _ff._, 78 _ff._
+
+ Dougherty, 165, 166, 203.
+
+ Drawing, 156, 204, 260.
+
+ Dull normals, 92 _ff._
+
+ Dumville, 165, 166.
+
+
+ Ebbinghaus, 289, 318.
+
+ Emotion, 49.
+
+ Enclosed boxes, 327 _ff._
+
+ Endowment, 4, 19 _ff._
+
+ Environment, influence on test, 114 _ff._
+
+ Eugenics, 9 _ff._
+
+ Examination, duration of, 127 _ff._
+
+ Examiner, qualifications of, 124 _ff._
+
+
+ Fables, interpretation of, 290 _ff._
+
+ Fatigue, influence of, on test, 126 _ff._
+
+ Feeble-minded, proportion of school-children feeble-minded, 6.
+
+ Feeble-mindedness,
+ value of tests for, 5 _ff._;
+ psychological analysis, 23;
+ definition, 80;
+ examples, 82 _ff._
+
+ Fernald, G. G., 8.
+
+ Fernald, Grace, 56, 278, 280, 332.
+
+ Fingers, test of giving number of, 189 _ff._
+
+ Freeman, Frank N., 280.
+
+ Functions, tested by Binet scale, 42 _ff._
+
+
+ Galbreath, Neva, 51.
+
+ Galton, 328.
+
+ General intelligence, 42 _ff._
+
+ Generalization, tests of, 298.
+
+ Genius. _See_ Superior intelligence.
+
+ Goddard, H. H., 8, 106, 112, 154, 156, 165, 173, 185, 190, 196, 203,
+ 206, 213, 234, 245, 251, 252, 259, 264, 276, 285, 289, 319, 322,
+ 323, 332, 333, 339, 345.
+
+ Grading, value of intelligence tests in, 16.
+
+
+ Hall, Gertrude, 280.
+
+ Healy-Fernald, 56, 278, 280, 332.
+
+ Heredity, use of tests in the study of, 19.
+
+ Hill folk, 10.
+
+ Hollingworth, Leta S., 71.
+
+ Huey, E. B., 197, 217, 234.
+
+
+ Imagery, 195, 209, 321, 339.
+
+ Induction test, 310 _ff._
+
+ Ingenuity test, 346.
+
+ Intelligence,
+ analysis of, _see_ remarks under instructions for each test;
+ superior, 12 _ff._, 95 _ff._,
+ teachers' estimates of, 13, 24, 26, 28, 75;
+ general, 42 _ff._;
+ definitions of, 44 _ff._
+
+ Intelligence quotient, 53, 55, 63, 65 _ff._;
+ validity of, 68;
+ classification and significance, 79 _ff._, 140 _ff._
+
+
+ Jukes family, 10.
+
+
+ Kallikak family, 9.
+
+ Knollin, H. E., 18, 51, 54, 63.
+
+ Kohs, S. C., 107 _ff._
+
+ Kuhlmann, F., 56, 105, 153, 154, 156, 165, 173, 185, 190, 193, 196,
+ 206, 214, 217, 234, 247, 251, 252, 259, 264, 276, 280, 285, 289,
+ 315, 319, 322, 323, 327, 333, 339, 345.
+
+
+ Language comprehension, 143, 144.
+
+ Limitations of the Binet scale, 48 _ff._
+
+ Lombroso, 7.
+
+ Lyman, Grace, 51.
+
+
+ Mason, Otis, 347.
+
+ Masselon, 245.
+
+ Material used in the tests, 141.
+
+ Memory,
+ for sentences, 149 _ff._, 160, 185, 332;
+ for passages, 340;
+ for designs, 260;
+ for digits, 150, 159, 193, 207, 242, 277, 301, 322, 329, 340, 345.
+
+ Mental age, 39 _ff._;
+ effect of Stanford revision on, 62;
+ how to calculate, 137 _ff._
+
+ Mental deficiency. _See_ Feeble-mindedness.
+
+ Meumann, Ernst, 46, 106, 245, 318.
+
+ Moral development, dependence of, on intelligence, 11 _ff._
+
+
+ Nam family, 10.
+
+ Name, test of giving name, 147 _ff._
+
+ Naming coins, 184 _ff._, 231.
+
+ Naming familiar objects, 143 _ff._
+
+ Normals, dull, 92 _ff._
+
+
+ Ordahl, Dr. George, 8.
+
+ Ordahl, Louise Ellison, 8.
+
+
+ Paper-cutting test, 338.
+
+ Physical defects, effects of, on intelligence, 19.
+
+ Physical relations, comprehension of, 333 _ff._
+
+ Physicians, as Binet testers, 34.
+
+ Pictures,
+ enumeration of objects in, 145;
+ description of, 190 _ff._;
+ interpretation of, 302;
+ finding omissions in, 178.
+
+ Pointing to parts of body, 142 _ff._
+
+ Practical judgment, 212.
+
+ President and king, giving differences between, 313.
+
+ Problem questions, 315 _ff._
+
+ Procedure, necessity of uniformity in, 32 _ff._, 131 _ff._
+
+ Promotions, on basis of intelligence tests, 16 _ff._
+
+
+ Race differences, 91.
+
+ Range of testing, 129.
+
+ Rapport, 124 _ff._
+
+ Reading, test of reading for memories, 262.
+
+ Record booklet, 128.
+
+ Recording responses, 133 _ff._
+
+ Reliability of the scale, 76 _ff._, 105 _ff._
+
+ Repeated tests, 112 _ff._
+
+ Retardation,
+ cost of, 1, 13 _ff._;
+ training of retarded children, 4 _ff._, 24 _ff._, 73 _ff._
+
+ Reversing hands of clock, 321 _ff._
+
+ Rhymes, test of finding, 248.
+
+ Right and left, 175 _ff._
+
+ Rowe, E. P., 165, 166, 277.
+
+ Rowland, Eleanor, 18.
+
+
+ Scattering of successes, 134 _ff._
+
+ School success and intelligence, 73 _ff._
+
+ Scoring, 132. _See also_ instructions for scoring each test.
+
+ Seclusion during test, 122.
+
+ Sex, test of giving, 146 _ff._
+
+ Sex differences in intelligence, 68 _ff._
+
+ Similarities, test of finding, 217 _ff._, 306 _ff._
+
+ Sixty words, 272 _ff._
+
+ Social class and intelligence, 72 _ff._, 114 _ff._
+
+ Spearman, C., definition of intelligence, 46.
+
+ Special classes, 5.
+
+ Square, test of copying, 155 _ff._
+
+ Stamps, test of counting value of, 252.
+
+ Standardization, value of, 30.
+
+ Stanford revision of the Binet scale, 51 _ff._
+
+ Stereotypy, 203.
+
+ Stern, W., 46, 106, 118.
+
+ Stigmata, 7.
+
+ Structural psychology, 43.
+
+ Superior intelligence, tests of superior children, 12 _ff._, 95 _ff._
+
+ Supplementary information, 135.
+
+
+ Teachers' estimates of intelligence, 13, 24, 26, 28, 75.
+
+ Terman, Lewis M., 63, 267, 298.
+
+ Three words, test of using, in a sentence, 242 _ff._
+
+ Time orientation,
+ forenoon and afternoon, 187 _ff._;
+ days of the week, 205 _ff._;
+ giving date, 234 _ff._;
+ naming months, 251 _ff._
+
+
+ Unemployment, relation of, to intelligence, 18.
+
+
+ Validity of the tests, 76 _ff._
+
+ Vocabulary tests, 224, 255, 281, 310, 324, 338.
+
+ Vocational guidance, use of intelligence tests in, 17, 49.
+
+ Volition, 49.
+
+
+ Waddle, Charles, 52.
+
+ Wallin, 237.
+
+ Weights, comparison of, 161, 236 _ff._
+
+ Williams, Dr. J. Harold, 9, 54.
+
+ Winch, W. H., 165, 166.
+
+ Writing from dictation, 231 _ff._
+
+
+ Yerkes, R. M., 70.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Measurement of Intelligence, by
+Lewis Madison Terman
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+Project Gutenberg's The Measurement of Intelligence, by Lewis Madison Terman
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Measurement of Intelligence
+ An Explanation of and a Complete Guide for the Use of the
+ Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon
+ Intelligence Scale
+
+Author: Lewis Madison Terman
+
+Editor: Ellwood P. Cubberley
+
+Release Date: February 25, 2007 [EBook #20662]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MEASUREMENT OF INTELLIGENCE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Audrey Longhurst, Laura Wisewell and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ RIVERSIDE TEXTBOOKS
+ IN EDUCATION
+
+
+ EDITED BY ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY
+
+ PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
+ LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY
+
+
+ DIVISION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION
+ UNDER THE EDITORIAL DIRECTION
+ OF ALEXANDER INGLIS
+
+ PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
+ HARVARD UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+
+ THE MEASUREMENT
+ OF INTELLIGENCE
+
+
+ AN EXPLANATION OF AND A
+ COMPLETE GUIDE FOR THE USE OF THE
+ STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION OF
+ _The Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale_
+
+ BY
+
+ LEWIS M. TERMAN
+ PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
+ LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY
+
+ [Illustration]
+
+ HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+ BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO
+ The Riverside Press Cambridge
+
+
+
+
+ COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY LEWIS M. TERMAN
+
+ ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
+
+
+
+ The Riverside Press
+ CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS
+ PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
+
+
+
+
+ To the Memory
+ OF
+ ALFRED BINET
+
+ PATIENT RESEARCHER, CREATIVE THINKER, UNPRETENTIOUS SCHOLAR;
+ INSPIRING AND FRUITFUL DEVOTEE
+ OF
+ INDUCTIVE AND DYNAMIC
+ PSYCHOLOGY
+
+
+
+
+EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION
+
+
+The present volume appeals to the editor of this series as one of the
+most significant books, viewed from the standpoint of the future of our
+educational theory and practice, that has been issued in years. Not only
+does the volume set forth, in language so simple that the layman can
+easily understand, the large importance for public education of a
+careful measurement of the intelligence of children, but it also
+describes the tests which are to be given and the entire procedure of
+giving them. In a clear and easy style the author sets forth scientific
+facts of far-reaching educational importance, facts which it has cost
+him, his students, and many other scientific workers, years of
+painstaking labor to accumulate.
+
+Only very recently, practically only within the past half-dozen years,
+have scientific workers begun to appreciate fully the importance of
+intelligence tests as a guide to educational procedure, and up to the
+present we have been able to make but little use of such tests in our
+schools. The conception in itself has been new, and the testing
+procedure has been more or less unrefined and technical. The following
+somewhat popular presentation of the idea and of the methods involved,
+itself based on a scientific monograph which the author is publishing
+elsewhere, serves for the first time to set forth in simple language the
+technical details of giving such intelligence tests.
+
+The educational significance of the results to be obtained from
+careful measurements of the intelligence of children can hardly be
+overestimated. Questions relating to the choice of studies, vocational
+guidance, schoolroom procedure, the grading of pupils, promotional
+schemes, the study of the retardation of children in the schools,
+juvenile delinquency, and the proper handling of subnormals on the
+one hand and gifted children on the other,--all alike acquire new
+meaning and significance when viewed in the light of the measurement
+of intelligence as outlined in this volume. As a guide to the
+interpretation of the results of other forms of investigation relating
+to the work, progress, and needs of children, intelligence tests form a
+very valuable aid. More than all other forms of data combined, such
+tests give the necessary information from which a pupil's possibilities
+of future mental growth can be foretold, and upon which his further
+education can be most profitably directed.
+
+The publication of this revision and extension of the original
+Binet-Simon scale for measuring intelligence, with the closer adaptation
+of it to American conditions and needs, should mark a distinct step in
+advance in our educational procedure. It means the perfection of another
+and a very important measuring stick for evaluating educational
+practices, and in particular for diagnosing individual possibilities and
+needs. Just now the method is new, and its use somewhat limited, but it
+is the confident prediction of many students of the subject that, before
+long, intelligence tests will become as much a matter of necessary
+routine in schoolroom procedure as a blood-count now is in physical
+diagnosis. That our schoolroom methods will in turn become much more
+intelligent, and that all classes of children, but especially the gifted
+and the slow, will profit by such intellectual diagnosis, there can be
+but little question.
+
+That any parent or teacher, without training, can give these tests, the
+author in no way contends. However, the observations of Dr. Kohs, cited
+in Chapter VII, as well as the experience of the author and others who
+have given courses in intelligence testing to teachers, alike indicate
+that sufficient skill to enable teachers and school principals to give
+such tests intelligently is not especially difficult to acquire. This
+being the case it may be hoped that the requisite training to enable
+them to handle these tests may be included, very soon, as a part of the
+necessary pedagogical equipment of those who aspire to administrative
+positions in our public and private schools.
+
+Besides being of special importance to school officers and to students
+of education in colleges and normal schools, this volume can confidently
+be recommended to physicians and social workers, and to teachers and
+parents interested in intelligence measurements, as at once the simplest
+and the best explanation of the newly-evolved intelligence tests, which
+has so far appeared in print.
+
+ ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The constant and growing use of the Binet-Simon intelligence scale in
+public schools, institutions for defectives, reform schools, juvenile
+courts, and police courts is sufficient evidence of the intrinsic
+worth of the method. It is generally recognized, however, that the
+serviceableness of the scale has hitherto been seriously limited, both
+by the lack of a sufficiently detailed guide and by a number of
+recognized imperfections in the scale itself. The Stanford revision and
+extension has been worked out for the purpose of correcting as many as
+possible of these imperfections, and it is here presented with a rather
+minute description of the method as a whole and of the individual tests.
+
+The aim has been to present the explanations and instructions so clearly
+and in such an untechnical form as to make the book of use, not only to
+the psychologist, but also to the rank and file of teachers, physicians,
+and social workers. More particularly, it is designed as a text for use
+in normal schools, colleges, and teachers' reading-circles.
+
+While the use of the intelligence scale for research purposes and for
+accurate diagnosis will of necessity always be restricted to those who
+have had extensive training in experimental psychology, the author
+believes that the time has come when its wider use for more general
+purposes should be encouraged.
+
+However, it cannot be too strongly emphasized that no one, whatever his
+previous training may have been, can make proper use of the scale unless
+he is willing to learn the method of procedure and scoring down to the
+minutest detail. A general acquaintance with the nature of the
+individual tests is by no means sufficient.
+
+Perhaps the best way to learn the method will be to begin by studying
+the book through, in order to gain a general acquaintance with the
+tests; then, if possible, to observe a few examinations; and finally to
+take up the procedure for detailed study in connection with practice
+testing. Twenty or thirty tests, made with constant reference to the
+procedure as described in Part II, should be sufficient to prepare the
+teacher or physician to make profitable use of the scale.
+
+The Stanford revision of the scale is the result of a number of
+investigations, made possible by the cooeperation of the author's
+graduate students. Grateful acknowledgment is especially due to
+Professor H. G. Childs, Miss Grace Lyman, Dr. George Ordahl, Dr. Louise
+Ellison Ordahl, Miss Neva Galbreath, Mr. Wilford Talbert, Mr. J. Harold
+Williams, and Mr. Herbert E. Knollin. Without their assistance this book
+could not have been written.
+
+ STANFORD UNIVERSITY,
+ _April, 1916_.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+PART I. PROBLEMS AND RESULTS
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE USES OF INTELLIGENCE TESTS 3
+
+ Intelligence tests of retarded school children. Intelligence
+ tests of the feeble-minded. Intelligence tests of delinquents.
+ Intelligence tests of superior children. Intelligence tests as a
+ basis for grading. Intelligence tests for vocational fitness.
+ Other uses of intelligence tests.
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+SOURCES OF ERROR IN JUDGING INTELLIGENCE 22
+
+ Are intelligence tests superfluous? The necessity of standards.
+ The intelligence of retarded children usually overestimated. The
+ intelligence of superior children usually underestimated. Other
+ fallacies in the estimation of intelligence. Binet's
+ questionnaire on teachers' methods of judging intelligence.
+ Binet's experiment on how teachers test intelligence.
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+DESCRIPTION OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD 36
+
+ Essential nature of the scale. How the scale was derived. List of
+ tests. How the scale is used. Special characteristics of the
+ Binet-Simon method. The use of age standards. The kind of mental
+ functions brought into play. Binet would test "general
+ intelligence." Binet's conception of general intelligence. Other
+ conceptions of intelligence. Guiding principles in choice and
+ arrangement of tests. Some avowed limitations of the Binet tests.
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+NATURE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION 51
+
+ Sources of data. Method of arriving at a revision. List of tests
+ in the Stanford revision and extension. Summary of changes.
+ Effects of the revision on the mental ages secured.
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+ANALYSIS OF ONE THOUSAND INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS 65
+
+ The distribution of intelligence. The validity of the
+ intelligence quotient. Sex differences. Intelligence of the
+ different social classes. The relation of the I Q to the quality
+ of the child's school work. The relation between I Q and grade
+ progress. Correlation between I Q and the teachers' estimates of
+ the children's intelligence. The validity of the individual
+ tests.
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE SIGNIFICANCE OF VARIOUS INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS 78
+
+ Frequency of different degrees of intelligence. Classification of
+ intelligence quotients. Feeble-mindedness. Border-line cases.
+ Examples of border-line deficiency. Dull normals. Average
+ intelligence. Superior intelligence. Very superior intelligence.
+ Examples of very superior intelligence. Genius and "near" genius.
+ Is the I Q often misleading?
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+RELIABILITY OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD 105
+
+ General value of the method. Dependence of the scale's
+ reliability on the training of the examiner. Influence of the
+ subject's attitude. The influence of coaching. Reliability of
+ repeated tests. Influence of social and educational advantages.
+
+
+PART II
+
+GUIDE FOR THE USE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS 121
+
+ Necessity of securing attention and effort. Quiet and seclusion.
+ Presence of others. Getting into _rapport_. Keeping the child
+ encouraged. The importance of tact. Personality of the examiner.
+ The avoidance of fatigue. Duration of the examination. Desirable
+ range of testing. Order of giving the tests. Coaxing to be
+ avoided. Adhering to formula. Scoring. Recording responses.
+ Scattering of successes. Supplementary considerations.
+ Alternative tests. Finding mental age. The use of the
+ intelligence quotient. How to find the I Q of adult subjects.
+ Material for use in testing.
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR III
+
+ 1. Pointing to parts of the body 142
+ 2. Naming familiar objects 143
+ 3. Enumeration of objects in pictures 145
+ 4. Giving sex 146
+ 5. Giving the family name 147
+ 6. Repeating six to seven syllables 149
+ Alternative test: Repeating three digits 150
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IV
+
+ 1. Comparison of lines 151
+ 2. Discrimination of forms 152
+ 3. Counting four pennies 154
+ 4. Copying a square 155
+ 5. Comprehension, first degree 157
+ 6. Repeating four digits 159
+ Alternative test: Repeating twelve to thirteen syllables 160
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR V
+
+ 1. Comparison of weights 161
+ 2. Naming colors 163
+ 3. AEsthetic comparison 165
+ 4. Giving definitions in terms of use 167
+ 5. The game of patience 169
+ 6. Three commissions 172
+ Alternative test: Giving age 173
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VI
+
+ 1. Distinguishing right and left 175
+ 2. Finding omissions in pictures 178
+ 3. Counting thirteen pennies 180
+ 4. Comprehension, second degree 181
+ 5. Naming four coins 184
+ 6. Repeating sixteen to eighteen syllables 185
+ Alternative test: Forenoon and afternoon 187
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VII
+
+ 1. Giving the number of fingers 189
+ 2. Description of pictures 190
+ 3. Repeating five digits 193
+ 4. Tying a bow-knot 196
+ 5. Giving differences from memory 199
+ 6. Copying a diamond 204
+ Alternative test 1: Naming the days of the week 205
+ Alternative test 2: Repeating three digits reversed 207
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VIII
+
+ 1. The ball-and-field test 210
+ 2. Counting backwards from 20 to 1 213
+ 3. Comprehension, third degree 215
+ 4. Giving similarities, two things 217
+ 5. Giving definitions superior to use 221
+ 6. Vocabulary (20 definitions, 3600 words) 224
+ Alternative test 1: Naming six coins 231
+ Alternative test 2: Writing from dictation 231
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IX
+
+ 1. Giving the date 234
+ 2. Arranging five weights 236
+ 3. Making change 240
+ 4. Repeating four digits reversed 242
+ 5. Using three words in a sentence 242
+ 6. Finding rhymes 248
+ Alternative test 1: Naming the months 251
+ Alternative test 2: Counting the value of stamps 252
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR X
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (30 definitions, 5400 words) 255
+ 2. Detecting absurdities 255
+ 3. Drawing designs from memory 260
+ 4. Reading for eight memories 262
+ 5. Comprehension, fourth degree 268
+ 6. Naming sixty words 272
+ Alternative test 1: Repeating six digits 277
+ Alternative test 2: Repeating twenty to twenty-two syllables 277
+ Alternative test 3: Healy's Construction Puzzle A 278
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XII
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (40 definitions, 7200 words) 281
+ 2. Defining abstract words 281
+ 3. The ball-and-field test (superior plan) 286
+ 4. Dissected sentences 286
+ 5. Interpretation of fables (score 4) 290
+ 6. Repeating five digits reversed 301
+ 7. Interpretation of pictures 302
+ 8. Giving similarities, three things 306
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XIV
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (50 definitions, 9000 words) 310
+ 2. Induction test: finding a rule 310
+ 3. Giving differences between a president and a king 313
+ 4. Problem questions 315
+ 5. Arithmetical reasoning 319
+ 6. Reversing hands of a clock 321
+ Alternative test: Repeating seven digits 322
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "AVERAGE ADULT"
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (65 definitions, 11,700 words) 324
+ 2. Interpretation of fables (score 8) 324
+ 3. Differences between abstract terms 324
+ 4. Problem of the enclosed boxes 327
+ 5. Repeating six digits reversed 329
+ 6. Using a code 330
+ Alternative test 1: Repeating twenty-eight syllables 332
+ Alternative test 2: Comprehension of physical relations 333
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "SUPERIOR ADULT"
+
+ 1. Vocabulary (75 definitions, 13,500 words) 338
+ 2. Binet's paper-cutting test 338
+ 3. Repeating eight digits 340
+ 4. Repeating thought of passage 340
+ 5. Repeating seven digits reversed 345
+ 6. Ingenuity test 345
+
+SELECTED REFERENCES 349
+
+INDEX 359
+
+
+
+
+FIGURES AND DIAGRAMS
+
+
+ 1. Distribution of Mental Ages of 62 Normal Adults 55
+ 2. Distribution of I Q's of 905 Unselected Children, 5-14 Years
+ of Age 66
+ 3. Median I Q of 457 Boys and 448 Girls, for the Ages 5-14 Years 69
+ 4. Diamond drawn by R. W.; Age 13-10; Mental Age 7-6 82
+ 5. Writing from Dictation. R. M., Age 15; Mental Age 9 83
+ 6. Ball and Field Test. I. M., Age 14-2; Mental Age 9 84
+ 7. Diamond drawn by A. W. 85
+ 8. Drawing Designs from Memory. H. S., Age 11; Mental Age 8-3 86
+ 9. Ball and Field Test. S. F., Age 17; Mental Age 11-6 88
+ 10. Writing from Dictation. C. P., Age 10-2; Mental Age 7-11 90
+ 11. Ball and Field Test. M. P., Age 14; Mental Age 10-8 91
+ 12. Ball and Field Test. R. G., Age 13-5; Mental Age 10-6 93
+ 13. Ball and Field Test. E. B., Age 7-9; I Q 130 98
+ 14. Ball and Field Test. F. McA., Age 10-3; Mental Age 14-6 100
+ 15. Drawing Designs from Memory. E. M., Age 6-11; Mental Age 10,
+ I Q 145 101
+ 16. Ball and Field Test. B. F., Age 7-8; Mental Age 12-4; I Q 160 102
+ 17. Healy and Fernald Construction Puzzle 279
+
+
+
+
+THE MEASUREMENT OF INTELLIGENCE
+
+PART I
+
+PROBLEMS AND RESULTS
+
+
+
+
+THE MEASUREMENT OF INTELLIGENCE
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE USES OF INTELLIGENCE TESTS
+
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF RETARDED SCHOOL CHILDREN. Numerous studies of the
+age-grade progress of school children have afforded convincing evidence
+of the magnitude and seriousness of the retardation problem. Statistics
+collected in hundreds of cities in the United States show that between a
+third and a half of the school children fail to progress through the
+grades at the expected rate; that from 10 to 15 per cent are retarded
+two years or more; and that from 5 to 8 per cent are retarded at least
+three years. More than 10 per cent of the $400,000,000 annually expended
+in the United States for school instruction is devoted to re-teaching
+children what they have already been taught but have failed to learn.
+
+The first efforts at reform which resulted from these findings were
+based on the supposition that the evils which had been discovered could
+be remedied by the individualizing of instruction, by improved methods
+of promotion, by increased attention to children's health, and by other
+reforms in school administration. Although reforms along these lines
+have been productive of much good, they have nevertheless been in a
+measure disappointing. The trouble was, they were too often based upon
+the assumption that under the right conditions all children would be
+equally, or almost equally, capable of making satisfactory school
+progress. Psychological studies of school children by means of
+standardized intelligence tests have shown that this supposition is not
+in accord with the facts. It has been found that children do not fall
+into two well-defined groups, the "feeble-minded" and the "normal."
+Instead, there are many grades of intelligence, ranging from idiocy on
+the one hand to genius on the other. Among those classed as normal, vast
+individual differences have been found to exist in original mental
+endowment, differences which affect profoundly the capacity to profit
+from school instruction.
+
+We are beginning to realize that the school must take into account, more
+seriously than it has yet done, the existence and significance of these
+differences in endowment. Instead of wasting energy in the vain attempt
+to hold mentally slow and defective children up to a level of progress
+which is normal to the average child, it will be wiser to take account of
+the inequalities of children in original endowment and to differentiate
+the course of study in such a way that each child will be allowed to
+progress at the rate which is normal to him, whether that rate be rapid
+or slow.
+
+While we cannot hold all children to the same standard of school
+progress, we can at least prevent the kind of retardation which involves
+failure and the repetition of a school grade. It is well enough
+recognized that children do not enter with very much zest upon school
+work in which they have once failed. Failure crushes self-confidence and
+destroys the spirit of work. It is a sad fact that a large proportion of
+children in the schools are acquiring the habit of failure. The remedy,
+of course, is to measure out the work for each child in proportion to
+his mental ability.
+
+Before an engineer constructs a railroad bridge or trestle, he studies
+the materials to be used, and learns by means of tests exactly the
+amount of strain per unit of size his materials will be able to
+withstand. He does not work empirically, and count upon patching up the
+mistakes which may later appear under the stress of actual use. The
+educational engineer should emulate this example. Tests and forethought
+must take the place of failure and patchwork. Our efforts have been too
+long directed by "trial and error." It is time to leave off guessing and
+to acquire a scientific knowledge of the material with which we have to
+deal. When instruction must be repeated, it means that the school, as
+well as the pupil, has failed.
+
+Every child who fails in his school work or is in danger of failing
+should be given a mental examination. The examination takes less than
+one hour, and the result will contribute more to a real understanding of
+the case than anything else that could be done. It is necessary to
+determine whether a given child is unsuccessful in school because of
+poor native ability, or because of poor instruction, lack of interest,
+or some other removable cause.
+
+It is not sufficient to establish any number of special classes, if they
+are to be made the dumping-ground for all kinds of troublesome
+cases--the feeble-minded, the physically defective, the merely backward,
+the truants, the incorrigibles, etc. Without scientific diagnosis and
+classification of these children the educational work of the special
+class must blunder along in the dark. In such diagnosis and
+classification our main reliance must always be in mental tests,
+properly used and properly interpreted.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED. Thus far intelligence tests
+have found their chief application in the identification and grading of
+the feeble-minded. Their value for this purpose is twofold. In the first
+place, it is necessary to ascertain the degree of defect before it is
+possible to decide intelligently upon either the content or the method
+of instruction suited to the training of the backward child. In the
+second place, intelligence tests are rapidly extending our conception of
+"feeble-mindedness" to include milder degrees of defect than have
+generally been associated with this term. The earlier methods of
+diagnosis caused a majority of the higher grade defectives to be
+overlooked. Previous to the development of psychological methods the
+low-grade moron was about as high a type of defective as most physicians
+or even psychologists were able to identify as feeble-minded.
+
+Wherever intelligence tests have been made in any considerable number in
+the schools, they have shown that not far from 2 per cent of the
+children enrolled have a grade of intelligence which, however long they
+live, will never develop beyond the level which is normal to the average
+child of 11 or 12 years. The large majority of these belong to the moron
+grade; that is, their mental development will stop somewhere between the
+7-year and 12-year level of intelligence, more often between 9 and 12.
+
+The more we learn about such children, the clearer it becomes that they
+must be looked upon as real defectives. They may be able to drag
+along to the fourth, fifth, or sixth grades, but even by the age of
+16 or 18 years they are never able to cope successfully with the more
+abstract and difficult parts of the common-school course of study. They
+may master a certain amount of rote learning, such as that involved in
+reading and in the manipulation of number combinations but they cannot
+be taught to meet new conditions effectively or to think, reason, and
+judge as normal persons do.
+
+It is safe to predict that in the near future intelligence tests will
+bring tens of thousands of these high-grade defectives under the
+surveillance and protection of society. This will ultimately result in
+curtailing the reproduction of feeble-mindedness and in the elimination
+of an enormous amount of crime, pauperism, and industrial inefficiency.
+It is hardly necessary to emphasize that the high-grade cases, of the
+type now so frequently overlooked, are precisely the ones whose
+guardianship it is most important for the State to assume.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF DELINQUENTS. One of the most important facts
+brought to light by the use of intelligence tests is the frequent
+association of delinquency and mental deficiency. Although it has long
+been recognized that the proportion of feeble-mindedness among
+offenders is rather large, the real amount has, until recently, been
+underestimated even by the most competent students of criminology.
+
+The criminologists have been accustomed to give more attention to the
+physical than to the mental correlates of crime. Thus, Lombroso and
+his followers subjected thousands of criminals to observation and
+measurement with regard to such physical traits as size and shape of the
+skull, bilateral asymmetries, anomalies of the ear, eye, nose, palate,
+teeth, hands, fingers, hair, dermal sensitivity, etc. The search was for
+physical "stigmata" characteristic of the "criminal type."
+
+Although such studies performed an important service in creating a
+scientific interest in criminology, the theories of Lombroso have been
+wholly discredited by the results of intelligence tests. Such tests have
+demonstrated, beyond any possibility of doubt, that the most important
+trait of at least 25 per cent of our criminals is mental weakness. The
+physical abnormalities which have been found so common among prisoners
+are not the stigmata of criminality, but the physical accompaniments of
+feeble-mindedness. They have no diagnostic significance except in so far
+as they are indications of mental deficiency. Without exception, every
+study which has been made of the intelligence level of delinquents has
+furnished convincing testimony as to the close relation existing between
+mental weakness and moral abnormality. Some of these findings are as
+follows:--
+
+ Miss Renz tested 100 girls of the Ohio State Reformatory and
+ reported 36 per cent as certainly feeble-minded. In every one of
+ these cases the commitment papers had given the pronouncement
+ "intellect sound."
+
+ Under the direction of Dr. Goddard the Binet tests were given to
+ 100 juvenile court cases, chosen at random, in Newark, New
+ Jersey. Nearly half were classified as feeble-minded. One boy
+ 17 years old had 9-year intelligence; another of 151/2 had
+ 8-year intelligence.
+
+ Of 56 delinquent girls 14 to 20 years of age tested by Hill and
+ Goddard, almost half belonged either to the 9- or the 10-year
+ level of intelligence.
+
+ Dr. G. G. Fernald's tests of 100 prisoners at the Massachusetts
+ State Reformatory showed that at least 25 per cent were
+ feeble-minded.
+
+ Of 1186 girls tested by Miss Dewson at the State Industrial
+ School for Girls at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 28 per cent were
+ found to have subnormal intelligence.
+
+ Dr. Katherine Bement Davis's report on 1000 cases entered in the
+ Bedford Home for Women, New York, stated that there was no doubt
+ but that at least 157 were feeble-minded. Recently there has
+ been established at this institution one of the most important
+ research laboratories of the kind in the United States, with a
+ trained psychologist, Dr. Mabel Fernald, in charge.
+
+ Of 564 prostitutes investigated by Dr. Anna Dwyer in connection
+ with the Municipal Court of Chicago, only 3 per cent had gone
+ beyond the fifth grade in school. Mental tests were not made,
+ but from the data given it is reasonably certain that half or
+ more were feeble-minded.
+
+ Tests, by Dr. George Ordahl and Dr. Louise Ellison Ordahl, of
+ cases in the Geneva School for Girls, Geneva, Illinois, showed
+ that, on a conservative basis of classification, at least
+ 18 per cent were feeble-minded. At the Joliet Prison, Illinois,
+ the same authors found 50 per cent of the female prisoners
+ feeble-minded, and 26 per cent of the male prisoners. At the St.
+ Charles School for Boys 26 per cent were feeble-minded.
+
+ Tests, by Dr. J. Harold Williams, of 150 delinquents in the
+ Whittier State School for Boys, Whittier, California, gave
+ 28 per cent feeble-minded and 25 per cent at or near the
+ border-line. About 300 other juvenile delinquents tested by
+ Mr. Williams gave approximately the same figures. As a result of
+ these findings a research laboratory has been established at the
+ Whittier School, with Dr. Williams in charge. In the girls'
+ division of the Whittier School, Dr. Grace Fernald collected a
+ large amount of psychological data on more than 100 delinquent
+ girls. The findings of this investigation agree closely with
+ those of Dr. Williams for the boys.
+
+ At the State Reformatory, Jeffersonville, Indiana, Dr. von
+ Klein-Schmid, in an unusually thorough psychological study of
+ 1000 young adult prisoners, finds the proportion of
+ feeble-mindedness not far from 50 per cent.
+
+But it is needless to multiply statistics. Those given are but samples.
+Tests are at present being made in most of the progressive prisons,
+reform schools, and juvenile courts throughout the country, and while
+there are minor discrepancies in regard to the actual percentage who are
+feeble-minded, there is no investigator who denies the fearful role
+played by mental deficiency in the production of vice, crime, and
+delinquency.[1]
+
+[1] See References at end of volume.
+
+Heredity studies of "degenerate" families have confirmed, in a striking
+way, the testimony secured by intelligence tests. Among the best known
+of such families are the "Kallikaks," the "Jukes," the "Hill Folk," the
+"Nams," the "Zeros," and the "Ishmaelites."
+
+ _The Kallikak family._ Martin Kallikak was a youthful soldier in
+ the Revolutionary War. At a tavern frequented by the militia he
+ met a feeble-minded girl, by whom he became the father of a
+ feeble-minded son. In 1912 there were 480 known direct
+ descendants of this temporary union. It is known that 36 of
+ these were illegitimates, that 33 were sexually immoral, that 24
+ were confirmed alcoholics, and that 8 kept houses of ill-fame.
+ The explanation of so much immorality will be obvious when it is
+ stated that of the 480 descendants, 143 were known to be
+ feeble-minded, and that many of the others were of questionable
+ mentality.
+
+ A few years after returning from the war this same Martin
+ Kallikak married a respectable girl of good family. From this
+ union 496 individuals have been traced in direct descent, and in
+ this branch of the family there were no illegitimate children,
+ no immoral women, and only one man who was sexually loose. There
+ were no criminals, no keepers of houses of ill-fame, and only
+ two confirmed alcoholics. Again the explanation is clear when it
+ is stated that this branch of the family did not contain a
+ single feeble-minded individual. It was made up of doctors,
+ lawyers, judges, educators, traders, and landholders.[2]
+
+ [2] H. H. Goddard: _The Kallikak Family_. (1914.) 141 pp.
+
+ _The Hill Folk._ The Hill Folk are a New England family of which
+ 709 persons have been traced. Of the married women, 24 per cent
+ had given birth to illegitimate offspring, and 10 per cent were
+ prostitutes. Criminal tendencies were clearly shown in
+ 24 members of the family, while alcoholism was still more
+ common. The proportion of feeble-minded was 48 per cent. It was
+ estimated that the Hill Folk have in the last sixty years cost
+ the State of Massachusetts, in charitable relief, care of
+ feeble-minded, epileptic, and insane, conviction and punishment
+ for crime, prostitution pauperism, etc., at least $500,000.[3]
+
+ [3] Danielson and Davenport: _The Hill Folk_. Eugenics Record Office,
+ Memoir No. 1. 1912. 56 pp.
+
+ The Nam family and the Jukes give equally dark pictures as
+ regards criminality, licentiousness, and alcoholism, and
+ although feeble-mindedness was not as fully investigated in
+ these families as in the Kallikaks and the Hill Folk, the
+ evidence is strong that it was a leading trait. The 784 Nams who
+ were traced included 187 alcoholics, 232 women and 199 men known
+ to be licentious, and 40 who became prisoners. It is estimated
+ that the Nams have already cost the State nearly $1,500,000.[4]
+
+ [4] Estabrook and Davenport: _The Nam Family_. Eugenics Record Office
+ Memoir No. 2. (1912). 85 pp.
+
+ Of 540 Jukes, practically one fifth were born out of wedlock, 37
+ were known to be syphilitic, 53 had been in the poorhouse, 76
+ had been sentenced to prison, and of 229 women of marriageable
+ age 128 were prostitutes. The economic damage inflicted upon the
+ State of New York by the Jukes in seventy-five years was
+ estimated at more than $1,300,000, to say nothing of diseases
+ and other evil influences which they helped to spread.[5]
+
+ [5] R. L. Dugdale: _The Jukes_. (Fourth edition, 1910.) 120 pp. G. P.
+ Putnam's Sons.
+
+But why do the feeble-minded tend so strongly to become delinquent? The
+answer may be stated in simple terms. Morality depends upon two things:
+(a) the ability to foresee and to weigh the possible consequences for
+self and others of different kinds of behavior; and (b) upon the
+willingness and capacity to exercise self-restraint. That there are many
+intelligent criminals is due to the fact that (a) may exist without
+(b). On the other hand, (b) presupposes (a). In other words, not
+all criminals are feeble-minded, but all feeble-minded are at least
+potential criminals. That every feeble-minded woman is a potential
+prostitute would hardly be disputed by any one. Moral judgment, like
+business judgment, social judgment, or any other kind of higher thought
+process, is a function of intelligence. Morality cannot flower and fruit
+if intelligence remains infantile.
+
+All of us in early childhood lacked moral responsibility. We were as
+rank egoists as any criminal. Respect for the feelings, the property
+rights, or any other kind of rights, of others had to be laboriously
+acquired under the whip of discipline. But by degrees we learned that
+only when instincts are curbed, and conduct is made to conform to
+principles established formally or accepted tacitly by our neighbors,
+does this become a livable world for any of us. Without the intelligence
+to generalize the particular, to foresee distant consequences of present
+acts, to weigh these foreseen consequences in the nice balance of
+imagination, morality cannot be learned. When the adult body, with its
+adult instincts, is coupled with the undeveloped intelligence and weak
+inhibitory powers of a 10-year-old child, the only possible outcome,
+except in those cases where constant guardianship is exercised by
+relatives or friends, is some form of delinquency.
+
+Considering the tremendous cost of vice and crime, which in all
+probability amounts to not less than $500,000,000 per year in the United
+States alone, it is evident that psychological testing has found here
+one of its richest applications. Before offenders can be subjected
+to rational treatment a mental diagnosis is necessary, and while
+intelligence tests do not constitute a complete psychological diagnosis,
+they are, nevertheless, its most indispensable part.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN. The number of children with
+very superior ability is approximately as great as the number of
+feeble-minded. The future welfare of the country hinges, in no small
+degree, upon the right education of these superior children. Whether
+civilization moves on and up depends most on the advances made by
+creative thinkers and leaders in science, politics, art, morality, and
+religion. Moderate ability can follow, or imitate, but genius must show
+the way.
+
+Through the leveling influences of the educational lockstep such
+children at present are often lost in the masses. It is a rare child who
+is able to break this lockstep by extra promotions. Taking the country
+over, the ratio of "accelerates" to "retardates" in the school is
+approximately 1 to 10. Through the handicapping influences of poverty,
+social neglect, physical defects, or educational maladjustments, many
+potential leaders in science, art, government, and industry are denied
+the opportunity of a normal development. The use we have made of
+exceptional ability reminds one of the primitive methods of surface
+mining. It is necessary to explore the nation's hidden resources of
+intelligence. The common saying that "genius will out" is one of those
+dangerous half-truths with which too many people rest content.
+
+Psychological tests show that children of superior ability are very
+likely to be misunderstood in school. The writer has tested more than a
+hundred children who were as much above average intelligence as moron
+defectives are below. The large majority of these were found located
+below the school grade warranted by their intellectual level. One third
+had failed to reap any advantage whatever, in terms of promotion, from
+their very superior intelligence. Even genius languishes when kept
+over-long at tasks that are too easy.
+
+Our data show that teachers sometimes fail entirely to recognize
+exceptional superiority in a pupil, and that the degree of such
+superiority is rarely estimated with anything like the accuracy which is
+possible to the psychologist after a one-hour examination. _B. F._, for
+example, was a little over 71/2 years old when tested. He was in the
+third grade, and was therefore thought by his teacher to be accelerated
+in school. This boy's intelligence, however, was found to be above the
+12-year level. There is no doubt that his mental ability would have
+enabled him, with a few months of individual instruction, to carry fifth
+or even sixth-grade work as easily as third, and without injury to body
+or mind. Nevertheless, the teacher and both the parents of this child
+had found nothing remarkable about him. In reality he belongs to a grade
+of genius not found oftener than once in several thousand cases.
+
+Another illustration is that of a boy of 101/2 years who tested at the
+"average adult" level. He was doing superior work in the sixth grade,
+but according to the testimony of the teacher had "no unusual ability."
+It was ascertained from the parents that this boy, at an age when most
+children are reading fairy stories, had a passion for standard medical
+literature and textbooks in physical science. Yet, after more than a
+year of daily contact with this young genius (who is a relative of
+Meyerbeer, the composer), the teacher had discovered no symptoms of
+unusual ability.[6]
+
+[6] See p. 26 _ff._ for further illustrations of this kind.
+
+Teachers should be better trained in detecting the signs of superior
+ability. Every child who consistently gets high marks in his school work
+with apparent ease should be given a mental examination, and if his
+intelligence level warrants it he should either be given extra
+promotions, or placed in a special class for superior children where
+faster progress can be made. The latter is the better plan, because it
+obviates the necessity of skipping grades; it permits rapid but
+continuous progress.
+
+The usual reluctance of teachers to give extra promotions probably rests
+upon three factors: (1) mere inertia; (2) a natural unwillingness to
+part with exceptionally satisfactory pupils; and (3) the traditional
+belief that precocious children should be held back for fear of dire
+physical or mental consequences.
+
+In order to throw light on the question whether exceptionally bright
+children are specially likely to be one-sided, nervous, delicate,
+morally abnormal, socially unadaptable, or otherwise peculiar, the
+writer has secured rather extensive information regarding 31 children
+whose mental age was found by intelligence tests to be 25 per cent above
+the actual age. This degree of intelligence is possessed by about
+2 children out of 100, and is nearly as far above average intelligence
+as high-grade feeble-mindedness is below. The supplementary information,
+which was furnished in most cases by the teachers, may be summarized as
+follows:--
+
+ 1. _Ability special or general._ In the case of 20 out of 31 the
+ ability is decidedly general, and with 2 it is mainly general.
+ The talents of 5 are described as more or less special, but
+ only in one case is it remarkably so. Doubtful 4.
+
+ 2. _Health._ 15 are said to be perfectly healthy; 13 have one or
+ more physical defects; 4 of the 13 are described as delicate;
+ 4 have adenoids; 4 have eye-defects; 1 lisps; and 1 stutters.
+ These figures are about the same as one finds in any group of
+ ordinary children.
+
+ 3. _Studiousness._ "Extremely studious," 15; "usually studious" or
+ "fairly studious," 11; "not particularly studious," 5; "lazy,"
+ 0.
+
+ 4. _Moral traits._ Favorable traits only, 19; one or more
+ unfavorable traits, 8; no answer, 4. The eight with
+ unfavorable moral traits are described as follows: 2 are "very
+ self-willed"; 1 "needs close watching"; 1 is "cruel to
+ animals"; 1 is "untruthful"; 1 is "unreliable"; 1 is "a
+ bluffer"; 1 is "sexually abnormal," "perverted," and
+ "vicious."
+
+ It will be noted that with the exception of the last child,
+ the moral irregularities mentioned can hardly be regarded,
+ from the psychological point of view, as essentially abnormal.
+ It is perhaps a good rather than a bad sign for a child to be
+ self-willed; most children "need close watching"; and a
+ certain amount of untruthfulness in children is the rule and
+ not the exception.
+
+ 5. _Social adaptability._ Socially adaptable, 25; not adaptable,
+ 2; doubtful, 4.
+
+ 6. _Attitude of other children._ "Favorable," "friendly," "liked
+ by everybody," "much admired," "popular," etc., 26; "not
+ liked," 1; "inspires repugnance," 1; no answer, 1.
+
+ 7. _Is child a leader?_ "Yes," 14; "no," or "not particularly,"
+ 12; doubtful, 5.
+
+ 8. _Is play life normal?_ "Yes," 26; "no," 1; "hardly," 1;
+ doubtful, 3.
+
+ 9. _Is child spoiled or vain?_ "No," 22; "yes," 5; "somewhat," 2;
+ no answer, 2.
+
+According to the above data, exceptionally intelligent children are
+fully as likely to be healthy as ordinary children; their ability is far
+more often general than special, they are studious above the average,
+really serious faults are not common among them, they are nearly always
+socially adaptable, are sought after as playmates and companions, their
+play life is usually normal, they are leaders far oftener than other
+children, and notwithstanding their many really superior qualities they
+are seldom vain or spoiled.
+
+It would be greatly to the advantage of such children if their superior
+ability were more promptly and fully recognized, and if (under proper
+medical supervision, of course) they were promoted as rapidly as their
+mental development would warrant. Unless they are given the grade of
+work which calls forth their best efforts, they run the risk of falling
+into lifelong habits of submaximum efficiency. The danger in the case of
+such children is not over-pressure, but under-pressure.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS AS A BASIS FOR GRADING. Not only in the case of
+retarded or exceptionally bright children, but with many others also,
+intelligence tests can aid in correctly placing the child in school.
+
+The pupil who enters one school system from another is a case in point.
+Such a pupil nearly always suffers a loss of time. The indefensible
+custom is to grade the newcomer down a little, because, forsooth, the
+textbooks he has studied may have differed somewhat from those he is
+about to take up, or because the school system from which he comes may
+be looked upon as inferior. Teachers are too often suspicious of all
+other educational methods besides their own. The present treatment
+accorded such children, which so often does them injustice and injury,
+should be replaced by an intelligence test. The hour of time required
+for the test is a small matter in comparison with the loss of a school
+term by the pupils.
+
+Indeed, it would be desirable to make all promotions on the basis
+chiefly of intellectual ability. Hitherto the school has had to rely on
+tests of information because reliable tests of intelligence have not
+until recently been available. As trained Binet examiners become more
+plentiful, the information standard will have to give way to the
+criterion which asks merely that the child shall be able to do the work
+of the next higher grade. The brief intelligence test is not only more
+enlightening than the examination; it is also more hygienic. The school
+examination is often for the child a source of worry and anxiety; the
+mental test is an interesting and pleasant experience.
+
+INTELLIGENCE TESTS FOR VOCATIONAL FITNESS. The time is probably not far
+distant when intelligence tests will become a recognized and widely used
+instrument for determining vocational fitness. Of course, it is not
+claimed that tests are available which will tell us unerringly exactly
+what one of a thousand or more occupations a given individual is best
+fitted to pursue. But when thousands of children who have been tested by
+the Binet scale have been followed out into the industrial world, and
+their success in various occupations noted, we shall know fairly
+definitely the vocational significance of any given degree of mental
+inferiority or superiority. Researches of this kind will ultimately
+determine the minimum "intelligence quotient" necessary for success in
+each leading occupation.
+
+Industrial concerns doubtless suffer enormous losses from the employment
+of persons whose mental ability is not equal to the tasks they are
+expected to perform. The present methods of trying out new employees,
+transferring them to simpler and simpler jobs as their inefficiency
+becomes apparent, is wasteful and to a great extent unnecessary. A
+cheaper and more satisfactory method would be to employ a psychologist
+to examine applicants for positions and to weed out the unfit. Any
+business employing as many as five hundred or a thousand workers, as,
+for example, a large department store, could save in this way several
+times the salary of a well-trained psychologist.
+
+That the industrially inefficient are often of subnormal intelligence
+has already been demonstrated in a number of psychological
+investigations. Of 150 "hoboes" tested under the direction of the writer
+by Mr. Knollin, at least 15 per cent belonged to the moron grade of
+mental deficiency, and almost as many more were border-line cases. To be
+sure, a large proportion were found perfectly normal, and a few even
+decidedly superior in mental ability, but the ratio of mental deficiency
+was ten or fifteen times as high as that holding for the general
+population. Several had as low as 9- or 10-year intelligence, and one
+had a mental level of 7 years. The industrial history of such subjects,
+as given by themselves, was always about what the mental level would
+lead us to expect--unskilled work, lack of interest in accomplishment,
+frequent discharge from jobs, discouragement, and finally the "road."
+
+The above findings have been fully paralleled by Mr. Glenn Johnson and
+Professor Eleanor Rowland, of Reed College, who tested 108 unemployed
+charity cases in Portland, Oregon. Both of these investigators made use
+of the Stanford revision of the Binet scale, which is especially
+serviceable in distinguishing the upper-grade defectives from normals.
+
+It hardly needs to be emphasized that when charity organizations help
+the feeble-minded to float along in the social and industrial world, and
+to produce and rear children after their kind, a doubtful service is
+rendered. A little psychological research would aid the united charities
+of any city to direct their expenditures into more profitable channels
+than would otherwise be possible.
+
+OTHER USES OF INTELLIGENCE TESTS. Another important use of intelligence
+tests is in the study of the factors which influence mental development.
+It is desirable that we should be able to guard the child against
+influences which affect mental development unfavorably; but as long as
+these influences have not been sifted, weighed, and measured, we have
+nothing but conjecture on which to base our efforts in this direction.
+
+When we search the literature of child hygiene for reliable evidence as
+to the injurious effects upon mental ability of malnutrition, decayed
+teeth, obstructed breathing, reduced sleep, bad ventilation,
+insufficient exercise, etc., we are met by endless assertion painfully
+unsupported by demonstrated fact. We have, indeed, very little exact
+knowledge regarding the mental effects of any of the factors just
+mentioned. When standardized mental tests have come into more general
+use, such influences will be easy to detect wherever they are really
+present.
+
+Again, the most important question of heredity is that regarding the
+inheritance of intelligence; but this is a problem which cannot be
+attacked at all without some accurate means of identifying the thing
+which is the object of study. Without the use of scales for measuring
+intelligence we can give no better answer as to the essential difference
+between a genius and a fool than is to be found in legend and fiction.
+
+Applying this to school children, it means that without such tests we
+cannot know to what extent a child's mental performances are determined
+by environment and to what extent by heredity. Is the place of the
+so-called lower classes in the social and industrial scale the result of
+their inferior native endowment, or is their apparent inferiority merely
+a result of their inferior home and school training? Is genius more
+common among children of the educated classes than among the children of
+the ignorant and poor? Are the inferior races really inferior, or are
+they merely unfortunate in their lack of opportunity to learn?
+
+Only intelligence tests can answer these questions and grade the raw
+material with which education works. Without them we can never
+distinguish the results of our educational efforts with a given child
+from the influence of the child's original endowment. Such tests would
+have told us, for example, whether the much-discussed "wonder children,"
+such as the Sidis and Wiener boys and the Stoner girl, owe their
+precocious intellectual prowess to superior training (as their parents
+believe) or to superior native ability. The supposed effects upon mental
+development of new methods of mind training, which are exploited so
+confidently from time to time (e.g., the Montessori method and the
+various systems of sensory and motor training for the feeble-minded),
+will have to be checked up by the same kind of scientific measurement.
+
+In all these fields intelligence tests are certain to play an
+ever-increasing role. With the exception of moral character there
+is nothing as significant for a child's future as his grade of
+intelligence. Even health itself is likely to have less influence in
+determining success in life. Although strength and swiftness have always
+had great survival value among the lower animals, these characteristics
+have long since lost their supremacy in man's struggle for existence.
+For us the rule of brawn has been broken, and intelligence has become
+the decisive factor in success. Schools, railroads, factories, and the
+largest commercial concerns may be successfully managed by persons who
+are physically weak or even sickly. One who has intelligence constantly
+measures opportunities against his own strength or weakness and adjusts
+himself to conditions by following those leads which promise most toward
+the realization of his individual possibilities.
+
+All classes of intellects, the weakest as well as the strongest, will
+profit by the application of their talents to tasks which are consonant
+with their ability. When we have learned the lessons which intelligence
+tests have to teach, we shall no longer blame mentally defective workmen
+for their industrial inefficiency, punish weak-minded children because
+of their inability to learn, or imprison and hang mentally defective
+criminals because they lacked the intelligence to appreciate the
+ordinary codes of social conduct.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+SOURCES OF ERROR IN JUDGING INTELLIGENCE
+
+
+ARE INTELLIGENCE TESTS SUPERFLUOUS? Binet tells us that he often
+encountered the criticism that intelligence tests are superfluous, and
+that in going to so much trouble to devise his measuring scale he was
+forcing an open door. Those who made this criticism believed that the
+observant teacher or parent is able to make an offhand estimate of a
+child's intelligence which is accurate enough. "It is a stupid teacher,"
+said one, "who needs a psychologist to tell her which pupils are not
+intelligent." Every one who uses intelligence tests meets this attitude
+from time to time.
+
+This should not be surprising or discouraging. It is only natural that
+those who are unfamiliar with the methods of psychology should
+occasionally question their validity or worth, just as there are many
+excellent people who do not "believe in" vaccination against typhoid and
+small pox, operations for appendicitis, etc.
+
+There is an additional reason why the applications of psychology have to
+overcome a good deal of conservatism and skepticism; namely, the fact
+that every one, whether psychologically trained or not, acquires in the
+ordinary experiences of life a certain degree of expertness in the
+observation and interpretation of mental traits. The possession of this
+little fund of practical working knowledge makes most people slow to
+admit any one's claim to greater expertness. When the astronomer tells
+us the distance to Jupiter, we accept his statement, because we
+recognize that our ordinary experience affords no basis for judgment
+about such matters. But every one acquires more or less facility in
+distinguishing the coarser differences among people in intelligence,
+and this half-knowledge naturally generates a certain amount of
+resistance to the more refined method of tests.
+
+It should be evident, however, that we need more than the ability merely
+to distinguish a genius from a simpleton, just as a physician needs
+something more than the ability to distinguish an athlete from a man
+dying of consumption. It is necessary to have a definite and accurate
+diagnosis, one which will differentiate more finely the many degrees and
+qualities of intelligence. Just as in the case of physical illness, we
+need to know not merely that the patient is sick, but also why he is
+sick, what organs are involved, what course the illness will run, and
+what physical work the patient can safely undertake, so in the case of a
+retarded child, we need to know the exact degree of intellectual
+deficiency, what mental functions are chiefly concerned in the defect,
+whether the deficiency is due to innate endowment, to physical illness,
+or to faults of education, and what lines of mental activity the child
+will be able to pursue with reasonable hope of success. In the diagnosis
+of a case of malnutrition, the up-to-date physician does not depend upon
+general symptoms, but instead makes a blood test to determine the exact
+number of red corpuscles per cubic millimeter of blood and the exact
+percentage of haemoglobin. He has learned that external appearances are
+often misleading. Similarly, every psychologist who is experienced in
+the mental examination of school children knows that his own or the
+teacher's estimate of a child's intelligence is subject to grave and
+frequent error.
+
+THE NECESSITY OF STANDARDS. In the first place, in order to judge an
+individual's intelligence it is necessary to have in mind some standard
+as to what constitutes normal intelligence. This the ordinary parent or
+teacher does not have. In the case of school children, for example, each
+pupil is judged with reference to the average intelligence of the
+class. But the teacher has no means of knowing whether the average for
+her class is above, equal to, or below that for children in general. Her
+standard may be too high, too low, vague, mechanical, or fragmentary.
+The same, of course, holds in the case of parents or any one else
+attempting to estimate intelligence on the basis of common observation.
+
+THE INTELLIGENCE OF RETARDED CHILDREN USUALLY OVERESTIMATED. One of the
+most common errors made by the teacher is to overestimate the
+intelligence of the over-age pupil. This is because she fails to take
+account of age differences and estimates intelligence on the basis of
+the child's school performance in the grade where he happens to be
+located. She tends to overlook the fact that quality of school work is
+no index of intelligence unless age is taken into account. The question
+should be, not, "Is this child doing his school work well?" but rather,
+"In what school grade should a child of this age be able to do
+satisfactory work?" A high-grade imbecile may do average work in the
+first grade, and a high-grade moron average work in the third or fourth
+grade, provided only they are sufficiently over-age for the grade in
+question.
+
+Our experience in testing children for segregation in special classes
+has time and again brought this fallacy of teachers to our attention. We
+have often found one or more feeble-minded children in a class after
+the teacher had confidently asserted that there was not a single
+exceptionally dull child present. In every case where there has been
+opportunity to follow the later school progress of such a child the
+validity of the intelligence test has been fully confirmed.
+
+The following are typical examples of the neglect of teachers to take
+the age factor into account when estimating the intelligence of the
+over-age child:--
+
+ _A. R. Girl, age 11; in low second grade._ She was able to do
+ the work of this grade, not well, but passably. The teacher's
+ judgment as to this child's intelligence was "dull but not
+ defective." What the teacher overlooked was the fact that she
+ had judged the child by a 7-year standard, and that, instead of
+ only being able to do the work of the second grade
+ indifferently, a child of this age should have been equal to the
+ work of the fifth grade. In reality, A. R. is definitely
+ feeble-minded. Although she is from a home of average culture,
+ is 11 years old, and has attended school five years, she has
+ barely the intelligence of the average child of six years.
+
+ _D. C. Boy, age 17; in fifth grade._ His teacher knew that he
+ was dull, but had not thought of him as belonging to the class
+ of feeble-minded. She had judged this boy by the 11-year
+ standard and had perhaps been further misled by his normal
+ appearance and exceptionally satisfactory behavior. The Binet
+ test quickly showed that he had a mental level of approximately
+ 9 years. There is little probability that his comprehension will
+ ever surpass that of the average 10-year-old.
+
+ _R. A. Boy, age 17; mental age 11; sixth grade; school work
+ "nearly average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Test plainly shows this child to be a high-grade moron, or
+ border-liner at best. Had attended school regularly 11 years and
+ had made 6 grades. Teacher had compared child with his
+ 12-year-old classmates.
+
+ _H. A. Boy, age 14; mental age 9-6; low fourth grade; school
+ work "inferior"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ The teacher blamed the inferior quality of school work to "bad
+ home environment." As a matter of fact, the boy's father is
+ feeble-minded and the normality of the mother is questionable.
+ An older brother is in a reform school. We are perfectly safe in
+ predicting that this boy will not complete the eighth grade even
+ if he attends school till he is 21 years of age.
+
+ _F. I. Boy, age 12-11; mental age 9-4; third grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average"; social
+ environment "average"; health good and attendance regular._
+ Intelligence and school success are what we should expect of an
+ average 9-year-old.
+
+ _D. A. Boy, age 12; mental age 9-2; third grade; school work
+ "inferior"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Teacher imputes inferior school work to "absence from school and
+ lack of interest in books"; we have yet to find a child with a
+ mental age 25 per cent below chronological age who _was_
+ particularly interested in books or enthusiastic about school.
+
+ _C. U. Girl, age 10; mental age 7-8; second grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Teacher blames adenoids and bad teeth for retardation. No doubt
+ of child's mental deficiency.
+
+ _P. I. Girl, age 8-10; mental age 6-7; has been in first grade
+ 21/2 years; school work "average"; teacher's estimate of
+ intelligence "average."_ The mother and one brother of this girl
+ are both feeble-minded.
+
+ _H. O. Girl, age 7-10; mental age 5-2; first grade for 2 years;
+ school work "inferior"; teacher's estimate of intelligence
+ "average."_ The teacher nevertheless adds, "This child is not
+ normal, but her ability to respond to drill shows that she has
+ intelligence." It is of course true that even feeble-minded
+ children of 5-year intelligence are able to profit a little from
+ drill. Their weakness comes to light in their inability to
+ perform higher types of mental activity.
+
+THE INTELLIGENCE OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN USUALLY UNDERESTIMATED. We have
+already mentioned the frequent failure of teachers and parents to
+recognize superior ability.[7] The fallacy here is again largely due to
+the neglect of the age factor, but the resulting error is in the
+opposite direction from that set forth above. The superior child is
+likely to be a year or two younger than the average child of his grade,
+and is accordingly judged by a standard which is too high. The following
+are illustrations:--
+
+[7] See p. 13 _ff._
+
+ _M. L. Girl, age 11-2; mental age "average adult" (16); sixth
+ grade; school work "superior"; teacher's estimate of
+ intelligence "average."_ Teacher credits superior school work to
+ "unusual home advantages." Father a college professor. The
+ teacher considers the child accelerated in school. In reality
+ she ought to be in the second year of high school instead of in
+ the sixth grade.
+
+ _H. A. Boy, age 11; mental age 14; sixth grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ According to the supplementary information the boy is
+ "wonderfully attentive," "studious," and possessed of
+ "all-round ability." The estimate of "average intelligence" was
+ probably the result of comparing him with classmates who
+ averaged about a year older.
+
+ _K. R. Girl, age 6-1; mental age 8-5; second grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "superior"; social
+ environment "average."_ Is it not evident that a child from
+ ordinary social environment, who does work of average quality in
+ the second grade when barely 6 years of age, should be judged
+ "very superior" rather than merely "superior" in intelligence?
+ The intelligence quotient of this girl is 140, which is not
+ reached by more than one child in two hundred.
+
+ _S. A. Boy, age 8-10; mental age 10-9; fourth grade; school work
+ "average"; teacher's estimate of intelligence "average."_
+ Teacher attributed school acceleration to "studiousness" and
+ "delight in school work." It would be more reasonable to infer
+ that these traits are indications of unusually superior
+ intelligence.
+
+OTHER FALLACIES IN THE ESTIMATION OF INTELLIGENCE. Another source
+of error in the teacher's judgment comes from the difficulty in
+distinguishing genuine dullness from the mental condition which results
+sometimes from unfavorable social environment or lack of training.
+
+ _V. P. Boy, age 7._ Had attended school one year and had
+ profited very little from the instruction. He had learned to
+ read very little, spoke chiefly in monosyllables, and seemed
+ "queer." The teacher suspected his intelligence and asked for a
+ mental examination. The Binet test showed that except for
+ vocabulary, which was unusually low, there was practically no
+ mental retardation. Inquiry disclosed the fact that the boy's
+ parents were uneducated deaf-mutes, and that the boy had
+ associated little with other children. Four years later this boy
+ was doing fairly well in school, though a year retarded because
+ of his unfavorable home environment.
+
+ _X. Y. Boy, age 10._ Son of a successful business man, he was
+ barely able to read in the second reader. The Binet test
+ revealed an intelligence level which was absolutely normal. The
+ boy was removed to a special class where he could receive
+ individual attention, and two years later was found doing good
+ work in a regular class of the fifth grade. His bad beginning
+ seemed to have been due to an unfavorable attitude toward school
+ work, due in turn to lack of discipline in the home, and to the
+ fact that because of the father's frequent change of business
+ headquarters the boy had never attended one school longer than
+ three months.
+
+Another source of error in judging intelligence from common observation
+is the tendency to overestimate the intelligence of the sprightly,
+talkative, sanguine child, and to underestimate the intelligence of the
+child who is less emotional, reacts slowly, and talks little. One
+occasionally finds a feeble-minded adult, perhaps of only 9- or 10-year
+intelligence, whose verbal fluency, mental liveliness, and
+self-confidence would mislead the offhand judgment of even the
+psychologist. One individual of this type, a border-line case at best,
+was accustomed to harangue street audiences and had served as "major" in
+"Kelly's Army," a horde of several hundred unemployed men who a few
+years ago organized and started to march from San Francisco to
+Washington.
+
+BINET'S QUESTIONNAIRE ON TEACHERS' METHODS OF JUDGING INTELLIGENCE.[8]
+Aroused by the skepticism so often shown toward his test method, Binet
+decided to make a little study of the methods by which teachers are
+accustomed to arrive at a judgment as to a child's intelligence.
+Accordingly, through the cooeperation of the director of elementary
+education in Paris, he secured answers from a number of teachers to the
+following questions:--
+
+[8] See p. 169 _ff._ of reference 2, at end of this book
+
+ 1. _By what means do you judge the intelligence of your pupils?_
+ 2. _How often have you been deceived in your judgments?_
+
+About 40 replies were received. Most of the answers to the first
+question were vague, one-sided, "verbal," or bookish. Only a few showed
+much psychological discrimination as to what intelligence is and
+what its symptoms are. There was a very general tendency to judge
+intelligence by success in one or more of the school studies. Some
+thought that ability to master arithmetic was a sure criterion. Others
+were influenced almost entirely by the pupil's ability to read. One
+teacher said that the child who can "read so expressively as to make you
+feel the punctuation" is certainly intelligent, an observation which is
+rather good, as far as it goes. A few judged intelligence by the pupil's
+knowledge of such subjects as history and geography, which, as Binet
+points out, is to confound intelligence with the ability to memorize.
+"Memory," says Binet, is a "great simulator of intelligence." It is a
+wise teacher who is not deceived by it. Only a small minority mentioned
+resourcefulness in play, capacity to adjust to practical situations, or
+any other out-of-school criteria.
+
+Some suggested asking the pupil such questions as the following:--
+
+ "Why do you love your parents?" "If it takes three persons seven
+ hours to do a piece of work, would it take seven persons any
+ longer?" "Which would you rather have, a fourth of a pie, or a
+ half of a half?" "Which is heavier, a pound of feathers or a
+ pound of lead?" "If you had twenty cents what would you do with
+ it?"
+
+A great many based their judgment mainly on the general appearance of
+the face and eyes. An "active" or "passive" expression of the eyes was
+looked upon as especially significant. One teacher thought that a mere
+"glance of the eye" was sufficient to display the grade of intelligence.
+If the eyes are penetrating, reflective, or show curiosity, the child
+must be intelligent; if they are heavy and expressionless, he must be
+dull. The mobility of countenance came in for frequent mention, also the
+shape of the head.
+
+No one will deny that intelligence displays itself to a greater or
+less extent in the features; but how, asks Binet, are we going to
+_standardize_ a "glance of the eye" or an "expression of curiosity" so
+that it will serve as an exact measure of intelligence?
+
+The fact is, the more one sees of feeble-minded children, the less
+reliance one comes to place upon facial expression as a sign of
+intelligence. Some children who are only slightly backward have the
+general appearance of low-grade imbeciles. On the other hand, not a few
+who are distinctly feeble-minded are pretty and attractive. With many
+such children a ready smile takes the place of comprehension. If the
+smile is rather sweet and sympathetic, as is often the case, the
+observer is almost sure to be deceived.
+
+As regards the shape of the head, peculiar conformation of the ears, and
+other "stigmata," science long ago demonstrated that these are
+ordinarily of little or no significance.
+
+In reply to the second question, some teachers stated that they never
+made a mistake, while others admitted failure in one case out of three.
+Still others said, "Once in ten years," "once in twenty years," "once in
+a thousand times," etc.
+
+As Binet remarks, the answers to this question are not very enlightening.
+In the first place, the teacher as a rule loses sight of the pupil when
+he has passed from her care, and seldom has opportunity of finding out
+whether his later success belies her judgment or confirms it. Errors go
+undiscovered for the simple reason that there is no opportunity to check
+them up. In the second place, her estimate is so rough that an error
+must be very great in order to have any meaning. If I say that a man is
+six feet and two inches tall, it is easy enough to apply a measuring
+stick and prove the correctness or incorrectness of my assertion. But if
+I say simply that the man is "rather tall," or "very tall," the error
+must be very extreme before we can expose it, particularly since the
+estimate can itself be checked up only by observation and not by
+controlled experiment.
+
+The teachers' answers seem to justify three conclusions:--
+
+1. Teachers do not have a very definite idea of what constitutes
+intelligence. They tend to confuse it variously with capacity for
+memorizing, facility in reading, ability to master arithmetic, etc. On
+the whole, their standard is too academic. They fail to appreciate the
+one-sidedness of the school's demands upon intelligence.
+
+In a quaintly humorous passage discussing this tendency, Binet
+characterizes the child in a class as _denature_, a French word which we
+may translate (though rather too literally) as "denatured." Too often
+this "denatured" child of the classroom is the only child the teacher
+knows.
+
+2. In judging intelligence teachers are too easily deceived by a
+sprightly attitude, a sympathetic expression, a glance of the eye, or a
+chance "bump" on the head.
+
+3. Although a few teachers seem to realize the many possibilities of
+error, the majority show rather undue confidence in the accuracy of
+their judgment.
+
+BINET'S EXPERIMENT ON HOW TEACHERS TEST INTELLIGENCE.[9] Finally, Binet
+had three teachers come to his laboratory to judge the intelligence of
+children whom they had never seen before. Each spent an afternoon in the
+laboratory and examined five pupils. In each case the teacher was left
+free to arrive at a conclusion in her own way. Binet, who remained in
+the room and took notes, recounts with playful humor how the teachers
+were unavoidably compelled to resort to the much-abused test method,
+although their attempts at using it were sometimes, from the
+psychologist's point of view, amusingly clumsy.
+
+[9] See p. 182 _ff._ of reference 2 at end of this book.
+
+One teacher, for example, questioned the children about some canals and
+sluices which were in the vicinity, asking what their purpose was and
+how they worked. Another showed the children some pretty pictures,
+which she had brought with her for the purpose, and asked questions
+about them. Showing the picture of a garret, she asked how a garret
+differs from an ordinary room. One teacher asked whether in building a
+factory it was best to have the walls thick or thin. As King Edward had
+just died, another teacher questioned the children about the details of
+this event, in order to find out whether they were in the habit of
+reading the newspapers, or understood the things they heard others read.
+Other questions related to the names of the streets in the neighborhood,
+the road one should take to reach a certain point in the vicinity, etc.
+Binet notes that many of the questions were special, and were only
+applicable with the children of this particular school.
+
+The method of proposing the questions and judging the responses was also
+at fault. The teachers did not adhere consistently to any definite
+formula in giving a particular test to the different children. Instead,
+the questions were materially altered from time to time. One teacher
+scored the identical response differently for two children, giving one
+child more credit than the other because she had already judged his
+intelligence to be superior. In several cases the examination was
+needlessly delayed in order to instruct the child in what he did not
+know.
+
+The examination ended, quite properly for a teacher's examination, with
+questions about history, literature, the metric system, etc., and with
+the recitation of a fable.
+
+A comparison of the results showed hardly any agreement among the
+estimates of the three teachers. When questioned about the standard that
+had been taken in arriving at their conclusions, one teacher said she
+had taken the answers of the first pupil as a point of departure, and
+that she had judged the other pupils by this one. Another judged all the
+children by a child of her acquaintance whom she knew to be intelligent.
+This was, of course, an unsafe method, because no one could say how the
+child taken as an ideal would have responded to the tests used with the
+five children.
+
+In summarizing the result of his little experiment, Binet points out
+that the teachers employed, as if by instinct, the very method which he
+himself recommends. In using it, however, they made numerous errors.
+Their questions were often needlessly long. Several were "dilemma
+questions," that is, answerable by _yes_ or _no_. In such cases chance
+alone will cause fifty per cent of the answers to be correct. Some of
+the questions were merely tests of school knowledge. Others were
+entirely special, usable only with the children of this particular
+school on this particular day. Not all of the questions were put in the
+same terms, and a given response did not always receive the same score.
+When the children responded incorrectly or incompletely, they were often
+given help, but not always to the same extent. In other words, says
+Binet, it was evident that "the teachers employed very awkwardly a very
+excellent method."
+
+The above remark is as pertinent as it is expressive. As the statement
+implies, the test method is but a refinement and standardization of the
+common-sense approach. Binet remarks that most people who inquire into
+his method of measuring intelligence do so expecting to find something
+very surprising and mysterious; and on seeing how much it resembles the
+methods which common sense employs in ordinary life, they heave a sigh
+of disappointment and say, "Is that all?" Binet reminds us that the
+difference between the scientific and unscientific way of doing a thing
+is not necessarily a difference in the _nature_ of the method; it is
+often merely a difference in _exactness_. Science does the thing better,
+because it does it more accurately.
+
+It was of course not the purpose of Binet to cast a slur upon the good
+sense and judgment of teachers. The teachers who took part in the little
+experiment described above were Binet's personal friends. The errors he
+points out in his entertaining and good-humored account of the
+experiment are inherent in the situation. They are the kind of errors
+which any person, however discriminating and observant, is likely to
+make in estimating the intelligence of a subject without the use of
+standardized tests.
