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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Best of the World's Classics, 
+Restricted to prose. Volume I (of X) - Greece, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Best of the World's Classics,  Restricted to prose. Volume I (of X) - Greece
+
+Author: Various
+
+Editor: Henry Cabot Lodge
+        Francis W.  Halsey
+
+Release Date: March 26, 2007 [EBook #20907]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORLD'S CLASSICS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Joseph R. Hauser, Sankar Viswanathan, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                  [Illustration: HENRY CABOT LODGE]
+
+
+                               THE BEST
+
+                               _of the_
+
+                           WORLD'S CLASSICS
+
+                         RESTRICTED TO PROSE
+
+
+
+                          HENRY CABOT LODGE
+
+                          _Editor-in-Chief_
+
+
+                          FRANCIS W. HALSEY
+
+                          _Associate Editor_
+
+
+                With an Introduction, Biographical and
+                       Explanatory Notes, etc.
+
+
+                            IN TEN VOLUMES
+
+
+
+                                Vol. I
+
+                                GREECE
+
+
+
+
+                       FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY
+
+                         NEW YORK AND LONDON
+
+
+
+                         COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY
+
+                       FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+The Best of the World's Classics
+
+VOL. I
+
+GREECE
+
+484 B.C.--200 A.D.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Ever since civilized man has had a literature he has apparently sought
+to make selections from it and thus put his favorite passages together
+in a compact and convenient form. Certain it is, at least, that to the
+Greeks, masters in all great arts, we owe this habit. They made such
+collections and named them, after their pleasant imaginative fashion,
+a gathering of flowers, or what we, borrowing their word, call an
+anthology. So to those austere souls who regard anthologies as a
+labor-saving contrivance for the benefit of persons who like a
+smattering of knowledge and are never really learned, we can at least
+plead in mitigation that we have high and ancient authority for the
+practise. In any event no amount of scholarly deprecation has been
+able to turn mankind or that portion of mankind which reads books from
+the agreeable habit of making volumes of selections and finding in
+them much pleasure, as well as improvement in taste and knowledge.
+With the spread of education and with the great increase of literature
+among all civilized nations, more especially since the invention of
+printing and its vast multiplication of books, the making of volumes
+of selections comprizing what is best in one's own or in many
+literatures is no longer a mere matter of taste or convenience as with
+the Greeks, but has become something little short of a necessity in
+this world of many workers, comparatively few scholars, and still
+fewer intelligent men of leisure. Anthologies have been multiplied
+like all other books, and in the main they have done much good and no
+harm. The man who thinks he is a scholar or highly educated because he
+is familiar with what is collected in a