+
+It is the writer's experience that the teacher's estimate of a child's
+intelligence is much more reliable than that of the average parent; more
+accurate even than that of the physician who has not had psychological
+training.
+
+Indeed, it is an exceptional school physician who is able to give any
+very valuable assistance to teachers in the classification of mentally
+exceptional children for special pedagogical treatment.
+
+This is only to be expected, for the physician has ordinarily had much
+less instruction in psychology than the teacher, and of course
+infinitely less experience in judging the mental performances of
+children. Even if graduated from a first-rank medical school, the
+instruction he has received in the important subject of mental
+deficiency has probably been less adequate than that given to the
+students of a standard normal school. As a rule, the doctor has no
+equipment or special fitness which gives him any advantage over the
+teacher in acquiring facility in the use of intelligence tests.
+
+As for parents, it would of course be unreasonable to expect from them a
+very accurate judgment regarding the mental peculiarities of their
+children. The difficulty is not simply that which comes from lack of
+special training. The presence of parental affection renders impartial
+judgment impossible. Still more serious are the effects of habituation
+to the child's mental traits. As a result of such habituation the most
+intelligent parent tends to develop an unfortunate blindness to all
+sorts of abnormalities which exist in his own children.
+
+The only way of escape from the fallacies we have mentioned lies in the
+use of some kind of refined psychological procedure. Binet testing is
+destined to become universally known and practiced in schools, prisons,
+reformatories, charity stations, orphan asylums, and even ordinary
+homes, for the same reason that Babcock testing has become universal in
+dairying. Each is indispensable to its purpose.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+DESCRIPTION OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD
+
+
+ESSENTIAL NATURE OF THE SCALE. The Binet scale is made up of an extended
+series of tests in the nature of "stunts," or problems, success in which
+demands the exercise of intelligence. As left by Binet, the scale
+consists of 54 tests, so graded in difficulty that the easiest lie well
+within the range of normal 3-year-old children, while the hardest tax
+the intelligence of the average adult. The problems are designed
+primarily to test native intelligence, not school knowledge or home
+training. They try to answer the question "How intelligent is this
+child?" How much the child has learned is of significance only in so far
+as it throws light on his ability to learn more.
+
+Binet fully appreciated the fact that intelligence is not homogeneous,
+that it has many aspects, and that no one kind of test will display it
+adequately. He therefore assembled for his intelligence scale tests of
+many different types, some of them designed to display differences of
+memory, others differences in power to reason, ability to compare, power
+of comprehension, time orientation, facility in the use of number
+concepts, power to combine ideas into a meaningful whole, the maturity
+of apperception, wealth of ideas, knowledge of common objects, etc.
+
+HOW THE SCALE WAS DERIVED. The tests were arranged in order of
+difficulty, as found by trying them upon some 200 normal children of
+different ages from 3 to 15 years. It was found, for illustration, that
+a certain test was passed by only a very small proportion of the younger
+children, say the 5-year-olds, and that the number passing this test
+increased rapidly in the succeeding years until by the age of 7 or
+8 years, let us say, practically all the children were successful.
+If, in our supposed case, the test was passed by about two thirds to
+three fourths of the normal children aged 7 years, it was considered by
+Binet a test of 7-year intelligence. In like manner, a test passed by
+65 to 75 per cent of the normal 9-year-olds was considered a test of
+9-year intelligence, and so on. By trying out many different tests in
+this way it was possible to secure five tests to represent each age from
+3 to 10 years (excepting age 4, which has only four tests), five for
+age 12, five for 15, and five for adults, making 54 tests in all.
+
+LIST OF TESTS. The following is the list of tests as arranged by Binet
+in 1911, shortly before his untimely death:--
+
+_Age 3:_
+ 1. Points to nose, eyes, and mouth.
+ 2. Repeats two digits.
+ 3. Enumerates objects in a picture.
+ 4. Gives family name.
+ 5. Repeats a sentence of six syllables.
+
+_Age 4:_
+ 1. Gives his sex.
+ 2. Names key, knife, and penny.
+ 3. Repeats three digits.
+ 4. Compares two lines.
+
+_Age 5:_
+ 1. Compares two weights.
+ 2. Copies a square.
+ 3. Repeats a sentence of ten syllables.
+ 4. Counts four pennies.
+ 5. Unites the halves of a divided rectangle.
+
+_Age 6:_
+ 1. Distinguishes between morning and afternoon.
+ 2. Defines familiar words in terms of use.
+ 3. Copies a diamond.
+ 4. Counts thirteen pennies.
+ 5. Distinguishes pictures of ugly and pretty faces.
+
+_Age 7:_
+ 1. Shows right hand and left ear.
+ 2. Describes a picture.
+ 3. Executes three commissions, given simultaneously.
+ 4. Counts the value of six sous, three of which are double.
+ 5. Names four cardinal colors.
+
+_Age 8:_
+ 1. Compares two objects from memory.
+ 2. Counts from 20 to 0.
+ 3. Notes omissions from pictures.
+ 4. Gives day and date.
+ 5. Repeats five digits.
+
+_Age 9:_
+ 1. Gives change from twenty sous.
+ 2. Defines familiar words in terms superior to use.
+ 3. Recognizes all the pieces of money.
+ 4. Names the months of the year, in order.
+ 5. Answers easy "comprehension questions."
+
+_Age 10:_
+ 1. Arranges five blocks in order of weight.
+ 2. Copies drawings from memory.
+ 3. Criticizes absurd statements.
+ 4. Answers difficult "comprehension questions."
+ 5. Uses three given words in not more than two sentences.
+
+_Age 12:_
+ 1. Resists suggestion.
+ 2. Composes one sentence containing three given words.
+ 3. Names sixty words in three minutes.
+ 4. Defines certain abstract words.
+ 5. Discovers the sense of a disarranged sentence.
+
+_Age 15:_
+ 1. Repeats seven digits.
+ 2. Finds three rhymes for a given word.
+ 3. Repeats a sentence of twenty-six syllables.
+ 4. Interprets pictures.
+ 5. Interprets given facts.
+
+_Adult:_
+ 1. Solves the paper-cutting test.
+ 2. Rearranges a triangle in imagination.
+ 3. Gives differences between pairs of abstract terms.
+ 4. Gives three differences between a president and a king.
+ 5. Gives the main thought of a selection which he has heard read.
+
+It should be emphasized that merely to name the tests in this way gives
+little idea of their nature and meaning, and tells nothing about Binet's
+method of conducting the 54 experiments. In order to use the tests
+intelligently it is necessary to acquaint one's self thoroughly with the
+purpose of each test, its correct procedure, and the psychological
+interpretation of different types of response.[10]
+
+[10] See Part II of this volume, and References 1 and 29, for discussion
+and interpretation of the individual tests.
+
+In fairness to Binet, it should also be borne in mind that the scale of
+tests was only a rough approximation to the ideal which the author had
+set himself to realize. Had his life been spared a few years longer, he
+would doubtless have carried the method much nearer perfection.
+
+HOW THE SCALE IS USED. By means of the Binet tests we can judge the
+intelligence of a given individual by comparison with standards of
+intellectual performance for normal children of different ages. In order
+to make the comparison it is only necessary to begin the examination of
+the subject at a point in the scale where all the tests are passed
+successfully, and to continue up the scale until no more successes are
+possible. Then we compare our subject's performances with the standard
+for normal children of the same age, and note the amount of acceleration
+or retardation.
+
+Let us suppose the subject being tested is 9 years of age. If he goes as
+far in the tests as normal 9-year-old children ordinarily go, we can say
+that the child has a "mental age" of 9 years, which in this case is
+normal (our child being 9 years of age). If he goes only as far as
+normal 8-year-old children ordinarily go, we say that his "mental age"
+is 8 years. In like manner, a mentally defective child of 9 years may
+have a "mental age" of only 4 years, or a young genius of 9 years may
+have a mental age of 12 or 13 years.
+
+SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD. Psychologists had
+experimented with intelligence tests for at least twenty years before
+the Binet scale made its appearance. The question naturally suggests
+itself why Binet should have been successful in a field where previous
+efforts had been for the most part futile. The answer to this question
+is found in three essential differences between Binet's method and those
+formerly employed.
+
+1. _The use of age standards._ Binet was the first to utilize the idea
+of age standards, or norms, in the measurement of intelligence. It will
+be understood, of course, that Binet did not set out to invent tests of
+10-year intelligence, 6-year intelligence, etc. Instead, as already
+explained, he began with a series of tests ranging from very easy to
+very difficult, and by trying these tests on children of different ages
+and noting the percentages of successes in the various years, he was
+able to locate them (approximately) in the years where they belonged.
+
+This plan has the great advantage of giving us standards which are
+easily grasped. To say, for illustration, that a given subject has a
+grade of intelligence equal to that of the average child of 8 years is a
+statement whose general import does not need to be explained. Previous
+investigators had worked with subjects the degree of whose intelligence
+was unknown, and with tests the difficulty of which was equally unknown.
+An immense amount of ingenuity was spent in devising tests which were
+used in such a way as to preclude any very meaningful interpretation of
+the responses.
+
+The Binet method enables us to characterize the intelligence of a child
+in a far more definite way than had hitherto been possible. Current
+descriptive terms like "bright," "moderately bright," "dull," "very
+dull," "feeble-minded," etc., have had no universally accepted meaning.
+A child who is designated by one person as "moderately bright" may be
+called "very bright" by another person. The degree of intelligence which
+one calls "moderate dullness," another may call "extreme dullness," etc.
+But every one knows what is meant by the term 8-year mentality, 4-year
+mentality, etc., even if he is not able to define these grades of
+intelligence in psychological terms; and by ascertaining experimentally
+what intellectual tasks children of different ages can perform, we are,
+of course, able to make our age standards as definite as we please.
+
+Why should a device so simple have waited so long for a discoverer? We
+do not know. It is of a class with many other unaccountable mysteries in
+the development of scientific method. Apparently the idea of an
+age-grade method, as this is called, did not come to Binet himself until
+he had experimented with intelligence tests for some fifteen years. At
+least his first provisional scale, published in 1905, was not made up
+according to the age-grade plan. It consisted merely of 30 tests,
+arranged roughly in order of difficulty. Although Binet nowhere gives
+any account of the steps by which this crude and ungraded scale was
+transformed into the relatively complete age-grade scale of 1908, we can
+infer that the original and ingenious idea of utilizing age norms was
+suggested by the data collected with the 1905 scale. However the
+discovery was made, it ranks, perhaps, from the practical point of view,
+as the most important in all the history of psychology.
+
+2. _The kind of mental functions brought into play._ In the second
+place, the Binet tests differ from most of the earlier attempts in that
+they are designed to test the higher and more complex mental processes,
+instead of the simpler and more elementary ones. Hence they set
+problems for the reasoning powers and ingenuity, provoke judgments about
+abstract matters, etc., instead of attempting to measure sensory
+discrimination, mere retentiveness, rapidity of reaction, and the like.
+Psychologists had generally considered the higher processes too complex
+to be measured directly, and accordingly sought to get at them
+indirectly by correlating supposed intelligence with simpler processes
+which could readily be measured, such as reaction time, rapidity of
+tapping, discrimination of tones and colors, etc. While they were
+disputing over their contradictory findings in this line of exploration,
+Binet went directly to the point and succeeded where they had failed.
+
+It is now generally admitted by psychologists that higher intelligence
+is little concerned in such elementary processes as those mentioned
+above. Many of the animals have keen sensory discrimination.
+Feeble-minded children, unless of very low grade, do not differ very
+markedly from normal children in sensitivity of the skin, visual
+acuity, simple reaction time, type of imagery, etc. But in power of
+comprehension, abstraction, and ability to direct thought, in the nature
+of the associative processes, in amount of information possessed, and in
+spontaneity of attention, they differ enormously.
+
+3. _Binet would test "general intelligence."_ Finally, Binet's success
+was largely due to his abandonment of the older "faculty psychology"
+which, far from being defunct, had really given direction to most of the
+earlier work with mental tests. Where others had attempted to measure
+memory attention, sense discrimination, etc., as separate faculties or
+functions, Binet undertook to ascertain the _general level_ of
+intelligence. Others had thought the task easier of accomplishment by
+measuring each division or aspect of intelligence separately, and
+summating the results. Binet, too, began in this way, and it was only
+after years of experimentation by the usual methods that he finally
+broke away from them and undertook, so to speak, to triangulate the
+height of his tower without first getting the dimensions of the
+individual stones which made it up.
+
+The assumption that it is easier to measure a part, or one aspect, of
+intelligence than all of it, is fallacious in that the parts are not
+separate parts and cannot be separated by any refinement of experiment.
+They are interwoven and intertwined. Each ramifies everywhere and
+appears in all other functions. The analogy of the stones of the tower
+does not really apply. Memory, for example, cannot be tested separately
+from attention, or sense-discrimination separately from the associative
+processes. After many vain attempts to disentangle the various
+intellective functions, Binet decided to test their combined functional
+capacity without any pretense of measuring the exact contribution
+of each to the total product. It is hardly too much to say that
+intelligence tests have been successful just to the extent to which they
+have been guided by this aim.
+
+Memory, attention, imagination, etc., are terms of "structural
+psychology." Binet's psychology is dynamic. He conceives intelligence as
+the sum total of those thought processes which consist in mental
+adaptation. This adaptation is not explicable in terms of the old mental
+"faculties." No one of these can explain a single thought process, for
+such process always involves the participation of many functions whose
+separate roles are impossible to distinguish accurately. Instead of
+measuring the intensity of various mental states (psycho-physics), it is
+more enlightening to measure their combined effect on adaptation. Using
+a biological comparison, Binet says the old "faculties" correspond to
+the separate tissues of an animal or plant, while his own "scheme of
+thought" corresponds to the functioning organ itself. For Binet,
+psychology is the science of behavior.
+
+BINET'S CONCEPTION OF GENERAL INTELLIGENCE. In devising tests of
+intelligence it is, of course, necessary to be guided by some
+assumption, or assumptions, regarding the nature of intelligence. To
+adopt any other course is to depend for success upon happy chance.
+
+However, it is impossible to arrive at a final definition of
+intelligence on the basis of _a-priori_ considerations alone. To demand,
+as critics of the Binet method have sometimes done, that one who would
+measure intelligence should first present a complete definition of it,
+is quite unreasonable. As Stern points out, electrical currents were
+measured long before their nature was well understood. Similar
+illustrations could be drawn from the processes involved in chemistry
+physiology, and other sciences. In the case of intelligence it may be
+truthfully said that no adequate definition can possibly be framed which
+is not based primarily on the symptoms empirically brought to light by
+the test method. The best that can be done in advance of such data is to
+make tentative assumptions as to the probable nature of intelligence,
+and then to subject these assumptions to tests which will show their
+correctness or incorrectness. New hypotheses can then be framed for
+further trial, and thus gradually we shall be led to a conception of
+intelligence which will be meaningful and in harmony with all the
+ascertainable facts.
+
+Such was the method of Binet. Only those unacquainted with Binet's
+more than fifteen years of labor preceding the publication of his
+intelligence scale would think of accusing him of making no effort to
+analyze the mental processes which his tests bring into play. It is true
+that many of Binet's earlier assumptions proved untenable, and in this
+event he was always ready, with exceptional candor and intellectual
+plasticity, to acknowledge his error and to plan a new line of attack.
+
+Binet's conception of intelligence emphasizes three characteristics of
+the thought process: (1) Its tendency to take and maintain a definite
+direction; (2) the capacity to make adaptations for the purpose of
+attaining a desired end; and (3) the power of auto-criticism.[11]
+
+[11] See Binet and Simon: "L'intelligence des imbeciles," in _L'Annee
+Psychologique_ (1909), pp. 1-147. The last division of this article is
+devoted to a discussion of the essential nature of the higher thought
+processes, and is a wonderful example of that keen psychological
+analysis in which Binet was so gifted.
+
+How these three aspects of intelligence enter into the performances with
+various tests of the scale is set forth from time to time in our
+directions for giving and interpreting the individual tests.[12] An
+illustration which may be given here is that of the "patience test," or
+uniting the disarranged parts of a divided rectangle. As described by
+Binet, this operation has the following elements: "(1) to keep in mind
+the end to be attained, that is to say, the figure to be formed; (2) to
+try different combinations under the influence of this directing idea,
+which guides the efforts of the subject even though he may not be
+conscious of the fact; and (3) to judge the combination which has been
+made, to compare it with the model, and to decide whether it is the
+correct one."
+
+[12] See especially pages 162 and 238.
+
+Much the same processes are called for in many other of the Binet tests,
+particularly those of arranging weights, rearranging dissected
+sentences, drawing a diamond or square from copy, finding a sentence
+containing three given words, counting backwards, etc.
+
+However, an examination of the scale will show that the choice of tests
+was not guided entirely by any single formula as to the nature of
+intelligence. Binet's approach was a many-sided one. The scale includes
+tests of time orientation, of three or four kinds of memory, of
+apperception, of language comprehension, of knowledge about common
+objects, of free association, of number mastery, of constructive
+imagination, and of ability to compare concepts, to see contradictions,
+to combine fragments into a unitary whole, to comprehend abstract terms,
+and to meet novel situations.
+
+OTHER CONCEPTIONS OF INTELLIGENCE. It is interesting to compare Binet's
+conception of intelligence with the definitions which have been offered
+by other psychologists. According to Ebbinghaus, for example, the
+essence of intelligence lies in comprehending together in a unitary,
+meaningful whole, impressions and associations which are more or less
+independent, heterogeneous, or even partly contradictory. "Intellectual
+ability consists in the elaboration of a whole into its worth and
+meaning by means of many-sided combination, correction, and completion
+of numerous kindred associations.... It is a _combination activity_."
+
+Meumann offers a twofold definition. From the psychological point of
+view, intelligence is the power of independent and creative elaboration
+of new products out of the material given by memory and the senses. From
+the practical point of view, it involves the ability to avoid errors, to
+surmount difficulties, and to adjust to environment.
+
+Stern defines intelligence as "the general capacity of an individual
+consciously to adjust his thinking to new requirements: it is general
+adaptability to new problems and conditions of life."
+
+Spearman, Hart, and others of the English school define intelligence as
+a "common central factor" which participates in all sorts of
+special mental activities. This factor is explained in terms of a
+psycho-physiological hypothesis of "cortex energy," "cerebral
+plasticity," etc.
+
+The above definitions are only to a slight extent contradictory or
+inharmonious. They differ mainly in point of view or in the location of
+the emphasis. Each expresses a part of the truth, and none all of it. It
+will be evident that the conception of Binet is broad enough to include
+the most important elements in each of the other definitions quoted.
+
+GUIDING PRINCIPLES IN CHOICE AND ARRANGEMENT OF TESTS. In choosing his
+tests Binet was guided by the conception of intelligence which we have
+set forth above. Tests were devised which would presumably bring
+into play the various mental processes thought to be concerned in
+intelligence, and then these tests were tried out on normal children of
+different ages. If the percentage of passes for a given test increased
+but little or not at all in going from younger to older children this
+test was discarded. On the other hand, if the proportion of passes
+increased rapidly with age, and if children of a given age, who on other
+grounds were known to be bright, passed more frequently than children of
+the same age who were known to be dull, then the test was judged a
+satisfactory test of intelligence. As we have shown elsewhere,[13]
+practically all of Binet's tests fulfill these requirements reasonably
+well, a fact which bears eloquent testimony to the keen psychological
+insight of their author.
+
+[13] See p. 55.
+
+In arranging the tests into a system Binet's guiding principle was to
+find an arrangement of the tests which would cause an average child of
+any given age to test "at age"; that is, the average 5-year-old must
+show a mental age of 5 years, the average 8-year-old a mental age of
+8 years, etc. In order to secure this result Binet found that his data
+seemed to require the location of an individual test in that year where
+it was passed by about two thirds to three fourths of unselected
+children.
+
+It was in the assembling of the tests that the most serious faults of
+the scale had their origin. Further investigation has shown that a great
+many of the tests were misplaced as much as one year, and several of
+them two years. On the whole, the scale as Binet left it was decidedly
+too easy in the lower ranges, and too difficult in the upper. As a
+result, the average child of 5 years was caused to test at not far from
+6 years, the average child of 12 years not far from 11. In the Stanford
+revision an effort has been made to correct this fault, along with
+certain other generally recognized imperfections.
+
+SOME AVOWED LIMITATIONS OF THE BINET TESTS. The Binet tests have often
+been criticized for their unfitness to perform certain services which in
+reality they were never meant to render. This is unfair. We cannot make
+a just evaluation of the scale without bearing in mind its avowed
+limitations.
+
+For example, the scale does not pretend to measure the entire mentality
+of the subject, but only _general intelligence_. There is no pretense of
+testing the emotions or the will beyond the extent to which these
+naturally display themselves in the tests of intelligence. The scale was
+not designed as a tool for the analysis of those emotional or volitional
+aberrations which are concerned in such mental disorders as hysteria,
+insanity, etc. These conditions do not present a progressive reduction
+of intelligence to the infantile level, and in most of them other
+factors besides intelligence play an important role. Moreover, even in
+the normal individual the fruitfulness of intelligence, the direction in
+which it shall be applied, and its methods of work are to a certain
+extent determined by the extraneous factors of emotion and volition.
+
+It should, nevertheless, be pointed out that defects of intelligence, in
+a large majority of cases, also involve disturbances of the emotional
+and volitional functions. We do not expect to find perfectly normal
+emotions or will power of average strength coupled with marked
+intellectual deficiency, and as a matter of fact such a combination is
+rare indeed. In the course of an examination with the Binet tests, the
+experienced clinical psychologist is able to gain considerable insight
+into the subject's emotional and volitional equipment, even though the
+method was designed primarily for another purpose.
+
+A second misunderstanding can be avoided by remembering that the Binet
+scale does not pretend to bring to light the idiosyncrasies of special
+talent, but only to measure the general level of intelligence. It cannot
+be used for the discovery of exceptional ability in drawing, painting,
+music, mathematics, oratory, salesmanship, etc., because no effort is
+made to explore the processes underlying these abilities. It can,
+therefore, never serve as a _detailed chart_ for the vocational guidance
+of children, telling us which will succeed in business, which in art,
+which in medicine, etc. It is not a new kind of phrenology. At the same
+time, as we have already pointed out, _it is capable of bounding roughly
+the vocational territory in which an individual's intelligence will
+probably permit success, nothing else preventing_.[14]
+
+[14] See p. 17.
+
+In the third place, it must not be supposed that the scale can be used
+as a complete pedagogical guide. Although intelligence tests furnish
+data of the greatest significance for pedagogical procedure, they do not
+suggest the appropriate educational methods in detail. These will
+have to be worked out in a practical way for the various grades of
+intelligence, and at great cost of labor and patience.
+
+Finally, in arriving at an estimate of a subject's grade of intelligence
+and his susceptibility to training, it would be a mistake to ignore the
+data obtainable from other sources. No competent psychologist, however
+ardent a supporter of the Binet method he might be, would recommend such
+a policy. Those who accept the method as all-sufficient are as much in
+error as those who consider it as no more important than any one of a
+dozen other approaches. Standardized tests have already become and will
+remain by far the most reliable single method for grading intelligence,
+but the results they furnish will always need to be interpreted in the
+light of supplementary information regarding the subject's personal
+history, including medical record, accidents, play habits, industrial
+efficiency, social and moral traits, school success, home environment,
+etc. Without question, however, the improved Binet tests will contribute
+more than all other data combined to the end of enabling us to forecast
+a child's possibilities of future improvement, and this is the
+information which will aid most in the proper direction of his
+education.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+NATURE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION
+
+
+Although the Binet scale quickly demonstrated its value as an instrument
+for the classification of mentally-retarded and otherwise exceptional
+children, it had, nevertheless, several imperfections which greatly
+limited its usefulness. There was a dearth of tests at the higher mental
+levels, the procedure was so inadequately defined that needless
+disagreement came about in the interpretation of data, and so many of
+the tests were misplaced as to make the results of an examination more
+or less misleading, particularly in the case of very young subjects and
+those near the adult level. It was for the purpose of correcting
+these and certain other faults that the Stanford investigation was
+planned.[15]
+
+[15] The writer wishes to acknowledge his very great indebtedness to
+Miss Grace Lyman, Dr. George Ordahl, Dr. Louise Ellison Ordahl, Miss
+Neva Galbreath, Mr. Wilford Talbert, Dr. J. Harold Williams, Mr. Herbert
+E. Knollin, and Miss Irene Cuneo for their cooeperation in making the
+tests on which the Stanford revision is chiefly based. Without their
+loyal assistance the investigation could not have been carried through.
+
+Grateful acknowledgment is also made to the many public school teachers
+and principals for their generous and invaluable cooeperation in
+furnishing subjects for the tests, and in supplying, sometimes at
+considerable cost of labor, the supplementary information which was
+called for regarding the pupils tested. Their contribution was made in
+the interest of educational science, and without expectation of personal
+benefits of any kind. Their professional spirit cannot be too highly
+commended.
+
+SOURCES OF DATA. Our revision is the result of several years of work,
+and involved the examination of approximately 2300 subjects, including
+1700 normal children, 200 defective and superior children, and more than
+400 adults.
+
+Tests of 400 of the 1700 normal children had been made by Childs and
+Terman in 1910-11, and of 300 children by Trost, Waddle, and Terman in
+1911-12. For various reasons, however, the results of these tests did
+not furnish satisfactory data for a thoroughgoing revision of the scale.
+Accordingly a new investigation was undertaken, somewhat more extensive
+than the others, and more carefully planned. Its main features may be
+described as follows:--
+
+1. The first step was to assemble as nearly as possible all the results
+which had been secured for each test of the scale by all the workers of
+all countries. The result was a large sheet of tabulated data for each
+individual test, including percentages passing the test at various ages,
+conditions under which the results were secured, method of procedure,
+etc. After a comparative study of these data, and in the light of
+results we had ourselves secured, a provisional arrangement of the tests
+was prepared for try-out.
+
+2. In addition to the tests of the original Binet scale, 40 additional
+tests were included for try-out. This, it was expected, would make
+possible the elimination of some of the least satisfactory tests, and at
+the same time permit the addition of enough new ones to give at least
+six tests, instead of five, for each age group.
+
+3. A plan was then devised for securing subjects who should be as nearly
+as possible representative of the several ages. The method was to select
+a school in a community of average social status, a school attended by
+all or practically all the children in the district where it was
+located. In order to get clear pictures of age differences the tests
+were confined to children who were within two months of a birthday. To
+avoid accidental selection, _all_ the children within two months of a
+birthday were tested, in whatever grade enrolled. Tests of foreign-born
+children, however, were eliminated in the treatment of results. There
+remained tests of approximately 1000 children, of whom 905 were between
+5 and 14 years of age.
+
+4. The children's responses were, for the most part, recorded
+_verbatim_. This made it possible to re-score the records according
+to any desired standard, and thus to fit a test more perfectly to the
+age level assigned it.
+
+5. Much attention was given to securing uniformity of procedure. A
+half-year was devoted to training the examiners and another half-year to
+the supervision of the testing. In the further interests of uniformity
+all the records were scored by one person (the writer).
+
+METHOD OF ARRIVING AT A REVISION. The revision of the scale below
+the 14-year level was based almost entirely on the tests of the
+above-mentioned 1,000 unselected children. The guiding principle was to
+secure an arrangement of the tests and a standard of scoring which would
+cause the median mental age of the unselected children of each age group
+to coincide with the median chronological age. That is, a correct scale
+must cause the _average_ child of 5 years to test exactly at 5, the
+_average_ child at 6 to test exactly at 6, etc. Or, to express the same
+fact in terms of intelligence quotient,[16] a correct scale must give a
+median intelligence quotient of unity, or 100 per cent, for unselected
+children of each age.
+
+[16] The intelligence quotient (often designated as I Q) is the ratio of
+mental age to chronological age. (See pp. 65 _ff._ and 78 _ff._)
+
+If the median mental age resulting at any point from the provisional
+arrangement of tests was too high or too low, it was only necessary to
+change the location of certain of the tests, or to change the standard
+of scoring, until an order of arrangement and a standard of passing were
+found which would throw the median mental age where it belonged. We had
+already become convinced, for reasons too involved for presentation
+here, that no satisfactory revision of the Binet scale was possible on
+any theoretical considerations as to the percentage of passes which an
+individual test ought to show in a given year in order to be considered
+standard for that year.
+
+As was to be expected, the first draft of the revision did not prove
+satisfactory. The scale was still too hard at some points, and too easy
+at others. In fact, three successive revisions were necessary, involving
+three separate scorings of the data and as many tabulations of the
+mental ages, before the desired degree of accuracy was secured. As
+finally revised, the scale gives a median intelligence quotient closely
+approximating 100 for the unselected children of each age from 4 to 14.
+
+Since our school children who were above 14 years and still in the
+grades were retarded left-overs, it was necessary to base the revision
+above this level on the tests of adults. These included 30 business men
+and 150 "migrating" unemployed men tested by Mr. H. E. Knollin, 150
+adolescent delinquents tested by Mr. J. Harold Williams, and 50
+high-school students tested by the writer.
+
+The extension of the scale in the upper range is such that ordinarily
+intelligent adults, little educated, test up to what is called the
+"average adult" level. Adults whose intelligence is known from other
+sources to be superior are found to test well up toward the "superior
+adult" level, and this holds whether the subjects in question are well
+educated or practically unschooled. The almost entirely unschooled
+business men, in fact, tested fully as well as high-school juniors and
+seniors.
+
+Figure 1 shows the distribution of mental ages for 62 adults, including
+the 30 business men and the 32 high-school pupils who were over 16 years
+of age. It will be noted that the middle section of the graph represents
+the "mental ages" falling between 15 and 17. This is the range which we
+have designated as the "average adult" level. Those above 17 are called
+"superior adults," those between 13 and 15, "inferior adults." Subjects
+much over 15 years of age who test in the neighborhood of 12 years may
+ordinarily be considered border-line cases.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 1. DISTRIBUTION OF MENTAL AGES OF 62 NORMAL ADULTS]
+
+The following method was employed for determining the validity of a
+test. The children of each age level were divided into three groups
+according to intelligence quotient, those testing below 90, those
+between 90 and 109, and those with an intelligence quotient of 110 or
+above. The percentages of passes on each individual test at or near that
+age level were then ascertained separately for these three groups. If a
+test fails to show a decidedly higher proportion of passes in the
+superior I Q group than in the inferior I Q group, it cannot be regarded
+as a satisfactory test of intelligence. On the other hand, a test which
+satisfies this criterion must be accepted as valid or the entire scale
+must be rejected. Henceforth it stands or falls with the scale as a
+whole.
+
+When tried out by this method, some of the tests which have been most
+criticized showed a high degree of reliability; certain others which
+have been considered excellent proved to be so little correlated with
+intelligence that they had to be discarded.
+
+After making a few necessary eliminations, 90 tests remained, or 36 more
+than the number included in the Binet 1911 scale. There are 6 at each
+age level from 3 to 10, 8 at 12, 6 at 14, 6 at "average adult," 6 at
+"superior adult," and 16 alternative tests. The alternative tests, which
+are distributed among the different groups, are intended to be used only
+as substitutes when one or more of the regular tests have been rendered,
+by coaching or otherwise, undesirable.[17]
+
+[17] See p. 137 _ff._ for explanations regarding the calculation of
+mental age and the use of alternative tests.
+
+Of the 36 new tests, 27 were added and standardized in the various
+Stanford investigations. Two tests were borrowed from the Healy-Fernald
+series, one from Kuhlmann, one was adapted from Bonser, and the
+remaining five were amplifications or adaptations of some of the earlier
+Binet tests.
+
+Following is a complete list of the tests of the Stanford revision.
+Those designated _al._ are alternative tests. The guide for giving and
+scoring the tests is presented at length in Part II of this volume.
+
+
+_The Stanford revision and extension_
+
+_Year III._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Points to parts of body. (3 to 4.)
+ Nose; eyes; mouth; hair.
+ 2. Names familiar objects. (3 to 5.)
+ Key, penny, closed knife, watch, pencil.
+ 3. Pictures, enumeration or better. (At least 3 objects enumerated
+ in one picture.)
+ (a) Dutch Home; (b) River Scene; (c) Post-Office.
+ 4. Gives sex.
+ 5. Gives last name.
+ 6. Repeats 6 to 7 syllables. (1 to 3.)
+ Al. Repeats 3 digits. (1 success in 3 trials. Order correct.)
+
+_Year IV._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Compares lines. (3 trials, no error.)
+ 2. Discrimination of forms. (Kuhlmann.) (Not over 3 errors.)
+ 3. Counts 4 pennies. (No error.)
+ 4. Copies square. (Pencil. 1 to 3.)
+ 5. Comprehension, 1st degree. (2 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ "What must you do": "When you are sleepy?" "Cold?" "Hungry?"
+ 6. Repeats 4 digits. (1 to 3. Order correct.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Al. Repeats 12 to 13 syllables. (1 to 3 absolutely correct, or 2 with
+ 1 error each.)
+
+_Year V._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Comparison of weights. (2 to 3.)
+ 3-15; 15-3; 3-15.
+ 2. Colors. (No error.)
+ Red; yellow; blue; green.
+ 3. AEsthetic comparison. (No error.)
+ 4. Definitions, use or better. (4 to 6.)
+ Chair; horse; fork; doll; pencil; table.
+ 5. Patience, or divided rectangle. (2 to 3 trials. 1 minute each.)
+ 6. Three commissions. (No error. Order correct.)
+ Al. Age.
+
+_Year VI._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Right and left. (No error.)
+ Right hand; left ear; right eye.
+ 2. Mutilated pictures. (3 to 4 correct.)
+ 3. Counts 13 pennies. (1 to 2 trials, without error.)
+ 4. Comprehension, 2d degree. (2 to 3.) "What's the thing for
+ you to do":
+ (a) "If it is raining when you start to school?"
+ (b) "If you find that your house is on fire?"
+ (c) "If you are going some place and miss your car?"
+ 5. Coins. (3 to 4.)
+ Nickel; penny; quarter; dime.
+ 6. Repeats 16 to 18 syllables. (1 to 3 absolutely correct, or 2
+ with 1 error each.)
+ Al. Morning or afternoon.
+
+_Year VII._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Fingers. (No error.) Right; left; both.
+ 2. Pictures, description or better. (Over half of performance
+ description:) Dutch Home; River Scene; Post-Office.
+ 3. Repeats 5 digits. (1 to 3. Order correct.)
+ 4. Ties bow-knot. (Model shown. 1 minute.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 5. Gives differences. (2 to 3.)
+ Fly and butterfly; stone and egg; wood and glass.
+ 6. Copies diamond. (Pen. 2 to 3.)
+Al. 1. Names days of week. (Order correct. 2 to 3 checks correct.)
+Al. 2. Repeats 3 digits backwards. (1 to 3.)
+
+_Year VIII._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Ball and field. (Inferior plan or better.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Counts 20 to 1. (40 seconds. 1 error allowed.)
+ 3. Comprehension, 3d degree. (2 to 3.) "What's the thing for you to
+ do":
+ (a) "When you have broken something which belongs to some one
+ else?"
+ (b) "When you are on your way to school and notice that you are
+ in danger of being tardy?"
+ (c) "If a playmate hits you without meaning to do it?"
+ 4. Gives similarities, two things. (2 to 4.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Wood and coal; apple and peach; iron and silver; ship and
+ automobile.
+ 5. Definitions superior to use. (2 to 4.)
+ Balloon; tiger; football; soldier.
+ 6. Vocabulary, 20 words. (Stanford addition. For list of words used,
+ see record booklet.)
+Al. 1. First six coins. (No error.)
+Al. 2. Dictation. ("See the little boy." Easily legible. Pen. 1 minute.)
+
+_Year IX._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Date. (Allow error of 3 days in _c_, no error in _a_, _b_, or _d_.)
+ (a) day of week; (b) month; (c) day of month; (d) year.
+ 2. Weights. (3, 6, 9, 12, 15. Procedure not illustrated. 2 to 3.)
+ 3. Makes change. (2 to 3. No coins, paper, or pencil.)
+ 10--4; 15--12; 25--4.
+ 4. Repeats 4 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 5. Three words. (2 to 3. Oral. 1 sentence or not over 2 cooerdinate
+ clauses.)
+ Boy, river, ball; work, money, men; desert, rivers, lakes.
+ 6. Rhymes. (3 rhymes for two of three words. 1 minute for each part.)
+ Day; mill; spring.
+Al. 1. Months. (15 seconds and 1 error in naming. 2 checks of 3 correct.)
+Al. 2. Stamps, gives total value. (Second trial if individual values are
+ known.)
+
+_Year X._ (_6 tests, 2 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 30 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Absurdities. (4 to 5. Warn. Spontaneous correction allowed.) (Four
+ of Binet's, one Stanford.)
+ 3. Designs. (1 correct, 1 half correct. Expose 10 seconds.)
+ 4. Reading and report. (8 memories. 35 seconds and 2 mistakes in
+ reading.) (Binet's selection.)
+ 5. Comprehension, 4th degree. (2 to 3. Question may be repeated.)
+ (a) "What ought you to say when some one asks your opinion
+ about a person you don't know very well?"
+ (b) "What ought you to do before undertaking (beginning)
+ something very important?"
+ (c) "Why should we judge a person more by his actions than by
+ his words?"
+ 6. Names 60 words. (Illustrate with clouds, dog, chair, happy.)
+Al. 1. Repeats 6 digits. (1 to 2. Order correct.) (Stanford addition.)
+Al. 2. Repeats 20 to 22 syllables. (1 to 3 correct, or 2 with 1 error
+ each.)
+Al. 3. Form board. (Healy-Fernald Puzzle A. 3 times in 5 minutes.)
+
+_Year XII._ (_8 tests, 3 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 40 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Abstract words. (3 to 5.)
+ Pity; revenge; charity; envy; justice.
+ 3. Ball and field. (Superior plan.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 4. Dissected sentences. (2 to 3. 1 minute each.)
+ 5. Fables. (Score 4; i.e., two correct or the equivalent in half
+ credits.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Hercules and Wagoner; Maid and Eggs; Fox and Crow;
+ Farmer and Stork; Miller, Son, and Donkey.
+ 6. Repeats 5 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 7. Pictures, interpretation. (3 to 4. "Explain this picture.")
+ Dutch Home; River Scene; Post-Office; Colonial Home.
+ 8. Gives similarities, three things. (3 to 5.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Snake, cow, sparrow; book, teacher, newspaper; wool, cotton,
+ leather; knife-blade, penny, piece of wire; rose, potato,
+ tree.
+
+_Year XIV._ (_6 tests, 4 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 50 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Induction test. (Gets rule by 6th folding.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 3. President and king. (Power; accession; tenure. 2 to 3.)
+ 4. Problems of fact. (2 to 3.) (Binet's two and one Stanford
+ addition.)
+ 5. Arithmetical reasoning. (1 minute each. 2 to 3.) (Adapted from
+ Bonser.)
+ 6. Clock. (2 to 3. Error must not exceed 3 or 4 minutes.)
+ 6.22. 8.10. 2.46.
+ Al. Repeats 7 digits. (1 to 2. Order correct.)
+
+"AVERAGE ADULT." (_6 tests, 5 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 65 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Interpretation of fables. (Score 8.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 3. Difference between abstract words. (3 real contrasts out of 4.)
+ Laziness and idleness; evolution and revolution; poverty and
+ misery; character and reputation.
+ 4. Problem of the enclosed boxes. (3 to 4.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 5. Repeats 6 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 6. Code, writes "Come quickly." (2 errors. Omission of dot counts
+ half error. Illustrate with "war" and "spy.") (From Healy and
+ Fernald.)
+Al. 1. Repeats 28 syllables. (1 to 2 absolutely correct.)
+Al. 2. Comprehension of physical relations. (2 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ Path of cannon ball; weight of fish in water; hitting distant
+ mark.
+
+"SUPERIOR ADULT." (_6 tests, 6 months each._)
+ 1. Vocabulary, 75 words. (Stanford addition.)
+ 2. Binet's paper-cutting test. (Draws, folds, and locates holes.)
+ 3. Repeats 8 digits. (1 to 3. Order correct.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 4. Repeats thought of passage heard. (1 to 2.) (Binet's and Wissler's
+ selections adapted.)
+ 5. Repeats 7 digits backwards. (1 to 3.) (Stanford addition.)
+ 6. Ingenuity test. (2 to 3. 5 minutes each.) (Stanford addition.)
+
+
+SUMMARY OF CHANGES. A comparison of the above list with either the Binet
+1908 or 1911 series will reveal many changes. On the whole, it differs
+somewhat more from the Binet 1911 scale than from that of 1908. Thus, of
+the 49 tests below the "adult" group in the 1911 scale, 2 are eliminated
+and 29 are relocated. Of these, 25 are moved downward and 4 upward. The
+shifts are as follows:--
+
+ Down 1 year, 18
+ Down 2 years, 4
+ Down 3 years, 2
+ Down 6 years, 1
+ Up 1 year, 3
+ Up 2 years, 1
+
+Of the adult group in Binet's 1911 series 1 is eliminated, 2 are moved
+up to "superior adult," and 1 is moved up to 14. Accordingly, of Binet's
+entire 54 tests, we have eliminated 3 and relocated 32, leaving only 19
+in the positions assigned them by Binet. The 3 eliminated are: repeating
+2 digits, resisting suggestion, and "reversed triangle."
+
+The revision is really more extensive than the above figures would
+suggest, since minor changes have been made in the scoring of a great
+many tests in order to make them fit better the locations assigned them.
+Throughout the scale the procedure and scoring have been worked over and
+made more definite with the idea of promoting uniformity. This phase of
+the revision is perhaps more important than the mere relocation of
+tests. Also, the addition of numerous tests in the upper ranges of the
+scale affects very considerably the mental ages above the level of
+10 or 11 years.
+
+EFFECTS OF THE REVISION ON THE MENTAL AGES SECURED. The most important
+effect of the revision is to reduce the mental ages secured in the lower
+ranges of the scale, and to raise considerably the mental ages above
+10 or 11 years. This difference also obtains, though to a somewhat
+smaller extent, between the Stanford revision and those of Goddard and
+Kuhlmann.
+
+For example, of 104 adult individuals testing by the Stanford revision
+between 12 and 14 years, and who were therefore somewhat above the level
+of feeble-mindedness as that term is usually defined, 50 per cent tested
+below 12 years by the Goddard revision. That the dull and border-line
+adults are so much more readily distinguished from the feeble-minded by
+the Stanford revision than by other Binet series is due as much to the
+addition of tests in the upper groups as to the relocation of existing
+tests.
+
+On the other hand, the Stanford revision causes young subjects to test
+lower than any other version of the Binet scale. At 5 or 6 years the
+mental ages secured by the Stanford revision average from 6 to 10 months
+lower than other revisions yield.
+
+The above differences are more significant than would at first appear.
+An error of 10 months in the mental age of a 5-year-old is as serious as
+an error of 20 months in the case of a 10-year-old. Stating the error in
+terms of the intelligence quotient makes it more evident. Thus, an error
+of 10 months in the mental age of a 5-year-old means an error of almost
+15 per cent in the intelligence quotient. A scale which tests this much
+too low would cause the child with a true intelligence quotient of 75
+(which ordinarily means feeble-mindedness or border-line intelligence)
+to test at 90, or only slightly below normal.
+
+Three serious consequences came from the too great ease of the original
+Binet scale at the lower end, and its too great difficulty at the upper
+end:--
+
+1. In young subjects the higher grades of mental deficiency were
+overlooked, because the scale caused such subjects to test only a little
+below normal.
+
+2. The proportion of feeble-mindedness among adult subjects was greatly
+overestimated, because subjects who were really of the 12- or 13-year
+mental level could only earn a mental age of about 11 years.
+
+3. Confusion resulted in efforts to trace the mental growth of either
+feeble-minded or normal children. For example, by other versions of the
+Binet scale an average 5-year-old will show an intelligence quotient
+probably not far from 110 or 115; at 9, an intelligence quotient of
+about 100; and at 14, an intelligence quotient of about 85 or 90.
+
+By such a scale the true border-line case would test approximately as
+follows:--
+
+ At age 5, 90 I Q (apparently not far below normal).
+ At age 9, 75 I Q (border-line).
+ At age 14, 65 I Q (moron deficiency).
+
+On the other hand, re-tests of children by the Stanford revision have
+been found to yield intelligence quotients almost identical with those
+secured from two to four years earlier by the same tests. Those who
+graded feeble-minded in the first test graded feeble-minded in the
+second test: the dull remained dull, the average remained average, the
+superior remained superior, and always in approximately the same
+degree.[18]
+
+[18] See "Some Problems relating to the Detection of Border-line Cases
+of Mental Deficiency," by Lewis M. Terman and H. E. Knollin, in _Journal
+of Psycho-Asthemes_, June, 1916.
+
+It is unnecessary to emphasize further the importance of having an
+intelligence scale which is equally accurate at all points. Absolute
+perfection in this respect is not claimed for the Stanford revision, but
+it is believed to be at least free from the more serious errors of other
+Binet arrangements.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+ANALYSIS OF 1000 INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS
+
+
+An extended account of the 1000 tests on which the Stanford revision is
+chiefly based has been presented in a separate monograph. This chapter
+will include only the briefest summary of some of those results of the
+investigation which contribute to the intelligent use of the revision.
+
+THE DISTRIBUTION OF INTELLIGENCE. The question as to the manner in which
+intelligence is distributed is one of great practical as well as
+theoretical importance. One of the most vital questions which can be
+asked by any nation of any age is the following: "How high is the
+average level of intelligence among our people, and how frequent are the
+various grades of ability above and below the average?" With the
+development of standardized tests we are approaching, for the first time
+in history, a possible answer to this question.
+
+Most of the earlier Binet studies, however, have thrown little light on
+the distribution of intelligence because of their failure to avoid the
+influence of accidental selection in choosing subjects for testing. The
+method of securing subjects for the Stanford revision makes our results
+on this point especially interesting.[19] It is believed that the
+subjects used for this investigation were as nearly representative of
+average American-born children as it is possible to secure.
+
+[19] See p. 52 _ff._ for method used to avoid accidental selection of
+subjects for the Stanford investigation.
+
+The intelligence quotients for these 1000 unselected children were
+calculated, and their distribution was plotted for the ages separately.
+The distribution was found fairly symmetrical at each age from 5 to 14.
+At 15 the range is on either side of 90 as a median, and at 16 on either
+side of 80 as a median. That the 15- and 16-year-olds test low is due to
+the fact that these children are left-over retardates and are below
+average in intelligence.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 2. DISTRIBUTION OF I Q'S OF 905 UNSELECTED
+CHILDREN. 5-14 YEARS OF AGE]
+
+The I Q's were then grouped in ranges of ten. In the middle group were
+thrown those from 96 to 105; the ascending groups including in order the
+I Q's from 106 to 115, 116 to 125, etc.; correspondingly with the
+descending groups. Figure 2 shows the distribution found by this
+grouping for the 905 children of ages 5 to 14 combined. The subjects
+above 14 are not included in this curve because they are left-overs and
+not representative of their ages.
+
+The distribution for the ages combined is seen to be remarkably
+symmetrical. The symmetry for the separate ages was hardly less marked,
+considering that only 80 to 120 children were tested at each age. In
+fact, the range, including the middle 50 per cent of I Q's, was found
+practically constant from 5 to 14 years. The tendency is for the middle
+50 per cent to fall (approximately) between 93 and 108.
+
+Three important conclusions are justified by the above facts:--
+
+1. Since the frequency of the various grades of intelligence decreases
+_gradually_ and at no point abruptly on each side of the median, it is
+evident that there is no definite dividing line between normality and
+feeble-mindedness, or between normality and genius. Psychologically, the
+mentally defective child does not belong to a distinct type, nor does
+the genius. There is no line of demarcation between either of these
+extremes and the so-called "normal" child. The number of mentally
+defective individuals in a population will depend upon the standard
+arbitrarily set up as to what constitutes mental deficiency. Similarly
+for genius. It is exactly as we should undertake to classify all people
+into the three groups: abnormally tall, normally tall, and abnormally
+short.[20]
+
+[20] See Chapter VI for discussion of the significance of various I Q's.
+
+2. The common opinion that extreme deviations below the median are more
+frequent than extreme deviations above the median seems to have no
+foundation in fact. Among unselected school children, at least, for
+every child of any given degree of deficiency there is another child as
+far above the average I Q as the former is below. We have shown
+elsewhere the serious consequences of neglect of this fact.[21]
+
+[21] See p. 12 _ff._
+
+3. The traditional view that variability in mental traits becomes more
+marked during adolescence is here contradicted, as far as intelligence
+is concerned, for the distribution of I Q's is practically the same at
+each age from 5 to 14. For example, 6-year-olds differ from one another
+fully as much as do 14-year-olds.
+
+THE VALIDITY OF THE INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENT. The facts presented above
+argue strongly for the validity of the I Q as an expression of a child's
+intelligence status. This follows necessarily from the similar nature of
+the distributions at the various ages. The inference is that a child's
+I Q, as measured by this scale, remains relatively constant. Re-tests of
+the same children at intervals of two to five years support the
+inference. Children of superior intelligence do not seem to deteriorate
+as they get older, nor dull children to develop average intelligence.
+Knowing a child's I Q, we can predict with a fair degree of accuracy the
+course of his later development.
+
+The mental age of a subject is meaningless if considered apart from
+chronological age. It is only the ratio of retardation or acceleration
+to chronological age (that is, the I Q) which has significance.
+
+It follows also that if the I Q is a valid expression of intelligence,
+as it seems to be, then the Binet-Simon "age-grade method" becomes
+transformed automatically into a "point-scale method," if one wants to
+use it that way. As such it is superior to any other point scale that
+has been proposed, because it includes a larger number of tests and its
+points have definite meaning.[22]
+
+[22] For discussion of the supposed advantages of the "point-scale
+method," see Yerkes and Bridges: _A New Point Scale for Measuring Mental
+Ability_. (Warwick and York, 1915.)
+
+SEX DIFFERENCES. The question as to the relative intelligence of the
+sexes is one of perennial interest and great social importance. The
+ancient hypothesis, the one which dates from the time when only men
+concerned themselves with scientific hypotheses, took for granted the
+superiority of the male. With the development of individual psychology,
+however, it was soon found that as far as the evidence of mental tests
+can be trusted the _average_ intelligence of women and girls is as high
+as that of men and boys.
+
+If we accept this result we are then confronted with the difficult
+problem of finding an explanation for the fact that so few of those who
+have acquired eminence in the various intellectual fields have been
+women. Two explanations have been proposed: (1) That women become
+eminent less often than men simply for lack of opportunity and stimulus;
+and (2) that while the average intelligence of the sexes is the same,
+extreme variations may be more common in males. It is pointed out that
+not only are there more eminent men than eminent women, but that
+statistics also show a preponderance of males in institutions for the
+mentally defective. Accordingly it is often said that women are grouped
+closely about the average, while men show a wider range of distribution.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 3. MEDIAN I Q OF 457 BOYS (UNBROKEN LINE) AND
+448 GIRLS (DOTTED LINE) FOR THE AGES 5-14 YEARS]
+
+Many hundreds of articles and books of popular or quasi-scientific
+nature have been written on one aspect or another of this question of
+sex difference in intelligence; but all such theoretical discussions
+taken together are worth less than the results of one good experiment.
+Let us see what our 1000 I Q's have to offer toward a solution of the
+problem.
+
+1. When the I Q's of the boys and girls were treated separately there
+was found a small but fairly constant superiority of the girls up to the
+age of 13 years. At 14, however, the curve for the girls dropped below
+that for boys. This is shown in Figure 3.
+
+The supplementary data, including the teachers' estimates of
+intelligence on a scale of five, the teachers' judgments in regard to
+the quality of the school work, and records showing the age-grade
+distribution of the sexes, were all sifted for evidence as to the
+genuineness of the apparent superiority of the girls age for age. The
+results of all these lines of inquiry support the tests in suggesting
+that the superiority of the girls is probably real even up to and
+including age 14, the apparent superiority of the boys at this age being
+fully accounted for by the more frequent elimination of 14-year-old
+girls from the grades by promotion to the high school.[23]
+
+[23] It will be remembered that this series of tests did not follow up
+and test those who had been promoted to high school.
+
+2. However, the superiority of girls over boys is so slight (amounting
+at most ages to only 2 to 3 points in terms of I Q) that for practical
+purposes it would seem negligible. This offers no support to the opinion
+expressed by Yerkes and Bridges that "at certain ages serious injustice
+will be done individuals by evaluating their scores in the light of
+norms which do not take account of sex differences."
+
+3. Apart from the small superiority of girls, the distribution of
+intelligence in the two sexes is not different. The supposed wider
+variation of boys is not found. Girls do not group themselves about the
+median more closely than do boys. The range of I Q including the middle
+fifty per cent is approximately the same for the two sexes.[24]
+
+[24] For an extensive summary of other data on the variability of the
+sexes see the article by Leta S. Hollingworth, in _The American Journal
+of Sociology_ (January, 1914), pp. 510-30. It is shown that the findings
+of others support the conclusions set forth above.
+
+4. When the results for the individual tests were examined, it was found
+that not many showed very extreme differences as to the per cent of boys
+and girls passing. In a few cases, however, the difference was rather
+marked.
+
+The boys were decidedly better in arithmetical reasoning, giving
+differences between a president and a king, solving the form board,
+making change, reversing hands of clock, finding similarities, and
+solving the "induction test." The girls were superior in drawing designs
+from memory, aesthetic comparison, comparing objects from memory,
+answering the "comprehension questions," repeating digits and sentences,
+tying a bow-knot, and finding rhymes.
+
+Accordingly, our data, which for the most part agree with the results of
+others, justify the conclusion that the intelligence of girls, at least
+up to 14 years, does not differ materially from that of boys either as
+regards the average level or the range of distribution. It may still be
+argued that the mental development of boys beyond the age of 14 years
+lasts longer and extends farther than in the case of girls, but as a
+matter of fact this opinion receives little support from such tests as
+have been made on men and women college students.
+
+The fact that so few women have attained eminence may be due to wholly
+extraneous factors, the most important of which are the following: (1)
+The occupations in which it is possible to achieve eminence are for the
+most part only now beginning to open their doors to women. Women's
+career has been largely that of home-making, an occupation in which
+eminence, in the strict sense of the word, is impossible. (2) Even of
+the small number of women who embark upon a professional career, a
+majority marry and thereafter devote a fairly large proportion of their
+energy to bearing and rearing children. (3) Both the training given to
+girls and the general atmosphere in which they grow up are unfavorable
+to the inculcation of the professional point of view, and as a result
+women are not spurred on by deep-seated motives to constant and
+strenuous intellectual endeavor as men are. (4) It is also possible that
+the emotional traits of women are such as to favor the development of
+the sentiments at the expense of innate intellectual endowment.
+
+INTELLIGENCE OF THE DIFFERENT SOCIAL CLASSES. Of the 1000 children, 492
+were classified by their teachers according to social class into the
+following five groups: _very inferior_, _inferior_, _average_,
+_superior_, and _very superior_. A comparative study was then made of
+the distribution of I Q's for these different groups.[25]
+
+[25] The results of this comparison have been set forth in detail in the
+monograph of source material and some of the conclusions have been set
+forth on p. 115 _ff._ of the present volume.
+
+The data may be summarized as follows:--
+
+ 1. The median I Q for children of the superior social class is
+ about 7 points above, and that of the inferior social class
+ about 7 points below, the median I Q of the average social
+ group. This means that by the age of 14 inferior class children
+ are about one year below, and superior class children one year
+ above, the median mental age for all classes taken together.
+
+ 2. That the children of the superior social classes make a
+ better showing in the tests is probably due, for the most part,
+ to a superiority in original endowment. This conclusion is
+ supported by five supplementary lines of evidence: (a) the
+ teachers' rankings of the children according to intelligence;
+ (b) the age-grade progress of the children; (c) the quality
+ of the school work; (d) the comparison of older and younger
+ children as regards the influence of social environment; and
+ (e) the study of individual cases of bright and dull children
+ in the same family.
+
+ 3. In order to facilitate comparison, it is advisable to express
+ the intelligence of children of all social classes in terms of
+ the same objective scale of intelligence. This scale should be
+ based on the median for all classes taken together.
+
+ 4. As regards their responses to individual tests, our children
+ of a given social class were not distinguishable from children
+ of the same intelligence in any other social class.
+
+THE RELATION OF THE I Q TO THE QUALITY OF THE CHILD'S SCHOOL WORK. The
+school work of 504 children was graded by the teachers on a scale of
+five grades: _very inferior_, _inferior_, _average_, _superior_, and
+_very superior_. When this grouping was compared with that made on the
+basis of I Q, fairly close agreement was found. However, in about one
+case out of ten there was rather serious disagreement; a child, for
+example, would be rated as doing _average_ school work when his I Q
+would place him in the _very inferior_ intelligence group.
+
+When the data were searched for explanations of such disagreements it
+was found that most of them were plainly due to the failure of teachers
+to take into account the age of the child when grading the quality of
+his school work.[26] When allowance was made for this tendency there
+were no disagreements which justified any serious suspicion as to the
+accuracy of the intelligence scale. Minor disagreements may, of course,
+be disregarded, since the quality of school work depends in part on
+other factors than intelligence, such as industry, health, regularity of
+attendance, quality of instruction, etc.
+
+[26] See p. 24 _ff._
+
+THE RELATION BETWEEN I Q AND GRADE PROGRESS. This comparison, which was
+made for the entire 1000 children, showed a fairly high correlation, but
+also some astonishing disagreements. Nine-year intelligence was found
+all the way from grade 1 to grade 7, inclusive; 10-year intelligence all
+the way from grade 2 to grade 7; and 12-year intelligence all the way
+from grade 3 to grade 8. Plainly the school's efforts at grading fail to
+give homogeneous groups of children as regards mental ability. On the
+whole, the grade location of the children did not fit their mental ages
+much better than it did their chronological ages.
+
+When the data were examined, it was found that practically every child
+whose grade failed to correspond fairly closely with his mental age was
+either exceptionally bright or exceptionally dull. Those who tested
+between 96 and 105 I Q were never seriously misplaced in school. The
+very dull children, however, were usually located from one to three
+grades above where they belonged by mental age, and the duller the
+child the more serious, as a rule, was the misplacement. On the other
+hand, the very bright children were nearly always located from one to
+three grades below where they belonged by mental age, and the brighter
+the child the more serious the school's mistake. The child of 10-year
+mental age in the second grade, for example, is almost certain to be
+about 7 or 8 years old; the child of 10-year intelligence in the sixth
+grade is almost certain to be 13 to 15 years of age.
+
+All this is due to one fact, and one alone: _the school tends to promote
+children by age rather than ability_. The bright children are held back,
+while the dull children are promoted beyond their mental ability. The
+retardation problem is exactly the reverse of what we have thought it to
+be. It is the bright children who are retarded, and the dull children
+who are accelerated.
+
+The remedy is to be sought in differentiated courses (special classes)
+for both kinds of mentally exceptional children. Just as many special
+classes are needed for superior children as for the inferior. The social
+consequences of suitable educational advantages for children of superior
+ability would no doubt greatly exceed anything that could possibly
+result from the special instruction of dullards and border-line
+cases.[27]
+
+[27] See Chapter VI for further discussion of the school progress
+possible to children of various I Q's.
+
+Special study of the I Q's between 70 and 79 revealed the fact that a
+child of this grade of intelligence _never_ does satisfactory work in
+the grade where he belongs by chronological age. By the time he has
+attended school four or five years, such a child is usually found doing
+"very inferior" to "average" work in a grade from two to four years
+below his age.
+
+On the other hand, the child with an I Q of 120 or above is almost never
+found below the grade for his chronological age, and occasionally he is
+one or two grades above. Wherever located, his work is always "superior"
+or "very superior," and the evidence suggests strongly that it would
+probably remain so even if extra promotions were granted.
+
+CORRELATION BETWEEN I Q AND THE TEACHERS' ESTIMATES OF THE CHILDREN'S
+INTELLIGENCE. By the Pearson formula the correlation found between the
+I Q's and the teachers' rankings on a scale of five was .48. This is
+about what others have found, and is both high enough and low enough to
+be significant. That it is moderately high in so far corroborates the
+tests. That it is not higher means that either the teachers or the tests
+have made a good many mistakes.
+
+When the data were searched for evidence on this point, it was found, as
+we have shown in Chapter II, that the fault was plainly on the part of
+the teachers. The serious mistakes were nearly all made with children
+who were either over age or under age for their grade, mostly the
+former. In estimating children's intelligence, just as in grading their
+school success, the teachers often failed to take account of the age
+factor. For example, the child whose mental age was, say, two years
+below normal, and who was enrolled in a class with children about two
+years younger than himself, was often graded "average" in intelligence.
+
+The tendency of teachers is to estimate a child's intelligence according
+to the quality of his school work _in the grade where he happens to be
+located_. This results in overestimating the intelligence of older,
+retarded children, and underestimating the intelligence of the younger,
+advanced children. The disagreements between the tests and the teachers'
+estimates are thus found, when analyzed, to confirm the validity of the
+test method rather than to bring it under suspicion.
+
+THE VALIDITY OF THE INDIVIDUAL TESTS. The validity of each test was
+checked up by measuring it against the scale as a whole in the manner
+described on p. 55. For example, if 10-year-old children having 11-year
+intelligence succeed with a given test decidedly better than 10-year-old
+children who have 9-year intelligence, then either this test must be
+accepted as valid or the scale as a whole must be rejected. Since we
+know, however, that the scale as a whole has at least a reasonably high
+degree of reliability, this method becomes a sure and ready means of
+judging the worth of a test.
+
+When the tests were tried out in this way it was found that some of
+those which have been most criticized have in reality a high correlation
+with intelligence. Among these are naming the days of the week, giving
+the value of stamps, counting thirteen pennies, giving differences
+between president and king, finding rhymes, giving age, distinguishing
+right and left, and interpretation of pictures. Others having a high
+reliability are the vocabulary tests, arithmetical reasoning, giving
+differences, copying a diamond, giving date, repeating digits in reverse
+order, interpretation of fables, the dissected sentence test, naming
+sixty words, finding omissions in pictures, and recognizing absurdities.
+
+Among the somewhat less satisfactory tests are the following: repeating
+digits (direct order), naming coins, distinguishing forenoon and
+afternoon, defining in terms of use, drawing designs from memory, and
+aesthetic comparison. Binet's "line suggestion" test correlated so little
+with intelligence that it had to be thrown out. The same was also true
+of two of the new tests which we had added to the series for try-out.
+
+Tests showing a medium correlation with the scale as a whole include
+arranging weights, executing three commissions, naming colors, giving
+number of fingers, describing pictures, naming the months, making
+change, giving superior definitions, finding similarities, reading for
+memories, reversing hands of clock, defining abstract words, problems of
+fact, bow-knot, induction test, and comprehension questions.
+
+A test which makes a good showing on this criterion of agreement with
+the scale as a whole becomes immune to theoretical criticisms. Whatever
+it appears to be from mere inspection, it is a real measure of
+intelligence. Henceforth it stands or falls with the scale as a whole.
+
+The reader will understand, of course, that no single test used alone
+will determine accurately the general level of intelligence. A great
+many tests are required; and for two reasons: (1) because intelligence
+has many aspects; and (2) in order to overcome the accidental influences
+of training or environment. If many tests are used no one of them need
+show more than a moderately high correlation with the scale as a whole.
+As stated by Binet, "Let the tests be rough, if there are only enough of
+them."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE SIGNIFICANCE OF VARIOUS INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS
+
+
+FREQUENCY OF DIFFERENT DEGREES OF INTELLIGENCE. Before we can interpret
+the results of an examination it is necessary to know how frequently an
+I Q of the size found occurs among unselected children. Our tests of
+1000 unselected children enable us to answer this question with some
+degree of definiteness. A study of these 1000 I Q's shows the following
+significant facts:--
+
+ The lowest 1 % go to 70 or below, the highest 1 % reach 130 or above
+ " " 2 % " " 73 " " " " 2 % " 128 " "
+ " " 3 % " " 76 " " " " 3 % " 125 " "
+ " " 5 % " " 78 " " " " 5 % " 122 " "
+ " " 10 % " " 85 " " " " 10 % " 116 " "
+ " " 15 % " " 88 " " " " 15 % " 113 " "
+ " " 20 % " " 91 " " " " 20 % " 110 " "
+ " " 25 % " " 92 " " " " 25 % " 108 " "
+ " " 33+1/3% " " 95 " " " " 33+1/3% " 106 " "
+
+Or, to put some of the above facts in another form:--
+
+ The child reaching 110 is equaled or excelled by 20 out of 100
+ " " " (about) 115 " " " " " 10 " " "
+ " " " " 125 " " " " " 3 " " "
+ " " " " 130 " " " " " 1 " " "
+
+Conversely, we may say regarding the subnormals that:--
+
+ The child testing at (about) 90 is equaled or excelled by 80 out of 100
+ " " " " " 85 " " " " " 90 " " "
+ " " " " " 75 " " " " " 97 " " "
+ " " " " " 70 " " " " " 99 " " "
+
+CLASSIFICATION OF INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS. What do the above I Q's imply
+in such terms as feeble-mindedness, border-line intelligence, dullness,
+normality, superior intelligence genius, etc.? When we use these terms
+two facts must be borne in mind: (1) That the boundary lines between
+such groups are absolutely arbitrary, a matter of definition only; and
+(2) that the individuals comprising one of the groups do not make up a
+homogeneous type.
+
+Nevertheless, since terms like the above are convenient and will
+probably continue to be used, it is desirable to give them as much
+definiteness as possible. On the basis of the tests we have made,
+including many cases of all grades of intelligence, the following
+suggestions are offered for the classification of intelligence
+quotients:--
+
+ _I Q_ _Classification_
+
+ Above 140 "Near" genius or genius.
+ 120-140 Very superior intelligence.
+ 110-120 Superior intelligence.
+ 90-110 Normal, or average, intelligence.
+ 80- 90 Dullness, rarely classifiable as feeble-mindedness.
+ 70- 80 Border-line deficiency, sometimes classifiable as
+ dullness, often as feeble-mindedness.
+ Below 70 Definite feeble-mindedness.
+
+Of the feeble-minded, those between 50 and 70 I Q include most of the
+morons (high, middle, and low), those between 20 or 25 and 50 are
+ordinarily to be classed as imbeciles, and those below 20 or 25 as
+idiots. According to this classification the adult idiot would range up
+to about 3-year intelligence as the limit, the adult imbecile would have
+a mental level between 3 and 7 years, and the adult moron would range
+from about 7-year to 11-year intelligence.
+
+It should be added, however, that the classification of I Q's for the
+various sub-grades of feeble-mindedness is not very secure, for the
+reason that the exact curves of mental growth have not been worked out
+for such grades. As far as the public schools are concerned this does
+not greatly matter, as they never enroll idiots and very rarely even the
+high-grade imbecile. School defectives are practically all of the moron
+and border-line grades, and these it is important teachers should be
+able to recognize. The following discussions and illustrative cases will
+perhaps give a fairly definite idea of the significance of various
+grades of intelligence.[28]
+
+[28] The clinical descriptions to be given are not complete and are
+designed merely to aid the examiner in understanding the significance of
+intelligence quotients found.
+
+FEEBLE-MINDEDNESS (RARELY ABOVE 75 I Q.) There are innumerable grades of
+mental deficiency ranging from somewhat below average intelligence to
+profound idiocy. In the literal sense every individual below the average
+is more or less mentally weak or feeble. Only a relatively small
+proportion of these, however, are technically known as feeble-minded. It
+is therefore necessary to set forth the criterion as to what constitutes
+feeble-mindedness in the commonly accepted sense of that word.
+
+The definition in most general use is the one framed by the Royal
+College of Physicians and Surgeons of London, and adopted by the English
+Royal Commission on Mental Deficiency. It is substantially as follows:--
+
+_A feeble-minded person is one who is incapable, because of mental
+defect existing from birth or from an early age, (a) of competing on
+equal terms with his normal fellows; or (b) of managing himself or his
+affairs with ordinary prudence._
+
+Two things are to be noted in regard to this definition: In the first
+place, it is stated in terms of social and industrial efficiency. Such
+efficiency, however, depends not merely on the degree of intelligence,
+but also on emotional, moral, physical, and social traits as well. This
+explains why some individuals with I Q somewhat below 75 can hardly be
+classed as feeble-minded in the ordinary sense of the term, while others
+with I Q a little above 75 could hardly be classified in any other
+group.
+
+In the second place, the criterion set up by the definition is not very
+definite because of the vague meaning of the expression "ordinary
+prudence." Even the expression "competing on equal terms" cannot be
+taken literally, else it would include also those who are merely dull.
+It is the second part of the definition that more nearly expresses the
+popular criterion, for as long as an individual manages his affairs in
+such a way as to be self-supporting, and in such a way as to avoid
+becoming a nuisance or burden to his fellowmen, he escapes the
+institutions for defectives and may pass for normal.
+
+The most serious defect of the definition comes from the lax
+interpretation of the term "ordinary prudence," etc. The popular
+standard is so low that hundreds of thousands of high grade defectives
+escape identification as such. Moreover, there are many grades of
+severity in social and industrial competition. For example, most of the
+members of such families as the Jukes, the Nams, the Hill Folk, and the
+Kallikaks are able to pass as normal in their own crude environment, but
+when compelled to compete with average American stock their deficiency
+becomes evident. It is therefore necessary to supplement the social
+criterion with a more strictly psychological one.
+
+For this purpose there is nothing else as significant as the I Q. All
+who test below 70 I Q by the Stanford revision of the Binet-Simon scale
+should be considered feeble-minded, and it is an open question whether
+it would not be justifiable to consider 75 I Q as the lower limit of
+"normal" intelligence. Certainly a large proportion falling between
+70 and 75 can hardly be classed as other than feeble-minded, even
+according to the social criterion.
+
+
+_Examples of feeble-minded school children_
+
+ _F. C. Boy, age 8-6; mental age 4-2; I Q approximately 50._ From
+ a very superior home. Has had the best medical care and other
+ attention. Attended a private kindergarten until rejected
+ because he required so much of the teacher's time and appeared
+ uneducable. Will probably develop to about the 6- or 7-year
+ mental level. High grade imbecile. Has since been committed to a
+ state institution. Cases as low as F. C. very rarely get into
+ the public schools.
+
+
+ _R. W. Boy, age 13-10; mental age 7-6; I Q approximately 55._
+ Home excellent. Is pubescent. Because of age and maturity has
+ been promoted to the third grade, though he can hardly do the
+ work of the second. Has attended school more than six years.
+ Will probably never develop much if any beyond 8 years, and will
+ never be self-supporting. Low-grade moron.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 4. DIAMOND DRAWN BY R. W., AGE 13-10; MENTAL
+ AGE 7-6]
+
+
+ _M. S. Girl, age 7-6; mental age 4-6; I Q 60._ Father a
+ gardener, home conditions and medical attention fair. Has twice
+ attempted first grade, but without learning to read more than a
+ few words. In each case teacher requested parents to withdraw
+ her. "Takes" things. Is considered "foolish" by the other
+ children. Will probably never develop beyond a mental level of
+ 8 years.
+
+
+ _R. M. Boy, age 15; mental age 9; I Q 60._ Decidedly superior
+ home environment and care. After attending school eight years is
+ in fifth grade, though he cannot do the work of the fourth
+ grade. Parents unable to teach him to respect property. Boys
+ torment him and make his life miserable. At middle-moron level
+ and has probably about reached the limit of his development. Has
+ since been committed to a state institution.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 5. WRITING FROM DICTATION. R. M., AGE 15;
+ MENTAL AGE 9]
+
+
+ _S. M. Girl, age 19-2; mental age 10; I Q approximately 65 (not
+ counting age beyond 16)._ From very superior family. Has
+ attended public and private schools twelve years and has been
+ promoted to seventh grade, where she cannot do the work. Appears
+ docile and childlike, but is subject to spells of disobedience
+ and stubbornness. Did not walk until 4 years old. Plays with
+ young children. Susceptible to attention from men and has to be
+ constantly guarded. Writing excellent, knows the number
+ combinations, but missed all the absurdities and has the
+ vocabulary of an average 10-year-old. The type from which
+ prostitutes often come.
+
+
+ _R. H. Boy, age 14; mental age 8-4; I Q 65._ Father Irish,
+ mother Spanish. Family comfortable and home care average. Has
+ attended school eight years and is unable to do fourth-grade
+ work satisfactorily. Health excellent and attendance regular.
+ Reads in fourth reader without expression and with little
+ comprehension of what is read. Fair skill in number
+ combinations. Writing and drawing very poor. Cannot use a ruler.
+ Has no conception of an inch.
+
+ R. H. is described as high-tempered, irritable, lacking in
+ physical activity, clumsy, and unsteady. Plays little. Just
+ "stands around." Indifferent to praise or blame, has little
+ sense of duty, plays underhand tricks. Is slow, absent-minded,
+ easily confused, in thought, never shows appreciation or
+ interest. So apathetic that he does not hear commands. Voice
+ droning. Speech poor in colloquial expressions.
+
+ Three years later, at age of 17, was in a special class
+ attempting sixth-grade work. Reported as doing "absolutely
+ nothing" in that grade. Still sullen, indifferent, and slow in
+ grasping directions, and lacking in play interests. "No
+ apperception of anything, but has mastered such mechanical
+ things as reading (calling the words) and the fundamentals in
+ arithmetic."
+
+ In school work, moral traits, and out-of-school behavior R. H.
+ shows himself to be a typical case of moron deficiency.
+
+
+ _I. M. Girl, age 14-2; mental age 9; I Q approximately 65._
+ Father a laborer. Does unsatisfactory work in fourth grade.
+ Plays with little girls. A menace to the morals of the school
+ because of her sex interests and lack of self-restraint. Rather
+ good-looking if one does not hunt for appearances of
+ intelligence. Mental reactions intolerably slow. Will develop
+ but little further and will always pass as feeble-minded in any
+ but the very lowest social environment.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 6. BALL AND FIELD TEST. I. M., AGE 14-2;
+ MENTAL AGE 9]
+
+
+ _G. V. Boy, age 10; mental age 6-4; I Q 65._ Father Spanish,
+ mother English. Family poor but fairly respectable. Brothers and
+ sisters all retarded. In high first grade. Work all very poor
+ except writing, drawing, and hand work, in all of which he
+ excels. Is quiet and inactive, lacks self-confidence, and plays
+ little. Mentally slow, inert, "thick," and inattentive. Health
+ fair.
+
+ Three years later G. V. was in the low third grade and still
+ doing extremely poor work in everything except manual training,
+ drawing, and writing. Is not likely ever to go beyond the fourth
+ or fifth grade however long he remains in school.
+
+
+ _V. J. Girl, age 11-6; mental age 8; I Q 70._ Has been tested
+ three times in the last five years, always with approximately
+ the same result in terms of I Q. Home fair to inferior. Has been
+ in a special class two years and in school altogether nearly six
+ years. Is barely able to do third-grade work. Her
+ feeble-mindedness is recognized by teachers and by other pupils.
+ Belongs at about middle-moron to high-moron level.
+
+
+ _A. W. Boy, age 9-4; mental age 7; I Q 75._ A year and a half
+ ago he tested at 6-2. From superior family, brothers of very
+ superior intelligence. In school three years and has made about
+ a grade and a half. Has higher I Q than V. J. described above,
+ but his deficiency is fully as evident. Is generally recognized
+ as mentally defective. Slyly abstracted one of the pennies used
+ in the test and slipped it into his pocket. Has caused much
+ trouble at school by puncturing bicycle tires. High-grade moron.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 7. DIAMOND DRAWN BY A. W.]
+
+
+ _A. C. Boy, age 12; mental age 8-5; I Q 70._ From Portuguese
+ family of ten children. Has a feeble-minded brother. Parents in
+ comfortable circumstances and respectable. A. C. has attended
+ school regularly since he was 6 years old. Trying unsuccessfully
+ to do the work of the fourth grade. Reads poorly in the third
+ reader. Hesitates, repeats, miscalls words, and never gets the
+ thought. Writes about like a first-grade pupil. Cannot solve
+ such simple problems as "How many marbles can you buy for ten
+ cents if one marble costs five cents?" even when he has marbles
+ and money in his hands. Described by teacher as "mentally slow
+ and inert, inattentive, easily distracted, memory poor, ideas
+ vague and often absurd, does not appreciate stories, slow at
+ comprehending commands." Is also described as "unruly,
+ boisterous, disobedient, stubborn, and lacking sense of
+ propriety. Tattles."
+
+ Three years later, at age of 15, was in a special class and was
+ little if any improved. He had, however, learned the mechanics
+ of reading and had mastered the number combinations.
+ Deficiencies described as "of wide range." Conduct, however, had
+ improved. Was "working hard to get on."
+
+ A. C. must be considered definitely feeble-minded.
+
+
+ _H. S. Boy, age 11; mental age 8-3; I Q approximately 75._ At
+ 8 years tested at 6. Parents highly educated, father a scholar.
+ Brother and sister of very superior intelligence. Started to
+ school at 7, but was withdrawn because of lack of progress.
+ Started again at 8 and is now doing poor work in the second
+ grade. Weakly and nervous. Painfully aware of his inability to
+ learn. During the test keeps saying, "I tried anyway," "It's all
+ I can do if I try my best, ain't it?" etc. Regarded defective by
+ other children. Will probably never be able to do work beyond
+ the fourth or fifth grade and is not likely to develop above the
+ 11-year level, if as high.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 8. DRAWING DESIGNS FROM MEMORY. H. S.,
+ AGE 11; MENTAL AGE 8-3]
+
+
+ _I. S. Boy, age 9-6; mental age 7; I Q 75._ German parentage.
+ Started to school at 6. Now in low second grade and unable to do
+ the work. Health good. Inattentive, mentally slow and inert,
+ easily distracted, speech is monotone. Equally poor in reading,
+ writing, and numbers. I. S. is described as quiet, sullen,
+ indifferent, lazy, and stubborn. Plays little.
+
+ Three years later had advanced from low second to low fourth
+ grade, but was as poor as ever in his school work. "Miscalls the
+ simplest words." Moral traits unsatisfactory. May reach sixth or
+ seventh grade if he remains in school long enough.
+
+ I. S. learned to walk at 2 years and to talk at 3.
+
+The above are cases of such marked deficiency that there could be no
+disagreement among competent judges in classifying them in the group of
+"feeble-minded." All are definitely institutional cases. It is a matter
+of record, however, that one of the cases, H. S., was diagnosed by a
+physician (without test) as "backward but not a defective." and with the
+added encouragement that "the backwardness will be outgrown." Of course
+the reverse is the case; the deficiency is becoming more and more
+apparent as the boy approaches the age where more is expected of him.
+
+In at least three of the above cases (S. M., I. S., and I. M.) the
+teachers had not identified the backwardness as feeble-mindedness. Not
+far from 2 children out of 100, or 2 out of 1000, in the average public
+school are as defective as some of those just described. Teachers get so
+accustomed to seeing a few of them in every group of 200 or 300 pupils
+that they are likely to regard them as merely dull,--"dreadfully dull,"
+of course,--but not defective.
+
+Children like these, for their own good and that of other pupils, should
+be kept out of the regular classes. They will rarely be equal to the
+work of the fifth grade, however long they attend school. They will
+make a little progress in a well-managed special class, but with the
+approach of adolescence, at latest, the State should take them into
+custodial care for its own protection.
+
+BORDER-LINE CASES (USUALLY BETWEEN 70 AND 80 I Q). The border-line cases
+are those which fall near the boundary generally recognized as such and
+the higher group usually classed as normal but dull. They are the
+doubtful cases, the ones we are always trying (rarely with success) to
+restore to normality.
+
+It must be emphasized, however, that this doubtful group is not marked
+off by definite I Q limits. Some children with I Q as high as 75 or even
+80 will have to be classified as feeble-minded; some as low as 70 I Q
+may be so well endowed in other mental traits that they may manage as
+adults to get along fairly well in a simple environment. The ability to
+compete with one's fellows in the social and industrial world does not
+depend upon intelligence alone. Such factors as moral traits, industry,
+environment to be encountered, personal appearance, and influential
+relatives are also involved. Two children classified above as
+feeble-minded had an I Q as high as 75. In these cases the emotional,
+moral, or physical qualities were so defective as to render a normal
+social life out of the question. This is occasionally true even with an
+I Q as high as 80. Some of the border-line cases, with even less
+intelligence, may be so well endowed in other mental traits that they
+are capable of becoming dependable unskilled laborers, and of supporting
+a family after a fashion.
+
+
+_Examples of border-line deficiency_
+
+ _S. F. Girl, age 17; mental age 11-6; I Q approximately 72
+ (disregarding age above 16 years)._ Father intelligent; mother
+ probably high-grade defective. Lives in a good home with aunt,
+ who is a woman of good sense and skillful in her management of
+ the girl. S. F. has attended excellent schools for eleven years
+ and has recently been promoted to the seventh grade. The teacher
+ admits, however, that she cannot do the work of that grade, but
+ says, "I haven't the heart to let her fail in the sixth grade
+ for the third time." She studies very hard and says she wants to
+ become a teacher! At the time the test was made she was actually
+ studying her books from two to three hours daily at home. The
+ aunt, who is very intelligent, had never thought of this girl as
+ feeble-minded, and had suffered much concern and humiliation
+ because of her inability to teach her to conduct herself
+ properly toward men and not to appropriate other people's
+ property.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 9. BALL AND FIELD TEST S. F., AGE 17; MENTAL
+ AGE 11-6]
+
+ S. F. is ordinarily docile, but is subject to fits of anger and
+ obstinacy. She finally determined to leave her home, threatening
+ to take up with a man unless allowed to work elsewhere. Since
+ then she has been tried out in several families, but after a
+ little while in a place she flies into a rage and leaves. She is
+ a fairly capable houseworker when she tries.
+
+ This young woman is feeble-minded and should be classed as such.
+ She is listed here with the border-line cases simply for the
+ reason that she belongs to a group whose mental deficiency is
+ almost never recognized without the aid of a psychological test.
+ Probably no physician could be found who would diagnose the
+ case, on the basis of a medical examination alone, as one of
+ feeble-mindedness.
+
+
+ _F. H. Boy, age 16-6; mental age 11-5; I Q approximately 72
+ (disregarding age above 16 years)._ Tested for three successive
+ years without change of more than four points in I Q. Father a
+ laborer, dull, subject to fits of rage, and beats the boy.
+ Mother not far from border-line. F. H. has always had the best
+ of school advantages and has been promoted to the seventh grade.
+ Is really about equal to fifth-grade work. Fairly rapid and
+ accurate in number combinations, but cannot solve arithmetical
+ problems which require any reasoning. Reads with reasonable
+ fluency, but with little understanding. Appears exceedingly
+ good-natured, but was once suspended from school for hurling
+ bricks at a fellow pupil. Played a "joke" on another pupil by
+ fastening a dangerous, sharp-pointed, steel paper-file in the
+ pupil's seat for him to sit down on. He is cruel, stubborn, and
+ plays truant, but is fairly industrious when he gets a job as
+ errand or delivery boy. Discharged once for taking money.
+
+ F. H. is generally called "queer," but is not ordinarily thought
+ of as feeble-minded. His deficiency is real, however, and it is
+ altogether doubtful whether he will be able to make a living and
+ to keep out of trouble, though he is now (at age 20) employed as
+ messenger boy for the Western Union at $30 per month. This is
+ considerably less than pick-and-shovel men get in the community
+ where he lives. Delinquents and criminals often belong to this
+ level of intelligence.
+
+
+ _W. C. Boy, age 16-8; mental age 12; I Q 75 (disregarding age
+ above 16 years)._ Father a college professor. All the other
+ children in the family of unusually superior intelligence. When
+ tested (four years ago) was trying to do seventh-grade work, but
+ with little success. Wanted to leave school and learn farming,
+ but father insisted on his getting the usual grammar-school and
+ high-school education. Made $25 one summer by raising vegetables
+ on a vacant lot. In the four years since the test was made he
+ has managed to get into high school. Teachers say that in spite
+ of his best efforts he learns next to nothing, and they regard
+ him as hopelessly dull. Is docile, lacks all aggressiveness,
+ looks stupid, and has head circumference an inch below normal.
+
+ Here is a most pitiful case of the overstimulated backward child
+ in a superior family. Instead of nagging at the boy and urging
+ him on to attempt things which are impossible to his inferior
+ intelligence, his parents should take him out of school and put
+ him at some kind of work which he could do. If the boy had been
+ the son of a common laborer he would probably have left school
+ early and have become a dependable and contented laborer. In a
+ very simple environment he would probably not be considered
+ defective.
+
+
+ _C. P. Boy, age 10-2; mental age 7-11; I Q 78._ Portuguese boy,
+ son of a skilled laborer. One of eleven children, most of whom
+ have about this same grade of intelligence. Has attended school
+ regularly for four years. Is in the third grade, but cannot do
+ the work. Except for extreme stubbornness his social development
+ is fairly normal. Capable in plays and games, but is regarded as
+ impossible in his school work. Like his brother, M. P., the next
+ case to be described, he will doubtless become a fairly reliable
+ laborer at unskilled work and will not be regarded, in his
+ rather simple environment, as a defective. From the
+ psychological point of view, however, his deficiency is real. He
+ will probably never develop beyond the 11- or 12-year level or
+ be able to do satisfactory school work beyond the fifth or sixth
+ grade.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 10. WRITING FROM DICTATION. C. P., AGE 10-2;
+ MENTAL AGE 7-11]
+
+
+ _M. P. Boy, age 14; mental age 10-8; I Q 77._ Has been tested
+ four successive years, I Q being always between 75 and 80.
+ Brother to C. P. above. In school nearly eight years and has
+ been promoted to the fifth grade. At 16 was doing poor work in
+ the sixth grade. Good school advantages, as the father has tried
+ conscientiously to give his children "a good education."
+ Perfectly normal in appearance and in play activities and is
+ liked by other children. Seems to be thoroughly dependable both
+ in school and in his outside work. Will probably become an
+ excellent laborer and will pass as perfectly normal,
+ notwithstanding a grade of intelligence which will not develop
+ above 11 or 12 years.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 11. BALL AND FIELD TEST. M. P., AGE 14;
+ MENTAL AGE 10-8]
+
+What shall we say of cases like the last two which test at high-grade
+moronity or at border-line, but are well enough endowed in moral
+and personal traits to pass as normal in an uncomplicated social
+environment? According to the classical definition of feeble-mindedness
+such individuals cannot be considered defectives. Hardly any one would
+think of them as institutional cases. Among laboring men and servant
+girls there are thousands like them. They are the world's "hewers of
+wood and drawers of water." And yet, as far as intelligence is
+concerned, the tests have told the truth. These boys are uneducable
+beyond the merest rudiments of training. No amount of school instruction
+will ever make them intelligent voters or capable citizens in the true
+sense of the word. Judged psychologically they cannot be considered
+normal.
+
+It is interesting to note that M. P. and C. P. represent the level of
+intelligence which is very, very common among Spanish-Indian and Mexican
+families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems
+to be racial, or at least inherent in the family stocks from which they
+come. The fact that one meets this type with such extraordinary
+frequency among Indians, Mexicans, and negroes suggests quite forcibly
+that the whole question of racial differences in mental traits will have
+to be taken up anew and by experimental methods. The writer predicts
+that when this is done there will be discovered enormously significant
+racial differences in general intelligence, differences which cannot be
+wiped out by any scheme of mental culture.
+
+Children of this group should be segregated in special classes and be
+given instruction which is concrete and practical. They cannot master
+abstractions, but they can often be made efficient workers, able to look
+out for themselves. There is no possibility at present of convincing
+society that they should not be allowed to reproduce, although from a
+eugenic point of view they constitute a grave problem because of their
+unusually prolific breeding.
+
+DULL NORMALS (I Q USUALLY 80 TO 90). In this group are included those
+children who would not, according to any of the commonly accepted social
+standards, be considered feeble-minded, but who are nevertheless far
+enough below the actual average of intelligence among races of western
+European descent that they cannot make ordinary school progress or
+master other intellectual difficulties which average children are equal
+to. A few of this class test as low as 75 to 80 I Q, but the majority
+are not far from 85. The unmistakably normal children who go much below
+this (in California, at least) are usually Mexicans, Indians, or
+negroes.
+
+ _R. G. Negro boy, age 13-5; mental age 10-6; I Q approximately
+ 80._ Normal in appearance and conduct, but very dull. Is
+ attempting fifth-grade work in a special class, but is failing.
+ From a fairly good home and has had ordinary school advantages.
+ In the examination his intelligence is very even as far as it
+ goes, but stops rather abruptly after the 10-year tests. Will
+ unquestionably pass as normal among unskilled laborers, but his
+ intelligence will never exceed the 12-year level and he is not
+ likely to advance beyond the seventh grade, if as far.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 12. BALL AND FIELD. R. G., AGE 13-5, MENTAL
+ AGE 10-6]
+
+
+ _F. D. Boy, tested at age 10-2; I Q 83, and again at 14-1;
+ I Q 79._ Mental age in the first test was 8-6 and in the second
+ test 11. Son of a barber. Father dead; mother capable; makes a
+ good home, and cares for her children well. At 10 was doing
+ unsatisfactory work in the fourth grade, and at 12
+ unsatisfactory work in low sixth. Good-looking, normal in
+ appearance and social development, and though occasionally
+ obstinate is usually steady. Any one unacquainted with his poor
+ school work and low I Q would consider him perfectly normal. No
+ physical or moral handicaps of any kind that could possibly
+ account for his retardation. Is simply dull. Needs purely a
+ vocational training, but may be able to complete the eighth
+ grade with low marks by the age of 16 or 17.
+
+
+ _G. G. Girl, age 12-4; mental age 10-10; I Q 82._ From average
+ home. Excellent educational advantages and no physical
+ handicaps. At 12 years was doing very poor work in fifth grade.
+ Appearance, play life, and attitude toward other children
+ normal. Simply dull. Will probably never go beyond the 12- or
+ 13-year level and is not likely to get as far as the high
+ school.
+
+Those testing 80 and 90 will usually be able to reach the eighth grade,
+but ordinarily only after from one to three or four failures. They are
+so very numerous (about 15 per cent of the school enrollment) that it is
+doubtful whether we can expect soon to have special classes enough to
+accommodate all. The most feasible solution is a differentiated course
+of study with parallel classes in which every child will be allowed to
+make the best progress of which he is capable, without incurring the
+risk of failure and non-promotion. The so-called Mannheim system, or
+something similar to it, is what we need.
+
+AVERAGE INTELLIGENCE (I Q 90 TO 110). It is often said that the schools
+are made for the average child, but that "the average child does not
+exist." He does exist, and in very large numbers. About 60 per cent of
+all school children test between 90 and 110 I Q, and about 40 per cent
+between 95 and 105. That these children are average is attested by their
+school records as well as by their I Q's. Our records show that, of more
+than 200 children below 14 years of age and with I Q between 95 and 105,
+not one was making much more nor much less than average school progress.
+Four were two years retarded, but in each case this was due to late
+start, illness, or irregular attendance. Children who test close to 90,
+however, often fail to get along satisfactorily, while those testing
+near 110 are occasionally able to win an extra promotion.
+
+The children of this average group are seldom school problems, as far as
+ability to learn is concerned. Nor are they as likely to cause trouble
+in discipline as the dull and border-line cases. It is therefore hardly
+necessary to give illustrative cases here.
+
+The high school, however, does not fit their grade of intelligence as
+well as the elementary and grammar schools. High schools probably enroll
+a disproportionate number of pupils in the I Q range above 100. That is,
+the average intelligence among high-school pupils is above the average
+for the population in general. It is probably not far from 110. College
+students are, of course, a still more selected group, perhaps coming
+chiefly from the range above 115. The child whose school marks are
+barely average in the elementary grades, when measured against children
+in general, will ordinarily earn something less than average marks in
+high school, and perhaps excessively poor marks in college.
+
+SUPERIOR INTELLIGENCE (I Q 110 TO 120). Children of this group
+ordinarily make higher marks and are capable of making somewhat more
+rapid progress than the strictly average child. Perhaps most of them
+could complete the eight grades in seven years as easily as the average
+child does in eight years. They are not usually the best scholars, but
+on a scale of excellent, good, fair, poor, and failure they will usually
+rank as good, though of course the degree of application is a factor. It
+is rare, however, to find a child of this level who is positively
+indolent in his school work or who dislikes school. In high school they
+are likely to win about the average mark.
+
+Intelligence of 110 to 120 I Q is approximately five times as common
+among children of superior social status as among children of inferior
+social status; the proportion among the former being about 24 per cent
+of all, and among the latter only 5 per cent of all. The group is
+made up largely of children of the fairly successful mercantile or
+professional classes.
+
+The total number of children between 110 and 120 is almost exactly the
+same as the number between 80 and 90; namely, about 15 per cent. The
+distance between these two groups (say between 85 and 115) is as great
+as the distance between average intelligence and border-line deficiency,
+and it would be absurd to suppose that they could be taught to best
+advantage in the same classes. As a matter of fact, pupils between
+110 and 120 are usually held back to the rate of progress which the
+average child can make. They are little encouraged to do their best.
+
+VERY SUPERIOR INTELLIGENCE (I Q 120 TO 140). Children of this group are
+better than somewhat above average. They are unusually superior. Not
+more than 3 out of 100 go as high as 125 I Q, and only about 1 out of
+100 as high as 130. In the schools of a city of average population only
+about 1 child in 250 or 300 tests as high as 140 I Q.
+
+In a series of 476 unselected children there was not a single one
+reaching 120 whose social class was described as "below average."[29] Of
+the children of superior social status, about 10 per cent reached 120 or
+better. The 120-140 group is made up almost entirely of children whose
+parents belong to the professional or very successful business classes.
+The child of a skilled laborer belongs here occasionally, the child of a
+common laborer very rarely indeed. At least this is true in the smaller
+cities of California among populations made up of native-born Americans.
+In all probability it would not have been true in the earlier history of
+the country when ordinary labor was more often than now performed by men
+of average intelligence, and it would probably not hold true now among
+certain immigrant populations of good stock, but limited social and
+educational advantages.
+
+[29] In other investigations, however, we have found even brighter
+children from very inferior homes. See p. 117 for an example.
+
+What can children of this grade of ability do in school? The question
+cannot be answered as satisfactorily as one could wish, for the simple
+reason that such children are rarely permitted to do what they can. What
+they do accomplish is as follows: Of 54 children (of the 1000 unselected
+cases) falling in this group, 121/2 per cent were advanced in the
+grades two years, approximately 54 per cent were advanced one year,
+28 per cent were in the grade where they belonged by chronological age,
+and three children, or 51/2 per cent, were actually retarded one year.
+But wherever located, such children rarely get anything but the highest
+marks, and the evidence goes to show that most of them could easily be
+prepared for high school by the age of 12 years. Serious injury is done
+them by schools which believe in "putting on the brakes."
+
+The following are illustrations of children testing between 130 and 145.
+Not all are taken from the 1000 unselected tests. The writer has
+discovered several children of this grade as a result of lectures before
+teachers' institutes. It is his custom, in such lectures, to ask the
+teachers to bring in for a demonstration test the "brightest child in
+the city" (or county, etc.). The I Q resulting from such a test is
+usually between 130 and 140, occasionally a little higher.
+
+
+_Examples of very superior intelligence_
+
+ _Margaret P. Age 8-10; mental age 11-1; I Q 130._ Father only a
+ skilled laborer (house painter), but a man of unusual
+ intelligence and character for his social class. Home care above
+ average. M. P. has attended school a little less than three
+ years and is completing fourth grade. Marks all "excellent."
+ Health perfect. Social and moral traits of the very best. Is
+ obedient, conscientious, and unusually reliable for her age.
+ Quiet and confident bearing, but no touch of vanity.
+
+ M. P. is known to be related on her father's side to John
+ Wesley, and her maternal grandfather was a highly skilled
+ mechanic and the inventor of an important train-coupling device
+ used on all railroads.
+
+ Although she is not yet 9 years old and is completing the fourth
+ grade, she is still about a grade below where she belongs by
+ mental age. She could no doubt easily be made ready for high
+ school by the age of 12.
+
+
+ _J. R. Girl, age 12-9; mental age 16 (average adult); I Q
+ approximately 130._ Daughter of a university professor. In first
+ year of high school. From first grade up her marks have been
+ nearly all of the A rank. For first semester of high school four
+ of six grades were A, the others B. A wonderfully charming,
+ delightful girl in every respect. Play life perfectly normal.
+
+ _J. R.'s_ parents have moved about a great deal and she has
+ attended eight different schools. She is two years above grade
+ in school, but of this gain only one-half grade was made in
+ school; _the other grade and a half she gained in a little over
+ a year by staying out of school and working a little each day
+ under the instruction of her mother_. But for this she would
+ doubtless now be in the seventh grade instead of in high school.
+ As it is she is at least a grade below where she belongs by
+ mental age. Something better than an average college record may
+ be safely predicted for J. R.
+
+
+ _E. B. Girl, age 7-9; mental age 10-2; I Q 130._ E. B. was
+ selected by the teachers of a small California city as the
+ brightest school child in that city (school population about
+ 500). Her parents are said to be unusually intelligent. E. B. is
+ in the third grade, a year advanced, but her mental level shows
+ that she belongs in the fourth. The test was made as a
+ demonstration test in the presence of about 150 teachers, all
+ of whom were charmed by her delightful personality and keen
+ responses. No trace of vanity or queerness of any kind. Health
+ excellent. E. B. ought to be ready for high school at 12; she
+ will really have the intelligence to do high-school work by 11.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 13. BALL AND FIELD TEST. E. B., AGE 7-9;
+ I Q 130]
+
+
+ _L. B. Girl, age 8-6; mental age 11-6; I Q 135._ Tested nearly
+ three years earlier, age 5-11; mental age 7-6; I Q 127. Daughter
+ of a university professor. At age of 8-6 was doing very superior
+ work in the fifth grade. Later, at age of 10-6, is in the
+ seventh grade with all her marks excellent. Has two sisters who
+ test almost as high, both completing the eighth grade at barely
+ 12 years of age. L. B. looks rather delicate, and though a
+ little nervous is ordinarily strong. We have known her since her
+ early childhood. Like both her sisters, she is a favorite with
+ young and old, as nearly perfection as the most charming little
+ girl could be.
+
+
+ _R. S. Boy, age 6-5; mental age 9-6; I Q 148._ When tested at
+ age 5-2 he had a mental age of 7-6, I Q 142. Father a university
+ professor. R. S. entered school at exactly 6 years of age, and
+ at the present writing is 71/2 years old and is entering the
+ third grade. Leads his class in school and takes delight in the
+ work. Is normal in play life and social traits and is dependable
+ and thoughtful beyond his years. Should enter high school not
+ later than 12; could probably be made ready a year earlier, but
+ as he is somewhat nervous this might not be wise.
+
+
+ _T. F. Boy, age 10-6; mental age 14; I Q 133._ At 13-6 tested at
+ "superior adult," and had vocabulary of 13,000 (also "superior
+ adult"). Son of a college professor. Did not go to school till
+ age of 9 years and was not taught to read till 81/2. At this
+ writing he is 151/2 years old and is a senior in high school.
+ He will complete the high-school course in three and one-half
+ years with A to B marks, mostly A. Gets his hardest mathematics
+ lessons in five to ten minutes. Science is his play. When he
+ discovered Hodge's _Nature Study and Life_ at age of 11 years he
+ literally slept with the book till he almost knew it by heart.
+ Since age 12 he has given much time to magazines on mechanics
+ and electricity. At 13 he installed a wireless apparatus
+ without other aid than his electrical magazines. He has, for a
+ boy of his age, a rather remarkable understanding of the
+ principles underlying electrical applications. He is known by
+ his playmates as "the boy with a hobby." Stamp collections,
+ butterfly and moth collections (over 70 different varieties),
+ seashore collections, and wireless apparatus all show that the
+ appellation is fully merited. He chooses his hobbies and "rides"
+ them entirely on his own initiative.
+
+
+ _J. S. Boy, age 8-2; mental age 11-4; I Q 138._ Father was a
+ lawyer, parents now dead. Is in high fourth grade. Leads his
+ class. Attractive, healthy, normal-appearing lad. Full of good
+ humor. Is loving and obedient, strongly attached to his foster
+ mother (an aunt). Composes verses and fables for pastime. Here
+ are a couple of verses composed before his eighth birthday. They
+ are reproduced without change of spelling or punctuation:--
+
+ _Christmas_
+
+ Hurrah for Christmas
+ And all it's joy's
+ That come that day
+ For girls and boy's.
+
+
+ _Flowers_
+
+ Flowers in the garden.
+ That is all you see
+ Who likes them best?
+ That's the honey bee.
+
+ J. S. ought to be in the fifth grade, instead of the fourth. He
+ will easily be able to enter college by the age of 15 if he is
+ allowed to make the progress which would be normal to a child of
+ his intelligence. But it is too much to expect that the school
+ will permit this.
+
+
+ _F. McA. Boy, age 10-3; mental age 14-6; I Q 142._ Father a
+ school principal. F. is leading his class of 24 pupils in the
+ high seventh grade. Has received so many extra promotions only
+ because his father insisted that the teachers allow him to try
+ the next grade. The dire consequences which they predicted have
+ never followed. F. is perfectly healthy and one of the most
+ attractive lads the writer has ever seen. He has the normal play
+ instincts, but when not at play he has the dignified bearing of
+ a young prince, although without vanity. His vocabulary is 9000
+ (14 years), and his ability is remarkably even in all
+ directions. F. should easily enter college by the age of 15.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 14. BALL AND FIELD F. McA., AGE 10-3, MENTAL
+ AGE 14-6]
+
+
+ _E. M. Boy, age 6-11; mental age 10; I Q 145._ Learned to read
+ at age of 5 without instruction and shortly afterward had
+ learned from geography maps the capitals of all the States of
+ the Union. Started to school at 71/2. Entered the first grade
+ at 9 A.M. and had been promoted to the fourth grade by 3 P.M. of
+ the same day! Has now attended school a half-year and is in the
+ fifth grade, age 7 years, 8 months. Father is on the faculty of
+ a university.
+
+ E. M. is as superior in personal and moral traits as in
+ intelligence. Responsible, sturdy, playful, full of humor,
+ loving, obedient. Health is excellent. Has had no home
+ instruction in school work. His progress has been perfectly
+ natural.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 15. DRAWING DESIGNS FROM MEMORY. E. M.,
+ AGE 6-11; MENTAL AGE 10, I Q 145
+
+ (This performance is satisfactory for year 10)]
+
+The above list of "very superior" children includes only a few of those
+we have tested who belong to this grade of intelligence. Every child in
+the list is so interesting that it is hard to omit any. We have found
+all such children (with one or two exceptions not included here) so
+superior to average children in all sorts of mental and moral traits
+that one is at a loss to understand how the popular superstitions about
+the "queerness" of bright children could have originated or survived.
+Nearly every child we have found with I Q above 140 is the kind one
+feels, before the test is over, one would like to adopt. If the crime of
+kidnaping could ever be forgiven it would be in the case of a child like
+one of these.
+
+GENIUS AND "NEAR" GENIUS. Intelligence tests have not been in use long
+enough to enable us to define genius definitely in terms of I Q. The
+following two cases are offered as among the highest test records of
+which the writer has personal knowledge. It is doubtful whether more
+than one child in 10,000 goes as high as either. One case has been
+reported, however, in which the I Q was not far from 200. Such a
+record, if reliable, is certainly phenomenal.
+
+ _E. F. Russian boy, age 8-5; mental age 13; I Q approximately
+ 155._ Mother is a university student apparently of very superior
+ intelligence. E. F. has a sister almost as remarkable as
+ himself. E. F. is in the sixth grade and at the head of his
+ class. Although about four grades advanced beyond his
+ chronological age he is still one grade retarded! He could
+ easily carry seventh-grade work. In all probability E. F. could
+ be made ready for college by the age of 12 years without injury
+ to body or mind. His mother has taken the only sensible course;
+ she has encouraged him without subjecting him to
+ overstimulation.
+
+ E. F. was selected for the test as probably one of the brightest
+ children in a city of a third of a million population. He may
+ not be the brightest in that city, but he is one of the three or
+ four most intelligent the writer has found after a good deal of
+ searching. He is probably equaled by not more than one in
+ several thousand unselected children. How impatiently one waits
+ to see the fruit of such a budding genius!
+
+
+ _B. F. Son of a minister, age 7-8; mental age 12-4; I Q 160._
+ Vocabulary 7000 (12 years). This test was not made by the
+ writer, but by one of his graduate students. The record included
+ the _verbatim_ responses, so that it was easy to verify the
+ scoring. There can be no doubt as to the substantial accuracy
+ of the test. This I Q of 160 is the highest one in the Stanford
+ University records. B. F. has excellent health, normal play
+ interests, and is a favorite among his playfellows. Parents had
+ not thought of him as especially remarkable. He is only in the
+ third grade, and is therefore about three grades below his
+ mental age.
+
+ [Illustration: FIG. 16. BALL AND FIELD. B. F., AGE 7-8; MENTAL
+ AGE 12-4; I Q 160
+
+ (This is a 12-year performance)]
+
+It is especially noteworthy that not one of the children we have
+described with I Q above 130 has ever had any unusual amount or kind of
+home instruction. In most cases the parents were not aware of their very
+great superiority. Nor can we give the credit to the school or its
+methods. The school has in most cases been a deterrent to their
+progress, rather than a help. These children have been taught in classes
+with average and inferior children, like those described in the first
+part of this chapter. Their high I Q is only an index of their
+extraordinary cerebral endowment. This endowment is for life. There is
+not the remotest probability that any of these children will deteriorate
+to the average level of intelligence with the onset of maturity. Such an
+event would be no less a miracle (barring insanity) than the development
+of an imbecile into a successful lawyer or physician.
+
+IS THE I Q OFTEN MISLEADING? Do the cases described in this chapter give
+a reliable picture as to what one may expect of the various I Q levels?
+Does the I Q furnish anything like a reliable index of an individual's
+general educational possibilities and of his social worth? Are there not
+"feeble-minded geniuses," and are there not children of exceptionally
+high I Q who are nevertheless fools?
+
+We have no hesitation in saying that there is not one case in fifty in
+which there is any serious contradiction between the I Q and the child's
+performances in and out of school. We cannot deny the existence of
+"feeble-minded geniuses," but after a good deal of search we have not
+found one. Occasionally, of course, one finds a feeble-minded person
+who is an expert penman, who draws skillfully, who plays a musical
+instrument tolerably well, or who handles number combinations with
+unusual rapidity; but these are not geniuses; they are not authors,
+artists, musicians, or mathematicians.
+
+As for exceptionally intelligent children who appear feeble-minded, we
+have found but one case, a boy of 10 years with an I Q of about 125.
+This boy, whom we have tested several times and whose development we
+have followed for five years, was once diagnosed by a physician as
+feeble-minded. His behavior among other persons than his familiar
+associates is such as to give this impression. Nothing less than an
+entire chapter would be adequate for a description of this case, which
+is in reality one of disturbed emotional and social development with
+superior intelligence.
+
+It should be emphasized, however, that what we have said about the
+significance of various I Q's holds only for the I Q's secured by the
+use of the Stanford revision. As we have shown elsewhere (p. 62 _ff._)
+the I Q yielded by other versions of the Binet tests are often so
+inaccurate as to be misleading.
+
+We have not found a single child who tested between 70 and 80 I Q by the
+Stanford revision who was able to do satisfactory school work in the
+grade where he belonged by chronological age. Such children are usually
+from two to three grades retarded by the age of 12 years. On the other
+hand, the child with an I Q of 120 or above is almost never found below
+the grade for his chronological age, and occasionally he is one or two
+grades above. Wherever located, his school work is so superior as to
+suggest strongly the desirability of extra promotions. Those who test
+between 96 and 105 are almost never more than one grade above or below
+where they belong by chronological age, and even the small displacement
+of one year is usually determined by illness, age of beginning school,
+etc.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+RELIABILITY OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD
+
+
+GENERAL VALUE OF THE METHOD. In a former chapter we have noted certain
+imperfections of the scale devised by Binet and Simon; namely, that many
+of the tests were not correctly located, that the choice of tests was in
+a few cases unsatisfactory, that the directions for giving and scoring
+the tests were sometimes too indefinite, and that the upper and lower
+ranges of the scale especially stood in need of extensions and
+corrections. All of these faults have been quite generally admitted. The
+method itself, however, after being put to the test by psychologists of
+all countries and of all faiths, by the skeptical as well as the
+friendly, has amply demonstrated its value. The agreement on this point
+is as complete as it is regarding the scale's imperfections.
+
+The following quotations from prominent psychologists who have studied
+the method will serve to show how it is regarded by those most entitled
+to an opinion:--
+
+ There can be no question about the fact that the Binet-Simon
+ tests do not make half as frequent or half as great errors in
+ the mental ages (of feeble-minded children) as are included in
+ gradings based on careful, prolonged general observation by
+ experienced observers.[30]
+
+ [30] Dr. F. Kuhlmann: "The Binet-Simon Tests of Intelligence in Grading
+ Feeble-Minded Children," in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (1912),
+ p. 189.
+
+ All of the different authors who have made these researches
+ (with Binet's method) are in a general way unanimous in
+ recognizing that the principle of the scale is extremely
+ fortunate, and all believe that it offers the basis of a most
+ useful method for the examination of intelligence.[31]
+
+ [31] Dr. Otto Bobertag: "L'echelle metrique de l'intelligence," in
+ _L'Annee Psychologique_ (1912), p. 272.
+
+ It serves as a relatively simple and speedy method of securing,
+ by means accessible to every one, a true insight into the
+ average level of ability of a child between 3 and 15 years of
+ age.[32]
+
+ [32] Dr. Ernest Meumann: _Experimentelle Paedagogik_ (1913), vol. II,
+ p. 277.
+
+ That, despite the differences in race and language, despite the
+ divergences in school organization and in methods of
+ instruction, there should be so decided agreement in the
+ reactions of the children--is, in my opinion, the best
+ vindication of the _principle_ of the tests that one could
+ imagine, because this agreement demonstrates that _the tests do
+ actually reach and discover the general developmental conditions
+ of intelligence_ (so far as these are operative in
+ public-school children of the present cultural epoch), and not
+ mere fragments of knowledge and attainments acquired by
+ chance.[33]
+
+ [33] Dr. W. Stern: _The Psychological Methods of Testing Intelligence._
+ Translated by Whipple (1913), p. 49.
+
+ It is without doubt the most satisfactory and accurate method of
+ determining a child's intelligence that we have, and so far
+ superior to everything else which has been proposed that as yet
+ there is nothing else to be considered.[34]
+
+ [34] Dr. H. H. Goddard: "The Binet Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence; What it is and How it is to be Used," in _The
+ Training School Bulletin_ (1912).
+
+The value of the method lies both in the swiftness and the accuracy with
+which it works. One who knows how to apply the tests correctly and who
+is experienced in the psychological interpretation of responses can in
+forty minutes arrive at a more accurate judgment as to a subject's
+intelligence than would be possible without the tests after months or
+even years of close observation. The reasons for this have already been
+set forth.[35] The difference is something like that between measuring a
+person's height with a yardstick and estimating it by guess. That this
+is not an unfair statement of the case is well shown by the following
+candid confession by a psychologist who tested 200 juvenile delinquents
+brought before Judge Lindsey's court:--
+
+[35] See this volume, p. 24 _ff._
+
+ As a matter of interest I estimated the mental ages of 150 of my
+ subjects before testing them. In 54 of the estimates the error
+ was not more than one year in either direction; 70 of the
+ subjects were estimated too high, the average error being
+ 2 years and 7 months; 26 of the subjects were estimated too low,
+ the average error being 2 years and 2 months. _These figures
+ would seem to imply that an estimate with nothing to support it
+ is wholly unreliable, more especially as many of the estimates
+ were four or five years wide of the mark._[36]
+
+ [36] C. S. Bluemel: "Binet Tests on 200 Delinquents," in _The Training
+ School Bulletin_ (1915), p. 192. (Italics inserted.)
+
+Criticisms of the Binet method have also been frequently voiced, but
+chiefly by persons who have had little experience with it or by those
+whose scientific training hardly justifies an opinion. It cannot be too
+strongly emphasized that eminence in law, medicine, education, or any
+other profession does not of itself enable any one to pass judgment on
+the validity of a psychological method.
+
+DEPENDENCE OF THE SCALE'S RELIABILITY ON THE TRAINING OF THE EXAMINER.
+On this point two radically different opinions have been urged. On the
+one hand, some have insisted that the results of a test made by other
+than a thoroughly trained psychologist are absolutely worthless. At the
+opposite extreme are a few who seem to think that any teacher or
+physician can secure perfectly valid results after a few hours'
+acquaintance with the tests.
+
+The dispute is one which cannot be settled by the assertion of opinion,
+and, unfortunately, thoroughgoing investigations have not yet been made
+as to the frequency and extent of errors made by untrained or partially
+trained examiners. The only study of this kind which has so far been
+reported is the following:--[37]
+
+[37] Samuel C. Kohs: "The Binet Test and the Training of Teachers," in
+_The Training School Bulletin_ (1914), pp. 113-17.
+
+Dr. Kohs gives the results of tests made by 58 inexperienced teachers
+who were taking a summer course in the Training School at Vineland. The
+class met three times a week for instruction in the use of the Binet
+scale. During the first week the students listened to three lectures by
+Dr. Goddard. The second week was given over to demonstration testing.
+Each student saw four children tested, and attended two discussion
+periods of an hour each. During the third, fourth, and fifth weeks each
+student tested one child per week, and observed the testing of two
+others. The student was allowed to carry the test through in his own
+way, but received criticism after it was finished. Twice a week
+Dr. Goddard spent an hour with the class, discussing experimental
+procedure. The subjects tested were feeble-minded children whose exact
+mental ages were already known, and for this reason it was possible to
+check up the accuracy of each student's work.
+
+Kohs's table of results for the trial testing of the 174 children
+showed:--
+
+ (1) That 50 per cent of the work was as exact as any one in the
+ laboratory could make it;
+
+ (2) That in an additional 38 per cent the results were within
+ three fifths of a year of being exact;
+
+ (3) That nearly 90 per cent of the work of the summer students was
+ sufficiently accurate for all practical purposes;
+
+ (4) That the records improved during the brief training so that
+ during the third week only one test missed the real mental age
+ by as much as a year.
+
+Since hardly any of these students had had any previous experience with
+the Binet tests, Dr. Kohs seems to be entirely justified in his
+conclusion that it is possible, in the brief period of six weeks, to
+teach people to use the tests with a reasonable degree of accuracy.
+
+What shall we say of the teacher or of the physician who has not even
+had this amount of instruction? The writer's experience forces him to
+agree with Binet and with Dr. Goddard, that any one with intelligence
+enough to be a teacher, and who is willing to devote conscientious study
+to the mastery of the technique, can use the scale accurately enough to
+get a better idea of a child's mental endowment than he could possibly
+get in any other way. It is necessary, however, for the untrained person
+to recognize his own lack of experience, and in no case would it be
+justifiable to base important action or scientific conclusions upon the
+results of the inexpert examiner. As Binet himself repeatedly insisted,
+the method is not absolutely mechanical, and cannot be made so by
+elaboration of instructions.
+
+It is sometimes held that the examination and classification of backward
+children for special instruction should be carried out by the school
+physicians. The fact is, however, that there is nothing in the
+physician's training to give him any advantage over the ordinary teacher
+in the use of the Binet tests. Because of her more intimate knowledge of
+children and because of her superior tact and adaptability, the average
+teacher is perhaps better equipped than the average physician to give
+intelligence tests.
+
+Finally, it should be emphasized that whatever the previous training or
+experience of the examiner may have been, his ability to adjust to the
+child's personality and his willingness to follow conscientiously the
+directions for giving the tests are important factors in his equipment.
+
+INFLUENCE OF THE SUBJECT'S ATTITUDE. One continually meets such queries
+as, "How do you know the subject did his best?" "Possibly the child was
+nervous or frightened," or, "Perhaps incorrect answers were purposely
+given." All such objections may be disposed of by saying that the
+competent examiner can easily control the experiment in such a way that
+embarrassment is soon replaced by self-confidence, and in such a way
+that effort is kept at its maximum. As for mischievous deception, it
+would be a poor clinicist who could not recognize and deal with the
+little that is likely to arise.
+
+Cautions regarding embarrassment, fatigue, fright, illness, etc. are
+given in Chapter IX. Most of the errors which have been reported along
+this line are such as can nearly always be avoided by ordinary prudence,
+coupled with a little power of observation.[38] We must not charge the
+mistakes of untrained and indiscreet examiners against the validity of
+the method itself.
+
+[38] See, for example, the rather ludicrous "errors" of the Binet method
+reported in _The Psychological Clinic_ for 1915, pp. 140 _ff._ and
+167 _ff._
+
+It is possibly true that even if the examiner is tactful and prudent an
+unfavorable attitude on the part of the subject may occasionally affect
+the results of a test to some extent, but it ought not seriously to
+invalidate one examination out of five hundred. The greatest danger is
+in the case of a young subject who has been recently arrested and
+brought before a court. Even here a little common sense and scientific
+insight should enable one to guard against a mistaken diagnosis.
+
+THE INFLUENCE OF COACHING. It might be supposed that after the
+intelligence scale had been used with a few pupils in a given school all
+of their fellows would soon be apprised of the nature of the tests, and
+so learn the correct responses. Experience shows, however, that there is
+little likelihood of such influence except in the case of a small
+minority of the tests. Experiments in the psychology of testimony have
+demonstrated that children's ability to report upon a complex set of
+experiences is astonishingly weak. In testing with the Stanford revision
+a child is ordinarily given from twenty-four to thirty different tests,
+many of which are made up of three or more items. Of the total forty to
+fifty items the child is ordinarily able to report but few, and these
+not always correctly.
+
+Such tests as memory for sentences and digits, drawing the square and
+diamond, reproducing the designs from memory, comparing weights and
+lines, describing and interpreting pictures, aesthetic comparison,
+vocabulary, dissected sentences, fables, reading for memories, finding
+differences and similarities, arithmetical reasoning, and the form-board
+test, are hardly subject to report at all. While almost any of the other
+tests might, theoretically, be communicated, there is little danger that
+many of them will be. It is assumed, of course, that the examiner will
+take proper precautions to prevent any of his blanks or other materials
+from falling into the hands of those who are to be examined.
+
+The following tests are the ones most subject to the influence of
+coaching: Ball and field, giving date, naming sixty words, finding
+rhymes, changing hands of clock, comprehension of physical relations,
+"induction test," and "ingenuity test."
+
+In several instances we have interviewed children an hour or two after
+they had taken the examination, in order to find out how many of the
+tests they could recall. A boy of 4 years, after repeated questioning,
+could only say: "He showed me some pictures. He had a knife and a penny.
+He told me to shut the door." A girl of 3 years could recall nothing
+whatever that was intelligible.
+
+An 8-year-old boy said: "He made me tie a knot. He asked me about a ship
+and an auto. He wanted me to count backwards. He made me say over some
+things, numbers and things."
+
+A boy of 12 years said: "He told me to say all the words I could think
+of. He said some foolish things and asked what was foolish [he could not
+repeat a single absurdity]. I had to put some blocks together. I had to
+do some problems in arithmetic [he could not repeat a single problem].
+He read some fables to me. [Asked about the fables he was able to recall
+only part of one, that of the fox and the crow.] He showed me the
+picture of a field and wanted to know how to find a ball."
+
+It is evident from the above samples of report that the danger of
+coaching increases considerably with the age of the children concerned.
+With young subjects the danger is hardly present at all; with children
+of the upper-grammar grades, in the high school, and most of all in
+prisons and reformatories, it must be taken into account. Alternative
+tests may sometimes be used to advantage when there is evidence of
+coaching on any of the regular tests. It would be desirable to have two
+or three additional scales which could be used interchangeably with the
+Binet-Simon.
+
+RELIABILITY OF REPEATED TESTS. Will the same tests give consistent
+results when used repeatedly with the same subject? In general we
+may say that they do. Something depends, however, on the age and
+intelligence of the subject and on the time interval between the
+examinations.
+
+Goddard proves that feeble-minded individuals whose intelligence has
+reached its full development continue to test at exactly the same mental
+age by the Binet scale, year after year. In their case, familiarity with
+the tests does not in the least improve the responses. At each retesting
+the responses given at previous examinations are repeated with only the
+most trivial variations. Of 352 feeble-minded children tested at
+Vineland, three years in succession, 109 gave absolutely no variation,
+232 showed a variation of not more than two fifths of a year, while 22
+gained as much as one year in the three tests. The latter, presumably,
+were younger children whose intelligence was still developing.
+
+Goddard has also tested 464 public-school children for three successive
+years. Approximately half of these showed normal progress or more in
+mental age, while most of the remainder showed somewhat less than normal
+progress.
+
+Bobertag's retesting of 83 normal children after an interval of
+a year gave results entirely in harmony with those of Goddard.
+The reapplication of the tests showed absolutely no influence of
+familiarity, the correlation of the two tests being almost perfect
+(.95). Those who tested "at age" in the first test had advanced, on
+the average, exactly one year. Those who tested _plus_ in the first
+test advanced in the twelve months about a year and a quarter, as we
+should expect those to do whose mental development is accelerated.
+Correspondingly, those who tested _minus_ at the first test advanced
+only about three fourths of a year in mental age during the
+interval.[39]
+
+[39] Otto Bobertag: "Ueber Intelligenz Pruefungen," in _Zeitsch. f.
+Angew. Psychol._ (1912), p. 521 _ff._
+
+Our own results with a mixed group of normal, superior, dull and
+feeble-minded children agree fully with the above findings. In this case
+the two tests were separated by an interval of two to four years, and
+the correlation between their results was practically perfect. The
+average difference between the I Q obtained in the second test and that
+obtained in the first was only 4 per cent, and the greatest difference
+found was only 8 per cent.[40]
+
+[40] See _The Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Scale
+for Measuring Intelligence_. (Warwick and York, 1916.)
+
+The repetition of the test at shorter intervals will perhaps affect the
+result somewhat more, but the influence is much less than one might
+expect. The writer has tested, at intervals of only a few days to a few
+weeks, 14 backward children of 12 to 18 years, and 8 normal children of
+5 to 13 years. The backward children showed an average improvement in
+the second test of about two months in mental age, the normal children
+an average improvement of little more than three months. No child varied
+in the second test more than half a year from the mental age first
+secured. On the whole, normal children profit more from the experience
+of a previous test than do the backward and feeble-minded.
+
+Berry tested 45 normal children and 50 defectives with the Binet 1908
+and 1911 scales at brief intervals. The author does not state which
+scale was applied first, but the mental ages secured by the two scales
+were practically the same when allowance was made for the slightly
+greater difficulty of the 1911 series of tests.[41]
+
+[41] Charles Scott Berry: "A Comparison of the Binet Tests of 1908 and
+1911," in _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912), pp. 444-51.
+
+We may conclude, therefore, that while it would probably be desirable
+to have one or more additional scales for alternative use in testing the
+same children at very brief intervals, the same scale may be used for
+repeated tests at intervals of a year or more with little danger of
+serious inaccuracy. Moreover, results like those set forth above are
+important evidence as to the validity of the test method.
+
+INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL ADVANTAGES. The criticism has often
+been made that the responses to many of the tests are so much subject to
+the influence of school and home environment as seriously to invalidate
+the scale as a whole. Some of the tests most often named in this
+connection are the following: Giving age and sex; naming common objects,
+colors, and coins; giving the value of stamps; giving date; naming the
+months of the year and the days of the week; distinguishing forenoon and
+afternoon; counting; making change; reading for memories; naming sixty
+words; giving definitions; finding rhymes; and constructing a sentence
+containing three given words.
+
+It has in fact been found wherever comparisons have been made that
+children of superior social status yield a higher average mental age
+than children of the laboring classes. The results of Decroly and Degand
+and of Meumann, Stern, and Binet himself may be referred to in this
+connection. In the case of the Stanford investigation, also, it was
+found that when the unselected school children were grouped in three
+classes according to social status (superior, average, and inferior),
+the average I Q for the superior social group was 107, and that of the
+inferior social group 93. This is equivalent to a difference of one year
+in mental age with 7-year-olds, and to a difference of two years with
+14-year-olds.
+
+However, the common opinion that the child from a cultured home does
+better in tests solely by reason of his superior home advantages is an
+entirely gratuitous assumption. Practically all of the investigations
+which have been made of the influence of nature and nurture on mental
+performance agree in attributing far more to original endowment than to
+environments. Common observation would itself suggest that the social
+class to which the family belongs depends less on chance than on the
+parents' native qualities of intellect and character.
+
+The results of five separate and distinct lines of inquiry based on the
+Stanford data agree in supporting the conclusion that the children of
+successful and cultured parents test higher than children from wretched
+and ignorant homes for the simple reason that their heredity is better.
+The results of this investigation are set forth in full elsewhere.[42]
+
+[42] See _The Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon
+Measuring Scale of Intelligence_. (Warwick and York, 1916)
+
+It would, of course, be going too far to deny all possibility of
+environmental conditions affecting the result of an intelligence test.
+Certainly no one would expect that a child reared in a cage and denied
+all intercourse with other human beings could by any system of mental
+measurement test up to the level of normal children. There is, however,
+no reason to believe that _ordinary_ differences in social environment
+(apart from heredity), differences such as those obtaining among
+unselected children attending approximately the same general type of
+school in a civilized community, affects to any great extent the
+validity of the scale.
+
+A crucial experiment would be to take a large number of very young
+children of the lower classes and, after placing them in the most
+favorable environment obtainable, to compare their later mental
+development with that of children born into the best homes. No extensive
+study of this kind has been made, but the writer has tested twenty
+orphanage children who, for the most part, had come from very inferior
+homes. They had been in a well-conducted orphanage for from two to
+several years, and had enjoyed during that time the advantages of an
+excellent village school. Nevertheless, all but three tested below
+average, ranging from 75 to 90 I Q.
+
+The impotence of school instruction to neutralize individual differences
+in native endowment will be evident to any one who follows the school
+career of backward children. The children who are seriously retarded in
+school are not normal, and cannot be made normal by any refinement of
+educational method. As a rule, the longer the inferior child attends
+school, the more evident his inferiority becomes. It would hardly be
+reasonable, therefore, to expect that a little incidental instruction in
+the home would weigh very heavily against these same native differences
+in endowment. Cases like the following show conclusively that it does
+not:--
+
+ X is the son of unusually intelligent and well-educated parents.
+ The home is everything one would expect of people of scholarly
+ pursuits and cultivated tastes. But X has always been
+ irresponsible, troublesome, childish, and queer. He learned to
+ walk at 2 years, to talk at 3, and has always been delicate and
+ nervous. When brought for examination he was 8 years old. He had
+ twice attempted school work, but could accomplish nothing and
+ was withdrawn. His play-life was not normal, and other children,
+ younger than himself, abused and tormented him. The Binet tests
+ gave an I Q of approximately 75; that is, the retardation
+ amounted to about two years. The child was examined again three
+ years later. At that time, after attending school two years, he
+ had recently completed the first grade. This time the I Q was
+ 73. Strange to say, the mother is encouraged and hopeful because
+ she sees that her boy is learning to read. She does not seem to
+ realize that at his age he ought to be within three years of
+ entering high school.
+
+ The forty-minute test had told more about the mental ability of
+ this boy than the intelligent mother had been able to learn in
+ eleven years of daily and hourly observation. For X is
+ feeble-minded; he will never complete the grammar school; he
+ will never be an efficient worker or a responsible citizen.
+
+ Let us change the picture. Z is a bright-eyed, dark-skinned girl
+ of 9 years. She is dark-skinned because her father is a mixture
+ of Indian and Spanish. The mother is of Irish descent. With her
+ strangely mated parents and two brothers she lives in a dirty,
+ cramped, and poorly furnished house in the country. The parents
+ are illiterate, and the brothers are retarded and dull, though
+ not feeble-minded.
+
+ It is Z's turn to be tested. I inquire the name. It is familiar,
+ for I have already tested the two stupid brothers. I also know
+ her ignorant parents and the miserable cabin in which she lives.
+ The examination begins with the 8-year tests. The responses are
+ quick and accurate. We proceed to the 9-year group. There is no
+ failure, and there is but one minor error. Successes and
+ failures alternate for a while until the latter prevail. Z has
+ tested at 11 years. In spite of her wretched home, she is
+ mentally advanced nearly 25 per cent. By the vocabulary test she
+ is credited with a knowledge of nearly 6000 words, or nearly
+ four times as many as X, the boy of cultured home and scholarly
+ parents, had learned by the age of 8 years.
+
+ Five years have passed. When given the test, Z was in the fourth
+ grade and, as we have already stated, 9 years of age. As a
+ result of the test she was transferred to the fifth grade. Later
+ she skipped again and at the age of 14 is a successful student
+ in the second year of high school. To assay her intelligence and
+ determine its quality was a task of forty-five minutes.
+
+The above cases, each of which could be paralleled by many others which
+we have found, will serve to illustrate the fact that exceptionally
+superior endowment is discoverable by the tests, however unfavorable the
+home from which it comes, and that inferior endowment cannot be
+normalized by all the advantages of the most cultured home. Quoting
+again from Stern, "The tests actually reach and discover the general
+developmental conditions of intelligence, and not mere fragments of
+knowledge and attainments acquired by chance."
+
+
+
+
+PART II
+
+GUIDE FOR THE USE OF THE STANFORD REVISION AND EXTENSION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS
+
+
+NECESSITY OF SECURING ATTENTION AND EFFORT. The child's intelligence is
+to be judged by his success in the performance of certain tasks. These
+tasks may appear to the examiner to be very easy, indeed; but we must
+bear in mind that they are often anything but easy for the child. Real
+effort and attention are necessary for his success, and occasionally
+even his best efforts fall short of the desired result. If the tests are
+to display the child's real intellectual ability it will be necessary,
+therefore, to avoid as nearly as possible every disturbing factor which
+would divide his attention or in any other way injure the quality of
+his responses. To insure this it will be necessary to consider somewhat
+in detail a number of factors which influence effort, such as degree of
+quiet, the nature of surroundings, presence or absence of others, means
+of gaining the child's confidence, the avoidance of embarrassment,
+fatigue, etc.
+
+One should not expect, however, to secure an absolutely equal degree of
+attention from all subjects. The power to give sustained attention to a
+difficult task is characteristically weak in dull and feeble-minded
+children. What we should labor to secure is the maximum attention of
+which the child is capable, and if this is unsatisfactory without
+external cause, we are to regard the fact as symptomatic of inferior
+mental ability, not as an extenuating factor or an excuse for lack of
+success in the tests.
+
+Attention, of course, cannot be normal if any acute physical or mental
+disturbance is present. Toothache, headache, earache, nausea, fever,
+cold, etc., all render the test inadvisable. The same is true of mental
+anxiety or fear, as in the case of the child who has just been arrested
+and brought before the court.
+
+QUIET AND SECLUSION. The tests should be conducted in a quiet room,
+located where the noises of the street and other outside distractions
+cannot enter. A reasonably small room is better than a very large one,
+because it is more homelike. The furnishings of the room should be
+simple. A table and two chairs are sufficient. If the room contains a
+number of unfamiliar objects, such as psychological apparatus, pictures
+on the walls, etc., the attention of the child is likely to be drawn
+away from the tasks which he is given to do. The halls and corridors
+which it is sometimes necessary to use in testing school children are
+usually noisy, cold, or otherwise objectionable.
+
+PRESENCE OF OTHERS. A still more disturbing influence is the presence of
+other persons. Generally speaking, if accurate results are to be secured
+it is not permissible to have any auditor, besides possibly an
+assistant to record the responses. Even the assistant, however quiet and
+unobtrusive, is sometimes a disturbing element. Though something of a
+convenience, the assistant is by no means necessary, after the examiner
+has thoroughly mastered the procedure of the tests and has acquired some
+skill in the use of abbreviations in recording the answers. If an
+assistant or any other person is present, he should be seated somewhat
+behind the child, not too close, and should take no notice of the child
+either when he enters the room or at any time during the examination.
+
+At all events, the presence of parent, teacher, school principal, or
+governess is to be avoided. Contrary to what one might expect, these
+distract the child much more than a strange personality would do. Their
+critical attitude toward the child's performance is very likely to cause
+embarrassment. If the child is alone with the examiner, he is more at
+ease from the mere fact that he does not feel that there is a reputation
+to sustain. The praise so lavishly bestowed upon him by the friendly and
+sympathetic examiner lends to the same effect.
+
+As Binet emphasizes, if the presence of others cannot be avoided, it
+is at least necessary to require of them absolute silence. Parents,
+and sometimes teachers, have an almost irrepressible tendency to
+interrupt the examination with excuses for the child's failures and
+with disturbing explanations which are likely to aid the child in
+comprehending the required task. Without the least intention of doing
+so, they sometimes practically tell the child how to respond. Parents,
+especially, cannot refrain from scolding the child or showing impatience
+when his answers do not come up to expectation. This, of course,
+endangers the child's success still further.
+
+The psychologist is not surprised at such conduct. It would be foolish
+to expect average parents, even apart from their bias in the particular
+case at hand, to adopt the scientific attitude of the trained examiner.
+Since we cannot in a few moments at our disposal make them over into
+psychologists, our only recourse is to deal with them by exclusion.
+
+This is not to say that it is impossible to test a child satisfactorily
+in the presence of others. If the examiner is experienced, and if the
+child is not timid, it is sometimes possible to make a successful test
+in the presence of quite a number of auditors, provided they remain
+silent, refrain from staring, and otherwise conduct themselves with
+discretion. But not even the veteran examiner can always be sure of the
+outcome in demonstration testing.
+
+GETTING INTO "RAPPORT." The examiner's first task is to win the
+confidence of the child and overcome his timidity. Unless _rapport_ has
+first been established, the results of the first tests given are likely
+to be misleading. The time and effort necessary for accomplishing this
+are variable factors, depending upon the personality of both the
+examiner and the subject. In a majority of cases from three to five
+minutes should be sufficient, but in a few cases somewhat more time is
+necessary.
+
+The writer has found that when a strange child is brought to the clinic
+for examination, it is advantageous to go out of doors with him for a
+little walk around the university buildings. It is usually possible to
+return from such a stroll in a few minutes, with the child chattering
+away as though to an old friend. Another approach is to begin by showing
+the child some interesting object, such as a toy, or a form-board, or
+pictures not used in the test. The only danger in this method is that
+the child is likely to find the object so interesting that he may not be
+willing to abandon it for the tests, or that his mind will keep
+reverting to it during the examination.
+
+Still another method is to give the child his seat as soon as he is
+ushered into the room, and, after a word of greeting, which must be
+spoken in a kindly tone but without gushiness, to open up a conversation
+about matters likely to be of interest. The weather, place of residence,
+pets, sports, games, toys, travels, current events, etc., are suitable
+topics if rightly employed. When the child has begun to express himself
+without timidity and it is clear that his confidence has been gained,
+one may proceed, as though in continuance of the conversation, to
+inquire the name, age, and school grade. The examiner notes these down
+in the appropriate blanks, rather unconcernedly, at the same time
+complimenting the child (unless it is clearly a case of serious
+retardation) on the fine progress he has made with his studies.
+
+KEEPING THE CHILD ENCOURAGED. Nothing contributes more to a satisfactory
+_rapport_ than praise of the child's efforts. Under no circumstances
+should the examiner permit himself to show displeasure at a response,
+however absurd it may be. In general, the poorer the response, the
+better satisfied one should appear to be with it. An error is always to
+be passed by without comment, unless it is painfully evident to the
+child himself, in which case the examiner will do well to make some
+excuse for it; e.g., "You are not quite old enough to answer questions
+like that one; but, never mind, you are doing beautifully," etc.
+Exclamations like "fine!" "splendid!" etc., should be used lavishly.
+Almost any innocent deception is permissible which keeps the child
+interested, confident, and at his best level of effort. The examination
+should begin with tests that are fairly easy, in order to give the child
+a little experience with success before the more difficult tests are
+reached.
+
+THE IMPORTANCE OF TACT. It goes without saying that children's
+personalities are not so uniform and simple that we can adhere always to
+a single stereotyped procedure in working our way into their good
+graces. Suggestions like the above have their value, but, like rules of
+etiquette, they must be supported by the tact which comes of intuition
+and cannot be taught. The address which flatters and pleases one child
+may excite disgust in another. The examiner must scent the situation and
+adapt his method to it. One child is timid and embarrassed; another may
+think his mental powers are under suspicion and so react with sullen
+obstinacy; a third may be in an angry mood as a result of a recent
+playground quarrel. Situations like these are, of course, exceptional,
+but in any case it is necessary to create in the child a certain mood,
+or indefinable attitude of mind, before the test begins.
+
+PERSONALITY OF THE EXAMINER. Doubtless there are persons so lacking in
+personal adaptability that success in this kind of work would be for
+them impossible. The wooden, mechanical, matter-of-fact and unresponsive
+personality is as much out of place in the psychological clinic as the
+traditional bull in the china shop. It would make an interesting study
+for some one to investigate, by exact methods, the influence on test
+results of the personality of different examiners who have been equally
+trained in the methods to be employed and who are equally conscientious
+in applying them according to rules.
+
+On the whole, differences of this kind are probably not very great among
+experienced and reasonably competent examiners. Adaptability grows with
+experience and with increase of self-confidence. After a few score tests
+there should be no serious failure from inability to get into _rapport_
+with the child. Even in those rare cases where the child breaks down and
+cries from timidity, or perhaps refuses to answer out of embarrassment,
+the difficulty can be overcome by sufficient tact so that the
+examination may proceed as though nothing had happened.
+
+If the examiner has the proper psychological and personal equipment, the
+testing of twenty or thirty children forms a fairly satisfactory
+apprenticeship. Without psychological training, no amount of experience
+will guarantee absolute accuracy of the results.
+
+THE AVOIDANCE OF FATIGUE. Against the validity of intelligence tests it
+is often argued that the result of an examination depends a great deal
+on the time of day when it is made, whether in the morning hours when
+the mind is at its best, or in the afternoon when it is supposedly
+fatigued. Although no very extensive investigation has been made of this
+influence, there is no evidence that the ordinary fatigue incident to
+school work injures the child's performance appreciably. Our tests of
+1000 children showed no inferiority of results secured from 1 to 4 P.M.,
+as compared with tests made from 9 to 12 A.M.
+
+An explanation for this is not hard to find. Although school work causes
+fatigue, in the sense that a part of the child's available supply of
+mental energy is used up, there is always a reserve of energy sufficient
+to carry the child through a thirty-to fifty-minute test. The fact that
+the required tasks are novel and interesting to a high degree insures
+that the reserve energy will really be brought into play. This
+principle, of course, has its natural limits. The examiner would avoid
+testing a child who was exhausted either from work or play, or a child
+who was noticeably sleepy.
+
+DURATION OF THE EXAMINATION. About the only danger of fatigue lies in
+making the examination too long. Young children show symptoms of
+weariness much more quickly than older children, and it is therefore
+fortunate that not so much time is needed for testing them. The
+following allowances of time will usually be found sufficient:--
+
+ Children 3-5 years old 25-30 minutes
+ " 6-8 " " 30-40 "
+ " 9-12 " " 40-50 "
+ " 13-15 " " 50-60 "
+ Adults 60-90 "
+
+This allowance ordinarily includes the time necessary for getting into
+_rapport_ with the child, in addition to that actually consumed in the
+tests. But the examiner need not expect to hold fast to any schedule.
+Some subjects respond in a lively manner, others are exasperatingly
+slow. It is more often the mentally retarded child who answers slowly,
+but exceptions to this rule are not uncommon. One 8-year-old boy
+examined by the writer answered so hesitatingly that it required two
+sittings of nearly an hour each to complete the test. The result,
+however, showed a mental age of 111/2 years, or an I Q of 143.
+
+It is permissible to hurry the child by an occasional "that's fine; now,
+quickly," etc., but in doing this caution must be exercised, or the
+child's mental process may be blocked. The appearance of nagging must be
+carefully avoided. If the test goes so slowly that it cannot be
+completed in the above limits of time, it is usually best to stop and
+complete the examination at another time. When this is not possible, it
+is advisable to take a ten-minute intermission and a little walk out of
+doors.
+
+Time can be saved by having all the necessary materials close at hand
+and conveniently arranged. The coins should be kept in a separate purse,
+and the pictures, colors, stamps, and designs for drawing should be
+mounted on stiff cardboard which may be punched and kept in a notebook
+cover. The series of sentences, digits, comprehension questions, fables,
+etc., should either be mounted in similar fashion, or else printed in
+full on the record sheets used in the tests. The latter is more
+convenient.[43] All other materials should be kept where they will not
+have to be hunted for.
+
+[43] Examiners will find it a great convenience to use the record
+booklet which has been specially devised for testing with the Stanford
+revision. It contains all the necessary printed material, including
+digits, sentences, absurdities, fables, the vocabulary list, the reading
+selection, the square and diamond for copying, etc., and in addition
+gives with each test the standard for scoring. It is so arranged as to
+afford ample room for a _verbatim_ record of all the child's responses,
+and contains other features calculated to make testing easy and
+accurate. Regarding purchasing of supplies see p. 141.
+
+Besides saving valuable time, a little methodical foresight of this kind
+adds to the success of the test. If the child is kept waiting, the test
+loses its interest and attention strays. See to it, if possible, that no
+lull occurs in the performance.
+
+Inexperienced examiners sometimes waste time foolishly by stopping to
+instruct the child on his failures. This is doubly bad, for besides
+losing time it makes the child conscious of the imperfection of his
+responses and creates embarrassment. Adhere to the purpose of the test,
+which is to ascertain the child's intellectual level, not to instruct
+him.
+
+DESIRABLE RANGE OF TESTING. There are two considerations here of equal
+importance. It is necessary to make the examination thorough, but in the
+pursuit of thoroughness we must be careful not to produce fatigue or
+ennui. Unless there is reason to suspect mental retardation, it is
+usually best to begin with the group of tests just below the child's
+age. However, if there is a failure in the tests of that group, it is
+necessary to go back and try all the tests of the previous group. In
+like manner the examination should be carried up the scale, until a test
+group has been found in which all the tests are failed.
+
+It must be admitted, however, that because of time limitations and
+fatigue, it is not always practicable to adhere to this ideal of
+thoroughness. In testing normal children, little error will result if we
+go back no farther than the year which yielded only one failure, and if
+we stop with the year in which there was only one success. _This is the
+lowest permissible limit of thoroughness._ Defectives are more uneven
+mentally than normal children, and therefore scatter their successes and
+failures over a wider range. With such subjects it is absolutely
+imperative that the test be thorough.
+
+In the case of defectives it is sometimes necessary to begin with random
+testing, until a rough idea is gained of the mental level. But the
+skilled observer soon becomes able to utilize symptoms in the child's
+conversation and conduct and to dispense with most of this preliminary
+exploration.
+
+ORDER OF GIVING THE TESTS. The child's efforts in the tests are
+sometimes markedly influenced by the order in which they are given. If
+language tests or memory tests are given first, the child is likely to
+be embarrassed. More suitable to begin with are those which test
+knowledge or judgment about objective things, such as the pictures,
+weights, stamps, bow-knot, colors, coins, counting pennies, number
+of fingers, right and left, time orientation, ball and field,
+paper-folding, etc. Tests like naming sixty words, finding rhymes,
+giving differences or similarities, making sentences, repeating
+sentences, and drawing are especially unsuitable because they tend to
+provoke self-consciousness.
+
+The tests as arranged in this revision are in the order which it is
+usually best to follow, but one should not hesitate to depart from the
+order given when it seems best in a given case to do so. It is necessary
+to be constantly alert so that when the child shows a tendency to balk
+at a given type of test, such as those of memory, language, numbers,
+drawing, "comprehension," etc., the work can be shifted to more
+agreeable tasks. When the child is at his ease again, it is usually
+possible to return to the troublesome tests with better success. In the
+case of 8-year-old D. C., who is a speech defective but otherwise above
+normal, it was quite impossible at the first sitting to give such tests
+as sentence-making, naming sixty words, reading, repeating sentences,
+giving definitions, etc.; at each test of this type the child's voice
+broke and he was ready to cry, due, no doubt, to sensitiveness regarding
+his speech defect. Others do everything willingly except the drawing and
+copying. The younger children sometimes refuse to repeat the sentences
+or digits. In all such cases it is best to pass on to something else.
+After a few minutes the rejected task may be done willingly.
+
+COAXING TO BE AVOIDED. Although we should always encourage the child to
+believe that he can answer correctly, if he will only try, we must avoid
+the common practice of dragging out responses by too much urging and
+coaxing. The sympathies of the examiner tend to lead him into the habit
+of repeating and explaining the question if the child does not answer
+promptly. This is nearly always a mistake, for the question is one which
+should be understood. Besides, explanations and coaxing are too often
+equivalent to answering the question for the child. It is almost
+impossible to impress this danger sufficiently upon the untrained
+examiner. One who is not familiar with the psychology of suggestion may
+put the answer in the child's mouth without suspecting what he is doing.
+
+ADHERING TO FORMULA. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that unless we
+follow a standardized procedure the tests lose their significance. The
+danger is chiefly that of unintentionally and unconsciously introducing
+variations which will affect the meaning of the test. One who has not
+had a thorough training in the methods of mental testing cannot
+appreciate how numerous are the opportunities for the unconscious
+transformation of a test. Many of these are pointed out in the
+description of the individual tests, but it would be folly to undertake
+to warn the experimenter against every possible error of this kind.
+Sometimes the omission or the addition of a single phrase in giving
+the test will alter materially the significance of the response.
+Only the trained psychologist can vary the formula without risk of
+invalidating the result, and even he must be on his guard. All sorts of
+misunderstandings regarding the correct placing of tests and regarding
+their accuracy or inaccuracy have come about through the failure of
+different investigators to follow the same procedure.
+
+One who would use the tests for any serious purpose, therefore,
+must study the procedure for each and every test until he knows it
+thoroughly. After that a considerable amount of practice is necessary
+before one learns to avoid slips. During the early stages of practice it
+is necessary to refer to the printed instructions frequently in order to
+check up errors before they have become habitual.
+
+The instructions hitherto available are at fault in not defining the
+procedure with sufficient definiteness, and it is the purpose of this
+volume to make good this deficiency as far as possible.
+
+It is too much, however, to suppose that the instructions can be made
+"fool-proof." With whatever definiteness they may be set forth,
+situations are sure to arise which the examiner cannot be formally
+prepared for. There is no limit to the multitude of misunderstandings
+possible. After testing hundreds of children one still finds new
+examples of misapprehension. In a few such cases the instruction may be
+repeated, if there is reason to think the child's hearing was at fault
+or if some extraordinary distraction has occurred. But unless otherwise
+stated in the directions, the repetition of a question is ordinarily to
+be avoided. Supplementary explanations are hardly ever permissible.
+
+In short, numberless situations may arise in the use of a test which may
+injure the validity of the response, events which cannot always be
+dealt with by preconceived rule. Accordingly, although we must urge
+unceasingly the importance of following the standard procedure, it is
+not to be supposed that formulas are an adequate substitute either for
+scientific judgment or for common sense.
+
+SCORING. The exact method of scoring the individual tests is set forth
+in the following chapters. Reference to the record booklet for use in
+testing will show that the records are to be kept in detail. Each
+subdivision of a test should be scored separately, in order that the
+clinical picture may be as complete as possible. This helps in the final
+evaluation of the results. It makes much difference, for example,
+whether success in repeating six digits is earned by repeating all three
+correctly or only one; or whether the child's lack of success with the
+absurdities is due to failure on two, three, four, or all of them. Time
+should be recorded whenever called for in the record blanks.
+
+RECORDING RESPONSES. Plus and minus signs alone are not usually
+sufficient. Whenever possible the entire response should be recorded. If
+the test results are to be used by any other person than the examiner,
+this is absolutely essential. Any other standard of completeness opens
+the door to carelessness and inaccuracy. In nearly all the tests, except
+that of naming sixty words, the examiner will find it possible by the
+liberal use of abbreviations to record practically the entire response
+_verbatim_. In doing so, however, one must be careful to avoid keeping
+the child waiting. Occasionally it is necessary to leave off recording
+altogether because of the embarrassment sometimes aroused in the child
+by seeing his answer written down. The writer has met the latter
+difficulty several times. When for any reason it is not feasible to
+record anything more than score marks, success may be indicated by the
+sign +, failure by -, and half credit by 1/2. An exceptionally good
+response may be indicated by ++ and an exceptionally poor response by --.
+If there is a slight doubt about a success or failure the sign? may
+be added to the + or -. In general, however, score the response either +
+or -, avoiding half credit as far as it is possible to do so.
+
+If the entire response is not recorded it is necessary to record at
+least the score mark for each test _when the test is given_. It must be
+borne in mind that the scoring is not a purely mechanical affair.
+Instead, the judgment of the examiner must come into play with every
+record made. If the scoring is delayed, there is not only the danger of
+forgetting a response, but the judgment is likely to be influenced by
+the subject's responses to succeeding questions. Our special record
+booklet contains wide margins, so that extended notes and observations
+regarding the child's responses and behavior can be recorded as the test
+proceeds.
+
+SCATTERING OF SUCCESSES. It is sometimes a source of concern to the
+untrained examiner that the successes and failures should be scattered
+over quite an extensive range of years. Why, it may be asked, should not
+a child who has 10-year intelligence answer correctly all the tests up
+to and including group X, and fail on all the tests beyond? There are
+two reasons why such is almost never the case. In the first place, the
+intelligence of an individual is ordinarily not even. There are many
+different kinds of intelligence, and in some of these the subject is
+better endowed than in others. A second reason lies in the fact that no
+test can be purely and simply a test of native intelligence. Given a
+certain degree of intelligence, accidents of experience and training
+bring it about that this intelligence will work more successfully with
+some kinds of material than with others. For both of these reasons there
+results a scattering of successes and failures over three or four years.
+The subject fails first in one or two tests of a group, then in two or
+three tests of the following group, the number of failures increasing
+until there are no successes at all. Success "tapers off" from
+100 per cent to 0. Once in a great while a child fails on several of the
+tests of a given year and succeeds with a majority of those in the next
+higher year. This is only an extreme instance of uneven intelligence or
+of specialized experience, and does not necessarily reflect upon the
+reliability of the tests for children in general. The method of
+calculation given above strikes a kind of average and gives the general
+level of intelligence, which is essentially the thing we want to know.
+
+SUPPLEMENTARY CONSIDERATIONS. It would be a mistake to suppose that any
+set of mental tests could be devised which would give us complete
+information about a child's native intelligence. There are no tests
+which are absolutely pure tests of intelligence. All are influenced to a
+greater or less degree also by training and by social environment. For
+this reason, all the ascertainable facts bearing on such influences
+should be added to the record of the mental examination, and should be
+given due weight in reaching a final conclusion as to the level of
+intelligence.
+
+The following supplementary information should be gathered, when
+possible:--
+
+ 1. Social status (very superior, superior, average, inferior, or
+ very inferior).
+
+ 2. The teacher's estimate of the child's intelligence (very
+ superior, superior, average, inferior, or very inferior).
+
+ 3. School opportunities, including years of attendance,
+ regularity, retardation or acceleration, etc.
+
+ 4. Quality of school work (very superior, superior, average,
+ inferior, or very inferior).
+
+ 5. Physical handicaps, if any (adenoids, diseased tonsils, partial
+ deafness, imperfect vision, malnutrition, etc.).
+
+In addition, the examiner will need to take account of the general
+attitude of the child during the examination. This is provided for in
+the record blanks under the heading "comments." The comments should
+describe as fully as possible the conduct and attitude of the child
+during the examination, with emphasis upon such disturbing factors as
+fear, timidity, unwillingness to answer, overconfidence, carelessness,
+lack of attention, etc. Sometimes, also, it is desirable to verify the
+child's age and to make record of the verification.
+
+Once more let it be urged that no degree of mechanical perfection of the
+tests can ever take the place of good judgment and psychological
+insight. Intelligence is too complicated to be weighed, like a bag of
+grain, by any one who can read figures.
+
+ALTERNATIVE TESTS. The tests designated as "alternative tests" are not
+intended for regular use. Inasmuch as they have been standardized and
+belong in the year group where they are placed, they may be used as
+substitute tests on certain occasions. Sometimes one of the regular
+tests is spoiled in giving it, or the requisite material for it may not
+be at hand. Sometimes there may be reason to suspect that the subject
+has become acquainted with some of the tests. In such cases it is a
+great convenience to have a few substitutes available.
+
+It is necessary, however, to warn against a possible misuse of
+alternative tests. _It is not permissible to count success in an
+alternative test as offsetting failure in a regular test._ This would
+give the subject too much leeway of failure. There are very exceptional
+cases, however, when it is legitimate to break this rule; namely, when
+one of the regular tests would be obviously unfair to the subject being
+tested. In year X, for example, one of the three alternative tests
+should be substituted for the reading test (X, 4) in case we are testing
+a subject who has not had the equivalent of at least two years of
+school work. In year VIII, it would be permissible to substitute the
+alternative test of naming six coins, instead of the vocabulary test, in
+the case of a subject who came from a home where English was not spoken.
+In VII, it would perhaps not be unfair to substitute the alternative
+test, in place of the test of copying a diamond, in the case of a
+subject who, because of timidity or embarrassment, refused to attempt
+the diamond. But it would be going entirely too far to substitute an
+alternative test in the place of every regular test which the subject
+responded to by silence. In the large majority of cases persistent
+silence deserves to be scored failure.
+
+Certain tests have been made alternatives because of their inferior
+value, some because the presence of other tests of similar nature in the
+same year rendered them less necessary.
+
+FINDING MENTAL AGE. As there are six tests in each age group from III to
+X, each test in this part of the scale counts 2 months toward mental
+age. There are eight tests in group XII, which, because of the omission
+of the 11-year group, have a combined value of 24 months, or 3 months
+each. Similarly, each of the six tests in XIV has a value of 4 months
+(24 / 6 = 4). The tests of the "average adult" group are given a value
+of 5 months each, and those of the "superior adult" group a value of
+6 months each. These values are in a sense arbitrary, but they are
+justified in the fact that they are such as to cause ordinary adults to
+test at the "average adult" level.
+
+The calculation of mental age is therefore simplicity itself. The rule
+is: (1) Credit the subject with all the tests below the point where the
+examination begins (remembering that the examination goes back until a
+year group has been found in which all the tests are passed); and (2)
+add to this basal credit 2 months for each test passed successfully up
+to and including year X, 3 months for each test passed in XII, 4 months
+for each test passed in XIV, 5 months for each success in "average
+adult," and 6 months for each success in "superior adult."
+
+For example, let us suppose that a child passes all the tests in VI,
+five of the six tests in VII, three in VIII, two in IX, and one in X.
+The total credit earned is as follows:--
+
+ _Years__Months_
+ Credit presupposed, years I to V 5
+ Credit earned in VI, 6 tests passed, 2 months each 1
+ Credit earned in VII, 5 tests passed, 2 months each 10
+ Credit earned in VIII, 3 tests passed, 2 months each 6
+ Credit earned in IX, 2 tests passed, 2 months each 4
+ Credit earned in X, 1 test passed, 2 months 2
+ ---- ----
+ Total credit 7 10
+
+Taking a subject who tests higher, let us suppose the following tests
+are passed: All in X, six of the eight in XII, two of the six in XIV,
+and one of the six in "average adult." The total credit is as follows:--
+
+ _Years__Months_
+ Credit presupposed, years I to IX 9
+ Credit earned in X, 6 tests passed, 2 months each 1
+ Credit earned in XII, 6 tests passed, 3 months each 1 6
+ Credit earned in XIV, 2 tests passed, 4 months each 0 8
+ Credit earned in "average adult," 1 success, 5 months 5
+ ---- ----
+ Total credit 12 7
+
+One other point: If one or more tests of a year group have been omitted,
+as sometimes happens either from oversight or lack of time, the question
+arises how the tests which were given in such a year group should be
+evaluated. Suppose, for example, a subject has been given only four of
+the six tests in a given year, and that he passes two, or half of those
+given. In such a case the probability would be that had all six tests
+been given, three would have been passed; that is, one half of all.
+It is evident, therefore, that when a test has been omitted, a
+proportionately larger value should be assigned to each of those given.
+
+If all six tests are given in any year group below XII, each has a value
+of 2 months. If only four are given, each has a value of 3 months
+(12 / 4 = 3). If five tests only are given, each has a value of
+2.4 months (12 / 5 = 2.4). If in year group XII only six of the eight
+tests are given, each has a value of 4 months (24 / 6 = 4). If in the
+"average adult" group only five of the six tests are given, each has a
+value of 6 months instead of the usual 5 months. In this connection it
+will need to be remembered that the six "average adult" tests have a
+combined value of 30 months (6 tests, 5 months each); also that the
+combined value of the six "superior adult" tests is 36 months
+(6 x 6 = 36). Accordingly, if only five of the six "superior adult"
+tests are given, the value of each is 36 / 5 = 7.2 months.
+
+For example, let us suppose that a subject has been tested as follows:
+All the six tests in X were given and all were passed; only six of the
+eight in XII were given and five were passed; five of the six in XIV
+were given and three were passed; five of the six in "average adult"
+were given and one was passed; five were given in "superior adult" and
+no credit earned. The result would be as follows:--
+
+ _Years__Months_
+ Credit presupposed, years I to IX 9
+ Credit earned in X, 6 given, 6 successes 1
+ Credit earned in XII, 6 given, 5 passed. Unit value
+ of each test given is 24 / 6 = 4. Total value
+ of the 5 tests passed is 5 x 4 or 1 8
+ Credit earned in XIV, 5 tests given, 3 passed. Unit
+ value of each of the 5 given is 24 / 5 = 4.8.
+ Value of the 3 passed is 3 x 4.8, or 0 14+
+ Credit earned in "average adult," 5 tests given,
+ 1 passed. Unit value of the 5 tests given is
+ 30 / 5 = 6. Value of the 1 success 0 6
+ Credit earned in "superior adult" 0 0
+ ---- ----
+ Total credit 13 4+
+
+The calculation of mental age is really simpler than our verbal
+illustrations make it appear. After the operation has been performed
+twenty or thirty times, it can be done in less than a half-minute
+without danger of error.
+
+THE USE OF THE INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENT. As elsewhere explained, the mental
+age alone does not tell us what we want to know about a child's
+intelligence status. The significance of a given number of years of
+retardation or acceleration depends upon the age of the child. A
+3-year-old child who is retarded one year is ordinarily feeble-minded; a
+10-year-old retarded one year is only a little below normal. The child
+who at 3 years of age is retarded one year will probably be retarded two
+years at the age of 6, three years at the age of 9, and four years at
+the age of 12.
+
+What we want to know, therefore, is the ratio existing between mental
+age and real age. This is the intelligence quotient, or I Q. To find it
+we simply divide mental age (expressed in years and months) by real age
+(also expressed in years and months). The process is easier if we
+express each age in terms of months alone before dividing. The division
+can, of course, be performed almost instantaneously and with much less
+danger of error by the use of a slide rule or a division table. One who
+has to calculate many intelligence quotients should by all means use
+some kind of mechanical help.
+
+HOW TO FIND THE I Q OF ADULT SUBJECTS. Native intelligence, in so far as
+it can be measured by tests now available, appears to improve but little
+after the age of 15 or 16 years. It follows that in calculating the I Q
+of an adult subject, it will be necessary to disregard the years he has
+lived beyond the point where intelligence attains its final development.
+
+Although the location of this point is not exactly known, it will be
+sufficiently accurate for our purpose to assume its location at
+16 years. Accordingly, any person over 16 years of age, however old, is
+for purposes of calculating I Q considered to be just 16 years old. If a
+youth of 18 and a man of 60 years both have a mental age of 12 years,
+the I Q in each case is 12 / 16, or .75.
+
+The significance of various values of the I Q is set forth
+elsewhere.[44] Here it need only be repeated that 100 I Q means exactly
+average intelligence; that nearly all who are below 70 or 75 I Q are
+feeble-minded; and that the child of 125 I Q is about as much above the
+average as the high-grade feeble-minded individual is below the average.
+For ordinary purposes all who fall between 95 and 105 I Q may be
+considered as average in intelligence.
+
+[44] See Chapter VI.
+
+MATERIAL FOR USE IN TESTING. It is strongly recommended that in testing
+by the Stanford revision the regular Stanford record booklets be
+used. These are so arranged as to make testing accurate, rapid, and
+convenient. They contain square, diamond, round field, vocabulary list,
+fables, sentences, digits, and selections for memory tests, the reading
+selection barred for scoring, the dissected sentences, arithmetical
+problems, etc. One is required for each child tested.[45]
+
+[45] Houghton Mifflin Company will supply all the printed material
+needed in the tests, including the lines for the forms for VI, 2, the
+four pictures for "enumeration," "description," and "interpretation,"
+the pictures for V, 3 and VI, 2, the colors, designs for X, 3, the code
+for Average Adult 6, and score cards for square, diamond, designs, and
+ball-and-field.
+
+This is all the material required for the use of the Stanford revision,
+except the five weights for IX, 2, and V, 1, and the Healy-Fernald
+Construction Puzzle for X. These may be purchased of C. H. Stoelting &
+Co., 3037 Carroll Avenue, Chicago. It is not necessary, however, to have
+the weights and the Construction Puzzle, as the presence of one or
+more alternative tests in each year makes it possible to substitute
+other tests instead of those requiring these materials. This saves
+considerable expense. Apart from these, which may either be made at home
+(see pages 278, 279) or dispensed with, the only necessary equipment for
+using the Stanford revision is a copy of this book with the accompanying
+set of printed matter, and the record booklets. The record booklets are
+supplied only in packages of 25.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+Instructions For Year III
+
+
+III, 1. POINTING TO PARTS OF THE BODY
+
+PROCEDURE. After getting the child's attention, say: "_Show me your
+nose._" "_Put your finger on your nose._" Same with eyes, mouth, and
+hair.
+
+Tact is often necessary to overcome timidity. If two or three
+repetitions of the instruction fail to bring a response, point to the
+child's chin or ear and say: "_Is this your nose?_" "_No?_" "_Then where
+is your nose?_" Sometimes, after one has tried two or three parts of the
+test without eliciting any response, the child may suddenly release his
+inhibitions and answer all the questions promptly. In case of persistent
+refusal to respond it is best not to harass the child for an answer, but
+to leave the test for a while and return to it later. This is a rule
+which applies generally throughout the scale. In the case of one
+exceptionally timid little girl, it was impossible to get any response
+by the usual procedure, but immediately when a doll was shown the child
+pointed willingly to its nose, eyes, mouth, and hair. The device was
+successful because it withdrew the child's attention from herself and
+centered it upon something objective.
+
+SCORING. _Three responses out of four_ must be correct. Instead of
+pointing, the child sometimes responds by winking the eyes, opening the
+mouth, etc., which is counted as satisfactory.
+
+REMARKS. Binet's purpose in this test is to ascertain whether the
+subject is capable of comprehending simple language. The ability to
+comprehend and use language is indeed one of the most reliable
+indications of the grade of mental development. The appreciation of
+gestures comes first, then the comprehension of language heard, next the
+ability to repeat words and sentences mechanically, and finally the
+ability to use language as a means of communication. The present test,
+however, is not more strictly a test of language comprehension than the
+others of the 3-year group, and in any case it could not be said to mark
+the _beginning_ of the power to comprehend spoken language. That is
+fairly well advanced by the age of 2 years. The test closely resembles
+III, 2 (naming familiar objects), and III, 3 (enumeration of objects in
+a picture), except that it brings in a personal element and gives some
+clue to the development of the sense of self. All the data agree in
+locating the test at year III.
+
+
+III, 2. NAMING FAMILIAR OBJECTS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use a key, a penny, a closed knife, a watch, and an ordinary
+lead pencil. The key should be the usual large-sized doorkey, not one of
+the Yale type. The penny should not be too new, for the freshly made,
+untarnished penny resembles very little the penny usually seen. Any
+ordinary pocket knife may be used, and it is to be shown unopened. The
+formula is, "_What is this?_" or, "_Tell me what this is._"
+
+SCORING. There must be at least _three correct responses out of five_. A
+response is not correct unless the object is named. It is not sufficient
+for the child merely to show that he knows its use. A child, for
+example, may take the pencil and begin to mark with it, or go to the
+door and insert the key in the lock, but this is not sufficient. At the
+same time we must not be too arbitrary about requiring a particular
+name. "Cent" or "pennies" for "penny" is satisfactory, but "money" is
+not. The watch is sometimes called "a clock" or "a tick-tock," and we
+shall perhaps not be too liberal if we score these responses _plus_.
+"Pen" for "pencil," however, is unsatisfactory. Substitute names for
+"key" and "knife" are rarely given. Mispronunciations due to baby-talk
+are of course ignored.
+
+REMARKS. The purpose of this test is to find out whether the child has
+made the association between familiar objects and their names. The
+mental processes necessary to enable the child to pass this test are
+very elementary, and yet, as far as they go, they are fundamental.
+Learning the names of objects frequently seen is a form of mental
+activity in which the normally endowed child of 2 to 4 years finds great
+satisfaction. Any marked retardation in making such associations is a
+grave indication of the lack of that spontaneity which is so necessary
+for the development of the higher grades of intelligence. It would be
+entirely beside the point, therefore, to question the validity of the
+test on the ground that a given child may not have been _taught_ the
+names of the objects used. Practically all children 3 years old, however
+poor their environment, have made the acquaintance of at least three of
+the five objects, and if intelligence is normal they have learned their
+names as a result of spontaneous inquiry.
+
+Always use the list of objects here given, because it has been
+standardized. Any improvised selection would be sure to contain some
+objects either less or more familiar than those in the standardized
+list. Note also that three correct responses out of five are sufficient.
+If we required five correct answers out of six (like Kuhlmann), or three
+out of three (like Binet, Goddard, and Huey), the test would probably
+belong at the 4-year level. Binet states that this test is materially
+harder than that of naming objects in a picture, since in the latter the
+child selects from a number of objects in the picture those he knows
+best, while in the former test he must name the objects we have
+arbitrarily chosen. This difference does not hold, however, if we
+require only three correct responses out of five for passing the test of
+naming objects, instead of Binet's three out of three. All else being
+equal, it is of course easier to recognize and name a real object shown
+than it is to recognize and name it from a picture.
+
+
+III, 3. ENUMERATION OF OBJECTS IN PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the three pictures designated as "Dutch Home," "River
+Scene," and "Post-Office." Say, "_Now I am going to show you a pretty
+picture._" Then, holding the first one before the child, close enough to
+permit distinct vision, say: "_Tell me what you see in this picture._"
+If there is no response, as sometimes happens, due to embarrassment or
+timidity, repeat the request in this form: "_Look at the picture and
+tell me everything you can see in it._" If there is still no response,
+say: "_Show me the ..._" (naming some object in the picture). Only one
+question of this type, however, is permissible. If the child answers
+correctly, say: "_That is fine; now tell me everything you see in the
+picture._" From this point the responses nearly always follow without
+further coaxing. Indeed, if _rapport_ has been properly cultivated
+before the test begins, the first question will ordinarily be
+sufficient. If the child names one or two things in a picture and then
+stops, urge him on by saying "_And what else_" Proceed with pictures _b_
+and _c_ in the same manner.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the child enumerates as many as _three_
+objects in _one_ picture _spontaneously_; that is, without intervening
+questions or urging. Anything better than enumeration (as description
+or interpretation) is also acceptable, but description is rarely
+encountered before 5 years and interpretation rarely before 9 or 10.[46]
+
+[46] See instructions for VII, 2, and XII, 7.
+
+REMARKS. The purpose of the test in this year is to find out whether the
+sight of a familiar object in a picture provokes recognition and calls
+up the appropriate name.[47] The average child of 3 or 4 years is in
+what Binet calls "the identification stage"; that is, familiar objects
+in a picture will be identified but not described, their relations to
+one another will not be grasped.
+
+[47] For a discussion of the significance of the different types of
+response, enumeration, description, and interpretation, see VII, 2, and
+XII, 7.
+
+In giving the test, always present the pictures in the same order,
+first Dutch Home, then River Scene, then Post-Office. The order of
+presentation will no doubt seem to the uninitiated too trivial a matter
+to insist upon, but a little experience teaches one that an apparently
+insignificant change in the procedure may exert a considerable influence
+upon the response. Some pictures tend more strongly than others to
+provoke a particular type of response. Some lend themselves especially
+to enumeration, others to description, others to interpretation. The
+pictures used in the Stanford revision have been selected from a number
+which have been tried because they are more uniform in this respect
+than most others in use. However, they are not without their
+differences, picture _b_, for example, tending more than the others to
+provoke description.
+
+There seems to be no disagreement as to the proper location of this
+test.
+
+
+III, 4. GIVING SEX
+
+PROCEDURE. If the subject is a boy, the formula is: "_Are you a little
+boy or a little girl?_" If a girl, "_Are you a little girl or a little
+boy?_" This variation in the formula is necessary because of the
+tendency in young children to repeat mechanically the last word of
+anything that is said to them. If there is no response, say: "_Are you a
+little girl?_" (if a boy); or, "_Are you a little boy?_" (if a girl). If
+the answer to the last question is "no" (or a shake of the head), we
+then say: "_Well, what are you? Are you a little boy or a little girl?_"
+(or _vice versa_).
+
+SCORING. The response is satisfactory if it indicates that the child has
+really made the discrimination, but we must be cautious about accepting
+any other response than the direct answer, "A little girl," or, "A
+little boy." "Yes" and "no" in response to the second question must be
+carefully checked up.
+
+REMARKS. Binet and Goddard say that 3-year-olds cannot pass this test
+and that 4-year-olds almost never fail. We can accept the last part of
+this statement, but not the first part. Nearly all of our 3-year-old
+subjects succeed with it.
+
+The test probably has nothing to do with sex consciousness, as such.
+Success in it would seem to depend on the ability to discriminate
+between familiar class names which are in a certain degree related.
+
+
+III, 5. GIVING THE FAMILY NAME
+
+PROCEDURE. The child is asked, "_What is your name?_" If the answer, as
+often happens, includes only the first name (Walter, for example), say:
+"_Yes, but what is your other name? Walter what?_" If the child is
+silent, or if he only repeats the first name, say: "_Is your name
+Walter ... ?_" (giving a fictitious name, as Jones, Smith, etc.). This
+question nearly always brings the correct answer if it is known.
+
+SCORING. Simply + or -. No attention is paid to faults of pronunciation.
+
+REMARKS. There is unanimous agreement that this test belongs in the
+3-year group. Although the child has not had as much opportunity to
+learn the family name as his first name, he is almost certain to have
+heard it more or less, and if his intelligence is normal the interest in
+self will ordinarily cause it to be remembered.
+
+The critic of the intelligence scale need not be unduly exercised over
+the fact that there may be an occasional child of 3 years who has never
+heard his family name. We have all read of such children, but they
+are so extremely rare that the chances of a given 3-year-old being
+unjustly penalized for this reason are practically negligible. In
+the second place, contingencies of this nature are throughout the
+scale consistently allowed for in the percentage of passes required
+for locating a test. Since (in the year groups below XIV) the
+individual tests are located at the age level where they are passed by
+60 to 70 per cent of unselected children of that age, it follows that
+the child of average ability _is expected_ to fail on about one third of
+the tests of his age group. The plan of the scale is such as to warrant
+this amount of leeway. But even granting the possibility that one
+subject out of a hundred or so may be unjustly penalized for lack of
+opportunity to acquire the knowledge which the test calls for, the
+injustice done does not greatly alter the result. A single test affects
+mental age only to the extent of two months, and the chances of two such
+injustices occurring with the same child are very slight. Herein lies
+the advantage of a multiplicity of tests. No test considered by itself
+is very dependable, but two dozen tests, properly arranged, are almost
+infinitely reliable.
+
+
+III, 6. REPEATING SIX TO SEVEN SYLLABLES
+
+PROCEDURE. Begin by saying: "_Can you say 'mamma'? Now, say 'nice
+kitty.'_" Then ask the child to say, "_I have a little dog._" Speak the
+sentence distinctly and with expression, but in a natural voice and not
+too slowly. If there is no response, the first sentence may be repeated
+two or three times. Then give the other two sentences: "_The dog runs
+after the cat_," and, "_In summer the sun is hot._" A great deal of tact
+is sometimes necessary to enlist the child's cooeperation in this test.
+If he cannot be persuaded to try, the alternative test of three digits
+may be substituted.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if at least _one sentence is repeated
+without error after a single reading_. "Without error" is to be taken
+literally; there must be no omission, insertion, or transposition
+of words. Ignore indistinctness of articulation and defects of
+pronunciation as long as they do not mutilate the sentence beyond easy
+recognition.
+
+REMARKS. The test does not presuppose that the child should have
+the ability to make and use sentences like these for purposes of
+communication, or even that he should know the meaning of all the words
+they contain. Its purpose is to bring out the ability of the child to
+repeat a six-syllable series of more or less familiar language sounds.
+As every one knows, the normal child of 2 or 3 years is constantly
+imitating the speech of those around him and finds this a great source
+of delight. Long practice in the semi-mechanical repetition of language
+sounds is necessary for the learning of speech cooerdinations and is
+therefore an indispensable preliminary to the purposeful use of
+language. High-grade idiots and the lowest grade of imbeciles never
+acquire much facility in the repetition of language heard. The test gets
+at one of the simplest forms of mental integration.
+
+Binet says that children of 3 years _never_ repeat sentences of
+ten syllables. This is not strictly true, for six out of nineteen
+3-year-olds succeeded in doing so. All the data agree, however, that the
+_average_ child of 3 years repeats only six to seven syllables
+correctly.
+
+
+III. ALTERNATIVE TEST: REPEATING THREE DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the following digits: 6-4-1, 3-5-2, 8-3-7. Begin with two
+digits, as follows: "_Listen; say 4-2_." "_Now, say 6-4-1_." "_Now, say
+3-5-2_," etc. Pronounce the digits in a distinct voice and with
+perfectly uniform emphasis at a rate just a little faster than one per
+second. Two per second, as recommended by Binet, is too rapid.
+
+Young subjects, because of their natural timidity in the presence of
+strangers, sometimes refuse to respond to this test. With subjects under
+5 or 6 years of age it is sometimes necessary in such cases to re-read
+the first series of digits several times in order to secure a response.
+The response thus secured, however, is not counted in scoring, the
+purpose of the re-reading being merely to break the child's silence. The
+second and third series may be read but once. With the digits tests
+above year IV the re-reading of a series is never permissible.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the child repeats correctly, _after a single reading,
+one series out of the three_ series given. Not only must the correct
+digits be given, but the order also must be correct.
+
+REMARKS. Others, on the basis of rather scanty data, have usually
+located this test at the 4-year level. Our results show that with the
+procedure described above it is fully as easy as the test of repeating
+sentences of 6 to 7 syllables.[48]
+
+[48] See p. 194 _ff._ for further discussion of the digits test.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IV
+
+
+IV, 1. COMPARISON OF LINES
+
+PROCEDURE. Present the appropriate accompanying card with the lines in
+horizontal position. Point to the lines and say: "_See these lines. Look
+closely and tell me which one is longer. Put your finger on the longest
+one._" We use the superlative as well as the comparative form of _long_
+because it is often more familiar to young subjects. If the child does
+not respond, say: "_Show me which line is the biggest._" Then withdraw
+the card, turn it about a few times, and present it again with the
+position of the two lines reversed, saying: "_Now show me the longest._"
+Turn the card again and make a third presentation.
+
+SCORING. All three comparisons must be made correctly; or if only two
+responses out of three are correct, all three pairs are again shown,
+just as before, and if there is no error this time, the test is passed.
+The standard, therefore, is _three correct responses out of three, or
+five out of six_.
+
+Sometimes the child points, but at no particular part of the card. In
+such cases it may be difficult to decide whether he has failed to
+comprehend and to make the discrimination or has only been careless in
+pointing. It is then necessary to repeat the experiment until the
+evidence is clear.
+
+REMARKS. As noted by Binet, success in this test depends on the
+comprehension of the verbal directions rather than on actual
+discrimination of length. The child who would unerringly choose the
+larger of two pieces of candy might fail on the comparison of lines.
+However, since the child must correctly compare the lines three times in
+succession, or at least in five out of six trials, _willingness to
+attend_ also plays a part. The attention of the low-grade imbecile, or
+even of the normal child of 3 years, is not very obedient to the
+suggestions of the experimenter. It may be gained momentarily, but it is
+not easily held to the same task for more than a few seconds. Hence some
+children who perfectly comprehend this task fail to make a succession of
+correct comparisons because they are unable or unwilling to bring to
+bear even the small amount of attention which is necessary. This does
+not in the least condone the failure, for it is exactly in such
+voluntary control of mental processes that we find one of the most
+characteristic differences between bright and dull, or mature and
+immature subjects.
+
+There has been little disagreement as to the proper location of this
+test.
+
+
+IV, 2. DISCRIMINATION OF FORMS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the forms supplied with this book. First, place the
+circle of the duplicate set at "X", and say: "_Show me one like
+this_," at the same time passing the finger around the circumference of
+the circle. If the child does not respond, say: "_Do you see all of
+these things?_" (running the finger over the various forms); "_And do
+you see this one?_" (pointing again to the circle); "_Now, find me
+another one just like this._" Use the square next, then the triangle,
+and the others in any order.
+
+Correct the child's first error by saying: "_No, find one just like
+this_" (again passing the finger around the outline of the form at "X").
+Make no comment on errors after the first one, proceeding at once with
+the next card, but each time the choice is correct encourage the child
+with a hearty "That's good," or something similar.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _seven out of ten_ choices, are correct,
+the first corrected error being counted.
+
+REMARKS. In the test of discriminating forms, unlike the test of
+comparing lines, lack of success is less often due to inability to
+understand the task than to failure to discriminate. The test may be
+regarded as a variation of the form-board test. It displays the
+subject's ability to compare and contrast successive visual perceptions
+of form. The accurate perception of even a fairly simple form requires
+the integration of a number of sensory elements into one whole. The
+forms used in this test have meaning. They are far from nonsense figures
+even for the (normal) child of 4 years, who has, of course, never heard
+about "triangles," "squares," "rectangles," etc. The meaning present at
+this level of intelligence is probably a compound of such factors as
+appreciation of symmetry and direction, and discrimination of quantity
+and number.
+
+Another element in success, especially in the latter part of the
+experiment, is the ability to make an _attentive_ comparison between the
+form shown and the others. The child may be satisfied to point to the
+first form his eye happens to fall upon. Far from being a legitimate
+excuse for failure, such an exhibition of inattention and of weakness of
+the critical faculty is symptomatic of a mental level below 4 years.
+
+In addition to counting the number of errors made, it is interesting to
+note with what forms they occur. To match the circle with the ellipse or
+the octagon, for example, is a less serious error than to match it with
+the square or triangle.
+
+This test was devised and standardized by Dr. Fred Kuhlmann. It is
+inserted here without essential alteration, except that the size
+recommended for the forms is slightly reduced and minor changes have
+been made in the wording of the directions. Our own results are
+favorable to the test and to the location assigned it by its author.
+
+
+IV, 3. COUNTING FOUR PENNIES
+
+PROCEDURE. Place four pennies in a horizontal row before the child. Say:
+"_See these pennies. Count them and tell me how many there are. Count
+them with your finger, this way_" (pointing to the first one on the
+child's left)--"_One_"--"_Now, go ahead._" If the child simply gives the
+number (whether right or wrong) without pointing, say: "_No; count them
+with your finger, this way_," starting him off as before. Have him count
+them aloud.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed only if the counting tallies with the
+pointing. It is not sufficient merely to state the correct number
+without pointing.
+
+REMARKS. Contrary to what one might think, this is not to any great
+extent a test of "schooling." Practically all children of this age have
+had opportunity to learn to count as far as four, and with normal
+children the spontaneous interest in number is such that very few
+4-year-olds, even from inferior social environment, fail to pass the
+test.
+
+While success requires more than the ability to repeat the number names
+by rote, it does not presuppose any power of calculation or a mastery of
+the number concepts from one to four. Many children who will readily
+say, mechanically, "one, two, three, four," when started off, are not
+able to pass the test. On the other hand, it is not expected that the
+child who passes will also necessarily understand that four is made up
+of two two's, or four one's, or three plus one, etc.
+
+Binet, Goddard, and Kuhlmann place this test in the 5-year group, but
+three separate series of tests made for the Stanford revision, as well
+as nearly all the statistics available from other sources, show that it
+belongs at 4 years.
+
+
+IV, 4. COPYING A SQUARE
+
+PROCEDURE. Place before the child a cardboard on which is drawn in heavy
+black lines a square about 11/4 inches on a side.[49] Give the child a
+pencil and say: "_You see that_ (pointing to the square). _I want you to
+make one just like it. Make it right here_ (showing where it is to be
+drawn). _Go ahead. I know you can do it nicely._"
+
+[49] No material is needed if the regular Stanford record blanks are
+used, as these all contain the square and diamond.
+
+Avoid such an expression as, "_I want you to draw a figure like that._"
+The child may not know the meaning of either _draw_ or _figure_. Also,
+in pointing to the model, take care not to run the finger around the
+four sides.
+
+Children sometimes have a deep-seated aversion to drawing on request and
+a bit of tactful urging may be necessary. Experience and tact will
+enable the experimenter in all but the rarest cases to come out
+victorious in these little battles with balky wills. Give three trials,
+saying each time: "_Make it exactly like this_," pointing to model.
+Make sure that the child is in an easy position and that the paper used
+is held so it cannot slip.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if at least _one drawing out of the three_
+is as good as those marked + on the score card. Young subjects usually
+reduce figures in drawing from copy, but size is wholly disregarded in
+scoring. It is of more importance that the right angles be fairly well
+preserved than that the lines should be straight or the corners entirely
+closed. The scoring of this test should be rather liberal.
+
+REMARKS. After the three copies have been made say: "_Which one do you
+like best?_" In this way we get an idea of the subject's power of
+auto-criticism, a trait in which the mentally retarded are nearly always
+behind normal children of their own age. Normal children, when young,
+reveal the same weakness to a certain extent. It is especially
+significant when the subject shows complete satisfaction with a very
+poor performance.
+
+Observe whether the child makes each part with careful effort, looking
+at the model from time to time, or whether the strokes are made in a
+haphazard way with only an initial glance at the original. The latter
+procedure is quite common with young or retarded subjects. Curiously
+enough, the first trial is more successful than either of the others,
+due perhaps to a waning of effort and attention.
+
+Note that pencil is used instead of pen and that only one success is
+necessary. Binet gives only one trial and requires pen. Goddard allows
+pencil, but permits only one trial. Kuhlmann requires pen and passes the
+child only when two trials out of three are successful. But these
+authors locate the test at 5 years. Our results show that nearly three
+fourths of 4-year-olds succeed with pencil in one out of three trials if
+the scoring is liberal. It makes a great deal of difference whether pen
+or pencil is used, and whether two successes are required or only one.
+No better illustration could be given of the fact that without
+thoroughgoing standardization of procedure and scoring the best mental
+test may be misleading as to the degree of intelligence it indicates.
+
+Copying a square is one of three drawing tests used in the Binet scale,
+the others being the diamond (year VII), and the designs to be copied
+from memory (year X). These tests do not to any great extent test what
+is usually known as "drawing ability." Only the square and the diamond
+tests are strictly comparable with one another, the other having a
+psychologically different purpose. In none of them does success seem to
+depend very much on the amount of previous instruction in drawing. To
+copy a figure like a square or a diamond requires first of all an
+appreciation of spacial relationships. The figure must be perceived as a
+whole, not simply as a group of meaningless lines. In the second place,
+success depends upon the ability to use the visual impression in guiding
+a rather complex set of motor cooerdinations. The latter is perhaps the
+main difficulty, and is one which is not fully overcome, at least for
+complicated movements, until well toward adult life.
+
+It is interesting to compare the square and the diamond as to relative
+difficulty. They have the same number of lines and in each case the
+opposite sides are parallel; but whereas 4-year intelligence is equal to
+the task of copying a square, the diamond ordinarily requires 7-year
+intelligence. Probably no one could have foreseen that a change in the
+angles would add so much to the difficulty of the figure. It would be
+worth while to devise and standardize still more complicated figures.
+
+
+IV, 5. COMPREHENSION, FIRST DEGREE
+
+PROCEDURE. After getting the child's attention, say: "_What must you do
+when you are sleepy?_" If necessary the question may be repeated a
+number of times, using a persuasive and encouraging tone of voice. No
+other form of question may be substituted. About twenty seconds may be
+allowed for an answer, though as a rule subjects of 4 or 5 years usually
+answer quite promptly or not at all.
+
+Proceed in the same way with the other two questions: "_What ought you
+to do when you are cold?_" "_What ought you to do when you are hungry?_"
+
+SCORING. There must be _two correct responses out of three_. No one form
+of answer is required. It is sufficient if the question is comprehended
+and given a reasonably sensible answer. The following are samples of
+correct responses:--
+
+ (a) "Go to bed." "Go to sleep." "Have my mother get me ready for
+ bed." "Lie still, not talk, and I'll soon be asleep."
+ (b) "Put on a coat" (or "cloak," "furs," "wrap up," etc.).
+ "Build a fire." "Run and I'll soon get warm." "Get close to
+ the stove." "Go into the house," or, "Go to bed," may possibly
+ deserve the score _plus_, though they are somewhat doubtful
+ and are certainly inferior to the responses just given.
+ (c) "Eat something." "Drink some milk." "Buy a lunch." "Have my
+ mamma spread some bread and butter," etc.
+
+With the comprehension questions in this year it is nearly always easy
+to decide whether the response is acceptable, failure being indicated
+usually either by silence or by an absurd or irrelevant answer. One
+8-year-old boy who had less than 4-year intelligence answered all three
+questions by putting his finger on his eye and saying: "I'd do that."
+"Have to cry" is a rather common incorrect response.
+
+REMARKS. The purpose of these questions is to ascertain whether the
+child can comprehend the situations suggested and give a reasonably
+pertinent reply. The first requirement, of course, is to understand the
+language; the second is to tell how the situation suggested should be
+met.
+
+The question may be raised whether a given child might not fail to
+answer the questions correctly and yet have the intelligence to do the
+appropriate thing if the real situation were present. This is at least
+conceivable, but since it would not be practicable to make the subject
+actually cold, sleepy, or hungry in order to observe his behavior, we
+must content ourselves with suggesting a situation to be imagined. It
+probably requires more intelligence to tell what one ought to do in a
+situation which has to be imagined than to do the right thing when the
+real situation is encountered.
+
+The comprehension questions of this year had not been standardized until
+the Stanford investigation of 1913-14. Questions _a_ and _b_ were
+suggested by Binet in 1905, while _c_ is new. They make an excellent
+test of 4-year intelligence.
+
+
+IV, 6. REPEATING FOUR DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_Now, listen. I am going to say over some numbers and
+after I am through, I want you to say them exactly like I do. Listen
+closely and get them just right--4-7-3-9._" Same with 2-8-5-4 and
+7-2-6-1. The examiner should consume nearly four seconds in pronouncing
+each series, and should practice in advance until this speed can be
+closely approximated. If the child refuses to respond, the first series
+may be repeated as often as may be necessary to prove an attempt, but
+_success with a series which has been re-read may not be counted_. The
+second and third series may be pronounced but once.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the child repeats correctly, _after a single reading,
+one series out of the three_ series given. The order must be correct.
+
+REMARKS. The test of repeating four digits was not included by Binet in
+the scale and seems not to have been used by any of the Binet workers.
+It is passed by about three fourths of our 4-year-olds.
+
+
+IV. ALTERNATIVE TEST: REPEATING TWELVE TO THIRTEEN SYLLABLES
+
+The three sentences are:--
+
+ (a) "_The boy's name is John. He is a very good boy._"
+ (b) "_When the train passes you will hear the whistle blow._"
+ (c) "_We are going to have a good time in the country._"
+
+PROCEDURE. Get the child's attention and say: "_Listen, say this: 'Where
+is kitty?'_" After the child responds, add: "_Now say this ..._,"
+reading the first sentence in a natural voice, distinctly and with
+expression. If the child is too timid to respond, the first sentence may
+be re-read, but in this case the response is not counted. _Re-reading is
+permissible only with the first sentence._
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if at least _one sentence is repeated
+without error after a single reading_. As in the alternative test of
+year III, we ignore ordinary indistinctness and defects of pronunciation
+due to imperfect language development, but the sentence must be repeated
+without addition, omission, or transposition of words.
+
+REMARKS. Sentences of twelve syllables had not been standardized
+previous to the Stanford revision, but Binet locates memory for ten
+syllables at year V, and others have followed his example. Our own data
+show that even 4-year-olds are usually able to repeat twelve syllables
+with the procedure here set forth.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR V
+
+
+V, 1. COMPARISON OF WEIGHTS
+
+MATERIALS. It is necessary to have two weights, identical in shape,
+size, and appearance, weighing respectively 3 and 15 grams.[50] If
+manufactured weights are not at hand, it is easy to make satisfactory
+substitutes by taking stiff cardboard pill-boxes, about 11/4 inches in
+diameter, and filling them with cotton and shot to the desired weight.
+The shot must be embedded in the center of the cotton so as to prevent
+rattling. After the box has been loaded to the exact weight, the lid
+should be glued on firmly. If one does not have access to laboratory
+scales, it is always possible to secure the help of a druggist in the
+rather delicate task of weighing the boxes accurately. A set of pill-box
+weights will last through hundreds of tests, if handled carefully, but
+they will not stand rough usage. The manufactured blocks are more
+durable, and so more satisfactory in the long run. If the weights are
+not at hand, the alternative test may be substituted.
+
+[50] The weights required for this test, and also for IX, 2, may be
+purchased of C. H. Stoelting & Co., 3037 Carroll Avenue, Chicago,
+Illinois.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the 3- and 15-gram weights on the table before the
+child some two or three inches apart. Say: "_You see these blocks. They
+look just alike, but one of them is heavy and one is light. Try them and
+tell me which one is heavier._" If the child does not respond, repeat
+the instructions, saying this time, "_Tell me which one is the
+heaviest._" (Many American children have heard only the superlative form
+of the adjective used in the comparison of two objects.)
+
+Sometimes the child merely points to one of the boxes or picks up one at
+random and hands it to the examiner, thinking he is asked to _guess_
+which is heaviest. We then say: "_No, that is not the way. You must take
+the boxes in your hands and try them, like this_" (illustrating by
+lifting with one hand, first one box and then the other, a few inches
+from the table). Most children of 5 years are then able to make the
+comparison correctly. Very young subjects, however, or older ones who
+are retarded, sometimes adopt the rather questionable method of lifting
+both weights in the same hand at once. This is always an unfavorable
+sign, especially if one of the blocks is placed in the hand on top of
+the other block.
+
+After the first trial, the weights are shuffled and again presented for
+comparison as before, _this time with the positions reversed_. The third
+trial follows with the blocks in the same position as in the first
+trial. Some children have a tendency to stereotyped behavior, which in
+this test shows itself by choosing always the block on a certain
+side. Hence the necessity of alternating the positions.[51] Reserve
+commendation until all three trials have been given.
+
+[51] For discussion of "stereotypy" see p. 203.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ comparisons are
+correct. If there is reason to suspect that the successful responses
+were due to lucky guesses, the test should be entirely repeated.
+
+REMARKS. This test is decidedly more difficult than that of comparing
+lines (IV, 1). It is doubtful, however, if we can regard the difference
+as one due primarily to the relative difficulty of visual discrimination
+and muscular discrimination. In fact, the test with weights hardly taxes
+sensory discrimination at all when used with children of 5-year
+intelligence. Success depends, in the first place, on the ability to
+understand the instructions; and in the second place, on the power to
+hold the instructions in mind long enough to guide the process of making
+the comparison. The test presupposes, in elementary form, a power which
+is operative in all the higher independent processes of thought, the
+power to neglect the manifold distractions of irrelevant sensations and
+ideas and to drive direct toward a goal. Here the goal is furnished by
+the instruction, "Try them and see which is heavier." This must be held
+firmly enough in mind to control the steps necessary for making the
+comparison. Ideas of piling the blocks on top of one another, throwing
+them, etc., must be inhibited. Sometimes the low-grade imbecile starts
+off in a very promising way, then apparently forgets the instructions
+(loses sight of the goal), and begins to play with the boxes in a random
+way. His mental processes are not consecutive, stable, or controlled. He
+is blown about at the mercy of every gust of momentary interest.
+
+There is very general agreement in the assignment of this test to
+year V.
+
+
+V, 2. NAMING COLORS
+
+MATERIALS. Use saturated red, yellow, blue, and green papers, about
+2 x 1 inch in size, pasted one half inch apart on white or gray
+cardboard. For sake of uniformity it is best to match the colors
+manufactured especially for this test.[52]
+
+[52] Printed cards showing these colors are included in the set of
+material furnished by the publishers of this book.
+
+PROCEDURE. Point to the colors in the order, red, yellow, blue, green.
+Bring the finger close to the color designated, in order that there may
+be no mistake as to which one is meant, and say: "_What is the name of
+that color?_" Do not say: "_What color is that?_" or, "_What kind of a
+color is that?_" Such a formula might bring the answer, "The first
+color"; or, "A pretty color." Still less would it do to say: "_Show me
+the red_," "_Show me the yellow_," etc. This would make it an entirely
+different test, one that would probably be passed a year earlier than
+the Binet form of the experiment. Nor is it permissible, after a color
+has been miscalled, to return to it and again ask its name.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed only if _all_ the colors are named correctly
+and without marked uncertainty. However, prefixing the adjective "dark,"
+or "light," before the name of a color is overlooked.
+
+REMARKS. Naming colors is not a test of color discrimination, for that
+capacity is well developed years below the level at which this test is
+used. All 5-year-olds who are not color blind discriminate among the
+four primary colors here used as readily as adults do. As stated by
+Binet, it is a test of the "verbalization of color perception." It tells
+us whether the child has associated the names of the four primary colors
+with his perceptual imagery of those colors.
+
+The _ability_ to make simple associations between a sense impression and
+a name is certainly present in normal children some time before the
+above color associations are actually made. Many objects of experience
+are correctly named two or three years earlier, and it may seem at
+first a little strange that color names are learned so late. But it must
+be remembered that the child does not have numerous opportunities to
+observe and hear the names of several colors at once, nor does the
+designation of colors by their names ordinarily have much practical
+value for the young child. When he finally learns their names, it is
+more because of his spontaneous interest in the world of sense. Lack of
+such spontaneous interest is always an unfavorable sign, and it is not
+surprising, therefore, that imbecile intelligence has ordinarily never
+taken the trouble to associate colors with their names. Girls are
+somewhat superior to boys in this test, due probably to a greater
+natural interest in colors.
+
+Binet originally placed this test in year VIII, changing it to year VII
+in the 1911 scale. Goddard places it in year VII, while Kuhlmann omits
+it altogether. With a single exception, all the actual statistics with
+normal children justify the location of the test in year V. Bobertag's
+figures are the exception, opposed to which are Rowe, Winch, Dumville,
+Dougherty, Brigham, and all three of the Stanford investigations.
+
+The test is probably more subject to the influence of home environment
+than most of the other tests of the scale, and if the social status of
+the child is low, failure would not be especially significant until
+after the age of 6 years. On the whole it is an excellent test.
+
+
+V, 3. AESTHETIC COMPARISON
+
+Use the three pairs of faces supplied with the printed forms. It goes
+without saying that improvised drawings may not be substituted for
+Binet's until they have first been standardized.
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the pairs in order from top to bottom. Say: "_Which of
+these two pictures is the prettiest?_" Use both the comparative and the
+superlative forms of the adjective. Do not use the question, "Which face
+is the uglier (ugliest)?" unless there is some difficulty in getting the
+child to respond. It is not permitted, in case of an incorrect response,
+to give that part of the test again and to allow the child a chance to
+correct his answer; or, in case this is done, we must consider only the
+original response in scoring.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed only if all _three_ comparisons are made
+correctly. Any marked uncertainty is failure. Sometimes the child
+laughingly designates the ugly picture as the prettier, yet shows by his
+amused expression that he is probably conscious of its peculiarity or
+absurdity. In such cases "pretty" seems to be given the meaning of
+"funny" or "amusing." Nevertheless, we score this response as failure,
+since it betokens a rather infantile tolerance of ugliness.
+
+REMARKS. From the psychological point of view this is a most interesting
+test. One might suppose that aesthetic judgment would be relatively
+independent of intelligence. Certainly no one could have known in
+advance of experience that intellectual retardation would reveal itself
+in weakness of the aesthetic sense about as unmistakably as in memory,
+practical judgment, or the comprehension of language. But such is the
+case. The development of the aesthetic sense parallels general mental
+growth rather closely. The imbecile of 4-year intelligence, even though
+he may have lived forty years, has no more chance of passing this test
+than any other test in year V. It would be profitable to devise and
+standardize a set of pictures of the same general type which would
+measure a less primitive stage of aesthetic development.
+
+The present test was located by Binet in year VI and has been retained
+in that year in other revisions; but three separate Stanford
+investigations, as well as the statistics of Winch, Dumville, Brigham,
+Rowe, and Dougherty, warrant its location in year V.
+
+
+V, 4. GIVING DEFINITIONS IN TERMS OF USE
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the words: _Chair_, _horse_, _fork_, _doll_, _pencil_,
+and _table_. Say: "_You have seen a chair. You know what a chair is.
+Tell me, what is a chair?_" And so on with the other words, always in
+the order in which they are named above.
+
+Occasionally there is difficulty in getting a response, which is
+sometimes due merely to the child's unwillingness to express his
+thoughts in sentences. The earlier tests require only words and phrases.
+In other cases silence is due to the rather indefinite form of the
+question. The child could answer, but is not quite sure what is expected
+of him. Whatever the cause, a little tactful urging is nearly always
+sufficient to bring a response. In this test we have not found the
+difficulty of overcoming silence nearly as great as others have stated
+it to be. In consecutive tests of 150 5- and 6-year-old children we
+encountered unbreakable silence with 8 words out of the total 900
+(150 x 6). This is less than 1 per cent. But tactful encouragement is
+sometimes necessary, and it is best to take the precaution of not giving
+the test until _rapport_ has been well established.
+
+The urging should take the following form: "_I'm sure you know what a
+... is. You have seen a .... Now, tell me, what is a ... ?_" That is, we
+merely repeat the question with a word of encouragement and in a
+coaxing tone of voice. It would not at all do to introduce other
+questions, like, "_What does a ... look like?_" or, "_What is a ...
+for?_" "_What do people do with a ... ?_"
+
+Sometimes, instead of attempting a definition (of _doll_, for example),
+the child begins to talk in a more or less irrelevant way, as "I have a
+great big doll. Auntie gave it to me for Christmas," etc. In such cases
+we repeat the question and say, "_Yes, but tell me; what is a doll?_"
+This is usually sufficient to bring the little chatter-box back to the
+task.
+
+Unless it is absolutely necessary to give the child lavish
+encouragement, it is best to withhold approval or disapproval until the
+test has been finished. If the first response is a poor one and we
+pronounce it "fine" or "very good," we tempt the child to persist in his
+low-grade type of definition. By withholding comment until the last word
+has been defined, we give greater play to spontaneity and initiative.
+
+SCORING. As a rule, children of 5 and 6 years define an object in terms
+of use, stating what it does, what it is for, what people do with it,
+etc. Definitions by description, by telling what substance it is made
+of, and by giving the class to which it belongs are grouped together as
+"definitions superior to use." It is not before 8 years that two thirds
+of the children spontaneously give a large proportion of definitions in
+terms superior to use.
+
+The test is passed in year V if _four words out of the six_ are defined
+in terms of use (or better than use). The following are examples of
+satisfactory responses:--
+
+ _Chair_: "To sit on." "You sit on it." "It is made of wood and
+ has legs and back," etc.
+
+ _Horse_: "To drive." "To ride." "What people drive." "To pull
+ the wagon." "It is big and has four legs," etc.
+
+ _Fork_: "To eat with." "To stick meat with." "It is hard and has
+ three sharp things," etc.
+
+ _Doll_: "To play with." "What you dress and put to bed." "To
+ rock," etc.
+
+ _Pencil_: "To write with." "To draw." "They write with it." "It
+ is sharp and makes a black mark."
+
+ _Table_: "To eat on." "What you put the dinner on." "Where you
+ write." "It is made of wood and has legs."
+
+Examples of failure are such responses as the following: "A chair is a
+chair"; "There is a chair"; or simply, "There" (pointing to a chair). We
+record such responses without pressing for a further definition. About
+the only other type of failure is silence.
+
+REMARKS. It is not the purpose of this test to find out whether the
+child knows the meaning of the words he is asked to define. Words have
+purposely been chosen which are perfectly familiar to all normal
+children of 5 years. But with young children there is a difference
+between knowing a word and giving a definition of it. Besides, we desire
+to find out how the child apperceives the word, or rather the object for
+which it stands; whether the thing is thought of in terms of use,
+appearance (shape, size, color, etc.), material composing it, or class
+relationships.
+
+This test, because it throws such interesting light on the maturity of
+the child's apperceptive processes, is one of the most valuable of all.
+It is possible to differentiate at least a half-dozen degrees of
+excellence in definitions, according to the intellectual maturity of the
+subject. A volume, indeed, could be written on the development of word
+definitions and the growth of meanings; but we will postpone further
+discussion until VIII, 5. Our concern at present is to know that
+children of 5 years should at least be able to define four of these six
+words in terms of use.
+
+Binet placed the test in year VI, but our own figures and those of
+nearly all the other investigations indicate that it is better located
+in year V.
+
+
+V, 5. THE GAME OF PATIENCE
+
+MATERIAL. Prepare two rectangular cards, each 2 x 3 inches, and divide
+one of them into two triangles by cutting it along one of its diagonals.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the uncut card on the table with one of its longer
+sides to the child. By the side of this card, a little nearer the child
+and a few inches apart, lay the two halves of the divided rectangle with
+their hypothenuses turned from each other as follows:
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Then say to the child: "_I want you to take these two pieces_ (touching
+the two triangles) _and put them together so they will look exactly like
+this_" (pointing to the uncut card). If the child hesitates, we repeat
+the instructions with a little urging. Say nothing about hurrying, as
+this is likely to cause confusion. Give three trials, of one minute
+each. If only one trial is given, success is too often a result of
+chance moves; but luck is not likely to bring two successes in three
+trials. If the first trial is a failure, move the cut halves back to
+their original position and say: "_No; put them together so they will
+look like this_" (pointing to the uncut card). Make no other comment of
+approval or disapproval. Disregard in silence the inquiring looks of the
+child who tries to read his success or failure in your face.
+
+If one of the pieces is turned over, the task becomes impossible, and it
+is then necessary to turn the piece back to its original position and
+begin over, not counting this trial. Have the under side of the pieces
+marked so as to avoid the risk of presenting one of them to the child
+wrong side up.
+
+SCORING. There must be _two successes in three trials_. About the only
+difficulty in scoring is that of deciding what constitutes a trial. We
+count it a trial when the child brings the pieces together and (after
+few or many changes) leaves them in some position. Whether he succeeds
+after many moves, or leaves the pieces with approval in some absurd
+position, or gives up and says he cannot do it, his effort counts as one
+trial. A single trial may involve a number of unsuccessful changes of
+position in the two cards, but these changes may not consume altogether
+more than one minute.
+
+REMARKS. As aptly described by Binet, the operation has the following
+elements: "(1) To keep in mind the end to be attained, that is to say,
+the figure to be formed. It is necessary to comprehend this end and not
+to lose sight of it. (2) To try different combinations under the
+influence of this directing idea, which guides the efforts of the child
+even though he be unconscious of the fact. (3) To judge the formed
+combination, compare it with the model, and decide whether it is the
+correct one."
+
+It may be classed, therefore, as one of the many forms of the
+"combination method." Elements must be combined into some kind of whole
+under the guidance of a directing idea. In this respect it has something
+in common with the form-board test, the Ebbinghaus test, and the test
+with dissected sentences (XII, 4). Binet designates it a "test of
+patience," because success in it depends upon a certain willingness to
+persist in a line of action under the control of an idea.
+
+Not all failures in this test are equally significant. A bright child of
+5 years sometimes fails, but usually not without many trial combinations
+which he rejects one after another as unsatisfactory. A dull child of
+the same age often stops after he has brought the pieces into any sort
+of juxtaposition, however absurd, and may be quite satisfied with his
+foolish effort. His mind is not fruitful and he lacks the power of
+auto-criticism.
+
+It would be well worth while to work out a new and somewhat more
+difficult "test of patience," but with special care to avoid the
+puzzling features of the usual games of anagrams. The one given us by
+Binet is rather easy for year V, though plainly somewhat too difficult
+for year IV.
+
+
+V, 6. THREE COMMISSIONS
+
+PROCEDURE. After getting up from the chair and moving with the child to
+the center of the room, say: "_Now, I want you to do something for me.
+Here's a key. I want you to put it on that chair over there; then I want
+you to shut (or open) that door, and then bring me the box which you see
+over there_ (pointing in turn to the objects designated). _Do you
+understand? Be sure to get it right. First, put the key on the chair,
+then shut_ (open) _the door, then bring me the box_ (again pointing).
+_Go ahead._" Stress the words _first_ and _then_ so as to emphasize the
+order in which the commissions are to be executed.
+
+Give the commissions always in the above order. Do not repeat the
+instructions again or give any further aid whatever, even by the
+direction of the gaze. If the child stops or hesitates it is never
+permissible to say: "_What next?_" Have the self-control to leave the
+child alone with his task.
+
+SCORING. _All three commissions must be executed and in the proper
+order._ Failure may result, therefore, either from leaving out one or
+more of the commands or from changing the order. The former is more
+often the case.
+
+REMARKS. Success depends first on the ability to comprehend the
+commands, and secondly, on the ability to hold them in mind. It is
+therefore a test of memory, though of a somewhat different kind from
+that involved in repeating digits or sentences. It is an excellent test,
+for it throws light on a kind of intelligence which is demanded in all
+occupations and in everyday life. A more difficult test of the same type
+ought to be worked out for a higher age level.
+
+Binet originally located this test in year VI, but in 1911 changed it to
+year VII. This is unfortunate, for the three Stanford investigations, as
+well as the statistics of all other investigators, show conclusively
+that it is easy enough for year V.
+
+
+V. ALTERNATIVE TEST: GIVING AGE
+
+PROCEDURE. The formula is simply, "_How old are you?_" The child of this
+age is, of course, not expected to know the date of his birthday, but
+merely how many years old he is.
+
+SCORING. About the only danger in scoring is in the failure to verify
+the child's response. Some children give an incorrect answer with
+perfect assurance, and it is therefore always necessary to verify.
+
+REMARKS. Inability to give the age may or may not be significant. If the
+child has arrived at the age of 7 or 8 years and has had anything like a
+normal social environment, failure in the test is an extremely
+unfavorable sign. But if the child is an orphan or has grown up in
+neglect, ignorance of age has little significance for intelligence.
+About all we can say is that if a child gives his age correctly, it is
+because he has had sufficient interest and intelligence to remember
+verbal statements which have been made concerning him in his presence.
+He may even pass the test without attaching any definite meaning to the
+word "year." On the other hand, if he has lived seven or eight years in
+a normal environment, it is safe to assume that he has heard his age
+given many times, and failure to remember it would then indicate either
+a weak memory or a grave inferiority of spontaneous interests, or both.
+Normal children have a natural interest in the things they hear said
+about themselves, while the middle-grade imbecile of even 40 years may
+fail to remember his age, however often he may have heard it stated.
+
+Binet placed the test in year VI of the 1908 series, but omitted it
+altogether in 1911. Kuhlmann and Goddard also omit it, perhaps wisely.
+Nevertheless, it is always interesting to give as a supplementary test.
+Children from good homes acquire the knowledge about a year earlier than
+those from less favorable surroundings. Unselected children of
+California ordinarily pass the test at 5 years.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VI
+
+
+VI, 1. DISTINGUISHING RIGHT AND LEFT
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_Show me your right hand._" After this is
+responded to, say: "_Show me your left ear._" Then: "_Show me your right
+eye._" Stress the words _left_ and _ear_ rather strongly and equally;
+also _right_ and _eye_. If there is one error, repeat the test, this
+time with left hand, right ear, and left eye. Carefully avoid giving any
+help by look of approval or disapproval, by glancing at the part of the
+body indicated, or by supplementary questions.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if all three questions are answered
+correctly, or if, in case of one error, the three additional questions
+are all answered correctly. The standard, therefore, _is three out of
+three, or five out of six_.
+
+The chief danger of variation among different examiners in scoring
+comes from double responses. For example, the child may point first to
+one ear and then to the other. In all cases of double response, the rule
+is to count the second response and disregard the first. This holds
+whether the first response was wrong and the second right, or _vice
+versa_.
+
+REMARKS. It is interesting to follow the child's acquisitions
+of language distinctions relating to spacial orientation. Other
+distinctions of this type are those between up and down, above and
+below, near and far, before and behind, etc. As Bobertag has pointed
+out, the child first masters such distinctions as up and down, above and
+below, before and behind, etc., and arrives at a knowledge of right and
+left rather tardily.
+
+How may we explain the late distinction of right and left as compared
+with up and down? At least four theories may be advanced: (1) Something
+depends on the frequency with which children have occasion to make the
+respective distinctions. (2) It may be explained on the supposition that
+kinaesthetic sensations are more prominently involved in distinctions of
+up and down than in distinctions of right and left. It is certainly true
+that, in distinguishing the two sides of a thing, less bodily movement
+is ordinarily required than in distinctions of its upper and lower
+aspects. The former demands only a shift of the eyes, the latter often
+requires an upward or downward movement of the head. (3) It may be due
+to the fact that the appearance of an object is more affected by
+differences in vertical orientation than by those of horizontal
+orientation. We see an object now from one side, now from the other, and
+the two aspects easily blend, while the two aspects corresponding to
+above and below are not viewed in such rapid succession and so remain
+much more distinct from one another in the child's mind. Or, (4), the
+difference may be mainly a matter of language. The child undoubtedly
+hears the words _up_ and _down_ much oftener than _right_ and _left_,
+and thus learns their meaning earlier. Horizontal distinctions are
+commonly made in such terms as _this side_ and _that side_, or merely by
+pointing, while in the case of vertical distinctions the words _up_ and
+_down_ are used constantly. This last explanation is a very plausible
+one, but it is very probable that other factors are also involved.
+
+The distinction between right and left has a certain inherent and more
+or less mysterious difficulty. To convince one's self of this it is only
+necessary to try a little experiment on the first fifty persons one
+chances to meet. The experiment is as follows. Say: "I am going to ask
+you a question and I want you to answer it as quickly as you can." Then
+ask: "Which is your right hand?" About forty persons out of fifty will
+answer correctly without a second's hesitation, several will require two
+or three seconds to respond, while a few, possibly four or five
+per cent, will grow confused and perhaps be unable to respond for five
+or ten seconds. Some very intelligent adults cannot possibly tell which
+is the right or left hand without first searching for a scar or some
+other distinguishing mark which is known to be on a particular hand.
+Others resort to incipient movements of writing, and since, of course,
+every one knows which hand he writes with, the writing movements
+automatically initiated give the desired clue. One bright little girl of
+8 years responded by trying to wink first one eye and then the other.
+Asked why she did this, she said she knew she could wink her left eye,
+but not her right! One who is resourceful enough to adopt such an
+ingenious method is surely not less intelligent than the one who is able
+to respond by a direct instead of an intermediate association.
+
+It seems that normal people never encounter a corresponding difficulty
+in distinguishing up and down. The writer has questioned several hundred
+without finding a single instance, whereas a great many have to employ
+some intermediate association in order to distinguish right and left. It
+is the "p's and q's" that children must be told to mind; not the "p's
+and b's." The former is a horizontal, the latter a vertical distinction.
+
+Considering the difficulty which normal adults sometimes have in
+distinguishing right and left, is it fair to use this test as a measure
+of intelligence? We may answer in the affirmative. It is fair because
+normal adults, notwithstanding momentary uncertainty, are invariably
+able to make the distinction, if not by direct association, then by an
+intermediate one. We overlook the momentary confusion and regard only
+the correctness of the response. Subjects who are below middle-grade
+imbecile, however long they have lived, seldom pass the test.
+
+This test found a place in year VI of Binet's 1908 scale, but was
+shifted to year VII in the 1911 revision. The Stanford statistics, and
+all other available data, with the exception of Bobertag's, justify its
+retention in year VI. It is possible that the children of different
+nations do not have equal opportunity and stimulus for learning the
+distinction between right and left, but the data show that as far as
+American and English children are concerned we have a right to expect
+this knowledge in children of 6 years.
+
+
+VI, 2. FINDING OMISSIONS IN PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the pictures to the child one at a time in the order in
+which they are lettered, _a_, _b_, _c_, _d_. When the first picture is
+shown (that with the eye lacking), say: "_There is something wrong with
+this face. It is not all there. Part of it is left out. Look carefully
+and tell me what part of the face is not there._" Often the child gives
+an irrelevant answer; as, "The feet are gone," "The stomach is not
+there," etc. These statements are true, but they do not satisfy the
+requirements of the test, so we say: "_No; I am talking about the face.
+Look again and tell me what is left out of the face._" If the correct
+response does not follow, we point to the place where the eye should be
+and say: "_See, the eye is gone._" When picture _b_ is shown we say
+merely: "_What is left out of this face?_" Likewise with picture _c_.
+For picture _d_ we say: "_What is left out of this picture?_" No help of
+any kind is given unless (if necessary) with the first picture. With the
+others we confine ourselves to the single question, and the answer
+should be given promptly, say within twenty to twenty-five seconds.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the omission is correctly pointed out in _three out
+of four_ of the pictures. Certain minor errors we may overlook, such as
+"eyes" instead of "eye" for the first picture; "nose and one ear"
+instead of merely "nose" for the third; "hands" instead of "arms" for
+the fourth, etc. Errors like the following, however, count as failure:
+"The other eye," or "The other ear" for the first or third; "The ears"
+for the fourth, etc.
+
+REMARKS. The test is one of the two or three dozen forms of the
+so-called "completion test," all of which have it in common that from
+the given parts of a whole the missing parts are to be found. The whole
+to be completed may be a word, a sentence, a story, a picture, a group
+of pictures, an object, or in fact almost anything. Sometimes all the
+parts of the whole are given and only the arrangement or order is to be
+found, as in the test with dissected sentences.
+
+Further discussion of the completion test will be found in connection
+with test 4, year XII. For the present we will only observe that
+notwithstanding a certain similarity among the tests of this type, they
+do not all call into play the same mental processes. The factor most
+involved may be verbal language coherence, visual perception of form,
+the association of abstract ideas, etc. To pass Binet's test with
+mutilated pictures requires, (1) that the parts of the picture be
+perceived as constituting a whole; and (2) that the idea of a human face
+or form be so easily and so clearly reproducible that it may act, even
+before it comes fully into consciousness, as a model or pattern, for the
+criticism of the picture shown. The younger the child, the less
+adequate, in this sense, is his perceptual familiarity with common
+objects. In standardizing a series of "absurd pictures," the writer has
+found that normal children of 3 years often see nothing wrong in a
+picture which shows a cat with two legs or a hen with four legs. Such
+children would, of course, never mistake a cat for a hen. Their trouble
+lies in the inability to call up in clear form a "free idea" of a cat or
+a hen for comparison with the perceptual presentation offered by the
+picture. Middle-grade imbeciles of adult age have much the same
+difficulty as normal children of 4 years in recognizing mutilations or
+absurdities in pictures of familiar objects.
+
+Binet first placed this test in year VII, changing it to year VIII in
+the 1911 revision. In other revisions it has been retained in year VII,
+although all the available statistics except Bobertag's warrant its
+location in year VI.
+
+
+VI, 3. COUNTING THIRTEEN PENNIES
+
+PROCEDURE. The procedure is the same as in the test of counting four
+pennies (year IV, test 3). If the first response contains only a minor
+error, such as the omission of a number in counting, failure to tally
+with the finger, etc., a second trial is given.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if there is _one success in two trials_.
+Success requires that the counting should tally with the pointing. It is
+not sufficient merely to state the number of pennies without pointing,
+for unless the child points and counts aloud we cannot be sure that his
+correct answer may not be the joint result of two errors in opposite
+directions and equal; for example, if one penny were skipped and
+another were counted twice the total result would still be correct, but
+the performance would not satisfy the requirements.
+
+REMARKS. Does success in this test depend upon intelligence or upon
+schooling? The answer is, intelligence mainly. There are possibly a few
+normal 6-year-old children who could not pass the test for lack of
+instruction, but children of this age usually have enough spontaneous
+interest in numbers to acquire facility in counting as far as 13 without
+formal teaching. Certainly, inability to do so by the age of 7 years is
+a suspicious sign unless the child's environment has been extraordinarily
+unfavorable. On the other hand, feeble-minded adults of the 5-year level
+usually have to have a great deal of instruction before they acquire
+the ability to count 13, and many of them are hardly able to learn it at
+all. So much does our learning depend on original endowment.
+
+Binet originally placed this test in year VII, but moved it to year VI
+in 1911. All the statistics, without exception, show that this change
+was justified. Bobertag says that nearly all 7-year-olds who are not
+feeble-minded can pass it, a statement with which we can fully agree.
+
+
+VI, 4. COMPREHENSION, SECOND DEGREE
+
+PROCEDURE. The questions used in this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_What's the thing to do if it is raining when you start to
+ school?_"
+ (b) "_What's the thing to do if you find that your house is on
+ fire?_"
+ (c) "_What's the thing to do if you are going some place and
+ miss your train (car)?_"
+
+Note that the wording of the first part of the questions is slightly
+different from that in year IV, test 5.
+
+If there is no response, or if the child looks puzzled, the question may
+be repeated once or twice. The form of the question must not under any
+circumstances be altered. Question _b_, for example, would be materially
+changed if we should say: "_Suppose you were to come home from school
+and find that your house was burning up. What would you do?_" The
+expression "burning up" would probably be much less likely to suggest
+calling a fireman than would the words "on fire."
+
+SCORING. _Two out of three_ must be answered correctly. The harder the
+comprehension questions are, the greater the variety of answers and the
+greater the difficulty of scoring. Because of the difficulty many
+examiners find in scoring this test, we will list the most common
+satisfactory, unsatisfactory, and doubtful responses to each question.
+
+(a) _If it is raining when you start to school_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Take umbrella," "Bring a parasol," "Put on
+ rubbers," "Wear an overcoat," etc. This type of response
+ occurred 61 times out of 72 successes. "Have my father bring me"
+ also counts _plus_.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Go home," "Stay at home," "Stay in the
+ house," "Have the rainbow," "Stay in school," etc. "Stay at
+ home" is the most common failure and might at first seem to the
+ examiner to be a satisfactory response. As a matter of fact,
+ this answer rests on a slight misunderstanding of the question,
+ the import of which is that one is to go to school and it is
+ raining.
+
+ _Doubtful._ "Run" as an answer is a little more troublesome. It
+ may reasonably be scored _plus_ if it can be ascertained that
+ the child is accustomed to meet the situation in this way. It is
+ a common response with children in those regions of the
+ Southwest where rains are so infrequent that umbrellas are
+ rarely used. "Bring my lunch" may be considered a satisfactory
+ response in case the child is in the habit of so doing on rainy
+ days.
+
+(b) _If you find that your house is on fire_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Ring the fire alarm," "Call the firemen," "Call
+ for help," "Put water on it," etc.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ The most common failure, accounting for nearly
+ half of all, is to suggest finding other shelter; _e.g._, "Go to
+ the hotel," "Get another house," "Stay with your friends,"
+ "Build a new house," etc. Others are: "Tell them you are sorry
+ it burned down," "Be careful and not let it burn again," "Have
+ it insured," "Cry," "Call the policeman," etc.
+
+ _Doubtful._ Instead of suggesting measures to put out the fire,
+ a good many children suggest mere escape or the saving of
+ household articles. Responses of this type are: "Jump out of the
+ windows," "Save yourself," "Get out as fast as you can," "Save
+ the baby," "Get my dolls and jewelry and hurry and get out."
+ These answers are about one seventh as frequent as the perfectly
+ satisfactory ones, and the rule for scoring them is a matter of
+ some importance. Under certain circumstances the logical thing
+ to do would be to save one's self or valuables without wasting
+ time trying to call help. There may be no help in reach, or a
+ fire which the child imagines may be too far along for help to
+ be effective. In order to avoid the possibility of doing a
+ subject an injustice, it may be desirable to score such answers
+ _plus_. We must not be too arbitrary.
+
+(c) _If you miss your train_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The answer we expect is, "Wait for another,"
+ "Take the next car," or something to that effect. This type of
+ answer includes about 85 per cent of the responses which do not
+ belong obviously in the unsatisfactory group. "Take a jitney" is
+ a modern variation of this response which must be counted as
+ satisfactory.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ These are endless. One continues to meet new
+ examples of absurdity, however many children one has tested. The
+ possibilities are literally inexhaustible, but the following are
+ among the most common: "Wait for it to come back," "Have to
+ walk," "Be mad," "Don't swear," "Run and try to catch it," "Try
+ to jump on," "Don't go to that place," "Go to the next station,"
+ etc.
+
+ _Doubtful._ The main doubtful response is, "Go home again,"
+ "Come back next day and catch another," etc. In small or
+ isolated towns having only one or two trains per day, this is
+ the logical thing to do, and in such cases the score is _plus_.
+ Fortunately, only about one answer in ten gives rise to any
+ difference of opinion among even partly trained examiners.
+
+REMARKS. The three comprehension questions of this group were all
+suggested by Binet in 1905. Only one of them, however, "What would you
+do if you were going some place and missed your train?" was incorporated
+in the 1908 or 1911 series, and this was used in year X with seven
+others much harder. The other two remained unstandardized previous to
+the Stanford investigation.[53]
+
+[53] For general discussion of the comprehension questions as a test,
+see p. 158.
+
+
+VI, 5. NAMING FOUR COINS
+
+PROCEDURE. Show a nickel, a penny, a quarter, and a dime, asking each
+time: "_What is that?_" If the child misunderstands and answers,
+"Money," or "A piece of money," we say: "_Yes, but what do you call that
+piece of money?_" Show the coins always in the order given above.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _three of the four_ questions are
+correctly answered. Any correct designation of a coin is satisfactory,
+including provincialisms like "two bits" for the 25-cent piece, etc. If
+the child changes his response for a coin, we count the second answer
+and ignore the first. No supplementary questions are permissible.
+
+REMARKS. Some of the critics of the Binet scale regard this test as of
+little value, because, they say, the ability to identify pieces of money
+depends entirely on instruction or other accidents of environment. The
+figures show, however, that it is not greatly influenced by differences
+of social environment, although children from poor homes do slightly
+better with it than those from homes of wealth and culture. The fact
+seems to be that practically all children by the age of 6 years have
+had opportunity to learn the names of the smaller coins, and if they
+have failed to learn them it betokens a lack of that spontaneity of
+interest in things which we have mentioned so often as a fundamental
+presupposition of intelligence. It is by no means a test of mere
+mechanical memory.
+
+This test was given a place in year VII of Binet's 1908 scale, the coins
+used being the 1-sou, 2-sous, 10-sous, and 5-franc pieces. It was
+omitted from the Binet 1911 revision and also from that of Goddard.
+Kuhlmann retains it in year VII. Others, however, have required all four
+coins to be correctly named, and when this standard is used the test is
+difficult enough for year VII. Germany has six coins up to and including
+the 1-mark piece, all of which could be named by 76 per cent of
+Bobertag's 7-year-olds. With the coins and the standard of scoring used
+in the Stanford revision the test belongs well in year VI.
+
+
+VI, 6. REPEATING SIXTEEN TO EIGHTEEN SYLLABLES
+
+The sentences are:--
+
+ (a) "_We are having a fine time. We found a little mouse in the
+ trap._"
+ (b) "_Walter had a fine time on his vacation. He went fishing
+ every day._"
+ (c) "_We will go out for a long walk. Please give me my pretty
+ straw hat._"
+
+PROCEDURE. The instructions should be given as follows: "_Now, listen. I
+am going to say something and after I am through I want you to say it
+over just like I do. Understand? Listen carefully and be sure to say
+exactly what I say._" Then read the first sentence rather slowly, in a
+distinct voice, and with expression. If the response is not too bad,
+praise the child's efforts. Then proceed with the second and third
+sentences, prefacing each with an exhortation to "say exactly what I
+say."
+
+In this year and in the memory-for-sentences test of later years it is
+not permissible to re-read even the first sentence. The only reason for
+allowing a repetition of one of the sentences in the earlier test of
+this kind was to overcome the child's timidity. With children of 6 years
+or upward we seldom encounter the timidity which sometimes makes it so
+hard to secure responses in some of the tests of the earlier years.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if at least one sentence out of three is
+repeated without error, or if two are repeated with not more than one
+error each_. A single omission, insertion, or transposition counts as an
+error. Faults of pronunciation are of course overlooked. It is not
+sufficient that the thought be reproduced intact; the exact language
+must be repeated. The responses should be recorded _verbatim_. This is
+easily done if record blanks used for scoring have the sentences printed
+in full.
+
+REMARKS. In this test and in later tests of memory for sentences, it is
+interesting to ask after each response: "_Did you get it right?_" As in
+the tests with digits, it is an unfavorable sign when the child is
+perfectly satisfied with a very poor response.
+
+It is evident that tests of this type give opportunity for different
+degrees of failure. To repeat only a half or a third of each sentence is
+much more serious than to make but one error in each sentence (one word
+omitted, inserted, or misplaced). It would be possible to use the same
+sentences at three or four different age levels, by setting the
+appropriate standard for success at each age. If the standard is one
+sentence out of three repeated with no more than two errors, the test
+belongs in year V. If we require two absolutely correct responses out of
+three, the test belongs at about year VII. The shifting standard is
+rendered unnecessary, however, by the use of other tests of the same
+kind, easier ones in the lower years and more difficult ones in the
+upper.
+
+Sentences of sixteen syllables found a place in Binet's 1908 scale and
+were correctly located in year VI, but later revisions, including that
+of Binet, have omitted the test.
+
+
+VI. ALTERNATIVE TEST: FORENOON AND AFTERNOON
+
+PROCEDURE. If it is morning, ask: "_Is it morning or afternoon?_" If it
+is afternoon, put the question in the reverse form, "_Is it afternoon or
+morning?_" This precaution is necessary because of the tendency of some
+children to choose always the latter of two alternatives. Do not
+cross-question the child or give any suggestion that might afford a clue
+as to the correct answer.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the correct response is given with
+apparent assurance. If the child says he is not sure but _thinks_ it
+forenoon (or afternoon, as the case may be), we score the response a
+failure even if the answer happens to be correct. However, this type of
+response is not often encountered.
+
+REMARKS. It is interesting to follow the child's development with regard
+to orientation in time. This development proceeds much more slowly than
+we are wont to assume. Certain distinctions with regard to space, as up
+and down, come much earlier. As Binet remarks, schools sometimes try to
+teach the events of national history to children whose time orientation
+is so rudimentary that they do not even know morning from afternoon!
+
+The test has two rather serious faults: (1) It gives too much play to
+chance, for since only two alternatives are offered, guesses alone would
+give about fifty per cent of correct responses. (2) We cannot be sure
+that the verbal distinction between forenoon and afternoon always
+corresponds the two divisions of the day. It is possible that the
+temporal discrimination precedes the formation of the correct verbal
+association.
+
+This test was included in the year VI group of the 1908 scale, but was
+omitted from the 1911 revision. Nearly all the data except Bobertag's
+show that it is rather easy for year VI, though too difficult for
+year V. Bobertag's figures would place the test in year VII. Possibly
+the corresponding German words are not as easy to learn as our _morning_
+and _afternoon_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VII
+
+
+VII, 1. GIVING THE NUMBER OF FINGERS
+
+PROCEDURE. "_How many fingers have you on one hand?_" "_How many on the
+other hand?_" "_How many on both hands together?_" If the child begins
+to count in response to any of the questions, say: "_No, don't count.
+Tell me without counting._" Then repeat the question.
+
+SCORING. Passed _if all three questions are answered correctly and
+promptly_ without the necessity of counting. Some subjects do not
+understand the question to include the thumbs. We disregard this if the
+number of fingers exclusive of thumbs is given correctly.
+
+REMARKS. Like the two tests of counting pennies, this one, also, throws
+light on the child's spontaneous interest in numbers. However, the
+mental processes it calls into play are a little less simple than those
+required for mere counting. If the child is able to give the number of
+fingers, it is ordinarily because he has previously counted them and has
+remembered the result. The memory would hardly be retained but for a
+certain interest in numbers as such. Middle-grade imbeciles of even
+adult age seldom remember how many fingers they have, however often
+they may have been told. They are not able to form accurate concepts of
+other than the simplest number relationships, and numbers have little
+interest or meaning for them.
+
+Binet gave this test a place in year VII of the 1908 series, but omitted
+it in the 1911 revision. Goddard omits it, while Kuhlmann retains it in
+year VII, where, according to our own figures, it unmistakably belongs.
+Bobertag finds it rather easy for year VII, though too difficult for
+year VI.
+
+Our data prove that this test fulfills the requirements of a good test.
+It shows a rapid but even rise from year V to year VIII in the per cent
+passing, the agreement among the different testers is extraordinarily
+close, and it is relatively little influenced by training and social
+environment. For these reasons, and because it is so easy to give and
+score with uniformity, it well deserves a place in the scale.
+
+
+VII, 2. DESCRIPTION OF PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the same pictures as in III, 3, presenting them always in
+the following order: Dutch Home, River Scene, Post-Office. The formula
+for the test in this year is somewhat different from that of year III.
+Say: "_What is this picture about? What is this a picture of?_" Use the
+double question, and follow the formula exactly. It would ruin the test
+to say: "_Tell me everything you see in this picture_," for this form of
+question tends to provoke the enumeration response even with intelligent
+children of this age.
+
+When there is no response, the question may be repeated as often as is
+necessary to break the silence.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ pictures are described
+or interpreted. Interpretation, however, is seldom encountered at this
+age. Often the response consists of a mixture of enumeration and
+description. The rule is that the reaction to a picture should not
+be scored _plus_ unless it is made up chiefly of description (or
+interpretation).
+
+Study of the following samples of satisfactory responses will give a
+fairly definite idea of the requirements for satisfactory description:--
+
+_Picture (a): satisfactory responses_
+
+ "The little girl is crying. The mother is looking at her and
+ there is a little kitten on the floor."
+
+ "The mother is watching the baby, and the cat is looking at a
+ hole in the floor, and there is a lamp and a table so I guess
+ it's a dining room."
+
+ "The little girl has wooden shoes. Her mother is sitting in a
+ chair and has a funny cap on her head. The cat is sitting on the
+ floor and there is a basket by the mother and a table with
+ something on it."
+
+ "It's about Holland. The little Dutch girl is crying and the
+ mother is sitting down."
+
+ "A little Dutch girl and her mother and that's a kitten, and the
+ little girl has her hand up as if she was doing something to her
+ forehead. She has shoes that curve up in front."
+
+ "Dutch lady, and the little baby doesn't want to come to her
+ mother and the cat is looking for some mice."
+
+ "The mother is sitting down and the little one has her hands up
+ over her eyes. There's a pail by the mother and a chair with
+ some clothes on it and a table with dishes. And here's a lamp
+ and here's some curtains."
+
+_Picture (b): satisfactory responses_
+
+ "Some people in a boat. The water is high and if they don't look
+ out the boat will tip over."
+
+ "Some Indians and a lady and man. They are in a boat on the
+ river and the boat is about to upset, and there are some dead
+ trees going to fall."
+
+ "There's a lot of water coming up to drown the people. There are
+ two people in the boat and the boat is sinking."
+
+ "There's some people sailing in a canoe and the woman is leaning
+ over on the man because she is afraid."
+
+ "There's an Indian and some white people in the boat. I suppose
+ they are out for a ride in a canoe."
+
+ "Picture about some man and lady in a canoe and going down to
+ the sea."
+
+ "They are taking a boat ride on the ocean and the water is up so
+ high that one of them is scared. Here are some trees and two of
+ them are going to fall down. Here's a little place or bridge you
+ can stand on. The man is touching this one's head and this one
+ has his hand on the cover."
+
+ "The water is splashing all over. There's trees on this bank and
+ there's a rock and some trees falling down. The people have a
+ blanket over them."
+
+_Picture (c): satisfactory responses_
+
+ "A man selling eggs and two men reading the paper together and
+ two men watching."
+
+ "A few men reading a newspaper and one has a basket of eggs and
+ this one has been fishing."
+
+ "There's a man with a basket of eggs and another is reading the
+ paper and a woman is hanging out clothes. There's a house near."
+
+ "There's a man trying to read the paper and the others want to
+ read it too. Here's a lady walking up to the barn. There are
+ houses over there and one man has a basket."
+
+ "There's a big brick house and five men by it and a man with a
+ basket of eggs and a post-office sign and a lady going home."
+
+ "They are all looking at the paper. He is looking over the other
+ man's shoulder and this one is looking at the back of the paper.
+ There's a woman cleaning up her back yard and some coops for
+ hens."
+
+ "A man reading a paper, a man with eggs, a woman and a tree and
+ another house. That man has an apron on. This is the
+ post-office."
+
+Unsatisfactory responses are those made up entirely or mainly of
+enumeration. A phrase or two of description intermingled with a larger
+amount of enumeration counts _minus_. Sometimes the description is
+satisfactory as far as it goes, but is exceedingly brief. In such cases
+a little tactful urging ("_Go ahead_," etc.) will extend the response
+sufficiently to reveal its true character.
+
+REMARKS. Description is better than enumeration because it involves
+putting the elements of a picture together in a simple way or noting
+their qualities. This requires a higher type of mental association
+(combinative power) than mere enumeration. An unusually complete
+description indicates relative wealth of mental content and facility of
+association.
+
+Binet placed this test in year VII, and it seems to have been retained
+in this location in all revisions except Bobertag's. However, the
+statistics of various workers show much disagreement. Lack of agreement
+is easily accounted for by the fact that different investigators have
+used different series of pictures and doubtless also different standards
+for success. The pictures used by Binet have little action or detail and
+are therefore rather difficult for description. On the other hand, the
+Jingleman-Jack pictures used by Kuhlmann represent such familiar
+situations and have so much action that even 5- or 6-year intelligence
+seldom fails with them. The pictures we employ belong without question
+in year VII.
+
+No better proof than the above could be found to show how ability of a
+given kind does not make its appearance suddenly. There is no one time
+in the life of even a single child when the power to describe pictures
+suddenly develops. On the contrary, pictures of a certain type will
+ordinarily provoke description, rather than enumeration, as early as
+5 or 6 years; others not before 7 or 8 years, or even later.
+
+
+VII, 3. REPEATING FIVE DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use: 3-1-7-5-9; 4-2-3-8-5; 9-8-1-7-6. Tell the child to
+listen and to say after you just what you say. Then read the first
+series of digits at a slightly faster rate than one per second, in a
+distinct voice, and with perfectly uniform emphasis. _Avoid rhythm._
+
+In previous tests with digits, it was permissible to re-read the first
+series if the child refused to respond. In this year, and in the digits
+tests of later years, this is not permissible. Warning is not given as
+to the number of digits to be repeated. Before reading each series, get
+the child's attention. Do not stare at the child during the response, as
+this is disconcerting. Look aside or at the record sheet.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the child repeats correctly, after a single reading,
+_one series out of the three_ series given. The order must be correct.
+
+REMARKS. Psychologically the repetition of digits differs from the
+repetition of sentences mainly in the fact that digits have less meaning
+(fewer associations) than the words of a sentence. It is because they
+are not as well knit together in meaning that three digits tax the
+memory as much as six syllables making up a sentence.
+
+Testing auditory memory for digits is one of the oldest of intelligence
+tests. It is easy to give and lends itself well to exact quantitative
+standardization. Its value has been questioned, however, on two grounds:
+(1) That it is not a test of pure memory, but depends largely on
+attention; and (2) that the results are too much influenced by the
+child's type of imagery. As to the first objection, it is true that more
+than one mental function is brought into play by the test. The same may
+be said of every other test in the Binet scale and for that matter of
+any test that could be devised. It is impossible to isolate any function
+for separate testing. In fact, the functions called memory, attention,
+perception, judgment, etc., never operate in isolation. There are no
+separate and special "faculties" corresponding to such terms, which are
+merely convenient names for characterizing mental processes of various
+types. In any test it is "general ability" which is operative, perhaps
+now _chiefly_ in remembering, at another time _chiefly_ in sensory
+discrimination, again in reasoning, etc.
+
+The second objection, that the test is largely invalidated by the
+existence of imagery types, is not borne out by the facts. Experiments
+have shown that pure imagery types are exceedingly rare, and that
+children, especially, are characterized by "mixed" imagery. There are
+probably few subjects so lacking in auditory imagery as to be placed at
+a serious disadvantage in this test.
+
+Lengthening a series by the addition of a single digit adds greatly to
+the difficulty. While four digits can usually be repeated by children of
+4 years, five digits belong in year VII and six in year X.
+
+It is always interesting to note the type of errors made. The most
+common error is to omit one or more of the digits, usually in the first
+part of the series. If the child's ability is decidedly below the test
+he may give only the last two or three out of the five or six heard.
+Substitutions are also quite frequent, and if so many substitutions are
+made as to give a series quite unlike that which the child has heard, it
+is an unfavorable sign, indicating weakness of the critical sense which
+is so often found with low-level intelligence. In case of extreme
+weakness of the power of auto-criticism, the child in response to the
+series 9-8-1-7-6-, may say 1-2-3-4-5-6, or perhaps merely a couple of
+digits like 8-6, and still express complete satisfaction with his absurd
+response. After each series, therefore, the examiner should say, "_Was
+it right?_"[54] Very young subjects, however, have a tendency to answer
+"yes" to any question of this type, and it is therefore best not to call
+for criticism of a performance below the age of 6 or 7 years.
+
+[54] "_Was it wrong?_" is not an equivalent question and should not be
+used.
+
+Digit series of a given length are not always of equal difficulty, and
+for this reason it is never wise to use series improvised at the moment
+of the experiment. We must avoid especially series of regularly
+ascending or descending value, the repetition at regular intervals of a
+particular digit, and all other peculiarities of arrangement which would
+favor the grouping of the digits for easier retention.
+
+It remains to mention two or three further cautions in regard to
+procedure. It is best to begin with a series about one digit below the
+child's expected ability. If the child has a probable intelligence of
+about 6 or 7 years, we should begin with four digits; in case of
+probable 10-year intelligence we begin with five digits, etc. On the
+other hand, we should avoid beginning too far down, because then the
+result is too much complicated by the effects of practice and fatigue.
+
+It is not necessary, and often it is not expedient, to give the digits
+tests of all the different years in succession; that is, without other
+tests intervening. While this may be permissible with older children, in
+young children the power of sustained attention is so weak that no
+single kind of test should occupy more than two or three minutes.
+Children below 6 or 7 years should ordinarily be given the tests in the
+order in which they are listed in the record booklet.
+
+In his 1911 revision of the scale Binet unfortunately shifted this test
+from year VII to year VIII. Goddard follows his example, but Kuhlmann
+retains it in year VII. The data from more than a dozen leading
+investigations in America, England, and Germany agree in showing that
+the test should remain in year VII.
+
+
+VII, 4. TYING A BOW-KNOT
+
+PROCEDURE. Prepare a shoestring tied in a bow-knot around a stick. The
+knot should be an ordinary "double bow," with wings not over three or
+four inches long. Make this ready in advance of the experiment and show
+the child only the completed knot.
+
+Place the model before the subject with the wings pointing to the right
+and left, and say: "_You know what kind of knot this is, don't you? It
+is a bow-knot. I want you to take this other piece of string and tie the
+same kind of knot around my finger._" At the same time give the child a
+piece of shoestring, of the same length as that which is tied around the
+stick, and hold out a finger pointed toward the child and in convenient
+position for the operation. It is better to have the subject tie the
+string around the examiner's finger than around a pencil or other object
+because the latter often falls out of the string and is otherwise
+awkward to handle.
+
+Some children who assert that they do not know how to tie a bow-knot are
+sometimes nevertheless successful when urged to try. It is always
+necessary, therefore, to secure an actual trial.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if a double bow-knot (both ends folded in)
+is made _in not more than a minute_. A single bow-knot (only one end
+folded in) counts half credit, because children are often accustomed to
+use the single bow altogether. The usual plain common knot, which
+precedes the bow-knot proper, must not be omitted if the response is to
+count as satisfactory, for without this preliminary plain knot a
+bow-knot will not hold and is of no value. To be satisfactory the knot
+should also be drawn up reasonably close, not left gaping.
+
+REMARKS. This test, which had not before been standardized, was
+suggested to the writer by the late Dr. Huey, who in a conversation
+once remarked upon the frequent inability of feeble-minded adults to
+perform the little motor tasks which are universally learned by normal
+persons in childhood. The test was therefore incorporated in the
+Stanford trial series of 1913-14 and tried with 370 non-selected
+children within two months of the 6th, 7th, 8th, or 9th birthday. It was
+expected that the test would probably be found to belong at about the
+8-year level, but it proved to be easy enough for year VII, where
+69 per cent of the children passed it. Only 35 per cent of the
+6-year-olds succeeded, but after that age the per cent passing increased
+rapidly to 94 per cent at 9 years.
+
+This little experiment, simple as it is, seems to fulfill reasonably
+well the requirements of a good test. The main objection which might be
+brought against it is that it is much subject to the influence of
+training. If this were true in any marked degree, the mentally retarded
+children of 7-year intelligence should be expected to succeed better
+with it than mentally advanced children of the same mental level, since
+the former would have had at least two or three years more in which to
+learn the task. A comparison of the two groups, however, shows no great
+difference. The factor of age, apart from mental age, affects the
+results so little that it is evident we have here a real test of
+intelligence.
+
+It would, of course, be easy to imagine a child of 7 years who had not
+had reasonable opportunity to make the acquaintance of bow-knots or to
+learn to tie them. But such children are seldom encountered in the ages
+above 6 or 7. Of 68 7-year-olds who were asked whether they had ever
+seen a bow-knot ("a knot like that") only two replied in the negative.
+It cannot be denied, however, that specific instruction and special
+stimulus to practice do play a certain part. This is suggested by the
+fact that girls excel the boys somewhat at each age, doubtless because
+bow-knots play a larger role in feminine apparel. Social status affects
+the results in only a moderate degree, though it might be supposed that
+poor ragamuffins, on the one hand, and children of the very rich, on the
+other, would both make a poor showing in this test; the former because
+of their scanty apparel, the latter because they sometimes have servants
+to dress them.
+
+The following are probably the chief factors determining success with
+this test: (1) Interest in common objective things; (2) ability to form
+permanent associative connections between successive motor cooerdinations
+(memory for a series of acts); and (3) skill in the acquisition of
+voluntary motor control. The last factor is probably much less important
+than the other two. Motor awkwardness often prolongs the time from the
+usual ten or fifteen seconds to thirty or forty seconds, but it is
+rarely a cause of a failure. The important thing is to be able to
+reproduce the appropriate succession of acts, acts which nearly all
+children of 7 years, under the joint stimulus of example and spontaneous
+interest, have before performed or tried to perform.
+
+
+VII, 5. GIVING DIFFERENCES FROM MEMORY
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_What is the difference between a fly and a
+butterfly?_" If the child does not seem to understand, say: "_You know
+flies, do you not? You have seen flies? And you know the butterflies!
+Now, tell me the difference between a fly and a butterfly._" Proceed in
+the same way with _stone and egg_, and _wood and glass_. A little
+coaxing is sometimes necessary to secure a response, but supplementary
+questions and suggestions of every kind are to be avoided. For example,
+it would not be permissible for the examiner to say: "_Which is larger,
+a fly or a butterfly?_" This would give the child his cue and he would
+immediately answer, "A butterfly." The child must be left to find a
+difference by himself. Sometimes a difference is given, but without any
+indication as to its direction, as, for example, "One is bigger than the
+other" (for fly and butterfly). It is then permissible to ask: "_Which
+is bigger?_"
+
+SCORING. Passed if a real difference is given in _two out of three
+comparisons_. It is not necessary, however, that an _essential_
+difference be given; the difference may be trivial, only it must be a
+real one. The following are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+responses:--
+
+_Fly and butterfly_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Butterfly is larger." "Butterfly has bigger
+ wings." "Fly is black and a butterfly is not." "Butterfly is
+ yellow (or white, etc.) and fly is black." "Fly bites you and
+ butterfly don't." "Butterfly has powder on its wings, fly does
+ not." "Fly flies straighter." "Butterfly is outdoors and a fly
+ is in the house." "Flies are more dangerous to our health."
+ "Flies haven't anything to sip honey with." "Butterfly doesn't
+ live as long as a fly." "Butterfly comes from a caterpillar."
+
+ Sometimes a double contrast is meant, but not fully expressed;
+ as, "A fly is small and a butterfly is pretty." Here the thought
+ is probably correct, only the language is awkward.
+
+ Of 102 correct responses, 70 were in terms of size, or size plus
+ color or form; 12 were in terms of both form and color; 6 in
+ terms of color alone; and the rest scattered among such
+ responses as those mentioned above.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ These are mostly misstatements of facts; as:
+ "Fly is bigger." "Fly has legs and butterfly hasn't." "Butterfly
+ has no feet and fly has." "Butterfly makes butter." "Fly is a
+ fly and a butterfly is not." Failures due to misstatement of
+ fact are of endless variety. If an indefinite response is given,
+ like "The fly is different," or "They don't look alike," we ask,
+ "_How is it different?_" or, "_Why don't they look alike?_" It
+ is satisfactory if the child then gives a correct answer.
+
+_Stone and egg_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Stone is harder." "Egg is softer." "Egg breaks
+ easier." "Egg breaks and stone doesn't." "Stone is heavier."
+ "Egg is white and stone is not." "Egg has a shell and stone does
+ not." "Eggs have a white and a yellow in them." "You put eggs in
+ a pudding." "An egg is rounder than a stone." We may also accept
+ statements which are only qualifiedly true; as, "You can break
+ an egg, but not a stone." Likewise double but incomplete
+ comparisons are satisfactory; as, "An egg you fry and a stone
+ you throw," "A stone is tough and an egg you eat," etc.
+
+ A little over three fourths of the comparisons made by children
+ of 6, 7, and 8 years are in terms of hardness. The other
+ responses are widely scattered.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A stone is bigger (or smaller) than an egg."
+ "A stone is square and an egg is round." "An egg is yellow and a
+ stone is white." "Stones are red (or black, etc.) and eggs are
+ white." "An egg is to eat and a stone is to plant." "An egg is
+ round and a stone is sometimes round."
+
+ It will be noted that the above responses are partly true and
+ partly false. The error they contain renders them unacceptable.
+ Most of the failures are due to misstatements as to size, shape,
+ or color, but occasionally one meets a bizarre answer.
+
+_Wood and glass_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Glass breaks easier than wood." "Glass breaks
+ and wood does not." "Wood is stronger than glass." "Glass you
+ can see through and wood you can't." "Glass cuts you and wood
+ doesn't." "You get splinters from wood and you don't from
+ glass." "Glass melts and wood doesn't." "Wood burns and glass
+ doesn't." "Wood has bark and glass hasn't." "Wood grows and
+ glass doesn't." "Glass is heavier than wood." "Glass glistens in
+ the sun and wood does not."
+
+ An incomplete double comparison is also counted satisfactory;
+ as, "Wood you can burn and glass you can see through."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Wood is black and glass is white." (Color
+ differences are always unsatisfactory in this comparison unless
+ transparency is also mentioned.) "Glass is square and wood is
+ round." "Glass is bigger than wood" (or _vice versa_). "Wood is
+ oblong and glass is square." "Glass is thin and wood is thick."
+ "Wood is made out of trees and glass out of windows." "There is
+ no glass in wood."
+
+ The two most frequent types of failures are misstatements
+ regarding color and thickness. The other failures are widely
+ scattered.
+
+REMARKS. The test is one which all the critics agree in commending,
+largely because it is so little influenced by ordinary school
+experience. Its excellence lies mainly, however, in the fact that it
+throws light upon the character of the child's higher thought processes,
+for thinking means essentially the association of ideas on the basis of
+differences or similarities. Nearly all thought processes, from the most
+complex to the very simplest, involve to a greater or less degree one or
+the other of these two types of association. They are involved in the
+simple judgments made by children, in the appreciation of puns, in
+mechanical inventions, in the creation of poetry, in the scientific
+classification of natural phenomena, and in the origination of the
+hypotheses of science or philosophy.
+
+The ability to note differences precedes somewhat the ability to note
+resemblances, though the contrary has sometimes been asserted by
+logician-psychologists. The difficulty of the test is greatly increased
+by the fact that the objects to be compared are not present to the
+senses, which means that the free ideas must be called up for comparison
+and contrast. Failure may result either from weakness in the power of
+ideational representation of objects, or from the inadequacy of the
+associations themselves, or from both. Probably both factors are usually
+involved.
+
+Intellectual development is especially evident in increased ability to
+note _essential_ differences and likenesses, as contrasted with those
+which are trivial, superficial, and accidental. To distinguish an egg
+from a stone on the basis of one being organic, the other inorganic
+matter requires far higher intelligence than to distinguish them on the
+basis of shape, color, fragibility, etc. It is not till well toward the
+adult stage that the ability to give very essential likenesses and
+differences becomes prominent, and when we get a comparison of this type
+from a child of 7 or 8 years it is a very favorable sign.
+
+It would be well worth while to standardize a new test of this kind for
+use in the upper years and especially adapted to display the ability to
+give essential likenesses and differences. At year VII we must accept as
+satisfactory any real difference.
+
+One point remains. In the tests of giving differences and similarities,
+it is well to make note of any tendency to _stereotypy_, by which is
+meant the mechanical reappearance of the same idea, or element, in
+successive responses. For example, the child begins by comparing fly and
+butterfly on the basis of size; as, "A butterfly is bigger than a fly."
+So far, this is quite satisfactory; but the child with a tendency to
+stereotypy finds himself unable to get away from the dominating idea of
+size and continues to make it the basis of the other comparisons: "A
+stone is larger than an egg," "Wood is larger than glass," etc. In case
+of stereotypy in all three responses, we should have to score the total
+response failure even though the idea employed happened to fit all three
+parts of the question. As a rule it is encountered only with very young
+children or with older children who are mentally retarded. It is
+therefore an unfavorable sign.
+
+Although this test has been universally used in year VIII, all the
+available statistics, with the exception of Bobertag's and Bloch's,
+indicate that it is decidedly too easy for that year. Binet himself says
+that nearly all 7-year-olds pass it. Goddard finds 97 per cent passing
+at year VIII, and Dougherty 90 per cent at year VI. With the standard of
+scoring given in the present revision, and with the substitution of
+_stone and egg_ instead of the more difficult _paper and cloth_, the
+test is unquestionably easy enough for year VII.
+
+
+VII, 6. COPYING A DIAMOND
+
+PROCEDURE. On a white cardboard draw in heavy black lines a diamond with
+the longer diagonal three inches and the shorter diagonal an inch and a
+half. The specially prepared record booklet contains the diamond as well
+as many other conveniences.
+
+Place the model before the child with the longer diagonal pointing
+directly toward him, and giving him _pen and ink_ and paper, say: "_I
+want you to draw one exactly like this._" Give three trials, saying each
+time: "_Make it exactly like this one._" In repeating the above formula,
+merely point to the model; do not pass the fingers around its edge.
+
+Unlike the test of copying a square in year IV, there is seldom any
+difficulty in getting the child to try this one. By the age of 7 the
+child has grown much less timid and has become more accustomed to the
+use of writing materials.
+
+Note whether the child draws each part carefully, looking at the model
+from time to time, or whether the strokes are made in a more or less
+haphazard manner with only an initial glance at the original.
+
+After each trial, say to the child: "_Is it good?_" And after the three
+copies have been made say: "_Which one is the best?_" Retarded children
+are sometimes entirely satisfied with the most nondescript drawings
+imaginable, but they are more likely correctly to pick out the best of
+three than to render a correct judgment about the worth of each drawing
+separately.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ drawings are at least
+as good as those marked satisfactory on the score card. The diamond
+should be drawn approximately in the correct position, and the diagonals
+must not be reversed. Disregard departures from the model with respect
+to size.
+
+REMARKS. The test is a good one. Age and training, apart from
+intelligence, affect it only moderately. There are few adult imbeciles
+of 6-year intelligence who are able to pass it, while but few subjects
+who have reached the 8-year level fail on it.[55]
+
+[55] For further discussion of drawing tests, see V, 1, and X, 3.
+
+This test was located in year VII of the 1908 scale, but was shifted to
+year VI in Binet's 1911 revision. The change was without justification,
+for Binet expressly states, both in 1908 and 1911, that only half of the
+6-year-olds succeed with it. The large majority of investigations have
+given too low a proportion of successes at 6 years to warrant its
+location at that age, particularly if pen is required instead of pencil.
+Location at year VI would be warranted only on the condition that the
+use of pencil be permitted and only one success required in three
+trials.
+
+
+VII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING THE DAYS OF THE WEEK
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_You know the days of the week, do you not? Name the
+days of the week for me._" Sometimes the child begins by naming various
+annual holidays, as Christmas, Fourth of July, etc. Perhaps he has not
+comprehended the task; at any rate, we give him one more trial by
+stopping him and saying: "_No; that is not what I mean. I want you to
+name the days of the week._" No supplementary questions are permissible,
+and we must be careful not to show approval or disapproval in our looks
+as the child is giving his response.
+
+If the days have been named in correct order, we check up the response
+to see whether the real order of days is known or whether the names have
+only been repeated mechanically. This is done by asking the following
+questions: "_What day comes before Tuesday?_" "_What day comes before
+Thursday?_" "_What day comes before Friday?_"
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if, within _fifteen seconds_, the days of
+the week are _all named in correct order_, and if the child succeeds in
+at least _two of the three check questions_. We disregard the point of
+beginning.
+
+REMARKS. The test has been criticized as too dependent on rote memory.
+Bobertag says a child may pass it without having any adequate conception
+of "week," "yesterday," "day before yesterday," etc. This criticism
+holds if the test is given according to the older procedure, but does
+not apply with the procedure above recommended. The "checking-up"
+questions enable us at once to distinguish responses that are given by
+rote from those which rest upon actual knowledge.
+
+The test has been shown to be much more influenced by age, apart from
+intelligence, than most other tests of the scale. Notwithstanding this
+fault, it seems desirable to keep the test, at least as an alternative,
+because it forms one of a group which may be designated as tests of time
+orientation. The others of this group are: "_Distinguishing forenoon and
+afternoon_" (VI), "_Giving the date_" and "_Naming the months_" (IX). It
+would be well if we had even more of this type, for interest in the
+passing of time and in the names of time divisions is closely correlated
+with intelligence. One reason for the inferiority of the dull and
+feeble-minded in tests of this type is that their mental associations
+are weaker and less numerous. The greater poverty of their associations
+brings it about that their remembered experiences are less definitely
+located in time with reference to other events.
+
+The test was located in year IX of the 1908 scale, but was omitted from
+the 1911 revision. Kuhlmann also omits it, while Goddard places it in
+year VIII. The statistics from every American investigation, however,
+warrant its location in year VII. It may be located in year VIII only on
+the condition that the child be required to name the days backwards, and
+that within a rather low time limit.
+
+
+VII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: REPEATING THREE DIGITS REVERSED
+
+PROCEDURE. The digits used are: 2-8-3; 4-2-7; 5-9-6. The test should be
+given after, but not immediately after, the tests of repeating digits
+forwards.
+
+Say to the child: "_Listen carefully. I am going to read some numbers
+again, but this time I want you to say them backwards. For example, if I
+should say 1-2-3, you would say 3-2-1. Do you understand?_" When it is
+evident that the child has grasped the instructions, say: "_Ready now;
+listen carefully, and be sure to say the numbers backwards._" Then read
+the series at the same rate and in the same manner as in the other
+digits tests. It is not permissible to re-read any of the series.
+
+If the first series is repeated forwards instead of backwards series
+exhort the child to listen carefully and to be sure to repeat the
+numbers backwards.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _one series out of three_ is repeated
+backwards without error.
+
+REMARKS. The test of repeating digits backwards was suggested by
+Bobertag in 1911, but appears not to have been used or standardized
+previous to the Stanford investigation.
+
+It is very much harder to repeat a series of digits backwards in the
+direct order at year VII, and six at year X. Reversing the order places
+three digits in year VII, four in year X, five in year XII, and six in
+"average adult." Even intelligent adults sometimes have difficulty in
+repeating six digits backwards, once in three trials.
+
+As a test of intelligence this test is better than that of repeating
+digits in the direct order. It is less mechanical and makes a much
+heavier demand on attention. The digits must be so firmly fixated in
+memory that they can be held there long enough to be told off, one by
+one, backwards.
+
+Feeble-minded children find this test especially difficult, perhaps
+mainly because of its element of novelty. School children are often
+asked to write numbers dictated by the teacher, and even the very dull
+acquire a certain proficiency in doing so; but the test of repeating
+digits backwards requires a certain facility in adjusting to a new task,
+exactly the sort of thing in which the feeble-minded are so markedly
+deficient.
+
+As a rule the response consumes much more time than in the other digits
+test. This is particularly true when the series to be repeated backwards
+contains four or more digits. The chance of success is greatly increased
+if the subject first thinks the series through two or three times in the
+direct order before attempting the reverse order. The subject who
+responds immediately is likely to begin correctly, but to give the first
+part of the original series in the direct order. For example, 6-5-2-8 is
+given 8-2-6-5.
+
+Sometimes the child gives one or two numbers and then stops, having
+completely lost the rest of the series in the stress of adjusting to the
+novel and relatively difficult task of beginning with the final digit.
+In such cases the feeble-minded are prone to fill in with any numbers
+they may happen to think of. A good method for the subject is to break
+the series up into groups and to give each group separately. Thus,
+6-5-2-8 is given 8-2 (pause) 5-6. As a rule only the more intelligent
+subjects adopt this method. One 12-year-old girl attending high school
+was able to repeat eight digits backwards by the aid of this device.
+
+It would be well worth while to investigate the relation of this test to
+imagery type. Such a study would have to make use of adult subjects
+trained in introspection. It would seem that success might be favored by
+the ability to translate the auditory impression into visual imagery, so
+that the remembered numbers could be read off as from a book; but this
+may or may not be the case. At any rate, success seems to depend largely
+upon the ability to manipulate mental imagery.
+
+The degree of certainty as to the correctness of the response is usually
+much less than in repeating digits forwards.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR VIII
+
+
+VIII, 1. THE BALL-AND-FIELD TEST (SCORE 2, INFERIOR PLAN)
+
+PROCEDURE. Draw a circle about two and one half inches in diameter,
+leaving a small gap in the side next the child. Say: "_Let us suppose
+that your baseball has been lost in this round field. You have no idea
+what part of the field it is in. You don't know what direction it came
+from, how it got there, or with what force it came. All you know is
+that the ball is lost somewhere in the field. Now, take this pencil and
+mark out a path to show me how you would hunt for the ball so as to be
+sure not to miss it. Begin at the gate and show me what path you would
+take._"[56]
+
+[56] The Stanford record booklet contains the circle ready for use.
+
+Give the instructions always as worded above. Avoid using an expression
+like, "_Show me how you would walk around in the field_"; the word
+_around_ might suggest a circular path.
+
+Sometimes the child merely points or tells how he would go. It is then
+necessary to say: "_No; you must mark out your path with the pencil so I
+can see it plainly._" Other children trace a path only a little way and
+stop, saying: "Here it is." We then say: "_But suppose you have not
+found it yet. Which direction would you go next?_" In this way the child
+must be kept tracing a path until it is evident whether any plan governs
+his procedure.
+
+SCORING. The performances secured with this test are conveniently
+classified into four groups, representing progressively higher types.
+The first two types represent failures; the third is satisfactory at
+year VIII, the fourth at year XII. They may be described as follows:--
+
+ _Type a_ (failure). The child fails to comprehend the
+ instructions and either does nothing at all or else, perhaps,
+ takes the pencil and makes a few random strokes which could not
+ be said to constitute a search.
+
+ _Type b_ (also failure). The child comprehends the instructions
+ and carries out a search, but without any definite plan. Absence
+ of plan is evidenced by the crossing and re-crossing of paths,
+ or by "breaks." A break means that the pencil is lifted up and
+ set down in another part of the field. Sometimes only two or
+ three fragments of paths are drawn, but more usually the field
+ is pretty well filled up with random meanderings which cross
+ each other again and again. Other illustrations of type _b_ are:
+ A single straight or curved line going direct to the ball, short
+ haphazard dashes or curves, bare suggestion of a fan or spiral.
+
+ _Type c_ (satisfactory at year VIII). A successful performance
+ at year VIII is characterized by the presence of a plan, but one
+ ill-adapted to the purpose. That some forethought is exercised
+ is evidenced, (1) by fewer crossings, (2) by a tendency either
+ to make the lines more or less parallel or else to give them
+ some kind of symmetry, and (3) by fewer breaks. The
+ possibilities of type _c_ are almost unlimited, and one is
+ continually meeting new forms. We have distinguished more than
+ twenty of these, the most common of which may be described as
+ follows:--
+
+ 1. Very rough or zigzag circles or similarly imperfect spirals.
+ 2. Segments of curves joined in a more or less symmetrical fashion.
+ 3. Lines going back and forth across the field, joined at the ends
+ and not intended to be parallel.
+ 4. The "wheel plan," showing lines radiating from near the center
+ of the field toward the circumference.
+ 5. The "fan plan," showing a number of lines radiating (usually)
+ from the gate and spreading out over the field.
+ 6. "Fan ellipses" or "fan spirals" radiating from the gate like the
+ lines just described.
+ 7. The "leaf plan," "rib plan," or "tree plan," with lines branching
+ off from a trunk line like ribs, veins of a leaf, or branches of
+ a tree.
+ 8. Parallel lines which cross at right angles and mark off the field
+ like a checkerboard.
+ 9. Paths making one or more fairly symmetrical geometrical figures,
+ like a square, a diamond, a star, a hexagon, etc.
+ 10. A combination of two or more of the above plans.
+
+ _Type d_ (satisfactory at year XII). Performances of this type
+ meet perfectly, or almost perfectly, the logical requirements of
+ the problem. The paths are almost or quite parallel, and there
+ are no intersections or breaks. The possibilities of type _d_
+ are fewer and embrace chiefly the following:--
+
+ 1. A spiral, perfect or almost perfect, and beginning either at
+ the gate or at the center of the field. 2. Concentric circles.
+ 3. Transverse lines, parallel or almost so, and joined at the
+ ends.
+
+Up to about 4 years most children failed entirely to comprehend the
+task. By the age of 6 years the task is usually understood, but the
+search is conducted without plan. Type _c_ is not attained by two
+thirds before the mental level of 8 years, and score 3 ordinarily not
+until 11 or 12 years.
+
+Grading presents some difficulties because of occasional border-line
+performances which have a value almost midway between the types _b_ and
+_c_ or between _c_ and _d_. Frequent reference to the scoring card will
+enable the examiner, after a little experience, to score nearly all the
+doubtful performances satisfactorily.
+
+REMARKS. The ball-and-field problem may be called a test of practical
+judgment. Unlike a majority of the other tests, it gives the subject a
+chance to show how well he can meet the demands of a real, rather
+than an imagined, situation. Tests like this, involving practical
+adjustments, are valuable in rounding out the scale, which, as left by
+Binet, placed rather excessive emphasis on abstract reasoning and the
+comprehension of language. The test requires little time and always
+arouses the child's interest.
+
+Our analysis of the responses of nearly 1500 subjects shows that
+improvement with increasing mental age is steady and fairly rapid.
+Occasionally, however, one meets a high-grade performance with children
+of 6 or 7 years, and a low-grade performance with adults of average
+intelligence. Like all the other tests of the scale, it is unreliable
+when used alone.
+
+
+VIII, 2. COUNTING BACKWARDS FROM 20 TO 1
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_You can count backwards, can you not? I
+want you to count backwards for me from 20 to 1. Go ahead._" In the
+great majority of cases this is sufficient; the child comprehends the
+task and begins. If he does not comprehend, and is silent, or starts in,
+perhaps, to count forwards from 1 or 20, say: "_No; I want you to count
+backwards from 20 to 1, like this: 20-19-18, and clear on down to 1.
+Now, go ahead._"
+
+Insist upon the child trying it even though he asserts he cannot do it.
+In many such cases an effort is crowned with success. Say nothing about
+hurrying, as this confuses some subjects. Prompting is not permissible.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the child counts from 20 to 1 _in not
+over forty seconds and with not more than a single error_ (one omission
+or one transposition). Errors which the child spontaneously corrects are
+not counted as errors.
+
+REMARKS. The statistics on this test agree remarkably well. It is
+plainly too easy for year IX, and no one has found it easy enough for
+year VII. The main lack of uniformity has been in the adherence to a
+time limit. Binet required that the task be completed in twenty seconds,
+and Goddard and most others adhere rather strictly to this rule.
+Kuhlmann, however, allows thirty seconds if there is no error and twenty
+seconds if one error is committed. We agree with Bobertag that owing to
+the nature of this test we should not be pedantic about the time. While
+a majority of children who are able to count backwards do the task in
+twenty seconds, there are some intelligent but deliberate subjects who
+require as much as thirty-five or forty seconds. If the counting is done
+with assurance and without stumbling, there is no reason why we should
+not allow even forty seconds. Beyond this, however, our generosity
+should not go, because of the chance it would give for the use of
+special devices such as counting forwards each time to the next number
+wanted.
+
+It may be said that counting backwards is a test of schooling, and to a
+certain extent this is true. It is reasonable to suppose that special
+training would enable the child to pass the test a little earlier than
+he would otherwise be able to do, though it is doubtful whether many
+children below 7 years of age have had enough of such training to
+influence the performance very materially. On the other hand, when the
+child has reached an intelligence level of 8 or at most 9 years, he is
+ordinarily able to count from 20 to 1 whether he has ever tried it
+before or not.
+
+What psychological factors are involved in this test? It presupposes, in
+the first place, the ability to count from 1 to 20. But this alone does
+not guarantee success in counting backwards. Something more is required
+than a mere rote memory for the number names in their order from 1 up to
+20. The quantitative relationships of the numbers must also be
+apprehended if the task is to be performed smoothly without a great deal
+of special training. In addition to being reasonably secure in his
+knowledge of the number relationships involved, the child must be able
+to give sustained attention until the task is completed. His mental
+processes must be dominated by the guiding idea, "count backwards."
+Associations which do not harmonize with this aim, or which fail to
+further it, must be inhibited. Even momentary relaxation of attention
+means a loss of directive force in the guiding idea and the dominance of
+better known associations which may be suggested by the task, but are
+out of harmony with it. Thus, if a child momentarily loses sight of the
+end after counting backwards successfully from 20 to 14, he is likely to
+be overpowered by the law of habit and begin counting forwards,
+14-15-16-17, etc. We may regard the test, therefore, as a test of
+attention, or prolonged thought control. The ability to exercise
+unbroken vigilance for a period of twenty or thirty seconds is rarely
+found below the level of 7- or 8-year intelligence.
+
+
+VIII, 3. COMPREHENSION, THIRD DEGREE
+
+The questions for this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_What's the thing for you to do when you have broken
+ something which belongs to some one else?_"
+ (b) "_What's the thing for you to do when you notice on your way
+ to school that you are in danger of being tardy?_"
+ (c) "_What's the thing for you to do if a playmate hits you
+ without meaning to do it?_"
+
+The procedure is the same as in previous comprehension questions.[57]
+Each question may be repeated once or twice, but its form must not be
+changed. No explanations are permissible.
+
+[57] See IV, 5, and VI, 4.
+
+SCORING:--
+
+_Question a (If you have broken something)_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ are those suggesting either restitution
+ or apology, or both. Confession is not satisfactory unless
+ accompanied by apology. The following are satisfactory: "Buy a
+ new one." "Pay for it." "Give them something instead of it."
+ "Have my father mend it." "Apologize." "Tell them I'm sorry,
+ that I did not mean to break it," etc. Of 92 correct answers, 76
+ suggested restitution, while 16 suggested apology, or apology
+ and restitution.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Tell them I did it." "Go tell my mother."
+ "Feel sorry." "Be ashamed." "Pick it up," etc. Mere confession
+ accounts for over 20 per cent of all failures.
+
+_Question b (In danger of being tardy)_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The expected response is, "Hurry," "Walk
+ faster," or something to that effect. One bright city boy said
+ he would take a car. Of the answers not obviously incorrect,
+ nearly 95 per cent suggest hurrying. The rule ordinarily
+ recommended is to grade all other responses _minus_. But this
+ rule is too sweeping to be followed blindly. One who would use
+ intelligence tests must learn to discriminate. "I would go back
+ home and not go to school that day" is a good answer in those
+ cases (fortunately rare) in which children are forbidden by the
+ teacher to enter the schoolroom if tardy. "Go back home and get
+ mother to write an excuse" would be good policy if by so doing
+ the child might escape the danger of incurring an extreme
+ penalty. When teachers inflict absurd penalties for unexcused
+ tardiness, it is the part of wisdom for children to incur no
+ risks! When such a response is given, it is well to inquire into
+ the school's method of dealing with tardiness and to score the
+ response accordingly.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Go to the principal." "Tell the teacher I
+ couldn't help it." "Have to get an excuse." "Go to school
+ anyway." "Get punished." "Not do it again." "Not play hooky."
+ "Start earlier next time," etc.
+
+ Lack of success results oftenest from failure to get the exact
+ shade of meaning conveyed by the question. It is implied, of
+ course, that something is to be done at once to avoid tardiness;
+ but the subject of dull comprehension may suggest a suitable
+ thing to do in case tardiness has been incurred. Hence the
+ response, "I would go to the principal and explain." Answers of
+ this type are always unsatisfactory.
+
+_Question c (Playmate hits you)_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ are only those which suggest either
+ excusing or overlooking the act. These ideas are variously
+ expressed as follows: "I would excuse him" (about half of all
+ the correct answers). "I would say 'yes' if he asked my pardon."
+ "I would say it was all right." "I would take it for a joke." "I
+ would just be nice to him." "I would go right on playing." "I
+ would take it kind-hearted." "I would not fight or run and tell
+ on him." "I would not blame him for it." "Ask him to be more
+ careful," etc.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory responses_ are all those not of the above two
+ types; as: "I would hit them back." "I would not hit them back,
+ but I would get even some other way." "Tell them not to do it
+ again." "Tell them to 'cut it out.'" "Tell him it's a wrong
+ thing to do." "Make him excuse himself." "Make him say he's
+ sorry." "Would not play with him." "Tell my mamma." "I would ask
+ him why he did it." "He'd say 'excuse me' and I'd say 'thank
+ you.'" "He should excuse me." "He is supposed to say 'excuse
+ me.'"
+
+REMARKS. All three comprehension questions of this year were used by
+Binet, Goddard, Huey, and others in year X; two of them in the "easy
+series" and one in the "hard series." The Stanford data show that they
+belong at the 8-year level on the standard of scoring above set forth.
+The three differ little among themselves in difficulty, but all of them
+are decidedly easier than the other five used by Binet. It would be
+absurd to go on using the comprehension questions as Binet bunched them,
+eight together, ranging in difficulty from one which is easy enough for
+6-year intelligence ("What's the thing to do if you miss your train?")
+to one which is hard for the 12-year level ("Why is a bad act done when
+one is angry more excusable than the same act done when one is not
+angry?").
+
+
+VIII, 4. GIVING SIMILARITIES; TWO THINGS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_I am going to name two things which are
+alike in some way, and I want you to tell me how they are alike. Wood
+and coal: in what way are they alike?_" Proceed in the same manner
+with:--
+
+ _An apple and a peach._
+ _Iron and silver._
+ _A ship and an automobile._
+
+After the first pair the formula may be abbreviated to "_In what way are
+... and ... alike?_" It is often necessary to insist a little if the
+child is silent or says he does not know, but in doing this we must
+avoid supplementary questions and suggestions. In giving the first pair,
+for example, it would not be permissible to ask such additional
+questions as, "_What do you use wood for? What do you use coal for? And
+now, how are wood and coal alike?_" This is really putting the answer in
+the child's mouth. It is only permissible to repeat the original
+question in a persuasive tone of voice, and perhaps to add: "_I'm sure
+you can tell me how ... and ... are alike_," or something to that
+effect.
+
+A very common mistake which the child makes is to give differences
+instead of similarities. This tendency is particularly strong if test 5,
+year VII (giving differences), has been given earlier in the sitting,
+but it happens often enough in other cases also to suggest that finding
+differences is, to a much greater extent than finding similarities, the
+child's preferred method of making a comparison. When a difference is
+given, instead of a similarity, we say: "_No, I want you to tell me how
+they are alike. In what way are ... and ... alike?_" Unless the child is
+of rather low intelligence level this is sufficient, but the mentally
+retarded sometimes continue to give differences persistently in spite
+of repeated admonitions, or if they cease to do so for one or two
+comparisons, they are likely to repeat the mistake in the latter part of
+the test.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if a likeness is given in _two out of four_
+comparisons. We accept as satisfactory any real likeness, whether
+fundamental or superficial, though, of course, the more essential the
+resemblance, the better indication it is of intelligence. The following
+are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory answers:--[58]
+
+[58] For aid in classifying the responses in this and certain other
+tests the writer is indebted to Miss Grace Lyman.
+
+(a) _Wood and coal_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both burn." "Both keep you warm." "Both are
+ used for fuel." "Both are vegetable matter." "Both come from the
+ ground." "Can use them both for running engines." "Both hard."
+ "Both heavy." "Both cost money."
+
+ Of 80 correct answers, 64, or 80 per cent, referred in one way
+ or another to combustibility.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ Most frequent is the persistent giving of a
+ difference instead of a similarity. This accounts for a little
+ over half of all the failures. About half of the remainder are
+ cases of inability to give any response. Incorrect statements
+ with regard to color are rather common. Sample failures of this
+ type are: "Both are black," or "Both the same color." Other
+ failures are: "Both are dirty on the outside;" "You can't break
+ them;" "Coal burns better;" "Wood is lighter than coal," etc.
+
+(b) _An apple and a peach_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both are round." "Both the same shape." "They
+ are about the same color." "Both nearly always have some red on
+ them." "Both good to eat." "Can make pies of both of them."
+ "Both can be cooked." "Both mellow when they are ripe." "Both
+ have a stem" (or seeds, skin, etc.). "Both come from trees."
+ "Can be dried in the same way." "Both are fruits." "Both green
+ (in color) when they are not ripe."
+
+ Of 82 correct answers, 25 per cent mention color; 25 per cent,
+ form; 22 per cent, edibility; 20 per cent, having stem, seed, or
+ skin; and 5 per cent, that both grow on trees.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Both taste the same." "Both have a lot of
+ seeds." "Both have a fuzzy skin." "An apple is bigger than a
+ peach." "One is red and one is white," etc.
+
+ Again, over 50 per cent of the failures are due to giving
+ differences and about 18 per cent to silence.
+
+(c) _Iron and silver_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both are metals" (or mineral). "Both come out
+ of the ground." "Both cost money." "Both are heavy." "Both are
+ hard." "Both can be melted." "Both can be bent." "Both used for
+ utensils." "You manufacture things out of both of them." "Both
+ can be polished."
+
+ These are named most frequently in the following order: (1)
+ hardness, (2) origin from the ground, (3) heaviness, (4) use in
+ making things.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Both thin" (or thick). "Sometimes they are
+ the same shape." "Both the same color." "A little silver and
+ lots of iron weigh the same." "Both made by the same company."
+ "They rust the same." "You can't eat them" (!)[59]
+
+ [59] One is here reminded of the puzzling conundrum, "Why is a
+ brick like an elephant?" The answer being, "Because neither can
+ climb a tree!" A response of this type states a fact, but because
+ of its bizarre nature should hardly be counted satisfactory.
+
+ Of 60 failures, 32 were due to giving differences and 14 to
+ silence or unwillingness to hazard a reply.
+
+(d) _A ship and an automobile_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Both means of travel." "Both go." "You ride in
+ them." "Both take you fast." "They both use fuel." "Both run by
+ machinery." "Both have a steering gear." "Both have engines in
+ them." "Both have wood in them." "Both can be wrecked." "Both
+ break if they hit a rock."
+
+ About 45 per cent of the answers are in terms of running or
+ travel, 37 per cent in terms of machinery or structure, the rest
+ scattered.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Both black" (or some other color). "Both very
+ big." "They are made alike." "Both run on wheels." "Ship is for
+ the water and automobile for the land." "Ship goes on water and
+ an automobile sometimes goes in water." "An auto can go faster."
+ "Ship is run by coal and automobile by gasoline."
+
+ Of 51 failures, 32 were due to giving differences and 14 to
+ failure to reply.
+
+REMARKS. The test of finding similarities was first used by Binet in
+1905. Our results show that it is fully as satisfactory as the test of
+giving differences. The test reveals in a most interesting way one of
+the fundamental weaknesses of the feeble mind. Young normal children,
+say of 7 or 8 years, often fail to pass, but it is the feeble-minded who
+give the greatest number of absurd answers and who also find greatest
+difficulty in resisting the tendency to give differences.[60]
+
+[60] For further discussion of the processes involved, see VII, 5.
+
+
+VIII, 5. GIVING DEFINITIONS SUPERIOR TO USE
+
+PROCEDURE. The words for this year are _balloon_, _tiger_, _football_,
+and _soldier_. Ask simply: "_What is a balloon?_" etc.
+
+If it appears that any of the words are not familiar to the child,
+substitution may be made from the following: _automobile_,
+_battle-ship_, _potato_, _store_.
+
+Make no comments on the responses until all the words have been given.
+In case of silence or hesitation in answering, the question may be
+repeated with a little encouragement; but supplementary questions are
+never in order. Ordinarily there is no difficulty in securing a response
+to the definition test of this year. The trouble comes in scoring the
+response.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if two of the four words are defined in
+terms superior to use. "Superior to use" includes chiefly: (a)
+Definitions which describe the object or tell something of its nature
+(form, size, color, appearance, etc.); (b) definitions which give the
+substance or the materials or parts composing it; and (c) those which
+tell what class the object belongs to or what relation it bears to
+other classes of objects.
+
+It is possible to distinguish different grades of definitions in each of
+the above classes. A definition by description (type _a_) may be brief
+and partial, mentioning only one or two qualities or characteristics, or
+it may be relatively rich and complete. Likewise with definitions of
+type _b_. Classificatory definitions (type _c_) are of particularly
+uneven value, the lowest order being those which subsume the object to
+be defined under a remote class and give few if any characteristics to
+distinguish it from other members of the same class; as, for example, "A
+football is a thing you can have fun with," or, "A soldier is a person."
+The best classificatory definitions are those which subsume the object
+under the next higher class and give the more essential traits (perhaps
+a number of them) which distinguish the object from others of the class
+named; as, for example, "A tiger is a large animal like a cat; it lives
+in the jungle and eats men and other animals," or, "A soldier is a man
+who goes to war." These shades of distinction give interesting and
+valuable clues to the maturity and richness of the apperceptive
+processes, but for purposes of scoring it is necessary merely to decide
+whether the definition is given in terms superior to use.
+
+The following are samples of satisfactory definitions, those for each
+word being arranged roughly in the order of their value from excellent
+to barely passing:--
+
+(a) _Balloon_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "A balloon is a means of traveling through the
+ air." "It is a kind of airship, made of cloth and filled with
+ air so it can go up." "It is big and made of cloth. It has gas
+ in it and carries people up in a basket that's fastened on to
+ the bottom." "It is a thing you hold by a string and it goes
+ up." "It is like a big bag with air in it." "It is a big thing
+ that goes up."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To go up in the air." "What you go up in."
+ "When you go up." "They go up in it." "It's full of gas." "To
+ carry you up." "A balloon is a balloon," etc. "It is big." "They
+ go up," etc.
+
+(b) _Tiger_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "It is a wild animal of the cat family." "It is
+ an animal that's a cousin to the lion." "It is an animal that
+ lives in the jungle." "It is a wild animal." "It looks like a
+ big cat." "It lives in the woods and eats flesh." "Something
+ that eats people."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To eat you up." "To kill people." "To travel
+ in the circus." "What eats people." "It is a tiger," etc. "You
+ run from it," etc.
+
+(c) _Football_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "It is a leather bag filled with air and made
+ for kicking." "It is a ball you kick." "It is a thing you play
+ with." "It is made of leather and is stuffed with air." "It is a
+ thing you kick." "It is brown and filled with air." "It is a
+ thing shaped like a watermelon."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To kick." "To play with." "What they play
+ with." "Boys play with it." "It's filled with air." "It is a
+ football." "It is a basket ball." "It is round." "You kick it."
+
+(d) _Soldier_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "A man who goes to war." "A brave man." "A man
+ that walks up and down and carries a gun." "It is a man who
+ minds his captain and stands still and walks straight." "It is a
+ man who goes to war and shoots." "It is a man who stands
+ straight and marches."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To shoot." "To go to war." "It is a soldier."
+ "A soldier that marches." "He fights." "He shoots." "What
+ fights," etc. "When you march and shoot."
+
+Silence accounts for only a small proportion of the failures with
+children of 8, 9, and 10 years.
+
+REMARKS. The "use definitions" sometimes given at this age are usually
+of slightly better quality than those given in year V. Younger children
+more often use the infinitive form, "to play with" (doll), "to drive"
+(horse), "to eat on" (table), etc. Use definitions of this year more
+often begin with "they," or "what"; as, "they go up in it" (balloon),
+"they kick it" (football), etc.
+
+Why, it may be asked, is the use definition regarded as inferior to the
+descriptive or the classificatory definition? Is not the use to which an
+object may be put the most essential thing about it, for the child at
+least? Is it not more important to know that a fork is to eat with than
+to be able to name the material it is made of? Is not the use primary
+and does it not determine most of the physical characteristics of the
+object?
+
+The above questions may sound reasonable, but they are based on poor
+psychology. We must rest our case upon the facts. The first lesson which
+the student of child psychology must learn is that it is unsafe to set
+up criteria of intelligence, of maturity, or of any other mental trait
+on the basis of theoretical considerations. Experiment teaches that
+normal children of 5 or 6 years, also older feeble-minded persons of the
+5-year intelligence level, define objects in terms of use; also that
+normal children of 8 or 9 years and older feeble-minded persons of this
+mental level have for the most part developed beyond the stage of use
+definitions into the descriptive or classificatory stage. An ounce of
+fact is worth a ton of theory.
+
+The test has usually been located in year IX, with the requirement of
+three successes out of five trials and with somewhat more rigid scoring
+of the individual definitions. When only two successes are required in
+four trials, and when scored leniently, the test belongs at the 8-year
+level.
+
+
+VIII, 6. VOCABULARY; TWENTY DEFINITIONS, 3600 WORDS
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the list of words given in the record booklet. Say to the
+child: "_I want to find out how many words you know. Listen; and when I
+say a word you tell me what it means._" If the child can read, give him
+a printed copy of the word list and let him look at each word as you
+pronounce it.
+
+The words are arranged approximately (though not exactly) in the order
+of their difficulty, and it is best to begin with the easier words and
+proceed to the harder. With children under 9 or 10 years, begin with the
+first. Apparently normal children of 10 years may safely be credited
+with the first ten words without being asked to define them. Apparently
+normal children of 12 may begin with word 16, and 15-year-olds with
+word 21. Except with subjects of almost adult intelligence there is no
+need to give the last ten or fifteen words, as these are almost never
+correctly defined by school children. A safe rule to follow is to
+continue until eight or ten successive words have been missed and to
+score the remainder _minus_ without giving them.
+
+The formula is as follows: "What is an _orange_?" "What is a _bonfire_?"
+"_Roar_; what does _roar_ mean?" "_Gown_; what is a _gown_?" "What does
+_tap_ mean?" "What does _scorch_ mean?" "What is a _puddle_?" etc.
+
+Some children at first show a little hesitation about answering,
+thinking that a strictly formal definition is expected. In such cases a
+little encouragement is necessary; as: "_You know what a bonfire is. You
+have seen a bonfire. Now, what is a bonfire?_" If the child still
+hesitates, say: "_Just tell me in your own words; say it any way you
+please. All I want is to find out whether you know what a bonfire is._"
+Do not torture the child, however, by undue insistence. If he persists
+in his refusal to define a word which he would ordinarily be expected to
+know, it is better to pass on to the next one and to return to the
+troublesome word later. Above all, avoid helping the child by
+illustrating the use of a word in a sentence. Adhere strictly to the
+formula given above. If the definition as given does not make it clear
+whether the child has the correct idea, say: "_Explain_," or, "_I don't
+understand; explain what you mean._"
+
+Encourage the child frequently by saying: "That's fine. You are doing
+beautifully. You know lots of words," etc. Never tell the child his
+definition is not correct, and never ask for a different definition.
+
+Avoid saying anything which would suggest a model form of definition, as
+the type of definition which the child spontaneously chooses throws
+interesting light on the degree of maturity of the apperceptive
+processes. Record all definitions _verbatim_ if possible, or at least
+those which are exceptionally good, poor, or doubtful.
+
+SCORING. Credit a response in full if it gives one correct meaning for
+the word, regardless of whether that meaning is the most common one, and
+regardless of whether it is the original or a derived meaning.
+Occasionally half credit may be given, but this should be avoided as far
+as possible.
+
+To find the entire vocabulary, multiply the number of words known by
+180. (This list is made up of 100 words selected by rule from a
+dictionary containing 18,000 words.) Thus, the child who defines
+20 words correctly has a vocabulary of 20 x 180 = 3600 words; 50 correct
+definitions would mean a vocabulary of 9000 words, etc. The following
+are the standards for different years, as determined by the vocabulary
+reached by 60 to 65 per cent of the subjects of the various mental
+levels:--
+
+ 8 years 20 words vocabulary 3,600
+ 10 years 30 words vocabulary 5,400
+ 12 years 40 words vocabulary 7,200
+ 14 years 50 words vocabulary 9,000
+ Average adult 65 words vocabulary 11,700
+ Superior adult 75 words vocabulary 13,500
+
+Although the form of the definition is significant, it is not taken into
+consideration in scoring. The test is intended to explore the range of
+ideas rather than the evolution of thought forms. When it is evident
+that the child has one fairly correct meaning for a word, he is given
+full credit for it, however poorly the definition may have been stated.
+
+While there is naturally some difficulty now and then in deciding
+whether a given definition is correct, this happens much less frequently
+than one would expect. In order to get a definite idea of the extent of
+error due to the individual differences among examiners, we have had the
+definitions of 25 subjects graded independently by 10 different persons.
+The result showed an average difference below 3 in the number of
+definitions scored _plus_. Since these subjects attempted on an average
+about 60 words, the average number of doubtful definitions per subject
+was below 5 per cent of the number attempted.
+
+An idea of the degree of leniency to be exercised may be had from the
+following examples of definitions, which are mostly of low grade, but
+acceptable unless otherwise indicated:--
+
+ 1. _Orange._ "An orange is to eat." "It is yellow and grows on a
+ tree." (Both full credit.)
+
+ 2. _Bonfire._ "You burn it outdoors." "You burn some leaves or
+ things." "It's a big fire." (All full credit.)
+
+ 3. _Roar._ "A lion roars." "You holler loud." (Full credit.)
+
+ 4. _Gown._ "To sleep in." "It's a nightie." "It's a nice gown that
+ ladies wear." (All full credit.)
+
+ 7. _Puddle._ "You splash in it." "It's just a puddle of water."
+ (Both full credit.)
+
+ 9. _Straw._ "It grows in the field." "It means wheat-straw." "The
+ horses eat it." (All full credit.)
+
+ 10. _Rule._ "The teacher makes rules." "It means you can't do
+ something." "You make marks with it," i.e., a ruler, often
+ called a _rule_ by school children. (All full credit.)
+
+ 11. _Afloat._ "To float on the water." "A ship floats." (Both full
+ credit.)
+
+ 12. _Eyelash._ If the child says, "It's over the eye," tell him to
+ point to it, as often the word is confused with _eyebrow_.
+
+ 14. _Copper._ "It's a penny." "It means some copper wire." (Both
+ full credit.)
+
+ 15. _Health._ "It means good health or bad health." "It means
+ strong." (Both full credit.)
+
+ 17. _Guitar._ "You play on it." (Full credit.)
+
+ 18. _Mellow._ If the child says, "It means a mellow apple," ask
+ what kind of apple that would be. For full credit the answer
+ must be "soft," "mushy," etc.
+
+ 19. _Pork._ If the answer is "meat," ask what animal it comes
+ from. Half credit if wrong animal is named.
+
+ 21. _Plumbing._ "You fix pipes." (Full credit.)
+
+ 25. _Southern._ If the answer is "Southern States," or
+ "Southern California," say: "_Yes; but what does 'southern'
+ mean?_" Do not credit unless explanation is forthcoming.
+
+ 26. _Noticeable._ "You notice a thing." (Full credit.)
+
+ 29. _Civil._ "Civil War." (Failure unless explained.) "It means to
+ be nice." (Full credit.)
+
+ 30. _Treasury._ Give half credit for definitions like "Valuables,"
+ "Lots of money," etc.; i.e., if the word is confused with
+ _treasure._
+
+ 32. _Ramble._ "To go about fast." (Half credit.)
+
+ 38. _Nerve._ Half credit if the slang use is defined, "You've got
+ nerve," etc.
+
+ 41. _Majesty._ "What you say to a king." (Full credit.)
+
+ 45. _Sportive._ "To like sports." (Half credit.) "Playful" or
+ "happy." (Full credit.)
+
+ 46. _Hysterics._ "You laugh and cry at the same time." "A kind of
+ sickness." "A kind of fit." (All full credit.)
+
+ 48. _Repose._ "You pose again." (Failure.)
+
+ 52. _Coinage._ "A place where they make money." (Half credit.)
+
+ 56. _Dilapidated._ "Something that's very old." (Half credit.)
+
+ 58. _Conscientious._ "You're careful how you do your work." (Full
+ credit.)
+
+ 60. _Artless._ "No art." (Failure unless correctly explained.)
+
+ 61. _Priceless._ "It has no price." (Failure.)
+
+ 66. _Promontory._ "Something prominent." (Failure unless child can
+ explain what it refers to.)
+
+ 68. _Milksop._ "You sop up milk." (Failure.)
+
+ 73. _Harpy._ "A kind of bird." (Full credit.)
+
+ 80. _Exaltation._ "You feel good." (Full credit.)
+
+ 85. _Retroactive._ "Acting backward." (Full credit.)
+
+ 92. _Theosophy._ "A religion." (Full credit.)
+
+It is seen from the above examples that a very liberal standard has been
+used. Leniency in judging definitions is necessary because the child's
+power of expression lags farther behind his understanding than is true
+of adults, and also because for the young subject the word has a
+relatively less unitary existence.
+
+REMARKS. Our vocabulary test was derived by selecting the last word
+of every sixth column in a dictionary containing approximately
+18,000 words, presumably the 18,000 most common words in the language.
+The test is based on the assumption that 100 words selected according to
+some arbitrary rule will be a large enough sampling to afford a fairly
+reliable index of a subject's entire vocabulary. Rather extensive
+experimentation with this list and others chosen in a similar manner
+has proved that the assumption is justified. Tests of the same
+75 individuals with five different vocabulary tests of this type showed
+that the average difference between two tests of the same person was
+less than 5 per cent. This means that any one of the five tests used is
+reliable enough for all practical purposes. It is of no special
+importance that a given child's vocabulary is 8000 rather than 7600; the
+significance lies in the fact that it is approximately 8000 and not
+4000, 12,000, or some other widely different number.
+
+It may seem to the reader almost incredible that so small a sampling of
+words would give a reliable index of an individual's vocabulary. That it
+does so is due to the operation of the ordinary laws of chance. It is
+analogous to predicting the results of an election when only a small
+proportion of the ballots have been counted. It is known that a ballot
+box contains 600 votes, and if when only 30 have been counted it is
+found that they are divided between two candidates in the proportion of
+20 and 10, it is safe to predict that a complete count will give the two
+candidates approximately 400 and 200 respectively.[61] In 1914 about
+1,000,000 votes were cast for governor in California, and when only
+10,000 votes had been counted, or a hundredth of all, it was announced
+and conceded that Governor Johnson had been reelected by the 150,000
+plurality. The completed count gave him 188,505 plurality. The error was
+less than 4 per cent of the total vote.
+
+[61] Supposing the ballots to have been shuffled.
+
+The vocabulary test has a far higher value than any other single test of
+the scale. Used with children of English-speaking parents (with children
+whose home language is not English it is of course unreliable), it
+probably has a higher value than any three other tests in the scale. Our
+statistics show that in a large majority of cases the vocabulary test
+alone will give us an intelligence quotient within 10 per cent of that
+secured by the entire scale. Out of hundreds of English-speaking
+children we have not found one testing significantly above age who had a
+significantly low vocabulary; and correspondingly, those who test much
+below age never have a high vocabulary.
+
+Occasionally, however, a subject tests somewhat higher or lower in
+vocabulary than the mental age would lead us to expect. This is often
+the case with dull children in cultured homes and with very intelligent
+children whose home environment has not stimulated language development.
+But even in these cases we are not seriously misled, for the dull child
+of fortunate home surroundings shows his dullness in the quality of his
+definitions if not in their quantity; while the bright child of
+illiterate parents shows his intelligence in the aptness and accuracy of
+his definitions.
+
+We have not worked out a satisfactory method of scoring the quality of
+definitions in our vocabulary test, but these differences will be
+readily observed by the trained examiner. Definitions in terms of use
+and definitions which are slightly inaccurate or hazy are quite
+characteristic of the lower mental ages. Children of the lower mental
+age have also a tendency to venture wild guesses at words they do not
+know. This is especially characteristic of retarded subjects and is
+another example of their weakness of auto-criticism. One feeble-minded
+boy of 12 years, with a mental age of 8 years, glibly and confidently
+gave definitions for every one of the hundred words. About 70 of the
+definitions were pure nonsense.
+
+This vocabulary test was arranged and partially standardized by Mr.
+H. G. Childs and the writer in 1911. Many experiments since then have
+proved its value as a test of intelligence.
+
+
+VIII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING SIX COINS
+
+PROCEDURE is exactly as in VI, 5 (naming four coins). The dollar should
+be shown before the half-dollar.
+
+SCORING. _All six coins must be correctly named._ If a response is
+changed the rule is to count the second answer and ignore the first.
+
+REMARKS. Binet used nine pieces and required knowledge of all at year X
+(1908), but at year IX in the 1911 revision. Most other workers have
+used the same method, with the test located in either year IX or year X.
+
+
+VIII, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: WRITING FROM DICTATION
+
+PROCEDURE. Give the child pen, ink, and paper, place him in a
+comfortable position for writing, and say: "_I want you to write
+something for me as nicely as you can. Write these words: 'See the
+little boy.' Be sure to write it all: 'See the little boy.'_"
+
+Do not dictate the words separately, but give the sentence as a whole.
+Further repetition of the sentence is not permissible, as ability to
+remember what has been dictated is a part of the test. Copy, of course,
+must not be shown.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the sentence is written legibly enough to be easily
+recognized, and if no word has been omitted. Ordinary mistakes of
+spelling are disregarded. The rule is that the mistake in spelling must
+not mutilate the word beyond easy recognition. The performance may be
+graded by the use of Thorndike's handwriting scale. The handwriting of
+8-year-old children who have been in school not less than one year or
+more than two usually falls between quality 7 and quality 9 on this
+scale, but we shall, perhaps, not be too liberal if we consider a
+performance satisfactory which does not grade below quality 6, provided
+it is not seriously mutilated by errors, omissions, etc.[62]
+
+[62] See scoring card for samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+performances.
+
+REMARKS. This test found a place in year VIII of Binet's 1908 scale, but
+has been omitted from all the other revisions, including Binet's own.
+Bobertag did not even regard the test as worthy of a trial. The
+universal criticism has been that it is a test of schooling rather than
+of intelligence. That the performance depends, in a certain sense, upon
+special instruction is self-evident. Without such instruction no child
+of 8 years, however intelligent, would be able to pass the test. Nature
+does not give us a conventionalized language, either written or spoken.
+It must be acquired. It is also true that a high-grade feeble-minded
+child, say 8 years of age and of 6-year intelligence, is sometimes
+(though not always) able to pass the test after two years of
+school instruction. It is exceedingly improbable, however, that a
+feeble-minded subject with less than 6-year intelligence will ever be
+able to pass this test, however long he remains in school.
+
+The conclusions to be drawn from these facts are as follows: (1)
+Inability to pass the test should not be counted against the child
+unless it is known that he has had at least a full year of the usual
+school instruction. (2) Ability to pass the test after only two years of
+school instruction is almost certain proof that the child has reached a
+mental level of at least 6 years. (3) Failure to pass the test must be
+regarded as a grave symptom in the case of the child 9 or more years of
+age who is known to have attended school as much as two years. (4) For
+mental levels higher than 8 years the test has hardly any diagnostic
+value, since feeble-minded persons of 8- or 9-year intelligence can
+usually be taught to write quite legibly.
+
+If the limitations above set forth are kept in mind, the test is by no
+means without value, and is always worth giving as a supplementary test.
+Learning to write simple sentences from dictation is no mean
+accomplishment. It demands, in the first place, a fairly complete
+mastery of rather difficult muscular cooerdinations. Moreover, these
+cooerdinations must be firmly associated with the corresponding letters
+and words, for if the writing cooerdinations are not fairly automatic, so
+much attention will be required to carry them out that the child will
+not be able to remember what he has been told to write. The necessity of
+remembering the passage acts as a distraction, and writing from
+dictation is therefore a more difficult task than writing from copy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR IX
+
+
+IX, 1. GIVING THE DATE
+
+PROCEDURE. Ask the following questions in order:--
+
+ (a) "_What day of the week is it to-day?_"
+ (b) "_What month is it?_"
+ (c) "_What day of the month is it?_"
+ (d) "_What year is it?_"
+
+If the child misunderstands and gives the day of the month for the day
+of the week, or _vice versa_, we merely repeat the question with
+suitable emphasis, but give no other help.
+
+SCORING. An error of three days in either direction is allowed for _c_,
+but _a_, _b_, and _d_ must all be given correctly. If the child makes an
+error and spontaneously corrects it, the change is allowed, but
+corrections must not be called for or suggested.
+
+REMARKS. Binet originally located this test in year IX, but
+unfortunately moved it to year VIII in the 1911 revision. Kuhlmann,
+Goddard, and Huey all retain it in year IX, where, according to our own
+data, it unquestionably belongs. With the exception of Binet's 1911
+results, the statistics for the test are in remarkably close agreement
+for children in France, Germany, England, and Eastern and Western United
+States. It seems that practically all children in civilized countries
+have ample opportunity to learn the divisions of the year, month, and
+week, and to become oriented with respect to these divisions. Special
+instruction is doubtless capable of hastening time orientation to a
+certain degree, but not greatly. Binet tells of a French _ecole
+maternelle_ attended by children 4 to 6 years of age, where instruction
+was given daily in regard to the date, and yet not a single one of the
+children was able to pass this test. This is a beautiful illustration of
+the futility of precocious teaching. In spite of well-meant instruction,
+it is not until the age of 8 or 9 years that children have enough
+comprehension of time periods, and sufficient interest in them, to keep
+very close track of the date. Failure to pass the test at the age of
+10 or 11 years is a decidedly unfavorable sign, unless the error is very
+slight.
+
+The fact that normal adults are occasionally unable to give the day of
+the month is no argument against the validity of the test, since the
+system of tests is so constructed as to allow for accidental failures on
+any particular test. As a matter of fact, very nearly 100 per cent of
+normal 12-year-old children pass this test.
+
+The unavoidable fault of the test is its lack of uniformity in
+difficulty at different dates. It is easier for school children to give
+the day of the week on Monday or Friday than on Tuesday, Wednesday, or
+Thursday. Mistakes in giving the day of the month are less likely to
+occur at the beginning or end of the month than at any other time, while
+mistakes in naming the month are most likely to occur then.
+
+It is interesting to compare the four parts of this test in regard to
+difficulty. Binet and Bobertag both state that ability to name the year
+comes last, but they give no figures. Our own data show that the four
+parts of the test are of almost exactly the same difficulty and that
+this is true at all ages.
+
+
+IX, 2. ARRANGING FIVE WEIGHTS
+
+Use the five weights, 3, 6, 9, 12, and 15 grams. Be sure that the
+weights are identical in appearance. The weights may be made as
+described under V, 1, or they may be purchased of C. H. Stoelting & Co.,
+Chicago, Illinois. If no weights are at hand one of the alternative
+tests may be substituted.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the five boxes on the table in an irregular group
+before the child and say: "_See the boxes. They all look alike, don't
+they? But they are not alike. Some of them are heavy, some are not quite
+so heavy, and some are still lighter. No two weigh the same. Now, I want
+you to find the heaviest one and place it here. Then find the one that
+is just a little lighter and put it here. Then put the next lighter one
+here, and the next lighter one here, and the lightest of all at this
+end_ (pointing each time at the appropriate spot). _Do you understand?_"
+Whatever the child answers, in order to make sure that he does
+understand, we repeat the instructions thus: "_Remember now, that no two
+weights are the same. Find the heaviest one and put it here, the next
+heaviest here, and lighter, lighter, until you have the very lightest
+here. Ready; go ahead._"
+
+It is best to follow very closely the formula here given, otherwise
+there is danger of stating the directions so abstractly that the subject
+could not comprehend them. A formula like "_I want you to arrange the
+blocks in a gradually decreasing series according to weight_" would be
+Greek to most children of 10 years.
+
+If the subject still seems at a loss to know what to do, the
+instructions may be again repeated. But no further help of any kind may
+be given. Do not tell the subject to take the blocks one at a time in
+the hand and try them, and do not illustrate by hefting the blocks
+yourself. It is a part of the test to let the subject find his own
+method.
+
+Give three trials, shuffling the boxes after each. Do not repeat the
+instructions before the second and third trials unless the subject has
+used an absurd procedure in the previous trial.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the blocks are arranged in the correct
+order _twice out of three trials_. Always record the order of
+arrangement and note the number and extent of displacement. Obviously an
+arrangement like 12-6-15-3-9 is very much more serious than one like
+15-12-6-9-3, but we require that two trials be absolutely without error.
+
+Scoring is facilitated if the blocks are marked on the bottom so that
+they may be easily identified. It is then necessary to exercise some
+care to see that the subject does not examine the bottom of the blocks
+for a clue as to the correct order.
+
+REMARKS. Binet originally located this test in year IX, but in his 1911
+revision changed it to year VIII. Other revisions have retained it in
+year IX. The correct location depends upon the weights used and upon the
+procedure and scoring. Kuhlmann uses weights of 3, 9, 18, 27, 36, and
+45 grams, and this probably makes the test easier. Bobertag tried two
+sets of boxes, one set being of larger dimensions than the other. The
+larger gave decidedly the more errors. If we require only one success in
+three trials the test could be located a year or two lower in the scale,
+while three successes as a standard would require that it be moved
+upward possibly as much as two years.
+
+Much depends also on whether the child is left to find his own method,
+and on this there has been much difference of procedure. Kuhlmann,
+Bobertag, and Wallin illustrate the correct method of making the
+comparison by first hefting and arranging the weights while the subject
+looks on. We prefer to keep the test in its original form, and with the
+procedure and scoring we have used it is well located in year IX.
+
+Wallin carries his assistance still further by saying, after the first
+block has been placed, "Now, find the heaviest of the four," and after
+the second has been placed, "Now, find the heaviest of the three," etc.
+Finally, when the arrangement has been made, he tells the subject to try
+them again to make sure the order is correct, allowing the subject to
+make whatever changes he thinks necessary. This procedure robs the test
+of its most valuable features. The experiment was not devised primarily
+as a test of sensory discrimination, for it has long been recognized
+that individuals who have developed as far as the 9- or 10-year level of
+intelligence are ordinarily but little below normal in sensory capacity.
+
+Psychologically, the test resembles that of comparing weights in V, 1.
+Success depends, in the first place, upon the correct comprehension of
+the task and the setting of a goal to be attained; secondly, upon the
+choice of a suitable method for realizing the goal; and finally, upon
+the ability to keep the end clearly in consciousness until all the steps
+necessary for its attainment have been gone through. Elementary as are
+the processes involved, they represent the prototype of all purposeful
+behavior. The statesman, the lawyer, the teacher, the physician, the
+carpenter, all in their own way and with their own materials, are
+continually engaged in setting goals, choosing means, and inhibiting the
+multitudinous appeals of irrelevant and distracting ideas.
+
+In this experiment the subject may fail in any one of the three
+requirements of the test or in all of them. (1) He may not comprehend
+the instructions and so be unable to set the goal. (2) Though
+understanding what is expected of him, he may adopt an absurd method of
+carrying out the task. Or (3) he may lose sight of the end and begin to
+play with the blocks, stacking them on top of one another, building
+trains, tossing them about, etc. Sometimes the guiding idea is not
+completely lost, but is weakened or rendered only partially operative.
+In such a case the subject may compare some of the blocks carefully,
+place others without trying them at all, but continue in his
+half-rational, half-irrational procedure until all the blocks have been
+arranged.
+
+It is essential, therefore, to supplement the mere record of success or
+failure by jotting down a brief but accurate description of the
+performance. Note any hesitation or inability to grasp the instructions.
+Note especially any absurd procedure, such as placing all the blocks
+without hefting any of them, comparing only some of them, holding them
+up and shaking them, hefting two at once in the same hand, etc. The
+ideal method, of course, is to try all the blocks carefully before
+placing any of them, then to make a tentative arrangement, and finally,
+to correct this tentative arrangement by means of individual
+comparisons. A slight departure from this method does not always bring
+failure, but it renders success less probable. As a rule it is only the
+very intelligent children of 10 years who think to test out their first
+arrangement by making a final and additional trial of each block in
+turn. Contrary to what might be supposed, success is slightly favored by
+hefting the blocks successively with one hand rather than by taking one
+in each hand for simultaneous comparison, but as the child cannot be
+expected to know this, we must regard the two methods as equally
+logical.
+
+The test of arranging weights has met universal praise. Its special
+advantage is that it tests the subject's intelligence in the
+manipulation of _things_ rather than his capacity for dealing with
+_abstractions_. It tests his ability to do something rather than his
+ability to express himself in language. It throws light upon certain
+factors of motor adaptation and practical judgment which play a great
+part in the everyday life of the average human being. It depends as
+little upon school, perhaps, as any other test of the scale, and it is
+readily usable with children of all nations without danger of being
+materially altered in translation Moreover, it is always an interesting
+test for the child. Bobertag goes so far as to say that any 8- or 9-year
+child who passes this test cannot possibly be feeble-minded. This may be
+true; but the converse is hardly the case; that is, the failure of older
+children is by no means certain proof of mental retardation. The same
+observation, however, applies equally well to many other of the Binet
+tests, some of which correlate more closely with true mental age than
+this one. A rather considerable fraction of normal 12-year-olds fail on
+it, and it is in fact somewhat less dependable than certain other tests
+if we wish to differentiate between 9-year and 11-year intelligence. But
+it is a test we could ill afford to eliminate.[63]
+
+[63] Compare with V, 1.
+
+
+IX, 3. MAKING CHANGE
+
+PROCEDURE. Ask the following questions in the order here given:--
+
+ (a) "_If I were to buy 4 cents worth of candy and should give
+ the storekeeper 10 cents, how much money would I get back?_"
+ (b) "_If I bought 13 cents worth and gave the storekeeper
+ 15 cents, how much would I get back?_"
+ (c) "_If I bought 4 cents worth and gave the storekeeper
+ 25 cents, how much would I get back?_"
+
+Coins are not used, and the subject is not allowed the help of pencil
+and paper. If the subject forgets the statement of the problem, it is
+permissible to repeat it once, but only once. The response should be
+made in ten or fifteen seconds for each problem.
+
+SCORING, The test is passed if _two out of three_ problems are answered
+correctly in the allotted time. In case two answers are given to a
+problem, we follow the usual rule of counting the second and ignoring
+the first.
+
+REMARKS. Problems of this nature, when thoroughly standardized, are
+extremely valuable as tests of intelligence. The difficulty of the test,
+as we have used it, does not lie in the subtraction of 4 from 10, 12
+from 15, etc. Such subtractions, when given as problems in subtraction,
+are readily solved by practically all normal 8-year-olds who have
+attended school as much as two years. The problems of the test have a
+twofold difficulty: (1) The statement of the problem must be
+comprehended and held in mind until the solution has been arrived at;
+(2) the problem is so stated that the subject must himself select the
+fundamental operation which applies. The latter difficulty is somewhat
+the greater of the two, addition sometimes being employed instead of
+subtraction.
+
+It is just such difficulties as this that prove so perplexing to the
+feeble-minded. High-grade defectives, although they require more than
+the usual amount of drill and are likely to make occasional errors, are
+nevertheless capable of learning to add, subtract, multiply, and divide
+fairly well. Their main trouble comes in deciding which of these
+operations a given problem calls for. They can master routine, but as
+regards initiative, judgment, and power to reason they are little
+educable. The psychology and pedagogy of mental deficiency is epitomized
+in this statement.
+
+There has been little disagreement as to the proper location of the test
+of making change, but various procedures have been employed. Coins have
+generally been employed, in which case the subject is actually allowed
+to make the change. Most other revisions have also given only a single
+problem, usually 4 cents out of 20 cents, or 4 out of 25, or 9 out of
+25. It is evident that these are not all of equal difficulty. There is
+general agreement, however, that normal children of 9 years should be
+able to make simple change.
+
+
+IX, 4. REPEATING FOUR DIGITS REVERSED
+
+The series are 6-5-2-8; 4-9-3-7; 3-6-2-9.
+
+PROCEDURE AND SCORING. Exactly as in VII, alternate test 2.[64]
+
+[64] See discussion, p. 207 _ff._
+
+
+IX, 5. USING THREE WORDS IN A SENTENCE
+
+PROCEDURE The words used are:--
+
+ (a) _Boy_, _ball_, _river_.
+ (b) _Work_, _money_, _men_.
+ (c) _Desert_, _rivers_, _lakes_.
+
+Say: "_You know what a sentence is, of course. A sentence is made up of
+some words which say something. Now, I am going to give you three words,
+and you must make up a sentence that has all three words in it. The
+three words are 'boy,' 'ball,' 'river.' Go ahead and make up a sentence
+that has all three words in it._" The others are given in the same way.
+
+Note that the subject is not shown the three words written down, and
+that the reply is to be given orally.
+
+If the subject does not understand what is wanted, the instruction may
+be repeated, but it is not permissible to illustrate what a sentence is
+by giving one. There must be no preliminary practice.
+
+A curious misunderstanding which is sometimes encountered comes from
+assuming that the sentence must be constructed entirely of the three
+words given. If it appears that the subject is stumbling over this
+difficulty, we explain: "_The three words must be put with some other
+words so that all of them together will make a sentence._"
+
+Nothing is said about hurrying, but if a sentence is not given within
+one minute the rule is to count that part of the test a failure and to
+proceed to the next trio of words.
+
+Give only one trial for each part of the test.
+
+Do not specially caution the child to avoid giving more than one
+sentence, as this is implied in the formula used and should be
+understood.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ sentences are
+satisfactory. In order to be satisfactory a sentence must fulfill the
+following requirements: (1) It must either be a simple sentence, or, if
+compound, must not contain more than two distinct ideas; and (2) it must
+not express an absurdity.
+
+Slight changes in one or more of the key words are disregarded, as
+_river_ for _rivers_, etc.
+
+The scoring is difficult enough to justify rather extensive
+illustration.
+
+(a) _Boy, ball, river_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ An analysis of 128 satisfactory responses gave
+ the following classification:--
+
+ (1) Simple sentence containing a simple subject and a simple
+ predicate; as: "The boy threw his ball into the river." "The boy
+ lost his ball in the river." "The boy's ball fell into the
+ river." "The boy swam into the river after his ball," etc. This
+ group contains 76 per cent of the correct responses.
+
+ (2) A sentence with a simple subject and a compound predicate;
+ as: "A boy went to the river and took his ball with him." About
+ 8 per cent of all were of this type.
+
+ (3) A complex sentence containing a relative clause (2 per cent
+ only); as: "The boy ran after his ball which was rolling toward
+ the river."
+
+ (4) A compound sentence containing two independent clauses
+ (about 14 per cent); as: "The boy had a ball and he lost it in
+ the river."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ The failures fall into four chief groups:--
+
+ (1) Sentences with three clauses (or else three separate
+ sentences).
+
+ (2) Sentences containing an absurdity.
+
+ (3) Sentences which omit one of the key words.
+
+ (4) Silence, due ordinarily to inability to comprehend the task.
+
+ Group 1 includes 78 per cent of the failures; group 2, about
+ 12 per cent; and group 3 and 4 about 5 per cent each. Samples of
+ group 1 are: "There was a boy, and he bought a ball, and it fell
+ into the river." "I saw a boy, and he had a ball, and he was
+ playing by the river." Illustration of an absurd sentence, "The
+ boy was swimming in the river and he was playing ball."
+
+(b) _Work, money, men_
+
+ _Satisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Sentence with a simple subject and simple predicate
+ (including 75 per cent of 116 satisfactory responses); as: "Men
+ work for their money." "Men get money for their work," etc.
+
+ (2) A complex sentence with a relative clause (12 per cent of
+ correct answers); as: "Men who work earn much money." "It is
+ easy for men to earn money if they are willing to work," etc.
+
+ (3) A compound sentence with two independent, cooerdinate clauses
+ (13 per cent); as: "Men work and they earn money." "Some men
+ have money and they do not work."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Three clauses; as: "I know a man and he has money, and he
+ works at the store."
+
+ (2) Sentences which are absurd or meaningless; as: "Men work
+ with their money."
+
+ (3) Omission of one of the words.
+
+ (4) Inability to respond.
+
+(c) _Desert, rivers, lakes_
+
+ _Satisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Sentences with a simple subject and a simple predicate
+ (including 84 per cent of 126 correct answers); as: "There are
+ no rivers or lakes in the desert." "The desert has one river and
+ one lake," etc.
+
+ (2) A complex sentence with a relative clause (only 2 per cent);
+ as: "In the desert there was a river which flowed into a lake."
+
+ (3) A compound sentence with two independent, cooerdinate clauses
+ (11 per cent); as: "We went to the desert, and it had no rivers
+ or lakes."
+
+ (4) A compound, complex sentence (3 per cent of all); as: "There
+ was a desert, and near by there was a river that emptied into a
+ lake."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory_:--
+
+ (1) Sentences with three clauses (40 per cent of all failures);
+ as: "A desert is dry, rivers are long, lakes are rough."
+
+ (2) Sentences containing an absurdity (12 per cent of the
+ failures): as: "a desert is dry, rivers are long, lakes are
+ filled with swimming boys." "The lake went through the desert
+ and the river." "There was a desert and rivers and lakes in the
+ forest." "The desert is full of rivers and lakes."
+
+ (3) Omission of one of the words (40 per cent of the failures).
+
+ (4) Inability to respond (8 per cent).
+
+REMARKS. The test of constructing a sentence containing given words was
+first used by Masselon and is known as "the Masselon experiment."
+Meumann, who used it in a rather extended experiment,[65] finds it a
+good test of intelligence and a reliable index as to the richness,
+definiteness, and maturity of the associative processes. As Meumann
+shows, it is instructive to study the qualitative differences between
+the responses of bright and dull children, apart from questions of
+sentence structure. These differences are especially discernible
+in (a) the logical qualities of the associations, and (b) the
+definiteness of statement. As regards (a), bright children are much
+more likely to use the given words as keystones in the construction of a
+sentence which would be logically suggested by them. For example,
+_donkey_, _blows_, suggest some such sentence as, "The donkey receives
+blows because he is lazy." In like manner we have found that the words
+_work_, _money_, _men_ usually suggest to the more intelligent children
+a sentence like "Men work for their money" (or "because they need
+money," etc.), while the dull child is more likely to give some such
+sentence as "The men have work and they don't have much money." That is,
+the sentence of the dull child, even though correct in structure and
+free enough from outright absurdity to satisfy the standard of scoring
+which we have set forth, is likely to express ideas which are more or
+less nondescript, ideas not logically suggested by the set of words
+given.
+
+[65] "Ueber eine neue Methode der Intelligenzpruefung und ueber den Wert
+der Kombinationsmethoden," in _Zeitschrift fuer Paedagogische Psychologie
+und Experimentelle Paedagogik_ (1912), pp. 145-63.
+
+The experiment is one of the many forms of the "completion test," or
+"the combination method." As we have already noted, the power to combine
+more or less separate and isolated elements into a logical whole is one
+of the most essential features of intelligence. The ability to do so in
+a given case depends, in the first place, upon the number and logical
+quality of the associations which have previously been made with each of
+the given elements separately, and in the second place, upon the
+readiness with which these ideational stores yield up the particular
+associations necessary for weaving the given words into some kind of
+unity. The child must pass from what is given to what is not given but
+merely suggested. This requires a certain amount of invention. Scattered
+fragments must be conceived as the skeleton of a thought, and this
+skeleton, or partial skeleton, must be assembled and made whole. The
+task is analogous to that which confronts the palaeontologist, who is
+able to reconstruct, with a high degree of certainty, the entire
+skeleton of an extinct animal from the evidence furnished by three or
+four fragments of bones. It is no wonder, therefore, that subjects whose
+ideational stores are scanty, and whose associations are based upon
+accidental rather than logical connections, find the test one of
+peculiar difficulty. Invention thrives in a different soil.
+
+Binet located this test in year X. Goddard and Kuhlmann assign it the
+same location, though their actual statistics agree closely with our
+own. Our procedure makes the test somewhat easier than that of Binet,
+who gave only one trial and used the somewhat more difficult words
+_Paris_, _river_, _fortune_. Others have generally followed the Binet
+procedure, merely substituting for Paris the name of a city better known
+to the subject. Binet's requirement of a written response also makes the
+test harder.
+
+Perhaps the greatest obstacle to uniformity in the use of the test comes
+from the difficulty of scoring, particularly in deciding whether the
+sentence contains enough absurdity to disqualify it, and whether it
+expresses three separate ideas or only two. It is hoped that the rather
+large variety of sample responses which we have given will reduce these
+difficulties to a minimum.
+
+An additional word is necessary in regard to what constitutes an
+absurdity in (b). A sentence like "There are some rivers and lakes in
+the desert" is not an absurdity in certain parts of Western United
+States. In Professor Ordahl's tests at Reno, Nevada, many children whose
+intelligence was altogether above suspicion gave this reply. The
+statement is, indeed, perfectly true for the semi-arid region in the
+vicinity of Reno known as "the desert." On the other hand, such
+sentences as "The desert is full of rivers and lakes," or "There are
+forty rivers and lakes in the desert," can hardly be considered
+satisfactory. Similar difficulties are presented by (c), though not so
+frequently. "Men who work do not have money" expresses, unfortunately,
+more truth than nonsense.
+
+
+IX, 6. FINDING RHYMES
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_You know what a rhyme is, of course. A
+rhyme is a word that sounds like another word. Two words rhyme if they
+end in the same sound. Understand?_" Whether the child says he
+understands or not, we proceed to illustrate what a rhyme is, as
+follows: "_Take the two words 'hat' and 'cat.' They sound alike and so
+they make a rhyme. 'Hat,' 'rat,' 'cat,' 'bat' all rhyme with one
+another._"
+
+That is, we first explain what a rhyme is and then we give an
+illustration. A large majority of American children who have reached the
+age of 9 years understand perfectly what a rhyme is, without any
+illustration. A few, however, think they understand, but do not; and in
+order to insure that all are given equal advantage it is necessary never
+to omit the illustration.
+
+After the illustration say: "_Now, I am going to give you a word and you
+will have one minute to find as many words as you can that rhyme with
+it. The word is 'day.' Name all the words you can think of that rhyme
+with 'day.'_"
+
+If the child fails with the first word, before giving the second we
+repeat the explanation and give sample rhymes for _day_; otherwise we
+proceed without further explanation to _mill_ and _spring_, saying,
+"_Now, you have another minute to name all the words you can think of
+that rhyme with 'mill,'_" etc. Apart from the mention of "one minute"
+say nothing to suggest hurrying, as this tends to throw some children
+into mental confusion.
+
+SCORING. Passed if in _two out of the three_ parts of the experiment the
+child finds _three words_ which rhyme with the word given, the time
+limit for each series being _one minute_. Note that in each case there
+must be three words in addition to the word given. These must be real
+words, not meaningless syllables or made-up words. However, we should be
+liberal enough to accept such words as _ding_ (from "ding-dong ") for
+_spring_, _Jill_ (see "Jack and Jill") for _mill_, _Fay_ (girl's name)
+for _day_, etc.
+
+REMARKS. At first thought it would seem that the demands made by this
+test upon intelligence could not be very great. Sound associations
+between words may be contrasted unfavorably with associations like those
+of cause and effect, part to whole, whole to part, opposites, etc. But
+when we pass from _a-priori_ considerations to an examination of the
+actual data, we find that the giving of rhymes is closely correlated
+with general intelligence.
+
+The 9-year-olds who test at or above 10 years nearly always do well in
+finding rhymes, while 9-year-olds who test as low as 8 years seldom
+pass. When a test thus shows high correlation with the scale as a whole,
+we must either accept the test as valid or reject the scale altogether.
+While the feeble-minded do not do as well in this test as normal
+children of corresponding mental age, the percentage successes for them
+rises rapidly between mental age 8 and mental age 10 or 11.
+
+Closer psychological analysis of the processes involved will show why
+this is true. To find rhymes for a given word means that one must hunt
+out verbal associations under the direction of a guiding idea. Every
+word has innumerable associations and many of these tend, in greater or
+less degree, to be aroused when the stimulus word is given. In order to
+succeed with the test, however, it is necessary to inhibit all
+associations which are not relevant to the desired end. The directing
+idea must be held so firmly in mind that it will really direct the
+thought associations. Besides acting to inhibit the irrelevant, it must
+create a sort of magnetic stress (to borrow a figure from physics) which
+will give dominance to those associative tendencies pointing in the
+right direction. Even the feeble-minded child of imbecile grade has in
+his vocabulary a great many words which rhyme with _day_, _mill_, and
+_spring_. He fails on the test because his verbal associations cannot be
+subjugated to the influence of a directing idea. The end to be attained
+does not dominate consciousness sufficiently to create more than a faint
+stress. Instead of a single magnetic pole there is a conflict of forces.
+The result is either chaos or partial success. _Mill_ may suggest
+_hill_, and then perhaps the directing idea becomes suddenly inoperative
+and the child gives _mountain_, _valley_, or some other irrelevant
+association. The lack of associations, however, is a more frequent cause
+of failure than inability to inhibit the irrelevant.
+
+If any one supposes that finding rhymes does not draw upon the higher
+mental powers, let him try the experiment upon himself in various stages
+of mental efficiency, say at 9 A.M., when mentally refreshed by a good
+night of sleep and again when fatigued and sleepy. Poets questioned by
+Galton on this point all testified to the greater difficulty of finding
+rhymes when mentally fatigued. In this and in many other respects the
+mental activities of the fatigued or sleepy individual approach the type
+of mentation which is normal to the feeble-minded.
+
+It is important to note that adults make a less favorable showing
+in this test than normal children of corresponding mental age,
+Mr. Knollin's "hoboes" of 12-year intelligence doing hardly as well as
+school children of 10-year intelligence. Those who are habitually
+employed in school exercises probably acquire an adeptness in verbal
+associations which is later gradually lost in the preoccupations of real
+life.
+
+There has been more disagreement as to the proper location of this test
+than of any other test of the Binet scale. Binet placed it in year XII
+of the 1908 scale, but shifted it to year XV in 1911. Kuhlmann retains
+it in year XII, while Goddard drops it down to year XI. However, when we
+examine the actual statistics for normal children we do not find very
+marked disagreement, and such disagreement as is present can be largely
+accounted for by variations in procedure and by differing conclusions
+drawn from identical data. In the first place, Binet gave but one trial.
+This, of course, makes the test much harder than when three trials are
+given and only two successes are required. To make one trial equal in
+difficulty to three trials we should perhaps need to demand only two
+rhymes, instead of three, in the one trial. In the second place, the
+word used by Binet (_obeissance_) is much harder than one-syllable words
+like _day_, _mill_, and _spring_. Finally, the wide shift of the test
+from year XII to year XV was not justified by the statistics of Binet
+himself, and the figures of Kuhlmann and Goddard are really in
+exceptionally close agreement with our own, notwithstanding the fact
+that Goddard required three successes instead of two. In four series of
+tests, considered together, we have found 62 per cent passing at
+year IX, 81 per cent at year X, 83 per cent at year XI, and 94 per cent
+at year XII.
+
+
+IX, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: NAMING THE MONTHS
+
+PROCEDURE. Simply ask the subject to "_name all the months of the
+year_." Do not start him off by naming one month; give no look of
+approval or disapproval as the months are being named, and make no
+suggestions or comments of any kind.
+
+When the months have been named, we "check up" the performance by
+asking: "_What month comes before April?_" "_What month comes before
+July?_" "_What month comes before November?_"
+
+SCORING. Passed if the months are named in about _fifteen or twenty
+seconds with no more than one error_ of omission, repetition, or
+displacement, and if _two out of the three check questions_ are answered
+correctly. Disregard place of beginning.
+
+REMARKS. Some are inclined to consider this test of little value,
+because of its supposed dependence on accidental training. With this
+opinion we cannot fully agree. The arguments already given in favor of
+the retention of naming the days of the week (year VII), apply equally
+well in the present case. It has been shown, however, that age, apart
+from intelligence, does have some effect on the ability to name the
+months. Defective adults of 9-year intelligence do about as well with it
+as normal children of 10-year intelligence.
+
+The test appears in year X of Binet's 1908 scale and in year IX of the
+1911 revision. Goddard places it correctly in year IX, while Kuhlmann
+and Bobertag have omitted it.
+
+
+IX, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: COUNTING THE VALUE OF STAMPS
+
+PROCEDURE. Place before the subject a cardboard on which are pasted
+three 1-cent and three 2-cent stamps arranged as follows: 111222. Be
+sure to lay the card so that the stamps will be right side up for the
+child. Say: "_You know, of course, how much a stamp like this costs_
+(pointing to a 1-cent stamp). _And you know how much one like this
+costs_ (pointing to a 2-cent stamp). _Now, how much money would it take
+to buy all these stamps?_"
+
+Do not tell the individual values of the stamps if these are not known,
+for it is a part of the test to ascertain whether the child's
+spontaneous curiosity has led him to find out and remember their values.
+If the individual values are known, but the first answer is wrong, a
+second trial may be given. In such cases, however, it is necessary to be
+on guard against guessing.
+
+If the child merely names an incorrect sum without saying anything to
+indicate how he arrived at his answer, it is well to tell him to figure
+it up aloud. "_Tell me how you got it._"
+
+SCORING. Passed if the correct value is given in not over fifteen
+seconds.
+
+REMARKS. The value of this test may be questioned on two grounds: (1)
+That it has an ambiguous significance, since failure to pass it may
+result either from incorrect addition or from lack of knowledge of the
+individual values of the stamps; (2) that familiarity with stamps and
+their values is so much a matter of accident and special instruction
+that the test is not fair.
+
+Both criticisms are in a measure valid. The first, however, applies
+equally well to a great many useful intelligence tests. In fact, it is
+only a minority in which success depends on but one factor. The other
+criticism has less weight than would at first appear. While it is, of
+course, not impossible for an intelligent child to arrive at the age of
+9 years without having had reasonable opportunity to learn the cost of
+the common postage stamps, the fact is that a large majority have had
+the opportunity and that most of those of normal intelligence have taken
+advantage of it. It is necessary once more to emphasize the fact that in
+its method of locating a test the Binet system makes ample allowance for
+"accidental" failures.
+
+Like the tests of naming coins, repeating the names of the days of the
+week or the months of the year, giving the date, tying a bow-knot,
+distinguishing right and left, naming the colors, etc., this one also
+throws light on the child's spontaneous interest in common objects. It
+is mainly the children of deficient intellectual curiosity who do not
+take the trouble to learn these things at somewhere near the expected
+age.
+
+The test was located in year VIII of the Binet scale. However, Binet
+used coins, three single and three double sous. Since we do not have
+either a half-cent or a 2-cent coin, it has been necessary to substitute
+postage stamps. This changes the nature of the test and makes it much
+harder. It becomes less a test of ability to do a simple sum, and more a
+test of knowledge as to the value of the stamps used. That the test is
+easy enough for year VIII when it can be given in the original form is
+indicated by all the French, German, and English statistics available,
+but four separate series of Stanford tests agree in finding it too hard
+for year VIII when stamps are substituted and the test is carried out
+according to the procedure described above.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR X
+
+
+X, 1. VOCABULARY (THIRTY DEFINITIONS, 5400 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE AND SCORING AS IN VIII, 6. At year X, thirty words should be
+correctly defined.
+
+
+X, 2. DETECTING ABSURDITIES
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the child: "_I am going to read a sentence which has
+something foolish in it, some nonsense. I want you to listen carefully
+and tell me what is foolish about it._" Then read the sentences, rather
+slowly and in a matter-of-fact voice, saying after each: "_What is
+foolish about that?_" The sentences used are the following:--
+
+ (a) "_A man said: 'I know a road from my house to the city which
+ is downhill all the way to the city and downhill all the way
+ back home.'_"
+ (b) "_An engineer said that the more cars he had on his train the
+ faster he could go._"
+ (c) "_Yesterday the police found the body of a girl cut into
+ eighteen pieces. They believe that she killed herself._"
+ (d) "_There was a railroad accident yesterday, but it was not very
+ serious. Only forty-eight people were killed._"
+ (e) "_A bicycle rider, being thrown from his bicycle in an
+ accident, struck his head against a stone and was instantly
+ killed. They picked him up and carried him to the hospital,
+ and they do not think he will get well again._"
+
+Each should ordinarily be answered within thirty seconds. If the child
+is silent, the sentence should be repeated; but no other questions or
+suggestions of any kind are permissible. Such questions as "_Could the
+road be downhill both ways?_" or, "_Do you think the girl could have
+killed herself?_" would, of course, put the answer in the child's mouth.
+It is even best to avoid laughing as the sentence is read.
+
+Owing to the child's limited power of expression it is not always easy
+to judge from the answer given whether the absurdity has really been
+detected or not. In such cases ask him to explain himself, using some
+such formula as: "_I am not sure I know what you mean. Explain what you
+mean. Tell me what is foolish in the sentence I read._" This usually
+brings a reply the correctness or incorrectness of which is more
+apparent, while at the same time the formula is so general that it
+affords no hint as to the correct answer. Additional questions must be
+used with extreme caution.
+
+SCORING. Passed if the absurdity is detected in _four out of the five_
+statements. The following are samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+answers:--
+
+(a) _The road downhill_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "If it was downhill to the city it would be
+ uphill coming back." "It can't be downhill both directions."
+ "That could not be." "That is foolish. (Explain.) Because it
+ must be uphill one way or the other." "That would be a funny
+ road. (Explain.) No road can be like that. It can't be downhill
+ both ways."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Perhaps he took a little different road
+ coming back." "I guess it is a very crooked road." "Coming back
+ he goes around the hill." "The man lives down in a valley." "The
+ road was made that way so it would be easy." "Just a road. I
+ don't see anything foolish." "He should say, 'a road which
+ goes.'"
+
+(b) _What the engineer said_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "If he has more cars he will go slower." "It is
+ the other way. If he wants to go faster he mustn't have so many
+ cars." "The man didn't mean what he said, or else it was a slip
+ of the tongue." "That's the way it would be if he was going
+ downhill." "Foolish, because the cars don't help pull the
+ train." "He ought to say _slower_, not _faster_."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A long train is nicer." "The engine pulls
+ harder if the train has lots of cars." "That's all right. I
+ suppose he likes a big train." "Nothing foolish; when I went to
+ the city I saw a train that had lots of cars and it was going
+ awfully fast." "He should have said, 'the faster I can _run_.'"
+
+(c) _The girl who was thought to have killed herself_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "She could not have cut herself into eighteen
+ pieces." "She would have been dead before that." "She might have
+ cut two or three pieces off, but she couldn't do the rest."
+ (Laughing) "Well, she may have killed herself; but if she did
+ it's a sure thing that some one else came along after and
+ chopped her up." "That policeman must have been a fool.
+ (Explain.) To think that she could chop herself into eighteen
+ pieces."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "_Think_ that she killed herself; they _know_
+ she did." "They can't be sure. Some one may have killed her."
+ "It was a foolish girl to kill herself." "How can they tell who
+ killed her?" "No girl would kill herself unless she was crazy."
+ "It ought to read: 'They think that she committed suicide.'"
+
+(d) _The railroad accident_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "That was very serious." "I should like to know
+ what you would call a serious accident!" "You could say it was
+ not serious if two or three people were killed, but
+ forty-eight,--that is serious."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "It was a foolish mistake that made the
+ accident." "They couldn't help it. It was an accident." "It
+ might have been worse." "Nothing foolish; it's just sad."
+
+(e) _The bicycle rider_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "How could he get well after he was already
+ killed?" "Why, he's already dead." "No use to take a dead man to
+ the hospital." "They ought to have taken him to a grave-yard!"
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Foolish to fall off of a bicycle. He should
+ have known how to ride." "They ought to have carried him home.
+ (Why?) So his folks could get a doctor." "He should have been
+ more careful." "Maybe they can cure him if he isn't hurt very
+ bad." "There's nothing foolish in that."
+
+REMARKS. The detection of absurdities is one of the most ingenious and
+serviceable tests of the entire scale. It is little influenced by
+schooling, and it comes nearer than any other to being a test of
+that species of mother-wit which we call common sense. Like the
+"comprehension questions," it may be called a test of judgment, using
+this term in the colloquial and not in the logical sense. The stupid
+person, whether depicted in literature, proverb, or the ephemeral joke
+column, is always (and justly, it would seem) characterized by a huge
+tolerance for absurd contradictions and by a blunt sensitivity for the
+fine points of a joke. Intellectual discrimination and judgment are
+inferior. The ideas do not cross-light each other, but remain relatively
+isolated. Hence, the most absurd contradictions are swallowed, so to
+speak, without arousing the protest of the critical faculty. The latter,
+indeed, is only a name for the tendency of intellectually irreconcilable
+elements to clash. If there is no clash, if the elements remain apart,
+it goes without saying that there will be no power of criticism.
+
+The critical faculty begins its development in the early years and
+strengthens _pari passu_ with the growing wealth of inter-associations
+among ideas; but in the average child it is not until the age of about
+10 years that it becomes equal to tasks like those presented in this
+test. Eight-year intelligence hardly ever scores more than two or three
+correct answers out of five. By 12, the critical ability has so far
+developed that the test is nearly always passed. It is an invaluable
+test for the higher grades of mental deficiency.
+
+As a test of the critical powers Binet first used "trap questions"; as,
+for example, "Is snow red or black?" The results were disappointing, for
+it was found that owing to timidity, deference, and suggestibility
+normal children often failed on such questions. Deference is more marked
+in normal than in feeble-minded children, and it is because of the
+influence of this trait that it is necessary always to forewarn the
+subject that the sentence to be given contains nonsense.
+
+Binet located the test in year XI of the 1908 scale, but changed it to
+year X in 1911. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in year XI. The large
+majority of the statistics, including those of Goddard and Kuhlmann,
+warrant the location of the test in year X. Not all have used the same
+absurdities, and these have not been worded uniformly. Most have
+required three successes out of five, but Bobertag and Kuhlmann require
+three out of four; Bobertag's procedure is also different in that he
+does not forewarn the child that an absurdity is to follow.
+
+The present form of the test is the result of three successive
+refinements. It will be noted that we have made two substitutions in
+Binet's list of absurdities. Those omitted from the original scale are:
+"_I have three brothers--Paul, Ernest, and myself_," and, "_If I were
+going to commit suicide I would not choose Friday, because Friday is an
+unlucky day and would bring me misfortune._" The last has a puzzling
+feature which makes it much too hard for year X, and the other is
+objectionable with children who are accustomed to hear a foreign
+language in which the form of expression used in the absurdity is
+idiomatically correct.
+
+The two we have substituted for these objectionable absurdities are,
+"The road downhill" and "What the engineer said." The five we have
+used, though of nearly equal difficulty, are here listed in the order
+from easiest to hardest. Our series as a whole is slightly easier than
+Binet's.
+
+
+X, 3. DRAWING DESIGNS FROM MEMORY
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the designs shown on the accompanying printed form. If
+copies are used they must be exact in size and shape. Before showing the
+card say: "_This card has two drawings on it. I am going to show them to
+you for ten seconds, then I will take the card away and let you draw
+from memory what you have seen. Examine both drawings carefully and
+remember that you have only ten seconds._"
+
+Provide pencil and paper and then show the card for ten seconds, holding
+it at right angles to the child's line of vision and with the designs in
+the position given in the plate. Have the child draw the designs
+immediately after they are removed from sight.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _one of the designs is reproduced
+correctly and the other about half correctly_. "Correctly" means that
+the _essential plan_ of the design has been grasped and reproduced.
+Ordinary irregularities due to lack of motor skill or to hasty execution
+are disregarded. "Half correctly" means that some essential part of the
+design has been omitted or misplaced, or that parts have been added.
+
+The sample reproductions shown on the scoring card will serve as a
+guide. It will be noted that an inverted design, or one whose right and
+left sides have been transposed, is counted only half correct, however
+perfect it many be in other respects; also that design _b_ is counted
+only half correct if the inner rectangle is not located off center.
+
+REMARKS. Binet states that the main factors involved in success are
+"attention, visual memory, and a little analysis." The power of rapid
+analysis would seem to be the most important, for if the designs are
+analyzed they may be reproduced from a verbal memory of the analysis.
+Without some analysis it would hardly be possible to remember the
+designs at all, as one of them contains thirteen lines and the other
+twelve. The memory span for unrelated objects is far too limited to
+permit us to grasp and retain that number of unrelated impressions.
+Success is possible only by grouping the lines according to their
+relationships, so that several of them are given a unitary value and
+remembered as one. In this manner, the design to the right, which is
+composed of twelve lines, may be reduced to four elements: (1) The outer
+rectangle; (2) the inner rectangle; (3) the off-center position of the
+inner rectangle; and (4) the joining of the angles. Of course the child
+does not ordinarily make an analysis as explicit as this; but analysis
+of some kind, even though it be unconscious, is necessary to success.
+
+Ability to pass the test indicates the presence, in a certain definite
+amount, of the tendency for the contents of consciousness to fuse into a
+meaningful whole. Failure indicates that the elements have maintained
+their unitary character or have fused inadequately. It is seen,
+therefore, that the test has a close kinship with the test of memory for
+sentences. The latter, also, permits the fusion or grouping of
+impressions according to meaning, with the result that five or six times
+as many meaningful syllables as nonsense syllables or digits can be
+retained.
+
+Binet had many more failures on design _a_ than on design _b_. This was
+probably due to the fact that he showed the designs with our _b_ to the
+left. A majority of subjects, probably because of the influence of
+reading habits, examine first the figure to the left, and because of the
+short time allowed for the inspection are unable to devote much time to
+the design at the right. We have placed the design of greater intrinsic
+difficulty at the left, with the result that the failures are almost
+equally divided between the two.
+
+Binet used this test in his unstandardized series of 1905, omitted it in
+1908, but included it in the 1911 revision, locating it in year X.
+Except for Goddard, who recommends year XI, there is rather general
+agreement that the test belongs at year X. Our own data show that it may
+be placed either at year X or year XI, according as the grading is rigid
+or lenient.
+
+
+X, 4. READING FOR EIGHT MEMORIES
+
+MATERIAL. We use Binet's selection, slightly adapted, as follows:--
+
+ _New York, September 5th. A fire last night burned three houses
+ near the center of the city. It took some time to put it out.
+ The loss was fifty thousand dollars, and seventeen families lost
+ their homes. In saving a girl, who was asleep in a bed, a
+ fireman was burned on the hands._
+
+The copy of the selection used by the subject should be printed in heavy
+type and should not contain the bars dividing it into memories. The
+Stanford record booklet contains the selection in two forms, one
+suitable for use in scoring, the other in heavy type to be read by the
+subject.
+
+PROCEDURE. Hand the selection to the subject, who should be seated
+comfortably in a good light, and say: "_I want you to read this for me
+as nicely as you can._" The subject must read aloud.
+
+Pronounce all the words which the subject is unable to make out, not
+allowing more than five seconds' hesitation in such a case.
+
+Record all errors made in reading the selection, and the exact time. By
+"error" is meant the omission, substitution, transposition, or
+mispronunciation of one word.
+
+The subject is not warned in advance that he will be asked to report
+what he has read, but as soon as he has finished reading, put the
+selection out of sight and say: "_Very well done. Now, I want you to
+tell me what you read. Begin at the first and tell everything you can
+remember._" After the subject has repeated everything he can recall and
+has stopped, say: "_And what else? Can you remember any more of it?_"
+Give no other aid of any kind. It is of course not permissible, when the
+child stops, to prompt him with such questions as, "_And what next?
+Where were the houses burned? What happened to the fireman?_" etc. The
+report must be spontaneous.
+
+Now and then, though not often, a subject hesitates or even refuses to
+try, saying he is unable to do it. Perhaps he has misunderstood the
+request and thinks he is expected to repeat the selection word for word,
+as in the tests of memory for sentences. We urge a little and repeat:
+"_Tell me in your own words all you can remember of it._" Others
+misunderstand in a different way, and thinking they are expected to tell
+merely what the story is about, they say: "It was about some houses that
+burned." In such cases we repeat the instructions with special emphasis
+on the words _all you can remember_.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if the selection is read in thirty-five
+seconds with not more than two errors, and if the report contains at
+least eight "memories."_ By underscoring the memories correctly
+reproduced, and by interlineations to show serious departures from the
+text, the record can be made complete with a minimum of trouble.
+
+The main difficulty in scoring is to decide whether a memory has been
+reproduced correctly enough to be counted. Absolutely literal
+reproduction is not expected. The rule is to count all memories whose
+thought is reproduced with only minor changes in the wording. "It took
+quite a while" instead of "it took some time" is satisfactory; likewise,
+"got burnt" for "was burned"; "who was sleeping" for "who was asleep";
+"are homeless" for "lost their homes"; "in the middle" for "near the
+center"; "a big fire" for "a fire," etc.
+
+Memories as badly mutilated as the following, however, are not counted:
+"A lot of buildings" for "three houses;" "a man" for "a fireman"; "who
+was sick" for "who was asleep"; etc. Occasionally we may give half
+credit, as in the case of "was seventeen thousand dollars" for "was
+fifty thousand dollars"; "and fifteen families" for "and seventeen
+families," etc.
+
+REMARKS. Are we warranted in using at all as a measure of intelligence a
+test which depends as much on instruction as this one does? Many are
+inclined to answer this question in the negative. The test has been
+omitted from the revisions of Goddard, Kuhlmann, and Binet himself. As
+regards Binet's earlier test of reading for two memories, in year VIII,
+there could hardly be any difference of opinion. The ability to read at
+that age depends so much on the accident of environment that the test is
+meaningless unless we know all about the conditions which have
+surrounded the child.
+
+The use of the test in year X, however, is a very different matter.
+There are comparatively few children of that age who will fail to pass
+it for lack of the requisite school instruction. Children of 10 years
+who have attended school with reasonable regularity for three years are
+practically always able to read the selection in thirty-five seconds and
+without over two mistakes unless they are retarded almost to the
+border-line of mental deficiency. Of our 10-year-olds who failed to meet
+the test, only a fourth did so because of inability to meet the reading
+requirements as regards time or mistakes. The remaining failures were
+caused by inadequate report, and most of these subjects were of the
+distinctly retarded group.
+
+We may conclude, therefore, that given anything approaching normal
+educational advantages, the test is really a measure of intelligence.
+Used with due caution, it is perhaps as valuable as any other test in
+the scale. It is only necessary, in case of failure, to ascertain the
+facts regarding the child's educational opportunities. Even this
+precaution is superfluous in case the subject tests as low as 8 years by
+the remainder of the scale. A safe rule is to omit the test from the
+calculation of mental age if the subject has not attended school the
+equivalent of two or three years.
+
+It has been contended by some that tests in which success depends upon
+language mastery cannot be real tests of intelligence. By such critics
+language tests have been set over against intelligence tests as
+contrasting opposites. It is easy to show, however, that this view is
+superficial and psychologically unsound. Every one who has an
+acquaintance with the facts of mental growth knows that language mastery
+of some degree is the _sine qua non_ of conceptual thinking. Language
+growth, in fact, mirrors the entire mental development. There are few
+more reliable indications of a subject's stage of intellectual maturity
+than his mastery of language.
+
+The rate of reading, for example, is a measure of the rate of
+association. Letters become associated together in certain combinations
+making words, words into word groups and sentences. Recognition is for
+the most part an associative process. Rapid and accurate association
+will mean ready recognition of the printed form. Since language units
+(whether letters, words, or word groups) have more or less preferred
+associations according to their habitual arrangement into larger units,
+it comes about that in the normal mind under normal conditions these
+preferred sequences arouse the apperceptive complex necessary to make a
+running recognition rapid and easy. It is reasonable to suppose that in
+the subnormal mind the habitual common associations are less firmly
+fixed, thus diminishing the effectiveness of the ever-changing
+apperceptive expectancy. Reading is, therefore, largely dependent on
+what James calls the "fringe of consciousness" and the "consciousness of
+meaning." In reading connected matter, every unit is big with a mass of
+tendencies. The smaller and more isolated the unit, the greater is the
+number of possibilities. Every added unit acts as a modifier limiting
+the number of tendencies, until we have finally, in case of a large
+mental unit, a fairly manageable whole. When the most logical and
+suitable of these associations arise easily from subconsciousness to
+consciousness, recognition is made easy, and their doing so will depend
+on whether the habitual relations of the elements have left permanent
+traces in the mind.
+
+The reading of the subnormal subject bears a close analogy to the
+reading of nonsense matter by the normal person. It has been ascertained
+by experiment that such reading requires about twice as much time as the
+reading of connected matter. This is true for the reason that out of
+thousands of associations possible with each word, no particular
+association is favored. The apperceptive expectancy, practically _nil_
+in the reading of nonsense material, must be decidedly deficient in all
+poor reading.
+
+Furthermore, in the case of the ordinary reader there is a feeling of
+rightness or wrongness about the thought sequences. That less
+intelligent subjects have this sense of fitness to a much less degree is
+evidenced by their passing over words so mutilated in pronunciation as
+to deprive them of all meaning. The transposition of letters and words,
+and the failure to observe marks of punctuation, point to the same
+thing. In other words, all the reading of the stupid subject is with
+material which to him is more or less nonsensical.[66]
+
+[66] See "Genius and Stupidity," by Lewis M. Terman, in _Pedagogical
+Seminary_, September, 1906, p. 340 _ff._
+
+A little observation will convince one that mentally retarded subjects,
+even when they possess a reasonable degree of fluency in recognizing
+printed words, do not sense shades of meaning. Their reading is by small
+units. Words and phrases do not fuse into one mental content, but remain
+relatively unconnected. The expression is monotonous and the voice has
+more of the unnatural "schoolroom" pitch. They read more slowly, more
+often misplace the emphasis, and miscall more words. In short, one who
+has psychological insight and is acquainted with reading standards can
+easily detect the symptoms of intellectual inferiority by hearing a dull
+subject read a brief selection.
+
+The giving of memories is also significant. Feeble-minded adults who
+have been well schooled are sometimes able to read the words of the text
+fairly fluently, but are usually unable to give more than a scanty
+report of what has been read. The scope of attention has been exhausted
+in the mere recognition and pronouncing of words. In general, the
+greater the mechanical difficulties which a subject encounters, the less
+adequate is his report of memories.
+
+The test has, however, one real fault. School children have a certain
+advantage in it over older persons _of the same mental age_ whose school
+experience is less recent. Adult subjects tend to give their report in
+less literal form. It is necessary, therefore, to give credit for the
+reproduction of the ideas of the passage rather than for strictly
+literal "memories."
+
+The selection we have used is, with minor changes, the same as Binet's.
+His selection was divided into nineteen memories. The one here given has
+twenty-one memories. Binet used the test both in year VIII and year IX,
+requiring two memories at year VIII and six memories at year IX. When we
+require eight memories, as we have done, the test becomes difficult
+enough for non-selected school children of 10 years. Location in year X
+seems preferable, because it insures that the child will almost
+certainly have had the schooling requisite for learning to read a
+selection of this difficulty, even if he has started to school at a
+later age than is customary. Naturally, placing the test higher in the
+scale makes it more a test of report and less a test of ability to
+recognize and pronounce printed words.
+
+
+X, 5. COMPREHENSION, FOURTH DEGREE
+
+The questions for this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_What ought you to say when some one asks your opinion
+ about a person you don't know very well?_"
+ (b) "_What ought you to do before undertaking (beginning)
+ something very important?_"
+ (c) "_Why should we judge a person more by his actions than by
+ his words?_"
+
+The PROCEDURE is the same as for the previous comprehension tests. Each
+question may be repeated, but its form must not be changed. It is not
+permissible to make any explanation whatever as to the meaning of the
+question, except to substitute _beginning_ for _undertaking_ when (b)
+seems not to be comprehended.
+
+SCORING. _Two out of the three_ questions must be answered
+satisfactorily. Study of the following classified responses should make
+scoring fairly easy in most cases:--
+
+(a) _When some one asks your opinion_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "I would say I don't know him very well"
+ (42 per cent of the correct answers). "Tell him what I know and
+ no more" (34 per cent of correct answers). "I would say that I'd
+ rather not express any opinion about him" (20 per cent of the
+ correct answers). "Tell him to ask some one else." "I would not
+ express any opinion."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ Unsatisfactory responses are due either to
+ failure to grasp the import of the question, or to inability to
+ suggest the appropriate action demanded by the situation.
+
+ The latter form of failure is the more common; e.g.: "I'd say
+ they are nice." "Say you like them." "Say what I think." "Say
+ it's none of their business." "Tell them I mind my own
+ business." "Say I would get acquainted with them." "Say that I
+ don't talk about people." "Say I didn't know how he looked."
+ "Tell them you ought not to say such things; you might get into
+ trouble." "I wouldn't say anything." "I would try to answer."
+ "Say I did not know his name," etc.
+
+ The following are samples of failure due to mistaking the import
+ of the question: "I'd say, 'How do you do?'" "Say,'I'm glad to
+ meet you.'"
+
+(b) _Before undertaking something important_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ fall into the following classes:--
+ (1) Brief statement of preliminary consideration; as: "Think
+ about it." "Look it over." "Plan it all out." "Make your
+ plans." "Stop and think," etc.
+ (2) Special emphasis on preliminary preparation and correct
+ procedure; as: "Find out the best way to do it." "Find out
+ what it is." "Get everything ready." "Do every little thing
+ that would help you." "Get all the details you can." "Take
+ your time and figure it out," etc.
+ (3) Asking help; as: "Ask some one to help you who knows all
+ about it." "Pray, if you are a Christian." "Ask advice,"
+ etc.
+ (4) Preliminary testing of ability, self-analysis, etc.; as:
+ "Try something easier first." "Practice and make sure I
+ could do it." "Learn how to do it," etc.
+ (5) Consider the wisdom or propriety of doing it: "Think whether
+ it would be best to do it." "See whether it would be
+ possible."
+
+ About 65 per cent of the correct responses belong either to
+ group (1) or (2), about 20 per cent to group (3), and most of
+ the remainder to group (4).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory responses_ are of the following types:--
+ (1) Due to mistaking the import of the question; e.g.: "Ask for
+ it." "Ought to say please." "Ask whose it is." Replies of
+ this kind can be nearly all eliminated by repeating the
+ question, using _beginning_ instead of _undertaking_.
+ (2) Replies more or less absurd or irrelevant; as: "Promise to
+ do your best." "Wash your face and hands." "Get a lot of
+ insurance." "Dress up and take a walk." "Tell your name."
+ "Know whether it's correct." "Begin at the beginning." "Say
+ you will do it." "See if it's a fake." "Go to school a long
+ time." "Pass an examination." "Do what is right." "Add up
+ and see how much it will cost." "Say I would do it." "Just
+ start doing it." "Go away." "Consult a doctor." "See if you
+ have time," etc.
+
+(c) _Why we should judge a person more by his actions than by his words_
+
+ _Satisfactory responses_ fall into the following classes:--
+ (1) Words and deeds both mentioned and contrasted in
+ reliability; as: "Actions speak louder than words" (this in
+ 8 per cent of successes). "You can tell more by his actions
+ than by his words." "He might talk nice and do bad things."
+ "Sometimes people say things and don't do them." "It's not
+ what you say but what you do that counts." "Talk is cheap;
+ when he does a thing you can believe it." "People don't do
+ everything they say." "A man might steal but talk like a
+ nice man." Over 45 per cent of all correct responses belong
+ to group (1).
+ (2) Acts stressed without mention of words; as: "You can tell by
+ his actions whether he is good or not." "If he _acts_ nice
+ he _is_ nice." "Actions show for themselves." Group (2)
+ contains about 25 per cent of the correct responses.
+ (3) Emphasis on unreliability of words; as: "You can't tell by
+ his words, he might lie or boast." "Because you can't always
+ believe what people say." (Group (3) contains 15 per cent of
+ the correct responses.)
+ (4) Responses which state that a man's deeds are sometimes
+ better than his words; as: "He might talk ugly and still not
+ do bad things." "Some really kind-hearted people scold and
+ swear." "A man's words may be worse than his deeds," etc.
+ Group (4) contains over 10 per cent of the correct
+ responses.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory responses_ are usually due to inability to
+ comprehend the meaning of the question. If there is a complete
+ lack of comprehension the result is either silence or a totally
+ irrelevant response. If there is partial comprehension of the
+ question the response may be partially relevant, but fail to
+ make the expected distinction.
+
+ The following are sample failures: "You could tell by his words
+ that he was educated." "It shows he is polite if he acts nice."
+ "Sometimes people aren't polite." "Actions show who he might
+ be." "Acts may be foolish." "Words ain't right." "A man might be
+ dumb." "A fellow don't know what he says." "Some people can
+ talk, but don't have control of themselves." "You can tell by
+ his acts whether he goes with bad people." "If he doesn't act
+ right you know he won't talk right." "Actions show if he has
+ manners." "Might get embarrassed and not talk good." "He may not
+ know how to express his thoughts." "He might be a rich man but a
+ poor talker." "He might say the wrong thing and afterwards be
+ sorry for it," etc. (The last four are nearer correct than the
+ others, but they fall just short of expressing the essential
+ contrast.)
+
+REMARKS. For discussion of the comprehension questions as a test of
+intelligence, see page 158.
+
+Binet used eight questions, three "easy" and five "difficult," and
+required that five out of eight be answered correctly in year X. The
+eight were as follows:--
+
+ (1) What to do when you have missed your train.
+ (2) When you have been struck by a playmate, etc.
+ (3) When you have broken something, etc.
+ (4) When about to be late for school.
+ (5) When about to undertake something important.
+ (6) Why excuse a bad act committed in anger more readily than a bad
+ act committed without anger.
+ (7) What to do if some one asks your opinion, etc.
+ (8) Why can you judge a person better by his actions, etc.
+
+As we have shown, questions 1, 2, 3, and 4 are much too easy for year X.
+Question 6 is hard enough for year XII. We have omitted it because it
+was not needed and is not entirely satisfactory.
+
+
+X, 6. NAMING SIXTY WORDS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_Now, I want to see how many different words you can
+name in three minutes. When I say ready, you must begin and name the
+words as fast as you can, and I will count them. Do you understand? Be
+sure to do your very best, and remember that just any words will do,
+like 'clouds,' 'dog,' 'chair,' 'happy'--Ready; go ahead!_"
+
+The instructions may be repeated if the subject does not understand what
+is wanted. As a rule the task is comprehended instantly and entered into
+with great zest.
+
+Do not stare at the child, and do not say anything as the test proceeds
+unless there is a pause of fifteen seconds. In this event say: "_Go
+ahead, as fast as you can. Any words will do._" Repeat this urging after
+every pause of fifteen seconds.
+
+Some subjects, usually rather intelligent ones, hit upon the device of
+counting or putting words together in sentences. We then break in with:
+"_Counting_ (or _sentences_, as the case may be) _not allowed. You must
+name separate words. Go ahead._"
+
+Record the individual words if possible, and mark the end of each
+half-minute. If the words are named so rapidly that they cannot be taken
+down, it is easy to keep the count by making a pencil stroke for each
+word. If the latter method is employed, repeated words may be indicated
+by making a cross instead of a single stroke. Always make record of
+repetitions.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _sixty_ words, exclusive of repetitions,
+are named in three minutes. It is not allowable to accept twenty words
+in one minute or forty words in two minutes as an equivalent of the
+expected score. Only real words are counted.
+
+REMARKS. Scoring, as we have seen, takes account only of the number of
+words. It is instructive, however, to note the kind of words given. Some
+subjects, more often those of the 8- or 9-year intelligence level, give
+mainly isolated, detached words. As well stated by Binet, "Little
+children exhaust an idea in naming it. They say, for example, _hat_, and
+then pass on to another word without noticing that hats differ in color,
+in form, have various parts, different uses and accessories, and that in
+enumerating all these they could find a large number of words."
+
+Others quickly take advantage of such relationships and name many parts
+of an object before leaving it, or name a number of other objects
+belonging to the same class. _Hat_, for example, suggests _cap_, _hood_,
+_coat_, _shirt_, _shoes_, _stockings_, etc. _Pencil_ suggests _book_,
+_slate_, _paper_, _desk_, _ink_, _map_, _school-yard_, _teacher_, etc.
+Responses of this type may be made up of ten or a dozen plainly distinct
+word groups.
+
+Another type of response consists in naming only objects present, or
+words which present objects immediately suggest. It is unfortunate that
+this occurs, since rooms in which testing is done vary so much with
+respect to furnishings. The subject who chooses this method is obviously
+handicapped if the room is relatively bare. One way to avoid this
+influence is to have all subjects name the words with eyes closed, but
+the distraction thus caused is sometimes rather disturbing. It is
+perhaps best for the present to adhere to the original procedure, and to
+follow the rule of making tests in a room containing few furnishings in
+addition to the necessary table and chairs.
+
+A fourth type of response is that including a large proportion of
+unusual or abstract words. This is the best of all, and is hardly ever
+found except with subjects who are above the 11-year intelligence level.
+
+It goes without saying that a response need not belong entirely to any
+one of the above types. Most responses, in fact, are characterized by a
+mixture of two or three of the types, one of them perhaps being
+dominant.
+
+Though not without its shortcomings, the test is interesting and
+valuable. Success in it does not, as one might suppose, depend solely
+upon the size of the vocabulary. Even 8-year-olds ordinarily know the
+meaning of more than 3000 words, and by 10 years the vocabulary usually
+exceeds 5000 words, or eighty times as many as the child is expected to
+name in three minutes. The main factors in success are two, (1) richness
+and variety of previously made associations with common words; and (2)
+the readiness of these associations to reinstate themselves. The young
+or the retarded subject fishes in the ocean of his vocabulary with a
+single hook, so to speak. He brings up each time only one word. The
+subject endowed with superior intelligence employs a net (the idea of a
+class, for example) and brings up a half-dozen words or more. The latter
+accomplishes a greater amount and with less effort; but it requires
+intelligence and will power to avoid wasting time with detached words.
+
+One is again and again astonished at the poverty of associations which
+this test discloses with retarded subjects. For twenty or thirty seconds
+such children may be unable to think of a single word. It would be
+interesting if at such periods we could get a glimpse into the subject's
+consciousness. There must be some kind of mental content, but it seems
+too vague to be crystallized in words. The ready association of thoughts
+with definite words connotes a relatively high degree of intellectual
+advancement. Language forms are the short-hand of thought; without
+facile command of language, thinking is vague, clumsy, and ineffective.
+Conversely, vague mental content entails language shortage.
+
+Occasionally a child of 11- or 12-year intelligence will make a poor
+showing in this test. When this happens it is usually due either to
+excessive embarrassment or to a strange persistence in running down all
+the words of a given class before launching out upon a new series.
+Occasionally, too, an intelligent subject wastes time in thinking up a
+beautiful list of big or unusual words. As stated by Bobertag, success
+is favored by a certain amount of "intellectual nonchalance," a
+willingness to ignore sense and a readiness to break away from a train
+of associations as soon as the "point of diminishing returns" has been
+reached. This doubtless explains why adults sometimes make such a
+surprisingly poor showing in the test. They have less "intellectual
+nonchalance" than children, are less willing to subordinate such
+considerations as completeness and logical connection to the demands of
+speed. Knollin's unemployed men of 12- to 13-year intelligence succeeded
+no better than school children of the 10-year level.
+
+We do not believe, however, that this fault is serious enough to warrant
+the elimination of the test. The fact is that in a large majority of
+cases the score which it yields agrees fairly closely with the result of
+the scale as a whole. Subjects more than a year or two below the mental
+age of 10 years seldom succeed. Those more than a year or two above the
+10-year level seldom fail.
+
+There is another reason why the test should be retained, it often has
+significance beyond that which appears in the mere number of words
+given. The naming of unusual and abstract words is an instance of this.
+An unusually large number of repetitions has symptomatic significance
+in the other direction. It indicates a tendency to mental stereotypy, so
+frequently encountered in testing the feeble-minded. The proportion of
+repetitions made by normal children of the 10- or 11-year intelligence
+level rarely exceeds 2 or 3 per cent of the total number of words named;
+those of older retarded children of the same level occasionally reach
+6 or 8 per cent.
+
+It is conceivable, of course, that a more satisfactory test of this
+general nature could be devised; such, for example, as having the
+subject name all the words he can of a given class (four-footed animals,
+things to eat, articles of household furniture, trees, birds, etc.). The
+main objection to this form of the test is that the performance would in
+all probability be more influenced by environment and formal instruction
+than is the case with the test of naming sixty words.
+
+One other matter remains to be mentioned; namely, the relative number of
+words named in the half-minute periods. As would be expected, the rate
+of naming words decreases as the test proceeds. In the case of the
+10-year-olds, we find the average number of words for the six successive
+half-minutes to be as follows:--
+
+ 18, 121/2, 101/2, 9, 81/2, 7.
+
+Some subjects maintain an almost constant rate throughout the test,
+others rapidly exhaust themselves, while a very few make a bad beginning
+and improve as they go. As a rule it is only the very intelligent who
+improve after the first half-minute. On the other hand, mentally
+retarded subjects and very young normals exhaust themselves so quickly
+that only a few words are named in the last minute.
+
+Binet first located this test in year XI, but shifted it to year XII in
+1911. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in year XI, though Goddard's
+statistics suggest year X as the proper location, and Kuhlmann's even
+suggest year IX. Kuhlmann, however, accepts fifty words as satisfactory
+in case the response contains a considerable proportion of abstract or
+unusual words. All the American statistics except Rowe's agree in
+showing that the test is easy enough for year X.
+
+
+X, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: REPEATING SIX DIGITS
+
+The digit series used are 3-7-4-8-5-9; and 5-2-1-7-4-6.
+
+The PROCEDURE and SCORING are the same as in VII, 3, except that only
+two trials are given, one of which must be correct. The test is somewhat
+too easy for year 10 when three trials are given.
+
+The test of repeating six digits did not appear in the Binet scale and
+seems not to have been standardized until inserted in the Stanford
+series.
+
+
+X, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: REPEATING TWENTY TO TWENTY-TWO SYLLABLES
+
+The sentences for this year are:--
+
+ (a) "_The apple tree makes a cool, pleasant shade on the ground
+ where the children are playing._"
+ (b) "_It is nearly half-past one o'clock; the house is very
+ quiet and the cat has gone to sleep._"
+ (c) "_In summer the days are very warm and fine; in winter it
+ snows and I am cold._"
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING exactly as in VI, 6.
+
+REMARKS. It is interesting to note that five years of mental growth are
+required to pass from the ability to repeat sixteen or eighteen
+syllables (year VI) to the ability to repeat twenty or twenty-two
+syllables. Similarly in memory for digits. Five digits are almost as
+easy at year VII as six at year X. Two explanations are available: (1)
+The increased difficulty may be accounted for by a relatively slow
+growth of memory power after the age of 6 or 7 years; or (2) the
+increase in difficulty may be real, expressing an inner law as to the
+behavior of the memory span in dealing with material of increasing
+length. Both factors are probably involved.
+
+This is another of the Stanford additions to the scale. Average children
+of 10 years ordinarily pass it, but older, retarded children of 10-year
+mental age make a poorer showing. In the case of mentally retarded
+adults, especially, the verbal memory is less exact than that of school
+children of the same mental age.
+
+
+X, ALTERNATIVE TEST 3: CONSTRUCTION PUZZLE A (HEALY AND FERNALD)
+
+MATERIAL. Use the form-board pictured on page 279. This may be
+purchased of C. H. Stoelting & Co., Chicago, Illinois. A home-made one
+will do as well if care is taken to get the dimensions exact.
+Quarter-inch wood should be used. The inside of the frame should be
+3 x 4 inches, and the dimensions of the blocks should be as follows:
+1+3/16 x 3; 1 x 11/2; 1 x 23/4; 1 x 11/2; 11/4 x 2.
+
+PROCEDURE. Place the frame on the table before the subject, the short
+side nearest him. The blocks are placed in an irregular position on the
+side of the frame away from the subject. Take care that the board with
+the blocks in place is not exposed to view in advance of the experiment.
+
+Say: "_I want you to put these blocks in this frame so that all the
+space will be filled up. If you do it rightly they will all fit in and
+there will be no space left over. Go ahead._"
+
+Do not tell the subject to see how quickly he can do it. Say nothing
+that would even suggest hurrying, for this tends to call forth the
+trial-and-error procedure even with intelligent subjects.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the child succeeds in fitting the blocks
+into place _three times in a total time of five minutes for the three
+trials_.
+
+The method of procedure is fully as important as the time, but is not so
+easily scored in quantitative terms. Nevertheless, the examiner should
+always take observations on the method employed, noting especially
+any tendency to make and to repeat moves which lead to obvious
+impossibilities; i.e., moves which leave a space obviously unfitted to
+any of the remaining pieces. Some subjects repeat an absurd move many
+times over; others make an absurd move, but promptly correct it; others,
+and these are usually the bright ones, look far enough ahead to avoid
+error altogether.
+
+REMARKS. This test was devised by Professor Freeman, was adapted
+slightly by Healy and Fernald, and was first standardized by
+Dr. Kuhlmann. Miss Gertrude Hall has also standardized it, but on a
+different procedure from that described above.[67]
+
+[67] _Eugenics and Social Welfare Bulletin_, No. 5, The State Board of
+Charities, Albany, New York.
+
+The test has a lower correlation with intelligence than most of the
+other tests of the scale. Many bright children of 10-year intelligence
+adopt the trial-and-error method and have little success, while retarded
+older children of only 8-year intelligence sometimes succeed. Age, apart
+from intelligence, seems to play an important part in determining the
+nature of the performance. A favorable feature of the test, however, is
+the fact that it makes no demand on language ability and that it brings
+into play an aspect of intelligence which is relatively neglected by the
+remainder of the scale. For this reason it is at least worth keeping as
+an alternative test.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XII
+
+
+XII, 1. VOCABULARY (FORTY DEFINITIONS, 7200 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING as in previous vocabulary tests.[68] In this case
+forty words must be defined.
+
+[68] See VIII, 6.
+
+
+XII, 2. DEFINING ABSTRACT WORDS
+
+PROCEDURE. The words to be defined are _pity_, _revenge_, _charity_,
+_envy_, and _justice_. The formula is, "_What is pity? What do we mean
+by pity?_" and so on with the other words. If the meaning of the
+response is not clear, ask the subject to explain what he means. If the
+definition is in terms of the word itself, as "Pity means to pity
+someone," "Revenge is to take revenge," etc., it is then necessary to
+say: "_Yes, but what does it mean to pity some one?_" or, "_What does it
+mean to take revenge?_" etc. Only supplementary questions of this kind
+are permissible.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _three of the five_ words are
+satisfactorily defined. The definition need not be strictly logical nor
+the language elegant. It is sufficient if the definition shows that the
+meaning of the word is known. Definitions which define by means of an
+illustration are acceptable. The following are samples of satisfactory
+and unsatisfactory responses:--
+
+(a) _Pity_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To be sorry for some one." "To feel
+ compassion." "To have sympathy for a person." "To feel bad for
+ some one." "It means you help a person out and don't like to
+ have him suffer." "To have a feeling for people when they are
+ treated wrong." "If anybody gets hurt real bad you pity them."
+ "It's when you feel sorry for a tramp and give him something to
+ eat." "If some one is in trouble and you know how it feels to be
+ in that condition, you pity him." "You see something that's
+ wrong and have your feeling aroused."
+
+ Of 130 correct responses, 85, or 65 per cent, defined _pity_ as
+ "to feel sorry for some one," or words to that effect. Less than
+ 10 per cent defined by means of illustration.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To think of the poor." "To be good to
+ others." "To help." "It means sorrow." "Mercy." "To cheer people
+ up." "It means 'What a pity!'" "To be ashamed." "To be sick or
+ poor." "It's when you break something."
+
+ Apart from inability to reply, which accounts for nearly one
+ fourth of the failures, there is no predominant type of
+ unsatisfactory response.
+
+(b) _Revenge_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To get even with some one." "To get back on
+ him." "To do something to the one who has done something to
+ you." "To hurt them back." "To pay it back," or "Do something
+ back." "To do something mean in return." "To square up with a
+ person." "When somebody slaps you, you slap back." "You kill a
+ person if he does something to you."
+
+ The expression "to get even" was found in 42 per cent of 120
+ correct answers; "to pay it back," or "To do something back," in
+ 20 per cent; "To get back on him," in 17 per cent. About
+ 8 per cent were illustrations.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To be mad." "You try to hurt them." "To
+ fight." "You hate a person." "To kill them." "It means hateful."
+ "To try again." "To think evil of some one." "To hate some one
+ who has done you wrong." "To let a person off." "To go away from
+ something."
+
+ Inability to reply accounts for a little over 40 per cent of the
+ failures.
+
+(c) _Charity_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To give to the poor." "To help those who are
+ needy." "It is charity if you are poor and somebody helps you."
+ "To give to somebody without pay."
+
+ Of 110 correct replies, 72 per cent were worded substantially
+ like the first or second given above.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A person who helps the poor." "A place where
+ poor people get food and things." "It is a good life." "To be
+ happy." "To be poor." "Charity is being treated good." "It is to
+ be charitable." "Charity is selling something that is not worth
+ much." "It means to be good" or "to be kind."
+
+ When the last named response is given, we should say: "_Explain
+ what you mean._" If this brings an amplification of the response
+ to "It means to do things for the poor," or the equivalent, the
+ score is _plus_. "Charity means love" is also _minus_ if the
+ statement cannot be further explained and is merely rote memory
+ of the passage in the 13th chapter of 1st Corinthians. Simply
+ "To help" or "To give" is unsatisfactory. Half of the failures
+ are due to inability to reply.
+
+(d) _Envy_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "You envy some one who has something you want."
+ "It's the way you feel when you see some one with something
+ nicer than you have." "It's when a poor girl sees a rich girl
+ with nice dresses and things." "You hate some one because
+ they've got something you want." "Jealousy" (satisfactory if
+ subject can explain what _jealousy_ means; otherwise it is
+ _minus_). "It's when you see a person better off than you are."
+
+ Nearly three fourths of the correct responses say in substance,
+ "You envy a person who has something you want." Most of the
+ others are concrete illustrations.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "To hate some one," or simply "To hate." "You
+ don't like 'em." "Bad feeling toward any one." "To be a great
+ man or woman." "Not to be nice to people." "What we do to our
+ enemies."
+
+ Inability to respond accounts for 55 per cent of the failures.
+
+(e) _Justice_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "To give people what they deserve." "It means
+ that everybody is treated the same way, whether he is rich or
+ poor." "It's what you get when you go to court." "If one does
+ something and gets punished, that's justice." "To do the square
+ thing." "To give everybody his dues." "Let every one have what's
+ coming to him." "To do the right thing by any one." "If two
+ people do the same thing and they let one go without punishing,
+ that is not justice."
+
+ Approximately 38 per cent of 102 correct responses referred to
+ treating everybody the same way; 25 per cent to "doing the
+ square thing", 12 per cent were concrete illustrations; and
+ 4 per cent were definitions of what justice is not.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "It means to have peace." "It is where they
+ have court." "It's the Courthouse." "To be honest." "Where one
+ is just" (_minus_, unless further explained). "To do right"
+ (_minus_, unless in explaining _right_ the subject gives a
+ definition of _justice_).
+
+ It is very necessary, in case of such answers as "Justice is to
+ do right," "To be just," etc., that the subject be urged to
+ explain further what he means. "To do right" includes nearly
+ 12 per cent of all answers, and is given by the very brightest
+ children. Most of these are able, when urged, to complete the
+ definition in a satisfactory manner.
+
+REMARKS. The reader may be surprised that the ability to define common
+abstract words should develop so late. Most children who have had
+anything like ordinary home or school environment have doubtless heard
+all of these words countless times before the age of 12 years.
+Nevertheless, the statistics from the test show unmistakably that before
+this age such words have but limited and vague meaning. Other vocabulary
+studies confirm this fact so completely that we may say there is hardly
+any trait in which 12- to 14-year intelligence more uniformly excels
+that of the 9- or 10-year level.
+
+This is readily understandable when we consider the nature of abstract
+meanings and the intellectual processes by which we arrive at them.
+Unlike such words as _tree_, _house_, etc., the ideas they contain are
+not the immediate result of perceptual processes, in which even childish
+intelligence is adept, but are a refined and secondary product of
+relationships between other ideas. They require the logical processes of
+comparison, abstraction, and generalization. One cannot see justice, for
+example, but one is often confronted with situations in which justice or
+injustice is an element; and given a certain degree of abstraction and
+generalization, out of such situations the idea of justice will
+gradually be evolved.
+
+The formation and use of abstract ideas, of one kind or another,
+represent, _par excellence_, the "higher thought processes." It is not
+without significance that delinquents who test near the border-line of
+mental deficiency show such inferior ability in arriving at correct
+generalizations regarding matters of social and moral relationships. We
+cannot expect a mind of defective generalizing ability to form very
+definite or correct notions about justice, law, fairness, ownership
+rights, etc.; and if the ideas themselves are not fairly clear, the
+rules of conduct based upon them cannot make a very powerful appeal.[69]
+
+[69] See also p. 298 _ff._
+
+Binet used the words _charity_, _justice_, and _kindness_, and required
+two successes. In the 1911 revision he shifted the test from year XI to
+year XII, where it more nearly belongs. Goddard also places it in
+year XII and uses Binet's words, translating _bonte_, however, as
+_goodness_ instead of _kindness_. Kuhlmann retains the test in year XI
+and adds _bravery_ and _revenge_, requiring three correct definitions
+out of five. Bobertag uses _pity_, _envy_, and _justice_, requires two
+correct definitions, and finds the test just hard enough for year XII.
+
+After using the words _goodness_ and _kindness_ in two series of tests,
+we have discarded them as objectionable in that they give rise to so
+many doubtful definitions. Even intelligent children often say:
+"Goodness means to do something good," "Kindness means to be kind to
+some one," etc. These definitions in a circle occur less than half as
+often with _pity_, _revenge_, and _envy_, which are also superior to
+_charity_ and _justice_ in this respect.
+
+The relative difficulty of our five words is indicated by the order in
+which we have listed them in the test (i.e., beginning with the easiest
+and ending with the hardest). On the standard of three correct
+definitions, these words fit very accurately in year XII.
+
+
+XII, 3. THE BALL-AND-FIELD TEST (SUPERIOR PLAN)
+
+PROCEDURE, as in year VIII, test 1.
+
+SCORING. Score 3 (or superior plan) is required for passing in
+year XII.[70]
+
+[70] See scoring card.
+
+
+XII, 4. DISSECTED SENTENCES
+
+The following disarranged sentences are used:--
+
+ FOR THE STARTED AN WE COUNTRY EARLY AT HOUR
+
+ TO ASKED PAPER MY TEACHER CORRECT I MY
+
+ A DEFENDS DOG GOOD HIS BRAVELY MASTER
+
+These should be printed in type like that used above. The Stanford
+record booklet contains the sentences in convenient form.
+
+It is not permissible to substitute written words or printed script, as
+that would make the test harder. All the words should be printed in caps
+in order that no clue shall be given as to the first word in a sentence.
+For a similar reason the period is omitted.
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_Here is a sentence that has the words all mixed up so
+that they don't make any sense. If the words were changed around in the
+right order they would make a good sentence. Look carefully and see if
+you can tell me how the sentence ought to read._"
+
+Give the sentences in the order in which they are listed in the record
+booklet. Do not tell the subject to see how quickly he can do it,
+because with this test any suggestion of hurrying is likely to produce a
+kind of mental paralysis. If the subject has no success with the first
+sentence in one minute, read it off correctly for him, somewhat slowly,
+and pointing to each word as it is spoken. Then proceed to the second
+and third, allowing one minute for each.
+
+Give no further help. It is not permissible, in case an incorrect
+response is given, to ask the subject to try again, or to say: "_Are you
+sure that is right?_" "_Are you sure you have not left out any words?_"
+etc. Instead, maintain absolute silence. However, the subject is
+permitted to make as many changes in his response as he sees fit,
+provided he makes them spontaneously and within the allotted time.
+Record the entire response.
+
+Once in a great while the subject misunderstands the task and thinks the
+only requirement is to use all the words given, and that it is permitted
+to add as many other words as he likes. It is then necessary to repeat
+the instructions and to allow a new trial.
+
+SCORING. _Two sentences out of three must be correctly given within the
+minute allotted to each._ It is understood, of course, that if the first
+sentence has to be read for the subject, both the other responses must
+be given correctly.
+
+A sentence is not counted correct if a single word is omitted, altered,
+or inserted, or if the order given fails to make perfect sense.
+
+Certain responses are not absolutely incorrect, but are objectionable as
+regards sentence structure, or else fail to give the exact meaning
+intended. These are given half credit. Full credit on one, and half
+credit on each of the other two, is satisfactory. The following are
+samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory responses:--
+
+(a)
+ _Satisfactory._
+ "We started for the country at an early hour."
+ "At an early hour we started for the country."
+ "We started at an early hour for the country."
+ _Unsatisfactory._
+ "We started early at an hour for the country."
+ "Early at an hour we started for the country."
+ "We started early for the country."
+ _Half credit._
+ "For the country at an early hour we started."
+ "For the country we started at an early hour."
+
+(b)
+ _Satisfactory._
+ "I asked my teacher to correct my paper."
+ _Unsatisfactory._
+ "My teacher asked to correct my paper."
+ "To correct my paper I asked my teacher."
+ _Half credit._
+ "My teacher I asked to correct my paper."
+
+(c)
+ _Satisfactory._
+ "A good dog defends his master bravely."
+ "A good dog bravely defends his master."
+ _Unsatisfactory._
+ "A dog defends his master bravely."
+ "A bravely dog defends his master."
+ "A good dog defends his bravely master."
+ "A good brave dog defends his master."
+ _Half credit._
+ "A dog defends his good master bravely."
+ "A dog bravely defends his good master."
+ "A good master bravely defends his dog."
+
+REMARKS. This is an excellent test. It involves no knowledge which may
+not be presupposed at the age in which it is given, and success
+therefore depends very little on experience. The worst that can be urged
+against it is that it may possibly be influenced to a certain extent by
+the amount of reading the subject has done. But this has not been
+demonstrated. At any rate, the test satisfies the most important
+requirement of a test of intelligence; namely, the percentage of
+successes increases rapidly and steadily from the lower to the higher
+levels of mental age.
+
+This experiment can be regarded as a variation of the completion test.
+Binet tells us, in fact, that it was directly suggested by the
+experiment of Ebbinghaus. As will readily be observed, however, it
+differs to a certain extent from the Ebbinghaus completion test.
+Ebbinghaus omits parts of a sentence and requires the subject to supply
+the omissions. In this test we give all the parts and require the
+formation of a sentence by rearrangement. The two experiments are
+psychologically similar in that they require the subject to relate given
+fragments into a meaningful whole. Success depends upon the ability of
+intelligence to utilize hints, or clues, and this in turn depends on the
+logical integrity of the associative processes. All but the highest
+grade of the feeble-minded fail with this test.
+
+This test is found in year XI of Binet's 1908 series and in year XII of
+his 1911 revision. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in the original
+location. That it is better placed in year XII is indicated by all the
+available statistics with normal children, except those of Goddard. With
+this exception, the results of various investigators for year XII are in
+remarkably close agreement, as the following figures will show:--
+
+ _Per cent passing at year XII_
+
+ Binet 66
+ Kuhlmann 68
+ Bobertag 78
+ Dougherty 64
+ Strong 72
+ Leviste and Morle 70
+ Stanford series (1911) 62
+ Stanford series (1913) 57
+ Stanford series (1914) 62
+ Princeton data 61
+
+This agreement is noteworthy considering that no two experiments seem to
+have used exactly the same arrangement of words, and that some have
+presented the words of a sentence in a single line, others in two or
+three lines. A single line would appear to be somewhat easier.
+
+
+XII, 5. INTERPRETATION OF FABLES (SCORE 4)
+
+The following fables are used:--
+
+(a) _Hercules and the Wagoner_
+
+ _A man was driving along a country road, when the wheels
+ suddenly sank in a deep rut. The man did nothing but look at the
+ wagon and call loudly to Hercules to come and help him. Hercules
+ came up, looked at the man, and said: "Put your shoulder to the
+ wheel, my man, and whip up your oxen." Then he went away and
+ left the driver._
+
+(b) _The Milkmaid and her Plans_
+
+ _A milkmaid was carrying her pail of milk on her head, and was
+ thinking to herself thus: "The money for this milk will buy
+ 4 hens; the hens will lay at least 100 eggs; the eggs will
+ produce at least 75 chicks; and with the money which the chicks
+ will bring I can buy a new dress to wear instead of the ragged
+ one I have on." At this moment she looked down at herself,
+ trying to think how she would look in her new dress; but as she
+ did so the pail of milk slipped from her head and dashed upon
+ the ground. Thus all her imaginary schemes perished in a moment._
+
+(c) _The Fox and the Crow_
+
+ _A crow, having stolen a bit of meat, perched in a tree and held
+ it in her beak. A fox, seeing her, wished to secure the meat,
+ and spoke to the crow thus: "How handsome you are! and I have
+ heard that the beauty of your voice is equal to that of your
+ form and feathers. Will you not sing for me, so that I may judge
+ whether this is true?" The crow was so pleased that she opened
+ her mouth to sing and dropped the meat, which the fox
+ immediately ate._
+
+(d) _The Farmer and the Stork_
+
+ _A farmer set some traps to catch cranes which had been eating
+ his seed. With them he caught a stork. The stork, which had not
+ really been stealing, begged the farmer to spare his life,
+ saying that he was a bird of excellent character, that he was
+ not at all like the cranes, and that the farmer should have pity
+ on him. But the farmer said: "I have caught you with these
+ robbers, and you will have to die with them."_
+
+(e) _The Miller, His Son, and the Donkey_
+
+ _A miller and his son were driving their donkey to a neighboring
+ town to sell him. They had not gone far when a child saw them
+ and cried out: "What fools those fellows are to be trudging
+ along on foot when one of them might be riding." The old man,
+ hearing this, made his son get on the donkey, while he himself
+ walked. Soon, they came upon some men. "Look," said one of them,
+ "see that lazy boy riding while his old father has to walk." On
+ hearing this, the miller made his son get off, and he climbed on
+ the donkey himself. Farther on they met a company of women, who
+ shouted out: "Why, you lazy old fellow, to ride along so
+ comfortably while your poor boy there can hardly keep pace by
+ the side of you!" And so the good-natured miller took his boy up
+ behind him and both of them rode. As they came to the town a
+ citizen said to them, "Why, you cruel fellows! You two are
+ better able to carry the poor little donkey than he is to carry
+ you." "Very well," said the miller, "we will try." So both of
+ them jumped to the ground, got some ropes, tied the donkey's
+ legs to a pole and tried to carry him. But as they crossed the
+ bridge the donkey became frightened, kicked loose and fell into
+ the stream._
+
+PROCEDURE. Present the fables in the order in which they are given
+above. The method is to say to the subject:
+
+"_You know what a fable is? You have heard fables?_" Whatever the
+answer, proceed to explain a fable as follows: "_A fable, you know, is a
+little story, and is meant to teach us a lesson. Now, I am going to read
+a fable to you. Listen carefully, and when I am through I will ask you
+to tell me what lesson the fable teaches us. Ready; listen._" After
+reading the fable, say: "_What lesson does that teach us?_" Record the
+response _verbatim_ and proceed with the next as follows: "_Here is
+another. Listen again and tell me what lesson this fable teaches us_,"
+etc.
+
+As far as possible, avoid comment or commendation until all the fables
+have been given. If the first answer is of an inferior type and we
+express too much satisfaction with it, we thereby encourage the
+subject to continue in his error. On the other hand, never express
+dissatisfaction with a response, however absurd or _malapropos_ it may
+be. Many subjects are anxious to know how well they are doing and
+continually ask, "Did I get that one right?" It is sufficient to say,
+"You are getting along nicely," or something to that effect. Offer no
+comments, suggestions, or questions which might put the subject on the
+right track. This much self-control is necessary if we would make the
+conditions of the test uniform for all subjects.
+
+The only occasion when a supplementary question is permissible is in
+case of a response whose meaning is not clear. Even then we must be
+cautious and restrict ourselves to some such question as, "_What do you
+mean?_" or, "_Explain; I don't quite understand what you mean_." The
+scoring of fables is somewhat difficult at best, and this additional
+question is often sufficient to place the response very definitely in
+the right or wrong column.
+
+SCORING. Give score 2, i.e., 2 points, for a correct answer, and 1 for
+an answer which deserves half credit. The test is passed in year XII
+_if 4 points are earned_; that is, if two responses are correct or if
+one is correct and two deserve half credit.
+
+Score 2 means that the fable has been correctly interpreted and that the
+lesson it teaches has been stated in general terms.
+
+There are two types of response which may be given half credit. They
+include (1) the interpretations which are stated in general terms and
+are fairly plausible, but are not exactly correct; and (2) those which
+are perfectly correct as to substance, but are not generalized.
+
+We overlook ordinary faults of expression and regard merely the
+essential meaning of the response.
+
+The only way to explain the method is by giving copious illustrations.
+If the following sample responses are carefully studied, a reasonable
+degree of expertness in scoring fables may be acquired with only a
+limited amount of actual practice. The sampling may appear to the reader
+needlessly prolix, but experience has taught us that in giving
+directions for the scoring of tests error always lies on the side of
+taking too much for granted.
+
+(a) _Hercules and the Wagoner_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "God helps those who help themselves."
+ "Do not depend on others." "Help yourself before calling for
+ help." "It teaches that we should rely upon ourselves."
+
+ The following are not quite so good, but are nevertheless
+ considered satisfactory. "We should always try, even if it looks
+ hard and we think we can't do it." "When in trouble try to get
+ out of it yourself." "We've got to do things without help." "Not
+ to be lazy."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ This is most often given for the
+ response which contains the correct idea, but states it in terms
+ of the concrete situation, e.g.: "The man ought to have tried
+ himself first." "Hercules wanted to teach the man to help
+ himself." "The driver was too much inclined to depend on
+ others." "The man was too lazy. He should not have called for
+ help until he had tried to get out by himself." "To get out and
+ try instead of watching."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Failures are mainly of five
+ varieties: (1) generalized interpretations which entirely miss
+ the point; (2) crude interpretations which not only miss the
+ point, but are also stated in terms of the concrete situation;
+ (3) irrelevant or incoherent remarks; (4) efforts to repeat the
+ story; and (5) inability to respond.
+
+ Sample failures of type (1), entirely incorrect generalizations:
+ "Teaches us to look where we are going." "Not to ask for
+ anything when there is no one to help." "To help those who are
+ in trouble." "Teaches us to be polite." "How to help others."
+ "Not to be cruel to horses." "Always to do what people tell you"
+ (or "obey orders," etc.). "Not to be foolish" (or stupid, etc.).
+ "If you would have a thing well done, do it yourself."
+
+ Failures of type (2), crude interpretations stated in concrete
+ terms: "How to get out of the mud." "Not to get stuck in the
+ mud." "To carry a stick along to pry yourself out if you get
+ into a mud-hole." "To help any one who is stuck in the mud."
+ "Taught Hercules to help the horses along and not whip them too
+ hard." "Not to be mean like Hercules."
+
+ Failures of type (3), irrelevant responses: "It was foolish not
+ to thank him." "He should have helped the driver." "Hercules was
+ mean." "If any one helps himself the horses will try." "The
+ driver should have done what Hercules told him." "He wanted the
+ man to help the oxen."
+
+ Type (4): Efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5): Inability to respond.
+
+(b) _The Maid and the Eggs_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "Teaches us not to build air-castles."
+ "Don't count your chickens before they are hatched." "Not to
+ plan too far ahead." Slightly inferior, but still acceptable:
+ "Never make too many plans." "Don't count on the second thing
+ till you have done the first."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ "It teaches us not to have our minds on
+ the future when we carry milk on the head." "She was building
+ air-castles and so lost her milk." "She was planning too far
+ ahead."
+
+ The responses just given are examples of fairly correct
+ interpretations in non-generalized terms. The following are
+ examples of generalized interpretations which fall below the
+ accuracy required for full credit: "Never make plans." "Not to
+ be too proud." "To keep our mind on what we are doing." "Don't
+ cross a bridge till you come to it." "Don't count your _eggs_
+ before they are hatched." "Not to be wanting things; learn to
+ wait." "Not to imagine; go ahead and do it."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), entirely incorrect
+ generalization: "That money does not buy everything." "Not to be
+ greedy." "Not to be selfish." "Not to waste things." "Not to
+ take risks like that." "Not to think about clothes." "Count your
+ chickens before they are hatched."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretations stated in concrete terms:
+ "Not to carry milk on the head." "Teaches her to watch and not
+ throw down her head." "To carry her head straight." "Not to
+ spill milk." "To keep your chickens and you will make more
+ money."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "She wanted the money." "Teaches
+ us to read and write" (18-year-old of 8-year intelligence).
+ "About a girl who was selling some milk."
+
+ Type (4), effort to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to respond.
+
+(c) _The Fox and the Crow_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "Teaches us not to listen to flattery."
+ "Don't let yourself be flattered." "It is not safe to believe
+ people who flatter us." "We had better look out for people who
+ brag on us."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ Correct idea in concrete terms: "The
+ crow was so proud of herself that she lost all she had." "The
+ crow listened to flattery and got left." "Not to be proud and
+ let people think you can sing when you can't." "If anybody
+ brags on you don't sing or do what he tells you."
+
+ Pertinent but somewhat inferior generalizations: "Not to be too
+ proud." "Pride goes before a fall." "To be on our guard against
+ people who are our enemies." "Not to do everything people tell
+ you." "Don't trust every slick fellow you meet."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), incorrect generalization:
+ "Not to go with people you don't know." "Not to be selfish." "To
+ share your food." "Look before you leap." "Not to listen to
+ evil." "Not to steal." "Teaches honesty." "Not to covet." "Think
+ for yourself." "Teaches wisdom." "Never listen to advice."
+ "Never let any one get ahead of you." "To figure out what they
+ are going to do." "Never try to do two things at once." "How to
+ get what you want."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretation stated in terms of the
+ concrete situation: "Not to sing before you eat." "Not to hold a
+ thing in your mouth; eat it." "To eat a thing before you think
+ of your beauty." "To swallow it before you sing." "To be on your
+ watch when you have food in your mouth."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "The fox was greedy." "The fox
+ was slicker than what the crow was." "The crow ought not to have
+ opened her mouth." "The crow should just have shaken her head."
+ "It served the crow right for stealing the meat." "The fox
+ wanted the meat and just told the crow that to get it."
+ "Foolishness." "Guess that's where the old fox got his
+ name--'Old Foxy'--Don't teach us anything."
+
+ Type (4), efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to respond.
+
+(d) _The Farmer and the Stork_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "You are judged by the company you
+ keep." "Teaches us to keep out of bad company." "Birds of a
+ feather flock together." "If you go with bad people you are
+ counted like them." "We should choose our friends carefully."
+ "Don't go with bad people." "Teaches us to avoid the appearance
+ of evil."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ "The stork should not have been with the
+ cranes." "Teaches him not to go with robbers." "Don't go with
+ people who are not of your nation." "Not to follow others."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), incorrect generalization:
+ "Not to steal." "Not to tell lies." "Not to give excuses." "A
+ poor excuse is better than none." "Not to trust what people
+ say." "Not to listen to excuses." "Not to harm animals that do
+ no harm." "To have pity on others." "Not to be cruel." "To be
+ kind to birds." "Not to blame people for what they don't do."
+ "Teaches that those who do good often suffer for those who do
+ evil." "To tend to your own business." "Not to meddle with other
+ people's things." "Not to trespass on people's property." "Not
+ to think you are so nice." "To keep out of mischief."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretations in concrete terms: "Taught
+ the stork to look where it stepped and not walk into a trap."
+ "Taught the stork to keep out of the man's field." "Not to take
+ the seeds."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "The farmer was right; storks do
+ eat grain." "Served the stork right, he was stealing too." "He
+ should try to help the stork out of the field."
+
+ Type (4), efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to reply.
+
+(e) _The Miller, His Son, and the Donkey_
+
+ _Full credit; score 2._ "When you try to please everybody you
+ please nobody." "Don't listen to everybody; you can't please
+ them all." "Don't take every one's advice." "Don't try to do
+ what everybody tells you." "Use your own judgment." "Have a mind
+ of your own." "Make up your mind and stick to it." "Don't be
+ wishy-washy." "Have confidence in your own opinions."
+
+ _Half credit; score 1._ Interpretations which are generalized
+ but somewhat inferior: "Never take any one's advice" (too
+ sweeping a conclusion). "Don't take foolish advice." "Take your
+ own advice." "It teaches us that people don't always agree."
+
+ Correct idea but not generalized: "They were fools to listen to
+ everybody." "They should have walked or rode just as they
+ thought best, without listening to other people."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory; score 0._ Type (1), incorrect generalization:
+ "To do right." "To do what people tell you." "To be kind to old
+ people." "To be polite." "To serve others." "Not to be cruel to
+ animals." "To have sympathy for beasts of burden." "To be
+ good-natured." "Not to load things on animals that are small."
+ "That it is always better to leave things as they are." "That
+ men were not made for beasts of burden."
+
+ Type (2), very crude interpretations stated in concrete terms:
+ "Not to try to carry the donkey." "That walking is better than
+ riding." "The people should have been more polite to the old
+ man." "That the father should be allowed to ride."
+
+ Type (3), irrelevant responses: "The men were too heavy for the
+ donkey." "They ought to have stayed on and they would not have
+ fallen into the stream." "It teaches about a man and he lost his
+ donkey."
+
+ Type (4), efforts to repeat the story.
+
+ Type (5), inability to respond.
+
+REMARKS. The fable test, or the "test of generalization," as it may
+aptly be named, was used by the writer in a study of the intellectual
+processes of bright and dull boys in 1905,[71] and was further
+standardized by the writer and Mr. Childs in 1911.[72] It has proved its
+worth in a number of investigations. It has been necessary, however, to
+simplify the rather elaborate method of scoring which was proposed in
+1911, not because of any logical fault of the method, but because of the
+difficulty in teaching examiners to use the system correctly. The method
+explained above is somewhat coarser, but it has the advantage of being
+much easier to learn.
+
+[71] "Genius and Stupidity," in _Pedagogical Seminary_, vol. xiii,
+pp. 307-73.
+
+[72] "A Tentative Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Measuring
+Scale of Intelligence," _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912).
+
+The generalization test presents for interpretation situations which are
+closely paralleled in the everyday social experience of human beings. It
+tests the subject's ability to understand motives underlying acts or
+attitudes. It gives a clue to the status of the social consciousness.
+This is highly important in the diagnosis of the upper range of mental
+defectiveness. The criterion of the subnormal's fitness for life outside
+an institution is his ability to understand social relations and to
+adjust himself to them. Failure of a subnormal to meet this criterion
+may lead him to break common conventions, and to appear disrespectful,
+sulky, stubborn, or in some other way queer and exceptional. He is
+likely to be misunderstood, because he so easily misunderstands others.
+The skein of human motives is too complex for his limited intelligence
+to untangle.
+
+Ethnological studies have shown in an interesting way the social origin
+of the moral judgment. The rectitude of the moral life, therefore,
+depends on the accuracy of the social judgment. It would be interesting
+to know what proportion of offenders have transgressed moral codes
+because of continued failure to grasp the essential lessons presented
+by human situations.
+
+For the intelligent child even the common incidents of life carry an
+endless succession of lessons in right conduct. On the average school
+playground not an hour passes without some happening which is fraught
+with a moral hint to those who have intelligence enough to generalize
+the situation. A boy plays unfairly and is barred from the game. One
+bullies his weaker companion and arouses the anger and scorn of all his
+fellows. Another vents his braggadocio and feels at once the withering
+scorn of those who listen. Laziness, selfishness, meanness, dishonesty,
+ingratitude, inconstancy, inordinate pride, and the countless other
+faults all have their social penalties. The child of normal intelligence
+sees the point, draws the appropriate lesson and (provided emotions and
+will are also normal) applies it more or less effectively as a guide to
+his own conduct. To the feeble-minded child, all but lacking in the
+power of abstraction and generalization, the situation conveys no such
+lesson. It is but a muddle of concrete events without general
+significance; or even if its meaning is vaguely apprehended, the powers
+of inhibition are insufficient to guarantee that right action will
+follow.
+
+It is for this reason that the generalization test is so valuable in the
+mental examinations of delinquents. It presents a moral situation,
+imagined, to be sure, but none the less real to the individual of normal
+comprehension. It tells us quickly whether the subject tested is able to
+see beyond the incidents of the given situation and to grasp their wider
+relations--whether he is able to generalize the concrete.
+
+The following responses made by feeble-minded delinquents from
+16 to 21 years of age demonstrate sufficiently their inability to
+comprehend the moral situation:--
+
+ _Hercules and the Wagoner._ "Teaches you to look where you are
+ going." "Not to help any one who is stuck in the mud." "Not to
+ whip oxen." "Teaches that Hercules was mean." "Teaches us to
+ carry a stick along to pry the wheels out."
+
+ _The Fox and the Crow._ "Not to sing when eating." "To keep away
+ from strangers." "To swallow it before you sing." "Not to be
+ stingy." "Not to listen to evil." "The fox was wiser than the
+ crow." "Not to be selfish with food." "Not to do two things at
+ once." "To hang on to what you've got."
+
+ _The Farmer and the Stork._ "Teaches the stork to look where he
+ steps." "Not to be cruel like the farmer." "Not to tell lies."
+ "Not to butt into other people's things." "To be kind to birds."
+ "Teaches us how to get rid of troublesome people." "Never go
+ with anything else."
+
+The following are the responses of an 18-year-old delinquent
+(intelligence level 10 years) to the five fables:--
+
+ _Maid and Eggs._ "She was thinking about getting the dress and
+ spilled the milk. Teaches selfishness."
+
+ _Hercules and the Wagoner._ "He wanted to help the oxen out."
+
+ _Fox and Crow._ "Guess that's where the fox got his name--'Old
+ Foxy.' Don't teach us anything."
+
+ _Farmer and Stork._ "Try and help the stork out of the field."
+
+ _Miller, Son, and Donkey._ "They was all big fools and mean to
+ the donkey."
+
+One does not require very profound psychological insight to see that a
+person of this degree of comprehension is not promising material for
+moral education. His weakness in the ability to generalize a moral
+situation is not due to lack of instruction, but is inherent in the
+nature of his mental processes, all of which have the infantile quality
+of average 9- or 10-year intelligence. Well-instructed normal children
+of 10 years ordinarily succeed no better. The ability to draw the
+correct lesson from a social situation is little developed below the
+mental level of 12 or 13 years.
+
+The test is also valuable because it throws light on the subject's
+ability to appreciate the finer shades of meaning. The mentally retarded
+often show marked inferiority in this respect. They sense, perhaps, in a
+general way the trend of the story, but they fail to comprehend much
+that to us seems clearly expressed. They do not get what is left for the
+reader to infer, because they are insensible to the thought fringes. It
+is these which give meaning to the fable. The dull subject may be able
+to image the objects and activities described, but taken in the rough
+such imagery gets him nowhere.
+
+Finally, the test is almost free from the danger of coaching. The
+subject who has been given a number of fables along with twenty-five or
+thirty other tests can as a rule give only hazy and inaccurate testimony
+as to what he has been put through. Moreover, we have found that, even
+if a subject has previously heard a fable, that fact does not materially
+increase his chances of giving a correct interpretation. If the
+situation depicted in the fable is beyond the subject's power of
+comprehension even explicit instruction has little effect upon the
+quality of the response.
+
+Incidentally, this observation raises the question whether the use of
+proverbs, mottoes, fables, poetry, etc., in the moral instruction of
+children may not often be futile because the material is not fitted to
+the child's power of comprehension. Much of the school's instruction in
+history and literature has a moral purpose, but there is reason to
+suspect that in this field schools often make precocious attempts in
+"generalizing" exercises.
+
+
+XII, 6. REPEATING FIVE DIGITS REVERSED
+
+The series are 3-1-8-7-9; 6-9-4-8-2; 5-2-9-6-1.
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING. Exactly as in years VII and IX.[73]
+
+[73] See discussion, p. 207 _ff._
+
+
+XII, 7. INTERPRETATION OF PICTURES
+
+PROCEDURE. Use the same pictures as in III, 1, and VII, 2, and the
+additional picture _d_. Present in the same order. The formula to begin
+with is identical with that in VII, 2: "_Tell me what this picture is
+about. What is this a picture of?_" This formula is chosen because it
+does not suggest specifically either description or interpretation, and
+is therefore adapted to show the child's spontaneous or natural mode of
+apperception. However, in case, this formula fails to bring spontaneous
+interpretation for three of the four pictures, we then return to those
+pictures on which the subject has failed and give a second trial with
+the formula: "_Explain this picture_." A good many subjects who failed
+to interpret the pictures spontaneously do so without difficulty when
+the more specific formula is used.
+
+If the response is so brief as to be difficult to classify, the subject
+should be urged to amplify by some such injunction as "_Go ahead_," or
+"_Explain what you mean_."
+
+One more caution. It is necessary to refrain from voicing a single word
+of commendation or approval until all the pictures have been responded
+to. A moment's thought will reveal the absolute necessity of adhering to
+this rule. Often a subject will begin by giving an inferior type of
+response (description, say) to the first picture, but with the second
+picture adjusts better to the task and responds satisfactorily. If in
+such a case the first (unsatisfactory) response were greeted with an
+approving "That's fine, you are doing splendidly," the likelihood of any
+improvement taking place as the test proceeds would be greatly lessened.
+
+SCORING. _Three pictures out of four_ must be satisfactorily
+interpreted. "Satisfactorily" means that the interpretation given should
+be reasonably plausible; not necessarily the exact one the artist had in
+mind, yet not absurd. The following classified responses will serve as
+a fairly secure guide for scoring:--
+
+(a) _Dutch Home_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Child has spilled something and is getting a
+ scolding." "The baby has hurt herself and the mother is
+ comforting her." "The baby is crying because she is hungry and
+ the mother has nothing to give her." "The little girl has been
+ naughty and is about to be punished." "The baby is crying
+ because she does not like her dinner." "There's bread on the
+ table and the mother won't let the little girl have it and so
+ she is crying." "The baby is begging for something and is crying
+ because her mamma won't give it to her." "It's a poor family.
+ The father is dead and they don't have enough to eat."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "The baby is crying and the mother is looking
+ at her" (description). "It's in Holland, and there's a little
+ girl crying, and a mamma, and there's a dish on the table"
+ (mainly description). "The mother is teaching the child to walk"
+ (absurd interpretation).
+
+(b) _River Scene_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "Man and lady eloping to get married and an
+ Indian to row for them." "I think it represents a honeymoon
+ trip." "In frontier days and a man and his wife have been
+ captured by the Indians." "It's a perilous journey and they have
+ engaged the Indian to row for them."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "They are shooting the rapids." "An Indian
+ rowing a man and his wife down the river" (mainly description).
+ "A storm at sea" (absurd interpretation). "Indians have rescued
+ a couple from a shipwreck." "They have been up the river and
+ are riding down the rapids."
+
+ The following responses are somewhat doubtful, but should
+ probably be scored _minus_: "People going out hunting and have
+ Indian for a guide." "The man has rescued the woman from the
+ Indians." "It's a camping trip."
+
+(c) _Post-Office_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "It's a lot of old farmers. They have come to
+ the post-office to get the paper, which only comes once a week,
+ and they are all happy." "There's something funny in the paper
+ about one of the men and they are all laughing about it." "They
+ are reading about the price of eggs, and they look very happy so
+ I guess the price has gone up." "It's a bunch of country
+ politicians reading the election news."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "A man has just come out of the post-office
+ and is reading to his friends." "It's a little country town and
+ they are looking at the paper." "A man is reading the paper and
+ the others are looking on and laughing." "Some men are reading a
+ paper and laughing, and the other man has brought some eggs to
+ market, and it's in a little country town." (All the above are
+ mainly description.)
+
+ Responses like the following are somewhat better, but hardly
+ satisfactory: "They are reading something funny in the paper."
+ "They are reading the ads." "They are laughing about something
+ in the newspaper," etc.
+
+(d) _Colonial Home_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "They are lovers and have quarreled." "The man
+ has to go away for a long time, maybe to war, and she is afraid
+ he won't return." "He has proposed and she has rejected him, and
+ she is crying because she hated to disappoint him." "The woman
+ is crying because her husband is angry and leaving her." "The
+ man is a messenger and has brought the woman bad news."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "The husband is leaving and the dog is looking
+ at the lady." "It's a picture to show how people dressed in
+ colonial times." "The lady is crying and the man is trying to
+ comfort her." "The man is going away. The woman is angry because
+ he is going. The dog has a ball in its mouth and looks happy,
+ and the man looks sad."
+
+ Such responses as the following are doubtful, but rather _minus_
+ than _plus_: "A picture of George Washington's home." "They
+ have lost their money and they are sad" (gratuitous
+ interpretation). "The man has struck the woman."
+
+ Doubt sometimes arises as to the proper scoring of imaginative
+ or gratuitous interpretations. The following are samples of
+ such: (a) "The little girl is crying because she wants a new
+ dress and the mother is telling her she can have one when
+ Christmas comes if she will be good." (b) "The man and woman
+ have gone up the river to visit some friends and an Indian guide
+ is bringing them home." (c) "Some old Rubes are reading about
+ a circus that's going to come." (d) "Napoleon leaving his
+ wife."
+
+Sometimes these imaginative responses are given by very bright subjects,
+under the impression that they are asked to "make up" a story based on
+the picture. We may score them _plus_, provided they are not too much
+out of harmony with the situation and actions represented in the
+picture. Interpretations so gratuitous as to have little or no bearing
+upon the scene depicted should be scored _minus_.
+
+REMARKS. The test of picture interpretation has been variously located
+from 12 to 15 years. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that
+everything depends on the nature of the pictures used, the form in which
+the question is put, and the standard for scoring. The Jingleman-Jack
+pictures used by Kuhlmann are as easy to interpret at 10 years as the
+Stanford pictures at 12. Spontaneous interpretation ("What is this a
+picture of?" or "What do you see in this picture?") comes no more
+readily at 14 years than provoked interpretation ("Explain this
+picture") at 12. The standard of scoring is no less important. If with
+the Stanford pictures we require three satisfactory responses out of
+four, the test belongs at the 12-year level, but the standard of two
+correct out of four can be met a year or two earlier.
+
+Even after we have agreed upon a given series of pictures, the formula
+for giving the test, and upon the requisite number of passes, there
+remains still the question as to the proper degree of liberality in
+deciding what constitutes interpretation. There is no single point in
+mental development where the "ability to interpret pictures" sweeps in
+with a rush. Like the development of most other abilities, it comes by
+slow degrees, beginning even as early as 6 years.
+
+The question is, therefore, to decide whether a given response contains
+as much and as good interpretation as we have a right to expect at the
+age level where the test has been placed. It is imperative for any one
+who would use the scale correctly to acquaint himself thoroughly with
+the procedure and standards described above.
+
+
+XII, 8. GIVING SIMILARITIES, THREE THINGS
+
+PROCEDURE. The procedure is the same as in VIII, 4, but with the
+following words:--
+
+ (a) _Snake_, _cow_, _sparrow_.
+ (b) _Book_, _teacher_, _newspaper_.
+ (c) _Wool_, _cotton_, _leather_.
+ (d) _Knife-blade_, _penny_, _piece of wire_.
+ (e) _Rose_, _potato_, _tree_.
+
+As before, a little tactful urging is occasionally necessary in order to
+secure a response.
+
+SCORING. _Three satisfactory responses out of five_ are necessary for
+success. Any real similarity is acceptable, whether fundamental or
+superficial, although the giving of fundamental likenesses is especially
+symptomatic of good intelligence.
+
+Failures may be classified under four heads: (1) Leaving one of the
+words out of consideration; (2) giving a difference instead of a
+similarity; (3) giving a similarity that is not real or that is too
+bizarre or far-fetched; and (4) inability to respond. Types (1), (3),
+and (4) are almost equally numerous, while type (2) is not often
+encountered at this level of intelligence.
+
+This test provokes doubtful responses somewhat oftener than the earlier
+test of giving similarities. Those giving greatest difficulty are the
+indefinite statements like "All are useful," "All are made of the same
+material," etc. Fortunately, in most of these cases an additional
+question is sufficient to determine whether the subject has in mind a
+real similarity. Questions suitable for this purpose are: "Explain what
+you mean," "In what respect are they all useful?" "What material do
+you mean?" etc. Of course it is only permissible to make use of
+supplementary questions of this kind when they are necessary in order to
+clarify a response which has already been made.
+
+While the amateur examiner is likely to have more or less trouble in
+deciding upon scores, this difficulty rapidly disappears with
+experience. The following samples of satisfactory and unsatisfactory
+responses will serve as a fairly adequate guide in dealing with doubtful
+cases:--
+
+(a) _Snake_, _cow_, _sparrow_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All are animals" (or creatures, etc.). "All
+ live on the land." "All have blood" (or flesh, bones, eyes,
+ skin, etc.). "All move about." "All breathe air." "All are
+ useful" (_plus_ only if subject can give a use which they have
+ in common). "All have a little intelligence" (or sense,
+ instinct, etc.).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All have legs." "All are dangerous." "All
+ feed on grain" (or grass, etc.). "All are much afraid of man."
+ "All frighten you." "All are warm-blooded." "All get about the
+ same way." "All walk on the ground." "All can bite." "All
+ holler." "All drink water." "A snake crawls, a cow walks, and a
+ sparrow flies" (or some other difference). "They are not alike."
+
+(b) _Book_, _teacher_, _newspaper_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All teach." "You learn from all." "All give you
+ information." "All help you get an education." "All are your
+ good friends" (_plus_ if subject can explain how). "All are
+ useful" (_plus_ if subject can explain how).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All tell you the news." "A teacher writes,
+ and a book and newspaper have writing." "They are not alike."
+ "All read." "All use the alphabet."
+
+(c) _Wool_, _cotton_, _leather_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All used for clothing." "We wear them all."
+ "All grow" (_plus_ if subject can explain). "All have to be sent
+ to the factory to be made into things." "All are useful" (_plus_
+ if subject can give a use which all have in common). "All are
+ valuable" (_plus_ if explained).
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All come from plants." "All grow on animals."
+ "All came off the top of something." "All are things." "They are
+ pretty." "All spell alike." "All are furry" (or soft, hard,
+ etc.).
+
+(d) _Knife-blade_, _penny_, _piece of wire_
+
+ _Satisfactory_. "All are made from minerals" (or metals). "All
+ come from mines." "All are hard material."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All are made of steel" (or copper, iron,
+ etc.). "All are made of the same metal." "All cut." "All bend
+ easily." "All are used in building a house." "All are
+ worthless." "All are useful in fixing things." "All have an
+ end." "They are small." "All weigh the same." "Can get them all
+ at a hardware store." "You can buy things with all of them."
+ "You buy them with money." "One is sharp, one is round, and one
+ is long" (or some other difference).
+
+ Such answers as "All are found in a boy's pocket," or "Boys like
+ them," are not altogether bad, but hardly deserve to be called
+ satisfactory. "All are useful" is _minus_ unless the subject can
+ give a use which they have in common, which in this case he is
+ not likely to do. Bizarre uses are also _minus_; as, "All are
+ good for a watch fob," "Can use all for paper weights," etc.
+
+(e) _Rose_, _potato_, _tree_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "All are plants." "All grow from the ground."
+ "All have leaves" (or roots, etc.). "All have to be planted."
+ "All are parts of nature." "All have colors."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "All are pretty." "All bear fruit." "All have
+ pretty flowers." "All grow on bushes." "All are valuable" (or
+ useful). "They grow close to a house." "All are ornamental."
+ "All are shrubbery."
+
+REMARKS. The words of each series lend themselves readily to
+classification into a next higher class. This is the best type of
+response, but with most of the series it accounts for less than two
+thirds of the successes among subjects of 12-year intelligence. The
+proportion is less than one third for subjects of 10-year intelligence
+and nearly three fourths at the 14-year level. It would be possible and
+very desirable to devise and standardize an additional test of this
+kind, but requiring the giving of an essential resemblance or
+classificatory similarity.
+
+For discussion of the psychological factors involved in the similarities
+test, see VII, 5.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR YEAR XIV.
+
+
+XIV, 1. VOCABULARY (FIFTY DEFINITIONS, 9000 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in VIII, X, and XII. At year XIV fifty words
+must be correctly defined.
+
+
+XIV, 2. INDUCTION TEST: FINDING A RULE
+
+PROCEDURE. Provide six sheets of thin blank paper, say 81/2 x 11 inches.
+Take the first sheet, and telling the subject to watch what you do, fold
+it once, and in the middle of the folded edge tear out or cut out a
+small notch; then ask the subject to tell you _how many holes there will
+be in the paper when it is unfolded_. The correct answer, _one_, is
+nearly always given without hesitation. But whatever the answer, unfold
+the paper and hold it up broadside for the subject's inspection. Next,
+take another sheet, fold it once as before and say: "_Now, when we
+folded it this way and tore out a piece, you remember it made one hole
+in the paper. This time we will give the paper another fold and see how
+many holes we shall have._" Then proceed to fold the paper again, this
+time in the other direction, and tear out a piece from the folded side
+and ask how many holes there will be when the paper is unfolded. After
+recording the answer, unfold the paper, hold it up before the subject so
+as to let him see the result. The answer is often incorrect and the
+unfolded sheet is greeted with an exclamation of surprise. The governing
+principle is seldom made out at this stage of the experiment. But
+regardless of the correctness or incorrectness of the first and second
+answers, proceed with the third sheet. Fold it once and say: "_When we
+folded it this way there was one hole._" Then fold it again and say:
+"_And when we folded it this way there were two holes._" At this point
+fold the paper a third time and say: "_Now, I am folding it again. How
+many holes will it have this time when I unfold it?_" Record the answer
+and again unfold the paper while the subject looks on.
+
+Continue in the same manner with sheets four, five, and six, adding one
+fold each time. In folding each sheet recapitulate the results with the
+previous sheets, saying (with the sixth, for example): "_When we folded
+it this way there was one hole, when we folded it again there were two,
+when we folded it again there were four, when we folded it again there
+were eight, when we folded it again there were sixteen; now, tell me
+how many holes there will be if we fold it once more._" In the
+recapitulation avoid the expression "_When we folded it once, twice,
+three times_," etc., as this often leads the subject to double the
+numeral heard instead of doubling the number of holes in the previously
+folded sheet. After the answer is given, do not fail to unfold the paper
+and let the subject view the result.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if the rule is grasped by the time the
+sixth sheet is reached_; that is, the subject may pass after five
+incorrect responses, provided the sixth is correct and the governing
+rule can then be given. It is not permissible to ask for the rule until
+all six parts of the experiment have been given. Nothing must be said
+which could even suggest the operation of a rule. Often, however, the
+subject grasps the principle after two or three steps and gives it
+spontaneously. In this case it is unnecessary to proceed with the
+remaining steps.
+
+REMARKS. This test was first used by the writer in a comparative study
+of the intellectual processes of bright and dull boys in 1905, but it
+was not standardized until 1914. Rather extensive data indicate that it
+is a genuine test of intelligence. Of 14-year-old school children
+testing between 96 and 105 I Q, 59 per cent passed this test; of
+14-year-olds testing below 96 I Q, 41 per cent passed; of those testing
+above 105, 71 per cent passed. That is, the test agrees well with the
+results obtained by the scale as a whole. Of "average adults" only
+10 per cent fail; and of "superior adults," fewer than 5 per cent. As a
+rule, the higher the grade of intelligence, the fewer the steps
+necessary for grasping the rule. Of the superior adults, only
+35 per cent fail to get the rule as early as the end of the fourth step.
+
+The test is little affected by schooling, and apart from differences in
+intelligence it is little influenced by age. Other advantages of the
+test are the keen interest it always arouses and its independence of
+language ability. It has been used successfully with immigrant subjects
+who had been in this country but a few months.
+
+We have named the experiment an "induction test." It might be supposed
+that the solution would ordinarily be arrived at by deduction, or by an
+_a-priori_ logical analysis of the principle involved. This, however, is
+rarely the case. Not one average adult out of ten reasons out the
+situation in this purely logical manner. It is ordinarily only after one
+or more mistakes have been made and have been exposed by the examiner
+holding up the unfolded paper to view that the correct principle is
+grasped. In the absence of deductive reasoning the subject must note
+that each unfolded sheet contains twice as many holes as the previous
+one, and must infer that folding the paper again will again double the
+number. The ability tested is the ability to generalize from
+particulars where the common element of the particulars can be discerned
+only by the selective action of attention, in this case attention to the
+fact that each number is the double of its predecessor.
+
+
+XIV, 3. GIVING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN A PRESIDENT AND A KING
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_There are three main differences between a president
+and a king; what are they?_" If the subject stops after one difference
+is given, we urge him on, if possible, until three are given.
+
+SCORING. The three differences relate to power, tenure, and manner of
+accession. Only these differences are considered correct, and the
+successful response must include at least two of the three. We disregard
+crudities of expression and note merely whether the subject has the
+essential idea. As regards power, for example, any of the following
+responses are satisfactory: "The king is absolute and the president is
+not." "The king rules by himself, but the president rules with the help
+of the people." "Kings can have things their own way more than
+presidents can," etc.
+
+It may be objected that the reverse of this is sometimes true, that the
+king of to-day often has less power than the average president.
+Sometimes subjects mention this fact, and when they do we credit them
+with this part of the test. As a matter of fact, however, this answer is
+seldom given.
+
+Sometimes the subject does not stop until he has given a half-dozen or
+more differences, and in such cases the first three differences may be
+trivial and some of the later ones essential. The question then arises
+whether we should disregard the errors and pass the subject on his later
+correct responses. The rule in such cases is to ask the subject to pick
+out the "three main differences."
+
+Sometimes accession and tenure are given in the form of a single
+contrast, as: "The president is elected, but the king inherits his
+throne and rules for life." This answer entitles the subject to credit
+for both accession and tenure, the contrast as regards tenure being
+plainly implied.
+
+Unsatisfactory contrasts are of many kinds and are often amusing. Some
+of the most common are the following:--
+
+ "A king wears a crown." "A king has jewels." "A king sits on a
+ throne." ("A king sets on a thorn" as one feeble-minded boy put
+ it!) "A king lives in a palace." "A king has courtiers." "A king
+ is very dignified." "A king dresses up more." "A president has
+ less pomp and ceremony." "A president is more ready to receive
+ the people." "A king sits on a chair all the time and a
+ president does not." "No differences; it's just names." "A
+ president does not give titles." "A king has a larger salary."
+ "A king has royal blood." "A king is in more danger." "They have
+ a different title." "A king is more cruel." "Kings have people
+ beheaded." "A king rules in a monarchy and a president in a
+ republic." "A king rules in a foreign country." "A president is
+ elected and a king fights for his office." "A president appoints
+ governors and a king does not." "A president lets the lawyers
+ make the laws." "Everybody works for a king."
+
+It is surprising to see how often trivial differences like the above are
+given. About thirty "average adults" out of a hundred, including
+high-school students, give at least one unsatisfactory contrast.
+
+The test has been criticized as depending too much on schooling. The
+criticism is to a certain extent valid when the test is used with young
+subjects, say of 10 or 12 years. It is not valid, however, if the use of
+the test is confined to older subjects. With the latter, it is not a
+test of knowledge, but of the discriminative capacity to deal with
+knowledge already in the possession of the subject. It would be
+difficult to find an adult, not actually feeble-minded, who is ignorant
+of the facts called for: That the king inherits his throne, while the
+president is elected; that the tenure of the king is for life, and that
+of the president for a term of years; that kings ordinarily have, or are
+supposed to have, more power. Even the relatively stupid adult knows
+this; but he also knows that kings are different from presidents in
+having crowns, thrones, palaces, robes, courtiers, larger pay, etc., and
+he makes no discrimination as regards the relative importance of these
+differences.
+
+The test is psychologically related to that of giving differences in
+year VII and to the two tests of finding similarities; but it differs
+from these in requiring a comparison based on fundamental rather than
+accidental distinctions. The idea is good and should be worked out in
+additional tests of the same type.
+
+The test first appeared in the Binet revised scale of 1911. Kuhlmann
+omits it, and besides our own there are few statistics bearing on it.
+Our results show that if two essential differences are required, the
+test belongs where we have placed it, but that if only one essential
+difference is required, the test is easy enough for year XII.
+
+
+XIV, 4. PROBLEM QUESTIONS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_Listen, and see if you can understand
+what I read._" Then read the following three problems, rather slowly and
+with expression, pausing after each long enough for the subject to find
+an answer:--
+
+ (a) "_A man who was walking in the woods near a city stopped
+ suddenly, very much frightened, and then ran to the nearest
+ policeman, saying that he had just seen hanging from the limb
+ of a tree a ... a what?_"
+ (b) "_My neighbor has been having queer visitors. First a doctor
+ came to his house, then a lawyer, then a minister (preacher or
+ priest). What do you think happened there?_"
+ (c) "_An Indian who had come to town for the first time in his
+ life saw a white man riding along the street. As the white man
+ rode by, the Indian said--'The white man is lazy; he walks
+ sitting down.' What was the white man riding on that caused
+ the Indian to say, 'He walks sitting down'?_"
+
+Do not ask questions calculated to draw out the correct response, but
+wait in silence for the subject's spontaneous answer. It is permissible,
+however, to re-read the passage if the subject requests it.
+
+SCORING. _Two responses out of three must be satisfactory._ The
+following explanations and examples will make clear the requirements of
+the test:--
+
+(a) _What the man saw hanging_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The only correct answer for the first is "A man
+ who had hung himself" (or who had committed suicide, been
+ hanged, etc.). We may also pass the following answer: "Dead
+ branches that looked like a man hanging."
+
+ A good many subjects answer simply, "A man." This answer cannot
+ be scored because of the impossibility of knowing what is in the
+ subject's mind, and in such cases it is always necessary to say:
+ "_Explain what you mean._" The answer to this interrogation
+ always enables us to score the response.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ There is an endless variety of failures: "A
+ snake," "A monkey," "A robber," or "A tramp" being the most
+ common. Others include such answers as "A bear," "A tiger," "A
+ wild cat," "A cat," "A bird," "An eagle," "A bird's nest," "A
+ hornet's nest," "A leaf," "A swing," "A boy in a swing," "A
+ basket of flowers," "An egg," "A ghost," "A white sheet,"
+ "Clothes," "A purse," etc.
+
+(b) _My neighbor_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ The expected answer is "A death," "Some one has
+ died," etc. We must always check up this response, however, by
+ asking what the lawyer came for, and this must also be answered
+ correctly.
+
+ While it is expected that the subject will understand that the
+ doctor came to attend a sick person, the lawyer to make his
+ will, and the minister to preach the funeral, there are a few
+ other ingenious interpretations which pass as satisfactory. For
+ example, "A man got hurt in an accident; the doctor came to make
+ him well, the lawyer to see about damages, and then he died and
+ the preacher came for the funeral." Or, "A man died, the lawyer
+ came to help the widow settle the estate and the preacher came
+ for the funeral." We can hardly expect the 14-year-old child to
+ know that it is not the custom to settle an estate until after
+ the funeral.
+
+ The following excellent response was given by an enlightened
+ young eugenist: "A marriage; the doctor came to examine them and
+ see if they were fit to marry, the lawyer to arrange the
+ marriage settlement, and the minister to marry them." The
+ following logical responses occurred once each: "A murder. The
+ doctor came to examine the body, the lawyer to get evidence, and
+ the preacher to preach the funeral." "An unmarried girl has
+ given birth to a child. The lawyer was employed to get the man
+ to marry her and then the preacher came to perform the wedding
+ ceremony." Perhaps some will consider this interpretation too
+ far-fetched to pass. But it is perfectly logical and,
+ unfortunately, represents an occurrence which is not so very
+ rare.
+
+ If an incorrect answer is first given and then corrected, the
+ correction is accepted.
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ The failures again are quite varied, but are
+ most frequently due to failure to understand the lawyer's
+ mission. Of 66 tabulated failures, 26 are accounted for in this
+ way, while only 6 are due to inability to state the part played
+ by the minister. The most common incorrect responses are: "A
+ baby born" (accounting for 5 out of 66 failures); "A divorce"
+ (very common with the children tested by Dr. Ordahl, at Reno,
+ Nevada!); "A marriage"; "A divorce and a remarriage"; "A
+ dinner"; "An entertainment"; "Some friends came to chat," etc.
+ In 20 failures out of 66, marriage was incorrectly connected
+ with a will, a divorce, the death of a child, etc.
+
+ The following are not bad, but hardly deserve to pass: "Sickness
+ and trouble; the lawyer and minister came to help him out of
+ trouble." Or, "Somebody was sick; the lawyer wanted his money
+ and the minister came to see how he was." A few present a still
+ more logical interpretation, but so far-fetched that it is
+ doubtful whether they should count as passes; for example: "A
+ man and his wife had a fight. One got hurt and had to have the
+ doctor, then they had a lawyer to get them divorced, then the
+ minister came to marry one of them." Again, "Some one is dying
+ and is getting married and making his will before he dies."
+
+(c) _What the man was riding on_
+
+ The only correct response is "Bicycle." The most common error is
+ _horse_ (or _donkey_), accounting for 48 out of 71 tabulated
+ failures. Vehicles, like _wagon_, _buggy_, _automobile_, or
+ _street car_, were mentioned in 14 out of 71 failures. Bizarre
+ replies are: "A cripple in a wheel chair"; "A person riding on
+ some one's back," etc.
+
+REMARKS. The experiment is a form of the completion test. Elements of a
+situation are given, out of which the entire situation is to be
+constructed. This phase of intelligence has already been discussed.[74]
+
+[74] See IX, 5, and XII, 4.
+
+While it is generally admitted that the underlying idea of this test is
+good, some have criticized Binet's selection of problems. Meumann thinks
+the lawyer element of the second is so unfamiliar to children as to
+render that part of the test unfair. Several "armchair" critics have
+mentioned the danger of nervous shock from the first problem. Bobertag
+throws out the test entirely and substitutes a completion test modeled
+after that of Ebbinghaus. Our own results are altogether favorable to
+the test. If it is used in year XIV, Meumann's objection hardly holds,
+for American children of that age do ordinarily know something about
+making wills. As for the danger of shock from the first problem, we have
+never once found the slightest evidence of this much-feared result. The
+subject always understands that the situation depicted is hypothetical,
+and so answers either in a matter-of-fact manner or with a laugh.
+
+The bicycle problem is our own invention. Binet used the other two and
+required both to be answered correctly. The test was located in year XII
+of the 1908 scale, and in year XV of the 1911 revision. Goddard and
+Kuhlmann retain it in the original location. The Stanford results of
+1911, 1912, 1914, and 1915 agree in showing the test too difficult for
+year XII, even when only two out of three correct responses are
+required. If the original form of the experiment is used, it is
+exceedingly difficult for year XV. As here given it fits well at
+year XIV.
+
+
+XIV, 5. ARITHMETICAL REASONING
+
+PROCEDURE. The following problems, printed in clear type, are shown one
+at a time to the subject, who reads each problem aloud and (with the
+printed problem still before him) finds the answer without the use of
+pencil or paper.
+
+ (a) _If a man's salary is $20 a week and he spends $14 a week,
+ how long will it take him to save $300?_
+ (b) _If 2 pencils cost 5 cents, how many pencils can you buy for
+ 50 cents?_
+ (c) _At 15 cents a yard, how much will 7 feet of cloth cost?_
+
+Only one minute is allowed for each problem, but nothing is said about
+hurrying. While one problem is being solved, the others should be hidden
+from view. It is not permissible, if the subject gives an incorrect
+answer, to ask him to solve the problem again. The following exception,
+however, is made to this rule: If the answer given to the third problem
+indicates that the word _yard_ has been read as _feet_, the subject is
+asked to read the problem through again carefully (aloud) and to tell
+how he solved it. No further help of any kind may be given.
+
+SCORING. _Two of the three_ problems must be solved correctly within the
+minute allotted to each. No credit is allowed for correct method if the
+answer is wrong.
+
+REMARKS. We have selected these problems from the list used by Bonser in
+his _Study of the Reasoning Ability of Children in the Fourth, Fifth,
+and Sixth School Grades_.[75]
+
+[75] Columbia University Contributions to Education, no. 37, 1910.
+
+Our tests of 279 "at age" children between 12 and 15 years reveal the
+surprising fact that the test as here used and scored is not passed by
+much over half of the children of any age in the grades below the
+high-school age. Of the high-school pupils 19 per cent failed to pass,
+21 per cent of ordinarily successful business men (!), and 27 per cent
+of Knollin's unemployed men testing up to the "average adult" level. To
+find average intelligence cutting such a sorry figure raises the
+question whether the ancient definition of man as "the rational animal"
+is justified by the facts. The truth is, _average_ intelligence does not
+do a great deal of abstract, logical reasoning, and the little it does
+is done usually under the whip of necessity.
+
+At first thought these problems will doubtless appear to the reader to
+be mere tests of schooling. It is true, of course, that in solving them
+the subject makes use of knowledge which is ordinarily obtained in
+school; but this knowledge (that is, knowledge of reading and of
+addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division) is possessed by
+practically all adults who are not feeble-minded, and by many who are.
+Success, therefore, depends upon the ability to apply this knowledge
+readily and accurately to the problems given--precisely the kind of
+ability in which a deficiency cannot be made good by school training. We
+can teach even morons how to read problems and how to add, subtract,
+multiply, and divide with a fair degree of accuracy; the trouble comes
+when they try to decide which of these processes the problem calls for.
+This may require intelligence of high or low order, according to the
+difficulty of the problem. As for the present test, we have shown that
+almost totally unschooled men of "average adult" intelligence pass this
+test as frequently as high-school seniors of the same mental level.
+
+
+XIV, 6. REVERSING HANDS OF CLOCK
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_Suppose it is six twenty-two o'clock,
+that is, twenty-two minutes after six; can you see in your mind where
+the large hand would be, and where the small hand would be?_" Subjects
+of 12- to 14-year intelligence practically always answer this in the
+affirmative. Then continue: "_Now, suppose the two hands of the clock
+were to trade places, so that the large hand takes the place where the
+small hand was, and the small hand takes the place where the large hand
+was. What time would it then be?_"
+
+Repeat the test with the hands at 8.10 (10 minutes after 8), and again
+with the hands at 2.46 (14 minutes before 3).
+
+The subject is not allowed to look at a clock or watch, or to aid
+himself by drawing, but must work out the problem mentally. As a rule
+the answer is given within a few seconds or not at all. If an answer is
+not forthcoming within two minutes the score is failure.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if _two of the three_ problems are solved
+within the following range of accuracy: the first solution is considered
+correct if the answer falls between 4.30 and 4.35, inclusive; the second
+if the answer falls between 1.40 and 1.45, and the third if the answer
+falls between 9.10 and 9.15.
+
+REMARKS. It appears that success in the test chiefly depends upon
+voluntary control over constructive visual imagery. Weakness of visual
+imagery may account for the failure of a considerable percentage of
+adults to pass the test. Visual imagery, however, is not absolutely
+necessary to success. One 8-year-old prodigy, who had 12-year
+intelligence, arrived in forty seconds at a strictly mathematical
+solution for the second problem, as follows: "If it is 2.46, and the
+hands trade places, then the little hand has gone about one fourth of
+the distance from 9 o'clock to 10 o'clock. One fourth of 60 minutes is
+15 minutes, and so the time would be 15 minutes after 9 o'clock." Such a
+solution is certainly possible by the use of verbal imagery of any type.
+
+The test shows a high correlation with mental age, but more than most
+others it is subject to the influence of cribbing. For this reason,
+other positions of the clock hands should be tried out for the purpose
+of finding substitute experiments of equal difficulty. Until such
+experiments have been made, it will be necessary to confine the
+experiment to the three positions here presented.
+
+Schooling seems to have no influence whatever on the percentage of
+passes.
+
+This test was first used by Binet in 1905, but was not included in
+either the 1908 or 1911 series. Goddard and Kuhlmann both include the
+test in their revisions, placing it in year XV. They give only two
+problems (our _a_ and _c_) and require that both be answered correctly.
+Neither Goddard nor Kuhlmann, however, indicates the degree of error
+permitted.
+
+Something depends upon original position of the hands. Binet used 6.20
+and 2.46. For some reason the 2.46 arrangement is much more difficult
+than either 8.10 or 6.22, yielding almost twice as many failures as
+either of the other positions.
+
+
+XIV, ALTERNATIVE TESTS: REPEATING SEVEN DIGITS
+
+This time, as in year X, only two series are given, one of which must be
+repeated without error. The two series are: 2-1-8-3-4-3-9 and
+9-7-2-8-4-7-5. Note that in none of the tests of repeating digits is it
+permissible to warn the subject of the number to be given.
+
+REMARKS. Binet originally placed this test in year XII, giving three
+trials, but later moved it to year XV. Goddard and Kuhlmann retain it in
+year XII. Our data show that when three trials are given the test is too
+easy for year XIV, but that it fits this age when only two trials are
+allowed; that after the age of 12 or 14 years memory for relatively
+meaningless material, like digits or nonsense syllables, improves but
+little; and that above this level it does not correlate very closely
+with intelligence.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "AVERAGE ADULT"
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 1: VOCABULARY (SIXTY-FIVE DEFINITIONS, 11,700 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in previous vocabulary tests.[76] At the
+average adult level sixty-five words should be correctly defined.
+
+[76] See VIII, 6.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 2: INTERPRETATION OF FABLES (SCORE 8)
+
+PROCEDURE. As in year XII, test 6. Use the same fables.
+
+SCORING. The method of scoring is the same as for XII, but the total
+score must be 8 points to satisfy the requirements at this level.
+
+REMARKS. For discussion of test, see XII, 5.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 3: DIFFERENCES BETWEEN ABSTRACT TERMS
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: _What is the difference between_:--
+
+ (a) _Laziness and idleness?_
+ (b) _Evolution and revolution?_
+ (c) _Poverty and misery?_
+ (d) _Character and reputation?_
+
+SCORING. _Three correct contrasting definitions out of four_ are
+necessary for a pass. It is not sufficient merely to give a correct
+meaning for each word of a pair; the subject must point out a difference
+between the two words so as to make a real contrast. For example, if the
+subject defines _evolution_ as a "growth" or "gradual change," and
+_revolution_ as the turning of a wheel on its axis, the experimenter
+should say: "_Yes, but I want you to tell me the difference between
+evolution and revolution._" If the contrast is not then forthcoming the
+response is marked _minus_.
+
+The following are sample definitions which may be considered
+acceptable:--
+
+ (a) _Laziness and idleness._ "It is laziness if you won't
+ work, and idleness if you are willing to work but haven't any
+ job." "Lots of men are idle who are not lazy and would like to
+ work if they had something to do." "Laziness means you don't
+ want to work; idleness means you are not doing anything just
+ now." "Idle people may be lazy, or they may just happen to be
+ out of a job." "It is laziness when you don't like to work, and
+ idleness when you are not working." "An idle person might be
+ willing to work; a lazy man won't work." "Laziness comes from
+ within; idleness may be forced upon one." "Laziness is aversion
+ to activity; idleness is simply the state of inactivity."
+ "Laziness is idleness from choice or preference; idleness means
+ doing nothing."
+
+ The essential contrast, accordingly, is that _laziness refers to
+ unwillingness to work; idleness to the mere fact of inactivity_.
+ This contrast must be expressed, however clumsily.
+
+ (b) _Evolution and revolution._ "Evolution is a gradual
+ change; revolution is a sudden change." "Evolution is natural
+ development; revolution is sudden upheaval." "Evolution means an
+ unfolding or development; revolution means a complete upsetting
+ of everything." "Evolution is the gradual development of a
+ country or government; revolution is a quick change of
+ government." "Evolution takes place by natural force; a
+ revolution is caused by an outside force." "Evolution is growth;
+ revolution is a quick change from existing conditions."
+ "Evolution is a natural change; revolution is a violent
+ change." "Evolution is growth step by step; revolution is more
+ sudden and radical in its action." "Evolution is a change
+ brought about by peaceful development, while revolution is
+ brought about by an uprising."
+
+ The essential distinction, accordingly, is that _evolution means
+ a gradual, natural, or slow change, while revolution means a
+ sudden, forced, or violent change_. Non-contrasting definitions,
+ even when the individual terms are defined correctly, are not
+ satisfactory.
+
+ (c) _Poverty and misery._ "Poverty is when you are poor;
+ misery means suffering." "Only the poor are in poverty, but
+ everybody can be miserable." "Poverty is the lowest stage of
+ poorness; misery means pain." "The poor are not always
+ miserable, and the rich are miserable sometimes." "Poverty means
+ to be in want; misery comes from any kind of suffering or
+ anguish." "The poor are in poverty; the sick are in misery."
+ "Poverty is the condition of being very poor financially; misery
+ is a feeling which any class of people can have." "One who is
+ poor is in poverty; one who is wretched or doesn't enjoy life is
+ in misery." "Poverty comes from lack of money; misery, from lack
+ of happiness or comfort." "Misery means distress. It can come
+ from poverty or many other things."
+
+ (d) _Character and reputation._ "Character is what you are;
+ reputation is what people say about you." "You have character if
+ you are honest; but you might be honest and still have a bad
+ reputation among people who misjudge you." "Character is your
+ real self; reputation is the opinion people have about you."
+ "Your character depends upon yourself; reputation depends on
+ what others think of you." "Character means your real morals;
+ reputation is the way you are known in the world." "A man has a
+ good character if he would not do evil; but a man may have a
+ good reputation and still have a bad character."
+
+A little practice and a good deal of discrimination are necessary for
+the correct grading of responses to this test. Subjects are often so
+clumsy in expression that their responses are anything but clear. It is
+then necessary to ask them to explain what they mean. Further
+questioning, however, is not permissible. For uniformity in scoring it
+is necessary to bear in mind that the definitions given must, in order
+to be satisfactory, express the essential distinction between the two
+words.
+
+REMARKS. What we have said regarding the psychological significance of
+test 2, year XII, applies equally well here. The test on the whole is a
+valuable one. Our statistics show that it is not, as some critics have
+thought, mainly a test of schooling.
+
+The main criticism to be made is that it imposes a somewhat difficult
+task upon the power of language expression. For this reason it is
+necessary in scoring to disregard clumsiness of expression and to look
+only to the essential correctness or incorrectness of the thought.
+
+This test first appeared in year XIII of Binet's 1908 scale. The terms
+used were "happiness and honor"; "evolution and revolution"; "event and
+advent"; "poverty and misery"; "pride and pretension." In the 1911
+revision, "happiness and honor" and "pride and pretension" were dropped,
+and the other three pairs were moved up to the adult group, two out of
+three successes being required for a pass. Kuhlmann places it in
+year XV, using "happiness and honor" instead of our "character and
+reputation," and requires three successes out of five.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 4: PROBLEM OF THE ENCLOSED BOXES
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the subject a cardboard box about one inch on a side.
+Say: "_You see this box; it has two smaller boxes inside of it, and each
+one of the smaller boxes contains a little tiny box. How many boxes are
+there altogether, counting the big one?_" To be sure that the subject
+understands repeat the statement of the problem: "_First the large box,
+then two smaller ones, and each of the smaller ones contains a little
+tiny box._"
+
+Record the response, and, showing another box, say: "_This box has two
+smaller boxes inside, and each of the smaller boxes contains two tiny
+boxes. How many altogether? Remember, first the large box, then two
+smaller ones, and each smaller one contains two tiny boxes._"
+
+The third problem, which is given in the same way, states that there are
+_three_ smaller boxes, each of which contains _three_ tiny boxes.
+
+In the fourth problem there are _four_ smaller boxes, each containing
+_four_ tiny boxes.
+
+The problem must be given orally, and the solution must be found without
+the aid of pencil or paper. Only one half-minute is allowed for each
+problem. Note that each problem is stated twice.
+
+A correction is permitted, provided it is offered spontaneously and does
+not seem to be the result of guessing. Guessing can be checked up by
+asking the subject to explain the solution.
+
+SCORING. _Three of the four_ problems must be solved correctly within
+the half-minute allotted to each.
+
+REMARKS. Success depends, in the first place, upon ability to comprehend
+the statement of the problem and to hold its conditions in mind.
+Subjects much below the 12-year level of intelligence are often unable
+to do this.
+
+Granting that the problem has been comprehended, success seems to depend
+chiefly upon the facility with which the constructive imagination
+manipulates concrete visual imagery. In this respect it resembles the
+problem of reversing the hands of a clock. With some subjects, however,
+verbal imagery alone is operative. Tactual imagery would, of course,
+serve the purpose as well.
+
+This is as good a place as any to emphasize the fact that the
+introspective study of mental imagery has little to contribute to the
+measurement of intelligence. Intelligence tests are concerned with the
+total result of a thought process, rather than with the imagery supports
+of that process. Thought may be carried on almost equally well by
+various kinds of imagery. As Galton showed, a person can be taught to
+carry on arithmetical processes by the use of smell imagery. The kind of
+imagery employed is the product of slight, innate preferences
+complicated by the more or less accidental effects of habit.
+
+We may say that imagery is to thinking what scaffolding is to
+architecture. The important thing is the completed building rather than
+the nature of the scaffolding employed in erecting it. No one thinks of
+blaming the ill construction of a building upon the kind of scaffolding
+used, for if the architect and builder are competent satisfactory
+scaffolding will be found. Just as little are deficiencies or
+peculiarities of imagery the real cause of low-order intelligence. We
+cannot increase intelligence by formal drill in the use of supposedly
+important kinds of mental imagery, any more than we can transform a
+plain carpenter into a Michael Angelo by instructing him in the use of
+scaffolding materials such as were employed in the construction of St.
+Peter's Cathedral.
+
+This test is of our own invention and has been brought to its present
+form only after a good deal of preliminary experimentation. It
+correlates fairly well with mental age as determined by the scale as a
+whole. It was passed by 55 per cent of high-school pupils and by
+65 per cent of unschooled business men. Success in it is thus seen not
+to depend upon schooling.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 5: REPEATING SIX DIGITS REVERSED
+
+The series used are: 4-7-1-9-5-2; 5-8-3-2-9-4; and 7-5-2-6-3-8.
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in year VII, alternative 2.
+
+REMARKS. The test is passed by approximately half of "average adults"
+and by three fourths of "superior adults." It shows no effect of
+schooling, the uneducated business men even surpassing our high-school
+students.
+
+For the higher levels of intelligence, especially, the test is superior
+to that of repeating digits in the direct order. It is less mechanical
+and makes heavier demands upon higher intelligence.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, 6: USING A CODE
+
+PROCEDURE. Show the subject the code given on the accompanying form.
+Say: "_See these diagrams here. Look and you will see that they contain
+all the letters of the alphabet. Now, examine the arrangement of the
+letters. They go_ (pointing) _a b c, d e f, g h i, j k l, m n o, p q r,
+s t u v, w x y z. You see the letters in the first two diagrams are
+arranged in the up-and-down order_ (pointing again), _and the letters in
+the other two diagrams run in just the opposite way from the hands of a
+clock_ (pointing). _Look again and you will see that the second diagram
+is drawn just like the first, except that each letter has a dot with it,
+and that the last diagram is like the third except that here, also, each
+letter has a dot. Now, all of this represents a code; that is, a secret
+language. It is a real code, one that was used in the Civil War for
+sending secret messages. This is the way it works: we draw the lines
+which hold a letter, but leave out the letter. Here, for example, is the
+way we would write 'spy?'_" Then write the word _spy_, pointing out
+carefully where each letter comes from, and emphasizing the fact that
+the dot must be used in addition to the lines in writing any letter in
+the second or the fourth diagram. Illustrate also with _war_.
+
+Then add: "_I am going to have you write something for me; remember now,
+how the letters go, first_ (pointing, as before) _a b c, d e f, g h i,
+then j k l, m n o, p q r, then s t u v, then w x y z. And don't forget
+the dots for the letters in this diagram and this one_" (pointing). At
+this point, take away the diagrams and tell the subject to write the
+words _come quickly_. Say nothing about hurrying.
+
+The subject is given a pencil, but is allowed to draw only the symbols
+for the words _come quickly_. He is not permitted to reproduce the
+entire code and then to copy the code letters from his reproduction.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the words are written in _six minutes and
+without more than two errors_. Omission of a dot counts as only a half
+error.
+
+REMARKS. It is not easy to analyze the mental functions which contribute
+to success in the code test. Contrary to what might be supposed, success
+does not necessarily depend upon getting and retaining a visual picture
+of the diagrams. Kinaesthetic imagery will answer the purpose just as
+well, or the original visual impression may even be translated at once
+into auditory-verbal imagery and remembered as such. The significance of
+the test must be expressed in other terms than the kind of imagery it
+may happen to bring into play.
+
+Healy and Fernald describe the task of writing a code sentence without
+copy as one which requires "close attention and steadiness of purpose."
+They also emphasize the fact that the attention must be directed inward,
+since there is no object of interest before the senses and since no
+special stimulus to attention is offered by the experimenter.
+Observations we have made on subjects during the test confirm this view
+as to the factors involved.
+
+That inability to remember the code as a whole is not a common cause of
+failure is shown by the fact that subjects above 12-year intelligence
+who have failed on the test are nearly always able to reproduce the
+diagrams and insert the letters in their proper places. To give the code
+form of a given letter without copy, however, makes a much heavier
+demand on attention. Nearly all subjects find it necessary to trace the
+code form, in imagination, from the beginning up to each letter whose
+code form is sought. Subjects of superior intelligence, however,
+sometimes hit upon the device of remembering the position of the
+individual key letters e.g. (the first letter of each figure) from
+which, as a base, any desired letter form may be quickly sought out.
+
+The test correlates well with mental age, but for some reason not
+apparent it is passed by a larger percentage of high-school pupils than
+unschooled adults of the same mental level.
+
+The code test was first described by Healy and Fernald in their "Tests
+for Practical Mental Classification."[77] The authors gave no data,
+however, which would indicate the mental level to which the test
+belongs. Dr. Goddard incorporated it in year XV of his revision of the
+Binet scale, but also fails to give statistics. The location given
+the test in the Stanford revision is based on tests of nearly
+500 individuals ranging from a mental level of 12 years to that of
+"superior adult." It appears that the test is considerably more
+difficult than most had thought it to be.
+
+[77] _Psychological Review Monographs_ (1911), vol. XIII, no. 2, p. 51.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, ALTERNATIVE TEST 1: REPEATING TWENTY-EIGHT SYLLABLES
+
+The sentences for this test are:--
+
+ (a) _Walter likes very much to go on visits to his grandmother,
+ because she always tells him many funny stories._
+ (b) _Yesterday I saw a pretty little dog in the street. It had
+ curly brown hair, short legs, and a long tail._
+
+PROCEDURE. Exactly as in VI, 6. Emphasize that the sentence must be
+repeated without a single change of any sort. Get attention before
+giving each sentence.
+
+SCORING. Passed _if one sentence is repeated without a single error_. In
+VI and X we scored the response as satisfactory if one sentence was
+repeated without error, or if two were repeated with not more than one
+error each.
+
+REMARKS. The test of repeating sentences is not as satisfactory in the
+higher intelligence levels as in the lower. It is too mechanical to tax
+very heavily the higher thought processes. It does, however, have a
+certain correlation with intelligence. Contrary to what one would have
+expected, uneducated adults of "average adult" intelligence surpassed
+our high-school students of the same mental level.
+
+Binet located this test in year XII of the 1908 series, but shifted it
+to year XV in 1911. The American versions of the Binet scale have
+usually retained it in year XII, though Goddard admits that the
+sentences are somewhat too difficult for that year. Kuhlmann puts the
+test in year XII, but reduces the sentences to twenty-four syllables and
+permits one re-reading. We give only two trials and our sentences are
+considerably more difficult. With the procedure and scoring we have
+used, the test is rather easy for the "average adult" group, but a
+little too hard for year XIV.
+
+
+AVERAGE ADULT, ALTERNATIVE TEST 2: COMPREHENSION OF PHYSICAL RELATIONS
+
+
+(a) _Problem regarding the path of a cannon ball_
+
+PROCEDURE. Draw on a piece of paper a horizontal line six or eight
+inches long. Above it, an inch or two, draw a short horizontal line
+about an inch long and parallel to the first. Tell the subject that the
+long line represents the perfectly level ground of a field, and that the
+short line represents a cannon. Explain that the cannon is "_pointed
+horizontally (on a level) and is fired across this perfectly level
+field_." After it is clear that these conditions of the problem are
+comprehended, we add: "_Now, suppose that this cannon is fired off and
+that the ball comes to the ground at this point here_ (pointing to the
+farther end of the line which represents the field). _Take this pencil
+and draw a line which will show what path the cannon ball will take from
+the time it leaves the mouth of the cannon till it strikes the ground._"
+
+SCORING. There are four types of response: (1) A straight diagonal line
+is drawn from the cannon's mouth to the point where the ball strikes.
+(2) A straight line is drawn from the cannon's mouth running
+horizontally until almost directly over the goal, at which point the
+line drops almost or quite vertically. (3) The path from the cannon's
+mouth first rises considerably from the horizontal, at an angle perhaps
+of between ten to forty-five degrees, and finally describes a gradual
+curve downward to the goal. (4) The line begins almost on a level and
+drops more rapidly toward the end of its course.
+
+Only the last is satisfactory. Of course, nothing like a mathematically
+accurate solution of the problem is expected. It is sufficient if the
+response belongs to the fourth type above instead of being absurd, as
+the other types described are. Any one who has ever thrown stones should
+have the data for such an approximate solution. Not a day of schooling
+is necessary.
+
+
+(b) _Problem as to the weight of a fish in water_
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_You know, of course, that water holds
+up a fish that is placed in it. Well, here is a problem. Suppose we have
+a bucket which is partly full of water. We place the bucket on the
+scales and find that with the water in it it weighs exactly 45 pounds.
+Then we put a 5-pound fish into the bucket of water. Now, what will the
+whole thing weigh?_"
+
+SCORING. Many subjects even as low as 9- or 10-year intelligence will
+answer promptly, "Why, 45 pounds and 5 pounds makes 50 pounds, of
+course." But this is not sufficient. We proceed to ask, with serious
+demeanor: "_How can this be correct, since the water itself holds up the
+fish?_" The young subject who has answered so glibly now laughs
+sheepishly and apologizes for his error, saying that he answered without
+thinking, etc. This response is scored failure without further
+questioning.
+
+Other subjects, mostly above the 14-year level, adhere to the answer
+"50 pounds," however strongly we urge the argument about the water
+holding up the fish. In response to our question, "_How can that be the
+case?_" it is sufficient if the subject replies that "The weight is
+there just the same; the scales have to hold up the bucket and the
+bucket has to hold up the water," or words to that effect. Only some
+such response as this is satisfactory. If the subject keeps changing his
+answer or says that he _thinks_ the weight would be 50 pounds, but is
+not certain, the score is failure.
+
+
+(c) _Difficulty of hitting a distant mark_
+
+PROCEDURE. Say to the subject: "_You know, do you not, what it means
+when they say a gun 'carries 100 yards'? It means that the bullet goes
+that far before it drops to amount to anything._" All boys and most
+girls more than a dozen years old understand this readily. If the
+subject does not understand, we explain again what it means for a gun
+"to carry" a given distance. When this part is clear, we proceed as
+follows: "_Now, suppose a man is shooting at a mark about the size of a
+quart can. His rifle carries perfectly more than 100 yards. With such a
+gun is it any harder to hit the mark at 100 yards than it is at
+50 yards?_" After the response is given, we ask the subject to explain.
+
+SCORING. Simply to say that it would be easier at 50 yards is not
+sufficient, nor can we pass the response which merely states that it is
+"easier to aim" at 50 yards. The correct principle must be given, one
+which shows the subject has appreciated the fact that a small deviation
+from the "bull's-eye" at 50 yards, due to incorrect aim, becomes a
+larger deviation at 100 yards. However, the subject is not required to
+know that the deviation at 100 yards is exactly twice as great as at
+50 yards. A certain amount of questioning is often necessary before we
+can decide whether the subject has the correct principle in mind.
+
+SCORING THE ENTIRE TEST. _Two of the three problems_ must be solved in
+such a way as to satisfy the requirements above set forth.
+
+REMARKS. These problems were devised by the writer. They yield
+interesting results, when properly given, but are not without their
+faults. Sometimes a very superior subject fails, while occasionally an
+inferior subject unexpectedly succeeds. On the whole, however the test
+correlates fairly well with mental age. At the 14-year level less than
+50 per cent pass; of "average adults," from 60 to 75 per cent are
+successful. Few "superior adults" fail.
+
+The test as here given is little influenced by the formal instruction
+given in the grades or the high school. In fact, 80 per cent of our
+uneducated business men, as contrasted with 65 per cent of high-school
+juniors and seniors, passed the test. Success probably depends in the
+main upon previous interest in physical relationships and upon the
+ability to understand phenomena of this kind which the subject has had
+opportunity to observe.
+
+It would be interesting to standardize a longer series of problems
+designed to test a subject's comprehension of common physical
+relationships. In the first few months of life a normal child learns
+that objects unsupported fall to the ground. Later he learns that fire
+burns; that birds fly in the air; that fish do not sink in the water;
+that water does not run uphill; that it is easy to lift a leg or arm as
+one lies prone in the water; that mud is thrown from a rotating wheel
+(and always in the same direction); that a stone which is flying
+through the air swiftly is more dangerous than one which is moving
+slowly; that it is more dangerous to be run over by a train than by a
+buggy; that it is hard to run against a strong wind; that cyclones blow
+down trees and houses; that a rapidly moving train creates a stronger
+wind than a slower train; that a feather falls through the air with less
+speed than a stone; that a falling object gains momentum; that a heavy
+moving object is harder to stop than a light object moving at the same
+rate; that freezing water bursts pipes; that sounds sometimes give
+echoes; that rainbows cannot be approached; that a lamp seems dim by
+daylight; that by day the stars are not visible and the moon only barely
+visible; that the headlights of an approaching automobile or train are
+blinding; that if the room in which we are reading is badly lighted we
+must hold the book nearer to the eyes; that running makes the heart beat
+faster and increases the rate of breathing; that if we are cold we can
+get warm by running; that whirling rapidly makes us dizzy; that heat or
+exercise will cause perspiration, etc.
+
+Although the causes of some of these phenomena are not understood even
+by intelligent adults without some instruction, the facts themselves are
+learned by the normal individual from his own experience. The higher the
+mental level and the greater the curiosity, the more observant one is
+about such matters and the more one learns. Many items of knowledge such
+as we have mentioned could and should be standardized for various mental
+levels. In devising tests of this kind we should, of course, have to
+look out for the influences of formal instruction.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR "SUPERIOR ADULT"
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 1: VOCABULARY (SEVENTY-FIVE DEFINITIONS, 13,500 WORDS)
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, as in previous vocabulary tests. At the "superior
+adult" level seventy-five words should be known.
+
+The test is passed by only one third of those at the "average adult"
+level, but by about 90 per cent of "superior adults." Ability to pass
+the test is relatively independent of the number of years the subject
+has attended school, our business men showing even a higher percentage
+of passes than high-school pupils.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 2: BINET'S PAPER-CUTTING TEST
+
+PROCEDURE. Take a piece of paper about six inches square and say:
+"_Watch carefully what I do. See, I fold the paper this way_ (folding it
+once over in the middle), _then I fold it this way_ (folding it again in
+the middle, but at right angles to the first fold). _Now, I will cut out
+a notch right here_" (indicating). At this point take scissors and cut
+out a small notch from the middle of the side which presents but one
+edge. Throw the fragment which has been cut out into the waste-basket or
+under the table. Leave the folded paper exposed to view, but pressed
+flat against the table. Then give the subject a pencil and a second
+sheet of paper like the one already used and say: "_Take this piece of
+paper and make a drawing to show how the other sheet of paper would look
+if it were unfolded. Draw lines to show the creases in the paper and
+show what results from the cutting._"
+
+The subject is not permitted to fold the second sheet, but must solve
+the problem by the imagination unaided.
+
+Note that we do not say, "_Draw the holes_," as this would inform the
+subject that more than one hole is expected.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed _if the creases in the paper are properly
+represented, if the holes are drawn in the correct number, and if they
+are located correctly_, that is, both on the same crease and each about
+halfway between the center of the paper and the side. The shape of the
+holes is disregarded.
+
+Failure may be due to error as regards the creases or the number and
+location of the holes, or it may involve any combination of the above
+errors.
+
+REMARKS. Success seems to depend upon constructive visual imagination.
+The subject must first be able to construct in imagination the creases
+which result from the folding, and secondly, to picture the effects of
+the cutting as regards number of holes and their location. It appears
+that a solution is seldom arrived at, even in the case of college
+students, by logical mathematical thinking. Our unschooled subjects even
+succeeded somewhat better than high-school and college students of the
+same mental level.
+
+Binet placed this test in year XIII of the 1908 scale, but shifted it to
+the adult group in the 1911 revision. Goddard retains it in the adult
+group, while Kuhlmann places it in year XV. There have also been certain
+variations in the procedure employed. As given in the Stanford revision
+the test is passed by hardly any subjects below the 14-year level, but
+by about one third of "average adults" and by the large majority of
+"superior adults."
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 3: REPEATING EIGHT DIGITS
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, the same as in previous tests with digits
+reversed. The series used are: 7-2-5-3-4-8-9-6; 4-9-8-5-3-7-6-2; and
+8-3-7-9-5-4-8-2.
+
+Guard against rhythm and grouping in reading the digits and do not give
+warning as to the number to be given.
+
+The test is passed by about one third of "average adults" and by over
+two thirds of "superior adults." The test shows no marked difference
+between educated and uneducated subjects of the same mental level.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 4: REPEATING THOUGHT OF PASSAGE
+
+PROCEDURE. Say: "_I am going to read a little selection of about six or
+eight lines. When I am through I will ask you to repeat as much of it as
+you can. It doesn't make any difference whether you remember the exact
+words or not, but you must listen carefully so that you can tell me
+everything it says._" Then read the following selections, pausing after
+each for the subject's report, which should be recorded _verbatim_:--
+
+ (a) "_Tests such as we are now making are of value both for the
+ advancement of science and for the information of the person
+ who is tested. It is important for science to learn how people
+ differ and on what factors these differences depend. If we can
+ separate the influence of heredity from the influence of
+ environment, we may be able to apply our knowledge so as to
+ guide human development. We may thus in some cases correct
+ defects and develop abilities which we might otherwise
+ neglect._"
+ (b) "_Many opinions have been given on the value of life. Some
+ call it good, others call it bad. It would be nearer correct
+ to say that it is mediocre; for on the one hand, our
+ happiness is never as great as we should like, and on the
+ other hand, our misfortunes are never as great as our enemies
+ would wish for us. It is this mediocrity of life which
+ prevents it from being radically unjust._"
+
+Sometimes the subject hesitates to begin, thinking, in spite of our
+wording of the instructions, that a perfect reproduction is expected.
+Others fall into the opposite misunderstanding and think that they are
+prohibited from using the words of the text and must give the thought
+entirely in their own language. In cases of hesitation we should urge
+the subject a little and remind him that he is to express the thought of
+the selection in whatever way he prefers; that the main thing is to tell
+what the selection says.
+
+SCORING. The test is passed if the subject is able to repeat in
+reasonably consecutive order the main thoughts of at least one of the
+selections. Neither elegance of expression nor _verbatim_ repetition is
+expected. We merely want to know whether the leading thoughts in the
+selection have been grasped and remembered.
+
+All grades of accuracy are found, both in the comprehension of the
+selection and in the recall, and it is not always easy to draw the line
+between satisfactory and unsatisfactory responses. The following sample
+performances will serve as a guide:--
+
+_Selection (a)_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "The tests which we are making are given for the
+ advancement of science and for the information of the person
+ tested. By scientific means we will be able to separate
+ characteristics derived from heredity and environment and to
+ treat each class separately. By doing so we can more accurately
+ correct defects."
+
+ "Tests like these are for two purposes. First to develop a
+ science, and second to apply it to the person to help him. The
+ tests are to find out how you differ from another and to measure
+ the difference between your heredity and environment."
+
+ "These tests are given to see if we can separate heredity and
+ environment and to see if we can find out how one person differs
+ from another. We can then correct these differences and teach
+ people more effectively."
+
+ "The tests that we are now making are valuable along both
+ scientific and personal lines. By using them it can be found out
+ where a person is weak and where he is strong. We can then
+ strengthen his weak points and remedy some things that would
+ otherwise be neglected. They are of great benefit to science and
+ to the person concerned."
+
+ "Tests such as we are now making are of great importance because
+ they aim to show in what respects we differ from others and why,
+ and if they do this they will be able to guide us into the right
+ channel and bring success instead of failure."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Tests such as we are now making are of value
+ both for the advancement of science and for the information of
+ the person interested. It is necessary to know this."
+
+ "Such tests as we are now making show about the human mind and
+ show in what channels we are fitted. It is the testing of each
+ individual between his effects of inheritancy and environment."
+
+ "It is very interesting for us to study science for two reasons;
+ first, to test our mental ability, and second for the further
+ development of science."
+
+ "Tests such as we are now making help in two ways; it helps the
+ scientists and it gives information to the people."
+
+ "Tests are being given to pupils to-day to better them and to
+ aid science for generations to come. If each person knows
+ exactly his own beliefs and ideas and faults he can find out
+ exactly what kind of work he is fitted for by heredity. The
+ tests show that environment doesn't count, for if you are all
+ right you will get along anyway." (Note invention.)
+
+_Selection (b)_
+
+ _Satisfactory._ "There are different opinions about life. Some
+ call it good and some bad. It would be more correct to say that
+ it is middling, because we are never as happy as we would like
+ to be and we are never as sad as our enemies want us to be."
+
+ "One hears many judgments about life. Some say it is good, while
+ others say it is bad. But it is really neither of the extremes.
+ Life is mediocre. We do not have as much good as we desire, nor
+ do we have as much misfortune as others want us to have.
+ Nevertheless, we have enough good to keep life from being
+ unjust."
+
+ "Some people have different views of life from others. Some say
+ it is bad, others say it is good. It is better to class life as
+ mediocre, as it is never as good as we wish it, and on the other
+ hand, it might be worse."
+
+ "Some people think differently of life. Some think it good, some
+ bad, others mediocre, which is nearest correct. It brings
+ unhappiness to us, but not as much as our enemies want us to
+ have."
+
+ _Unsatisfactory._ "Some say life is good, some say it is
+ mediocre. Even though some say it is mediocre they say it is
+ right."
+
+ "There are two sides of life. Some say it is good while others
+ say it is bad. To some, life is happy and they get all they can
+ out of life. For others life is not happy and therefore they
+ fail to get all there is in life."
+
+ "One hears many different judgments of life. Some call it good,
+ some call it bad. It brings unhappiness and it does not have
+ enough pleasure. It should be better distributed."
+
+ "There are different opinions of the value of life. Some say it
+ is good and some say it is bad. Some say it is mediocrity. Some
+ think it brings happiness while others do not."
+
+ "Nowadays there is much said about the value of life. Some say
+ it is good, while others say it is bad. A person should not have
+ an ill feeling toward the value of life, and he should not be
+ unjust to any one. Honesty is the best policy. People who are
+ unjust are more likely to be injured by their enemies." (Note
+ invention.)
+
+REMARKS. Contrary to what the subject is led to expect, the test is less
+a test of memory than of ability to comprehend the drift of an abstract
+passage. A subject who fully grasps the meaning of the selection as it
+is read is not likely to fail because of poor memory. Mere verbal memory
+improves but little after the age of 14 or 15 years, as is shown by the
+fact that our adults do little better than eighth-grade children in
+repeating sentences of twenty-eight syllables. On the other hand, adult
+intelligence is vastly superior in the comprehension and retention of a
+logically presented group of abstract ideas.
+
+There is nothing in which stupid persons cut a poorer figure than in
+grappling with the abstract. Their thinking clings tenaciously to the
+concrete; their concepts are vague or inaccurate; the interrelations
+among their concepts are scanty in the extreme; and such poor mental
+stores as they have are little available for ready use.
+
+A few critics have objected to the use of tests demanding abstract
+thinking, on the ground that abstract thought is a very special aspect
+of intelligence and that facility in it depends almost entirely on
+occupational habits and the accidents of education. Some have even gone
+so far as to say that we are not justified, on the basis of any number
+of such tests, in pronouncing a subject backward or defective. It is
+supposed that a subject who has no capacity in the use of abstract ideas
+may nevertheless have excellent intelligence "along other lines." In
+such cases, it is said, we should not penalize the subject for his
+failures in handling abstractions, but substitute, instead, tests
+requiring motor cooerdination and the manipulation of things, tests in
+which the supposedly dull child often succeeds fairly well.
+
+From the psychological point of view, such a proposal is naively
+unpsychological. It is in the very essence of the higher thought
+processes to be conceptual and abstract. What the above proposal amounts
+to is, that if the subject is not capable of the more complex and
+strictly human type of thinking, we should ignore this fact and estimate
+his intelligence entirely on the ability he displays to carry on mental
+operations of a more simple and primitive kind. This would be like
+asking the physician to ignore the diseased parts of his patient's body
+and to base his diagnosis on an examination of the organs which are
+sound!
+
+The present test throws light in an interesting way on the integrity of
+the critical faculty. Some subjects are unwilling to extend the report
+in the least beyond what they know to be approximately correct, while
+others with defective powers of auto-criticism manufacture a report
+which draws heavily on the imagination, perhaps continuing in garrulous
+fashion as long as they can think of anything having the remotest
+connection with any thought in the selection. We have included, for each
+selection, one illustration of this type in the sample failures given
+above.
+
+The worst fault of the test is its susceptibility to the influence of
+schooling. Our uneducated adults of even "superior adult" intelligence
+often fail, while about two thirds of high-school pupils succeed. The
+unschooled adults have a marked tendency either to give a summary which
+is inadequate because of its extreme brevity, or else to give a
+criticism of the thought which the passage contains.
+
+This test first appeared in Binet's 1911 revision, in the adult group.
+Binet used only selection (b), and in a slightly more difficult form
+than we have given above. Goddard gives the test like Binet and retains
+it in the adult group. Kuhlmann locates it in year XV, using only
+selection (a). On the basis of over 300 tests of adults we find the
+test too difficult for the "average adult" level, even on the basis of
+only one success in two trials and when scored on the rather liberal
+standard above set forth.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 5: REPEATING SEVEN DIGITS REVERSED
+
+PROCEDURE and SCORING, the same as in previous tests of this kind. The
+series are: 4-1-6-2-5-9-3; 3-8-2-6-4-7-5; and 9-4-5-2-8-3-7.
+
+We have collected fewer data on this test than on any of the others, as
+it was added later to the test series. As far as we have used it we have
+found few "average adults" who pass, while about half the "superior
+adults" do so.
+
+
+SUPERIOR ADULT, 6: INGENUITY TEST
+
+PROCEDURE. Problem _a_ is stated as follows:--
+
+ _A mother sent her boy to the river and told him to bring back
+ exactly 7 pints of water. She gave him a 3-pint vessel and a
+ 5-pint vessel. Show me how the boy can measure out exactly
+ 7 pints of water, using nothing but these two vessels and not
+ guessing at the amount. You should begin by filling the 5-pint
+ vessel first. Remember, you have a 3-pint vessel and a 5-pint
+ vessel and you must bring back exactly 7 pints._
+
+The problem is given orally, but may be repeated if necessary.
+
+The subject is not allowed pencil or paper and is requested to give his
+solution orally as he works it out. It is then possible to make a
+complete record of the method employed.
+
+The subject is likely to resort to some such method as to "fill the
+3-pint vessel two thirds full," or, "I would mark the inside of the
+5-pint vessel so as to show where 4 pints come to," etc. We inform the
+subject that such a method is not allowable; that this would be
+guessing, since he could not be sure when the 3-pint vessel was two
+thirds full (or whether he had marked off his 5-pint vessel accurately).
+Tell him he must _measure_ out the water without any guesswork. Explain
+also, that it is a fair problem, not a "catch."
+
+Say nothing about pouring from one vessel to another, but if the subject
+asks whether this is permissible the answer is "yes."
+
+The time limit for each problem is 5 minutes. If the subject fails on
+the first problem, we explain the solution in full and then proceed to
+the next.
+
+The second problem is like the first, except that a 5-pint vessel and a
+7-pint vessel are given, to get 8 pints, the subject being told to begin
+by filling the 5-pint vessel.
+
+In the third problem 4 and 9 are given, to get 7, the instruction being
+to "begin by filling the 4-pint vessel."
+
+Note that in each problem we instruct the subject how to begin. This is
+necessary in order to secure uniformity of conditions. It is possible to
+solve all of the problems by beginning with either of the two vessels,
+but the solution is made very much more difficult if we begin in the
+direction opposite from that recommended.
+
+Give no further aid. It is necessary to refrain from comment of every
+kind.
+
+SCORING. _Two of the three_ problems must be solved correctly within the
+5 minutes allotted to each.
+
+REMARKS. We have called this a test of ingenuity. The subject who is
+given the problem finds himself involved in a difficulty from which he
+must extricate himself. Means must be found to overcome an obstacle.
+This requires practical judgement and a certain amount of inventive
+ingenuity. Various possibilities must be explored and either accepted
+for trial or rejected. If the amount of invention called for seems to
+the reader inconsiderable, let it be remembered that the important
+inventions of history have not as a rule had a Minerva birth, but
+instead have developed by successive stages, each involving but a small
+step in advance.
+
+It is unnecessary to emphasize at length the function of invention in
+the higher thought processes. In one form or another it is present in
+all intellectual activity; in the creation and use of language, in art,
+in social adjustments, in religion, and in philosophy, as truly as in
+the domains of science and practical affairs. Certainly this is true if
+we accept Mason's broad definition of invention as including "every
+change in human activity made designedly and systematically."[78] From
+the psychological point of view, perhaps, Mason is justified in looking
+upon the great inventor as "an epitome of the genius of the world." To
+develop a Krag-Joergensen from a bow and arrow, a "velvet-tipped"
+lucifer match from the primitive fire-stick, or a modern piano from the
+first crude, stringed, musical instrument has involved much the same
+intellectual processes as have been operative in transforming fetishism
+and magic into religion and philosophy, or scattered fragments of
+knowledge into science.
+
+[78] Otis T. Mason: _The Origins of Inventions_. (London, 1902.)
+
+Psychologically, invention depends upon the constructive imagination;
+that is, upon the ability to abstract from what is immediately present
+to the senses and to picture new situations with their possibilities and
+consequences. Images are united in order to form new combinations.
+
+As we have several times emphasized, the decisive intellectual
+differences among human beings are not greatly dependent upon mere sense
+discrimination or native retentiveness. Far more important than the raw
+mass of sense data is the correct shooting together of the sense
+elements in memory and imagination. This is but another name for
+invention. It is the synthetic, or apperceptive, activity of the mind
+that gives the "seven-league boots" to genius. It is, however, a kind of
+ability which is possessed by all minds to a greater or less degree. Any
+test has its value which gives a clue, as this test does, to the
+subject's ability in this direction.
+
+The test was devised by the writer and used in 1905 in a study of the
+intellectual processes of bright and dull boys, but it was not at that
+time standardized. It has been found to belong at a much higher mental
+level than was at first supposed. Only an insignificant number pass the
+test below the mental age of 14 years, and about two thirds of "average
+adults" fail. Of our "superior adults" somewhat more than 75 per cent
+succeed. Formal education influences the test little or not at all, the
+unschooled business men making a somewhat better showing than the
+high-school students.
+
+
+
+
+SELECTED REFERENCES
+
+
+The following classified lists include only the most important
+references under each topic. So many investigations have been made with
+the Binet-Simon tests in the last few years, and so many articles have
+been written in evaluation of the method, that a complete bibliography
+of the subject would require thirty or forty pages. Those who desire to
+make a more thorough study of the literature are referred to the
+admirable annotated bibliography compiled by Samuel C. Kohs, and
+published by Warwick & York, Baltimore. Kohs's Bibliography contains
+254 references, and is complete to January 1, 1914.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF NORMAL CHILDREN
+
+ 1. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Le developpement de l'intelligence
+ chez les enfants"; in _Annee psychologique_ (1908), vol. 14,
+ pp. 1-94.
+
+ Exposition of the original 1908 scale with results.
+
+ 2. Binet, A. "Nouvelles recherches sur la mesure du niveau
+ intellectuel chez les enfants d'ecole"; in _Annee
+ psychologique_ (1911), vol. 17, pp. 145-201.
+
+ Presents the 1911 revision.
+
+ 3. Bobertag, O. "Ueber Intelligenzpruefungen (nach der Methode von
+ Binet und Simon)"; in _Zeitschrift fuer angewande Psychologie_
+ (1911), vol. 5, pp. 105-203; and (1912), vol. 6, pp. 495-537.
+
+ Analysis of 400 cases and criticism of method and results.
+
+ 4. Dougherty, M. L. "Report on the Binet-Simon Tests given to Four
+ Hundred and Eighty-three Children in the Public Schools of
+ Kansas City, Kansas"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_
+ (1913), vol. 4, pp. 338-52.
+
+ 5. Goddard, H. H. "The Binet-Simon Measuring Scale for
+ Intelligence, Revised"; in _Training School Bulletin_ (1911),
+ vol. 8, pp. 56-62.
+
+ 6. Hoffman, A. "Vergleichende Intelligenzpruefungen an Vorschuelern
+ und Volksschuelern"; in _Zeitschrift fuer angewande Psychologie_
+ (1913), vol. 8, pp. 102-20.
+
+ One hundred and fifty-six subjects. Ages seven, nine, and ten.
+
+ 7. Johnston, Katherine L. "Binet's Method for the Measurement of
+ Intelligence; Some Results"; in _Journal of Experimental
+ Pedagogy_ (1911), vol. 1, pp. 24-31.
+
+ Results of 200 tests of school children.
+
+ 8. Kuhlmann, F. "Some Results of Examining 1000 Public-School
+ Children with a Revision of the Binet-Simon Tests of
+ Intelligence by Untrained Teachers"; in _Journal of
+ Psycho-Asthenics_ (1914), vol. 18, pp. 150-79, and 233-69.
+
+ 9. Phillips, Byron A. "The Binet Tests applied to Colored
+ Children"; in _Psychological Clinic_ (1914), pp. 190-96.
+
+ A comparison of 86 colored and 137 white children.
+
+ 10. Rogers, Agnes L., _and_ McIntyre, J. L. "The Measurement of
+ Intelligence in Children by the Binet-Simon Scale"; in
+ _British Journal of Psychology_ (1914), vol. 7, pp. 265-300.
+
+ 11. Rowe, E. C. "Five Hundred Forty-Seven White and Two Hundred
+ Sixty-Eight Indian Children tested by the Binet-Simon Tests";
+ in _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1914), vol. 21, pp. 454-69.
+
+ 12. Strong, Alice C. "Three Hundred Fifty White and Colored
+ Children measured by the Binet-Simon Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence"; in _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1913), vol. 20,
+ pp. 485-515.
+
+ 13. Terman, L. M., _and_ Childs, H. G. "A Tentative Revision and
+ Extension of the Binet-Simon Measuring Scale of Intelligence"; in
+ _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912), vol. 3, pp. 61-74,
+ 133-43, 198-208, and 277-89.
+
+ Results of 396 tests of California school-children.
+
+ 14. Terman, Lyman, Ordahl, Galbreath, _and_ Talbert. _The Stanford
+ Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence._ (1916.)
+
+ Detailed analysis of the results secured by testing 1000
+ unselected school-children within two months of a birthday.
+
+ 15. Weintrob, J. _and_ R. "The Influence of Environment on Mental
+ Ability as shown by the Binet Tests"; in _Journal of
+ Educational Psychology_ (1912), pp. 577-86.
+
+ 16. Winch, W. H. "Binet's Mental Tests: What They Are, and What We
+ Can Do with Them"; in _Child Study_ (London), 1913, 1914,
+ 1915, and 1916.
+
+ An extended series of articles setting forth results of tests with
+ normal children, and giving valuable criticisms and suggestions.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED
+
+ 17. Chotzen, F. "Die Intelligenzpruefungsmethode von Binet-Simon
+ bei schwachsinnigen Kindern"; in _Zeitschrift fuer angewande
+ Psychologie_ (1912), vol. 6, pp. 411-94.
+
+ A critical study of the results of 280 tests.
+
+ 18. Goddard, H. H. "Four Hundred Feeble-Minded Children classified
+ by the Binet Method"; in _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1910),
+ vol. 17, pp. 387-97; also in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_
+ (1910), vol. 15, pp. 17-30.
+
+ Offers important evidence of the value of the Binet-Simon method.
+
+ 19. Kuhlmann, F. "The Binet and Simon Tests of Intelligence in
+ Grading Feeble-Minded Children"; in _Journal of
+ Psycho-Asthenics_ (1912), vol. 16, pp. 173-93.
+
+ Analysis of results from 1300 cases.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF DELINQUENTS
+
+ 20. Bluemel, C. S. "Binet Tests on Two Hundred Juvenile
+ Delinquents"; in _Training School Bulletin_ (1915),
+ pp. 187-93.
+
+ 21. Goddard, H. H. _The Criminal Imbecile._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1915.) 157 pages.
+
+ An analysis of the mentality of three murderers of moron or
+ borderline intelligence.
+
+ 22. Goddard, H. H. "The Responsibility of Children in the Juvenile
+ Court"; in _Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology_
+ (September, 1912).
+
+ Analysis of 100 tests of juvenile delinquents.
+
+ 23. Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ Little, Brown &
+ Co. (1915.) 830 pages.
+
+ A textbook on delinquents. Gives results of many Binet-Simon
+ tests.
+
+ 24. Spaulding, Edith R. "The Results of Mental and Physical
+ Examination of Four Hundred Women Offenders"; in _Journal of
+ Criminal Law and Criminology_ (1915), pp. 704-17.
+
+ 25. Sullivan, W. C. "La mesure du developpement intellectuel chez
+ les jeunes delinquantes"; in _Annee psychologique_ (1912),
+ vol. 18, pp. 341-61.
+
+ 26. Williams, J. Harold. _A Study of 150 Delinquent Boys._
+ Bulletin no. 1, Research Laboratory of the Buckel Foundation.
+ (1915.) 15 pages.
+
+ The Stanford revision used. Report of over 400 cases to follow.
+
+
+BINET-SIMON TESTS OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN
+
+ 27. Jeronutti, A. "Ricerche psicologiche sperimentali sugli alunni
+ molto intelligenti"; in _Lab. di Psicol. Sperim. della Reg.
+ Univ. Roma_. (1912)
+
+ Out of fifteen hundred school and kindergarten children, ages five
+ to twelve, fourteen were selected by the teachers as the
+ brightest. The Binet test showed them to be from one to three
+ years in advance of their chronological ages.
+
+ 28. Terman, L. M. "The Mental Hygiene of Exceptional Children"; in
+ _Pedagogical Seminary_ (1915), vol. 22, pp. 529-37.
+
+ Data on 31 children testing above 120 I. Q.
+
+
+INSTRUCTIONS FOR GIVING THE BINET-SIMON TESTS
+
+ 29. Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _A Method of Measuring the
+ Development of Intelligence in Young Children._ Chicago
+ Medical Book Company. (1915.) 82 pages.
+
+ Authorized translation of Binet's final instructions for giving
+ the tests.
+
+ 30. Goddard, H. H. "A Measuring Scale of Intelligence"; in
+ _Training School Bulletin_ (1910), vol. 6, pp. 146-55.
+
+ Condensed translation of Binet's 1908 _Measuring Scale of
+ Intelligence_.
+
+ 31. Goddard, H. H. "The Binet-Simon Measuring Scale for
+ Intelligence, Revised"; in _Training School Bulletin_ (1911),
+ vol. 8, pp. 56-62.
+
+ 32. Goddard, H. H. "Standard Method for Giving the Binet Test"; in
+ _Training School Bulletin_ (1913), vol. 10, pp. 23-30.
+
+ 33. Kuhlmann, F. "A Revision of the Binet-Simon System for
+ Measuring the Intelligence of Children"; Monograph Supplement
+ of _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (September, 1912), 41 pages.
+
+ 34. Wallin, J. E. W. "A Practical Guide for the Administration of
+ the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring Intelligence"; in _The
+ Psychological Clinic_ (1911), vol. 5, pp. 217-38.
+
+
+CRITICISMS AND EVALUATIONS OF THE BINET-SIMON METHOD
+
+ 35. Berry, C. S. "A Comparison of the Binet Tests of 1908 and
+ 1911"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1912), vol. 3,
+ pp. 444-51.
+
+ 36. Bobertag, O. "Ueber Intelligenzpruefungen (nach der Methode von
+ Binet und Simon)"; in _Zeitschrift fuer angewande Psychologie_.
+ (A, 1911), vol. 5, pp. 105-203; (B, 1912), vol. 6,
+ pp. 495-537.
+
+ Accepts the method and gives valuable suggestions for improvement.
+
+ 37. Brigham, Carl C. "An Experimental Critique of the Binet-Simon
+ Scale"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_ (1914),
+ pp. 439-48.
+
+ Finds the scale 96% efficient.
+
+ 38. Goddard, H. H. "The Reliability of the Binet-Simon Measuring
+ Scale of Intelligence"; in _Proceedings of the Fourth
+ International Congress of School Hygiene_ (1913), vol. 5,
+ pp. 693-99.
+
+ Application of the theory of probability to the results proves the
+ extremely small liability of error.
+
+ 39. Kohs, Samuel C. "The Practicability of the Binet Scale and the
+ Question of the Borderline Case"; in _Training School
+ Bulletin_ (1916), pp. 211-23.
+
+ Analysis of cases showing the reliability of the scale.
+
+ 40. Kuhlmann, F. "Binet and Simon's System for Measuring the
+ Intelligence of Children"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_
+ (1911), vol. 15, pp. 79-92.
+
+ Finds the method of the greatest value.
+
+ 41. Kuhlmann, F. "A Reply to Dr. L. P. Ayres's Criticism of the
+ Binet and Simon System for Measuring the Intelligence of
+ Children"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (1911), vol. 16,
+ pp. 58-67.
+
+ Many of the Ayres criticisms are shown to be unfounded.
+
+ 42. Meumann, E. _Vorlesungen zur Einfuehrung in die Experimentelle
+ Paedagogik_ (1913), vol. 2, pp. 130-300.
+
+ Summary of the literature on Binet tests up to 1913. Accepts the
+ method but gives suggestions for improvement. This summary and
+ other writings of Meumann on the psychology of endowment are
+ reviewed by Lewis M. Terman in a series of four articles in
+ the _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ for 1915.
+
+ 43. Otis, A. S. "Some Logical and Mathematical Aspects of the
+ Measurement of Intelligence by the Binet-Simon Method"; in
+ _The Psychological Review_ (April and June, 1916).
+
+ Considers the Binet-Simon method imperfect from the mathematical
+ point of view.
+
+ 44. Schmitt, Clara. _Standardization of Tests for Defective
+ Children._ Psychological Monographs (1915), no. 83, 181 pages.
+
+ Contains (pp. 52-67) a discussion of the "Fallacies and
+ Inadequacies of the Binet-Simon Series." Most of the
+ criticisms here given are either superficial or unfair, some
+ of them apparently being due to a lack of acquaintance with
+ Binet's writings.
+
+ 45. Stern, W. _The Psychological Methods of Measuring
+ Intelligence._ Translated by G. M. Whipple. (1913.) 160 pages.
+
+ A splendid critical discussion of the Binet-Simon method. Should
+ be read by every one who would use the scale.
+
+ 46. Terman, L. M. "Suggestions for Revising, Extending, and
+ Supplementing the Binet Intelligence Tests"; in _Journal of
+ Psycho-Asthenics_ (1913), vol. 18, pp. 20-33.
+
+ 47. Terman, L. M. "Psychological Principles Underlying the
+ Binet-Simon Scale and Some Practical Considerations for its
+ Correct Use"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_ (1913),
+ vol. 18, pp. 93-104.
+
+ 48. Terman, L. M. "A Report of the Buffalo Conference on the
+ Binet-Simon Tests of Intelligence"; in _Pedagogical Seminary_
+ (1913), vol. 20, pp. 549-54.
+
+ Abstracts of papers presented at the above conference.
+
+ 49. Terman, Lyman, Ordahl, Galbreath, _and_ Talbert. _The Stanford
+ Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring
+ Intelligence._ (1916.)
+
+ Contains a chapter on the validity of the individual tests and on
+ considerations relating to the formation of an intelligence
+ scale.
+
+ 50. Terman _and_ Knollin. "The Detection of Borderline Deficiency
+ by the Binet-Simon Method"; in _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_
+ (June, 1916).
+
+ A comparison of the accuracy of the Stanford and other revisions
+ with borderline cases.
+
+ 51. Treves _and_ Saffiotti. "L'echelle metrique de l'intelligence
+ modifiee selon la methode Treves-Saffiotti"; in _Annee
+ Psychologique_ (1912), pp. 327-40.
+
+ Criticize the age-grade method of measuring intelligence and
+ propose a substitute.
+
+ 52. Wallin, J. E. W. _Experimental Studies of Mental Defectives. A
+ Critique of the Binet-Simon Tests._ Warwick & York. (1912.)
+
+ Criticism based on the use of the scale with epileptics.
+
+ 53. Yerkes _and_ Bridges. _A Point Scale for Measuring Mental
+ Ability._ Warwick & York.
+
+ Authors think the point scale preferable to the Binet-Simon
+ method.
+
+
+BOOKS ON MENTAL DEFICIENCY
+
+ 54. Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _Mentally Defective Children._
+ Translated from the French by W. B. Drummond. Longmans, Green
+ & Co. (1914.) 171 pages.
+
+ Discusses the psychology, pedagogy, and medical examination of
+ defectives.
+
+ 55. Goddard, H. H. _Feeble-Mindedness; Its Causes and
+ Consequences._ The Macmillan Company. (1913.) 599 pages.
+
+ The most important single volume on the subject. Extensive data on
+ the causes of feeble-mindedness and excellent clinical pictures
+ of all grades of mental defects.
+
+ 56. Goddard, H. H. _The Kallikak Family._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1914.) 121 pages.
+
+ An epoch-making study of the hereditary transmission of mental
+ deficiency in a degenerate family.
+
+ 57. Holmes, Arthur. _The Conservation of the Child._ J. B.
+ Lippincott Company. (1912.) 345 pages.
+
+ Methods of examination and treatment of defective children.
+
+ 58. Holmes, Arthur. _The Backward Child._ Bobbs-Merrill Company.
+ (1915.)
+
+ A popular treatment of the handling of backward children.
+
+ 59. Huey, E. B. _Backward and Feeble-Minded Children._ Warwick &
+ York. (1912.) 221 pages.
+
+ Devoted mainly to clinical accounts of borderline cases.
+
+ 60. Lapage, C. P. _Feeble-Mindedness in Children of School Age._
+ The University Press, Manchester, England. (1911.) 359 pages.
+
+ 61. Sherlock, E. B. _The Feeble-Minded; A Guide to Study and
+ Practice._ The Macmillan Company. (1911.) 327 pages.
+
+ 62. Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency (Amentia)._ Bailliere,
+ Tindall, and Cox. London, England. (2d ed. 1914.) 491 pages.
+
+ The best medical treatment of the subject.
+
+
+STUDIES OF THE PROGRESS OF CHILDREN THROUGH THE GRADES
+
+ 63. Ayres, Leonard P. _Laggards in our Schools._ The Russell Sage
+ Foundation. (1909.) 236 pages.
+
+ Interesting and instructive discussion of school retardation and
+ its causes.
+
+ 64. Blan, Louis B. _A Special Study of the Incidence of
+ Retardation._ Teachers College, Columbia University,
+ Contributions to Education, no. 40. (1911.) 111 pages.
+
+ Review of the literature and a statistical study of the progress
+ of 4579 children.
+
+ 65. Keyes, C. H. _Progress Through the Grades of City Schools._
+ Teachers College, Columbia University, Contributions to
+ Education, no. 42. (1911.) 79 pages.
+
+ Important study of the progress of several thousand children.
+
+ 66. Strayer, George D. _Age and Grade Census of Schools and
+ Colleges._ Bulletin no. 451, U.S. Bureau of Education. (1911.)
+ 144 pages.
+
+ Statistics of the age-grade status of the children in 318 cities.
+
+ 67. See also the _Reports_ of leading school surveys, such as
+ those of New York, Salt Lake City, Butte, Springfield (Mass.),
+ Denver, Cleveland, etc.
+
+
+REFERENCES ON THE SPECIAL CLASS FOR EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN
+
+ 68. Huey, E. B. "The Education of Defectives and the Training of
+ Teachers for Special Classes"; in _Journal of Educational
+ Psychology_ (1913), pp. 545-50.
+
+ 69. Goddard, H. H. _School Training of Defective Children._ World
+ Book Company. (1914.) 97 pages.
+
+ Based on his survey of the treatment of backward children in the
+ schools of New York City.
+
+ 70. Holmes, W. H. _School Organization and the Individual Child._
+ The Davis Press, Worcester, Massachusetts. (1912.) 211 pages.
+
+ A comprehensive account of the efforts which have been made to
+ adjust the school to the capacities of individual children.
+
+ 71. Maennel, B. _Auxiliary Education._ Translated from the German
+ by Emma Sylvester. Doubleday, Page & Co. (1909.) 267 pages.
+
+ 72. Van Sickle, J. H., Witmer, L., _and_ Ayres, L. P. _Provision
+ for Exceptional Children in Public Schools._ Bulletin no. 461,
+ U.S. Bureau of Education. (1911.) 92 pages.
+
+ 73. Shaer, I. "Special Classes for Bright Children in an English
+ Elementary School"; in _Journal of Educational Psychology_
+ (1913), pp. 209-22.
+
+ 74. Stern, W. "The Supernormal Child"; in _Journal of Educational
+ Psychology_ (1911), pp. 143-48 and 181-90.
+
+ A strong plea for special classes for superior children.
+
+ 75. Vaney, V. _Les classes pour enfants arrieres._ Bulletin de la
+ Societe libre pour l'etude psychologique de l'enfant (1911),
+ pp. 53-152.
+
+ Report of the French National Commission appointed to investigate
+ methods of treatment and training.
+
+ 76. Witmer, L. _The Special Class for Backward Children._ The
+ Psychological Clinic Press, Philadelphia. (1911.) 275 pages.
+
+ An account of the special class conducted in connection with the
+ University of Pennsylvania Summer School.
+
+
+LIST OF BINET'S MOST IMPORTANT CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE MEASUREMENT OF
+INTELLIGENCE
+
+ 77. Binet, A. _L'Etude experimentale de l'intelligence._ Paris:
+ Schleicher freres. (1903.)
+
+ 78. Binet, A. "A Propos de la mesure de l'intelligence"; in _Annee
+ psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11, pp. 69-82.
+
+ 79. Binet, A. _Les enfants anormaux; guide pour l'admission des
+ enfants anormaux dans les classes de perfectionnement._ Paris:
+ Colin (1907.)
+
+ 80. Binet, A. _Comment les instituteurs jugent-ils l'intelligence
+ d'un ecolier?_ Bulletin de la Societe libre pour l'etude
+ psychologique de l'enfant (1910), no. 10, pp. 172-82.
+
+ 81. Binet, A. "Nouvelles recherches sur la mesure du niveau
+ intellectuel chez les enfants d'ecole"; in _Annee
+ psychologique_ (1911), vol. 17, pp. 145-201.
+
+ 82. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Sur la necessite d'etablir un
+ diagnostique scientifique des etats inferieurs de
+ l'intelligence"; in _Annee psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11,
+ pp. 163-90.
+
+ 83. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Methodes nouvelles pour le
+ diagnostique du niveau intellectuel des anormaux"; in _Annee
+ psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11, pp. 191-244.
+
+ 84. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Application des Methodes nouvelles
+ au diagnostique du niveau intellectuel chez des enfants
+ normaux et anormaux d'hospice et d'ecole primaire"; in _Annee
+ psychologique_ (1905), vol. 11, pp. 245-336.
+
+ 85. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Le developpement de l'intelligence
+ chez les enfants"; in _Annee psychologique_ (1908), vol. 14,
+ pp. 1-94.
+
+ 86. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Langage et pensee"; in _Annee
+ psychologique_ (1908), vol. 14, pp. 284-339.
+
+ 87. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "L'intelligence des imbeciles"; in
+ _Annee psychologique_ (1909), vol. 15, pp. 1-147.
+
+ 88. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. "Nouvelle theorie psychologique et
+ clinique de la demence"; in _Annee psychologique_ (1909),
+ vol. 15, pp. 168-272.
+
+ 89. Binet, A., _et_ Simon, Th. _La mesure du developpement de
+ l'intelligence chez les jeunes enfants._ Bulletin de la
+ Societe libre pour l'etude psychologique de l'enfant (1911),
+ no. 11, pp. 187-256.
+
+
+
+
+SUGGESTIONS FOR A TEACHER'S PRIVATE LIBRARY
+
+
+ON EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN
+
+ Ayres, L. P. _Laggards in our Schools._ The Russell Sage
+ Foundation. (1909.) 236 pages.
+
+ Treats the amount and causes of school retardation.
+
+ Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _Mentally Defective Children._
+ Translated from the French by W. B. Drummond. Longmans, Green
+ & Co. (1914.) 171 pages.
+
+ Discusses the psychology, pedagogy and medical examination of
+ defectives.
+
+ Binet, A., _and_ Simon, Th. _A Method of Measuring the Development
+ of Intelligence in Young Children._ Chicago Medical Book
+ Company. (1915.) 82 pages.
+
+ Authorized translation of Binet's final instructions for giving
+ the tests.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _Feeble-Mindedness; Its Causes and Consequences._
+ The Macmillan Company. (1913.) 599 pages.
+
+ The most important single volume on the subject.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _The Kallikak Family._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1914.) 121 pages.
+
+ A study of the hereditary transmission of mental deficiency in one
+ family.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _School Training of Defective Children._ World Book
+ Company. (1914.) 97 pages.
+
+ Admirable treatment of the entire subject.
+
+ Goddard, H. H. _The Criminal Imbecile._ The Macmillan Company.
+ (1915.) 157 pages.
+
+ An analysis of three murderers of borderline intelligence.
+
+ Holmes, Arthur. _The Conservation of the Child._ J. B. Lippincott
+ Company. (1912.) 345 pages.
+
+ Methods of examination and treatment of defective children.
+
+ Holmes, Arthur. _The Backward Child._ The Bobbs-Merrill Co.
+ (1915.)
+
+ A popular treatment of the subject.
+
+ Holmes, W. H. _School Organization and the Individual Child._ The
+ Davis Press, Worcester, Massachusetts. (1912) 211 pages.
+
+ A comprehensive account of methods of adjusting school work to the
+ capacity of the individual child.
+
+ Huey, E. B. _Backward and Feeble-Minded Children._ Warwick & York.
+ (1912.) 221 pages.
+
+ Clinical studies of borderline cases.
+
+ Kelynack, T. N. (_Editor_). _Defective Children._ John Bale, Sons,
+ and Daniellson, London. (1915.) 447 pages.
+
+ Written by many authors and devoted to all kinds of physical and
+ mental defects.
+
+ Kuhlmann, F. "A Revision of the Binet-Simon System for Measuring
+ the Intelligence of Children." Monograph Supplement of
+ _Journal of Psycho-Asthenics_. (1912.) 41 pages.
+
+ Contains instructions for use of the Kuhlmann revision.
+
+ Stern, W. _The Psychological Method of Measuring Intelligence._
+ Translated from the German by G. M. Whipple. Warwick & York.
+ (1913.) 160 pages.
+
+ Terman, Lyman, Ordahl, Galbreath, _and_ Talbert. _The Stanford
+ Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring
+ Intelligence._ (1916.)
+
+ Extended analysis of 1000 tests. Data on the relation of
+ intelligence to school success, social status, etc.
+
+ Terman, Lewis M. _The Hygiene of the School Child._ Houghton
+ Mifflin Company. (1914.) 417 pages.
+
+ Devoted to the physical defects of school children.
+
+ Tredgold, A. F. _Mental Deficiency (Amentia)._ Bailliere, Tindall
+ & Cox, London. (1914.) 491 pages.
+
+ The best medical treatment of the subject.
+
+ Whipple, G. M. _Manual of Mental and Physical Tests._ Warwick &
+ York. Vol. I (1914), 365 pages; vol. II (1915), 336 pages.
+
+ The best treatment of mental tests other than those of the Binet
+ system.
+
+ Witmer, L. _The Special Class for Backward Children._ The
+ Psychological Clinic Press, Philadelphia. (1911.) 275 pages.
+
+ Problems encountered in connection with the special class.
+
+
+MAGAZINES
+
+ _The Training School Bulletin._ Published monthly by the Training
+ School, Vineland, New Jersey. Edited by H. H. Goddard and
+ E. R. Johnstone.
+
+ _The Psychological Clinic._ Published monthly by the Psychological
+ Clinic Press, Philadelphia. Edited by Lightner Witmer.
+
+ _The Journal of Delinquency._ Published bi-monthly by the Whittier
+ State School, Whittier, California. Edited by Williams,
+ Goddard, Terman, and others.
+
+ _The Journal of Psycho-Asthenics._ Published quarterly at
+ Faribault, Minnesota. Organ of the American Association for
+ the Study of the Feeble-Minded. Edited by A. C. Rogers and F.
+ Kuhlmann.
+
+ _The Journal of Educational Psychology._ Published by Warwick &
+ York, Baltimore. Edited by J. Carleton Bell.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+ Abstract thought, tests of, 344.
+
+ Absurdities, 255 _ff._
+
+ Adolescence, and variability in intelligence, 67.
+
+ Adult intelligence, 54.
+
+ Adults, how to find I Q of adults, 140.
+
+ AEsthetic comparison, 165 _ff._
+
+ Age, test of giving age, 173 _ff._
+
+ Age standards, 40.
+
+ Alternative tests, 136.
+
+ Amateur testing, 107 _ff._
+
+ Apperception, 169.
+
+ Arithmetical reasoning, 319 _ff._
+
+ Association processes, 274.
+
+ Attention, during the test, 121.
+
+ Attitude of the subject, 109.
+
+ Auto-criticism, 156, 171, 195.
+
+ Average intelligence, 94 _ff._
+
+
+ Ball and field test, 210 _ff._, 286.
+
+ Berry, C. S., 114.
+
+ Binet,
+ on how teachers judge intelligence, 28 _ff._;
+ Binet's conception of intelligence, 44 _ff._, 123, 149, 151, 154,
+ 156, 159, 165, 171, 173, 180, 181, 183, 185, 186, 190, 196, 203,
+ 205, 217, 231, 232, 234, 247, 251, 252, 254, 258, 260, 261, 264,
+ 276, 285, 289, 315, 322, 327, 333, 339, 345.
+
+ Binet-Simon method,
+ nature and derivation of the scale, 36 _ff._, 47 _ff._;
+ limitations of, 48 _ff._
+
+ Bloch, 203.
+
+ Bluemel, C. S., 107.
+
+ Bobertag, Otto, 106, 113, 176, 178, 180, 181, 185, 188, 190, 203, 206,
+ 232, 237, 240, 252, 275, 285, 318.
+
+ Borderline intelligence, 79, 87 _ff._
+
+ Bow-knot, test of tying, 196 _ff._
+
+ Brigham, 165, 166.
+
+
+ Change, test of making change, 240 _ff._
+
+ Childs, H. G., 231, 298.
+
+ Coaching, 110 _ff._
+
+ Code test, 330 _ff._
+
+ Color naming, 163 _ff._
+
+ Combination method, 171. _See also_ Completion test.
+
+ Commissions, 172 _ff._
+
+ Comparison of lines, 151 _ff._
+
+ Completion test, 179, 246, 289.
+
+ Comprehension questions, 157 _ff._, 181 _ff._, 215 _ff._, 268 _ff._
+
+ Conditions favorable to testing, 121 _ff._
+
+ Counting,
+ four pennies, 154;
+ thirteen pennies, 180;
+ counting backwards, 213.
+
+ Crime,
+ relation to feeble-mindedness, 8 _ff._;
+ cost of, 12.
+
+ Cuneo, Irene, 51.
+
+
+ Davenport, C. B., 10.
+
+ Definitions,
+ in terms of use, 167;
+ superior to use, 221;
+ of abstract words, 281 _ff._, and 324 _ff._
+ _See also_ Vocabulary tests.
+
+ "Degenerate" families, 9 _ff._
+
+ Delinquency, relation to feeble-mindedness, 7 _ff._
+
+ Diamond, test of copying diamond, 204.
+
+ Differences, test of finding, 199, 313 _ff._
+
+ Digits. _See_ Memory for digits.
+
+ Discrimination of forms, 152 _ff._
+
+ Dissected sentences, 286 _ff._
+
+ Distribution of intelligence, 65 _ff._, 78 _ff._
+
+ Dougherty, 165, 166, 203.
+
+ Drawing, 156, 204, 260.
+
+ Dull normals, 92 _ff._
+
+ Dumville, 165, 166.
+
+
+ Ebbinghaus, 289, 318.
+
+ Emotion, 49.
+
+ Enclosed boxes, 327 _ff._
+
+ Endowment, 4, 19 _ff._
+
+ Environment, influence on test, 114 _ff._
+
+ Eugenics, 9 _ff._
+
+ Examination, duration of, 127 _ff._
+
+ Examiner, qualifications of, 124 _ff._
+
+
+ Fables, interpretation of, 290 _ff._
+
+ Fatigue, influence of, on test, 126 _ff._
+
+ Feeble-minded, proportion of school-children feeble-minded, 6.
+
+ Feeble-mindedness,
+ value of tests for, 5 _ff._;
+ psychological analysis, 23;
+ definition, 80;
+ examples, 82 _ff._
+
+ Fernald, G. G., 8.
+
+ Fernald, Grace, 56, 278, 280, 332.
+
+ Fingers, test of giving number of, 189 _ff._
+
+ Freeman, Frank N., 280.
+
+ Functions, tested by Binet scale, 42 _ff._
+
+
+ Galbreath, Neva, 51.
+
+ Galton, 328.
+
+ General intelligence, 42 _ff._
+
+ Generalization, tests of, 298.
+
+ Genius. _See_ Superior intelligence.
+
+ Goddard, H. H., 8, 106, 112, 154, 156, 165, 173, 185, 190, 196, 203,
+ 206, 213, 234, 245, 251, 252, 259, 264, 276, 285, 289, 319, 322,
+ 323, 332, 333, 339, 345.
+
+ Grading, value of intelligence tests in, 16.
+
+
+ Hall, Gertrude, 280.
+
+ Healy-Fernald, 56, 278, 280, 332.
+
+ Heredity, use of tests in the study of, 19.
+
+ Hill folk, 10.
+
+ Hollingworth, Leta S., 71.
+
+ Huey, E. B., 197, 217, 234.
+
+
+ Imagery, 195, 209, 321, 339.
+
+ Induction test, 310 _ff._
+
+ Ingenuity test, 346.
+
+ Intelligence,
+ analysis of, _see_ remarks under instructions for each test;
+ superior, 12 _ff._, 95 _ff._,
+ teachers' estimates of, 13, 24, 26, 28, 75;
+ general, 42 _ff._;
+ definitions of, 44 _ff._
+
+ Intelligence quotient, 53, 55, 63, 65 _ff._;
+ validity of, 68;
+ classification and significance, 79 _ff._, 140 _ff._
+
+
+ Jukes family, 10.
+
+
+ Kallikak family, 9.
+
+ Knollin, H. E., 18, 51, 54, 63.
+
+ Kohs, S. C., 107 _ff._
+
+ Kuhlmann, F., 56, 105, 153, 154, 156, 165, 173, 185, 190, 193, 196,
+ 206, 214, 217, 234, 247, 251, 252, 259, 264, 276, 280, 285, 289,
+ 315, 319, 322, 323, 327, 333, 339, 345.
+
+
+ Language comprehension, 143, 144.
+
+ Limitations of the Binet scale, 48 _ff._
+
+ Lombroso, 7.
+
+ Lyman, Grace, 51.
+
+
+ Mason, Otis, 347.
+
+ Masselon, 245.
+
+ Material used in the tests, 141.
+
+ Memory,
+ for sentences, 149 _ff._, 160, 185, 332;
+ for passages, 340;
+ for designs, 260;
+ for digits, 150, 159, 193, 207, 242, 277, 301, 322, 329, 340, 345.
+
+ Mental age, 39 _ff._;
+ effect of Stanford revision on, 62;
+ how to calculate, 137 _ff._
+
+ Mental deficiency. _See_ Feeble-mindedness.
+
+ Meumann, Ernst, 46, 106, 245, 318.
+
+ Moral development, dependence of, on intelligence, 11 _ff._
+
+
+ Nam family, 10.
+
+ Name, test of giving name, 147 _ff._
+
+ Naming coins, 184 _ff._, 231.
+
+ Naming familiar objects, 143 _ff._
+
+ Normals, dull, 92 _ff._
+
+
+ Ordahl, Dr. George, 8.
+
+ Ordahl, Louise Ellison, 8.
+
+
+ Paper-cutting test, 338.
+
+ Physical defects, effects of, on intelligence, 19.
+
+ Physical relations, comprehension of, 333 _ff._
+
+ Physicians, as Binet testers, 34.
+
+ Pictures,
+ enumeration of objects in, 145;
+ description of, 190 _ff._;
+ interpretation of, 302;
+ finding omissions in, 178.
+
+ Pointing to parts of body, 142 _ff._
+
+ Practical judgment, 212.
+
+ President and king, giving differences between, 313.
+
+ Problem questions, 315 _ff._
+
+ Procedure, necessity of uniformity in, 32 _ff._, 131 _ff._
+
+ Promotions, on basis of intelligence tests, 16 _ff._
+
+
+ Race differences, 91.
+
+ Range of testing, 129.
+
+ Rapport, 124 _ff._
+
+ Reading, test of reading for memories, 262.
+
+ Record booklet, 128.
+
+ Recording responses, 133 _ff._
+
+ Reliability of the scale, 76 _ff._, 105 _ff._
+
+ Repeated tests, 112 _ff._
+
+ Retardation,
+ cost of, 1, 13 _ff._;
+ training of retarded children, 4 _ff._, 24 _ff._, 73 _ff._
+
+ Reversing hands of clock, 321 _ff._
+
+ Rhymes, test of finding, 248.
+
+ Right and left, 175 _ff._
+
+ Rowe, E. P., 165, 166, 277.
+
+ Rowland, Eleanor, 18.
+
+
+ Scattering of successes, 134 _ff._
+
+ School success and intelligence, 73 _ff._
+
+ Scoring, 132. _See also_ instructions for scoring each test.
+
+ Seclusion during test, 122.
+
+ Sex, test of giving, 146 _ff._
+
+ Sex differences in intelligence, 68 _ff._
+
+ Similarities, test of finding, 217 _ff._, 306 _ff._
+
+ Sixty words, 272 _ff._
+
+ Social class and intelligence, 72 _ff._, 114 _ff._
+
+ Spearman, C., definition of intelligence, 46.
+
+ Special classes, 5.
+
+ Square, test of copying, 155 _ff._
+
+ Stamps, test of counting value of, 252.
+
+ Standardization, value of, 30.
+
+ Stanford revision of the Binet scale, 51 _ff._
+
+ Stereotypy, 203.
+
+ Stern, W., 46, 106, 118.
+
+ Stigmata, 7.
+
+ Structural psychology, 43.
+
+ Superior intelligence, tests of superior children, 12 _ff._, 95 _ff._
+
+ Supplementary information, 135.
+
+
+ Teachers' estimates of intelligence, 13, 24, 26, 28, 75.
+
+ Terman, Lewis M., 63, 267, 298.
+
+ Three words, test of using, in a sentence, 242 _ff._
+
+ Time orientation,
+ forenoon and afternoon, 187 _ff._;
+ days of the week, 205 _ff._;
+ giving date, 234 _ff._;
+ naming months, 251 _ff._
+
+
+ Unemployment, relation of, to intelligence, 18.
+
+
+ Validity of the tests, 76 _ff._
+
+ Vocabulary tests, 224, 255, 281, 310, 324, 338.
+
+ Vocational guidance, use of intelligence tests in, 17, 49.
+
+ Volition, 49.
+
+
+ Waddle, Charles, 52.
+
+ Wallin, 237.
+
+ Weights, comparison of, 161, 236 _ff._
+
+ Williams, Dr. J. Harold, 9, 54.
+
+ Winch, W. H., 165, 166.
+
+ Writing from dictation, 231 _ff._
+
+
+ Yerkes, R. M., 70.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Measurement of Intelligence, by
+Lewis Madison Terman
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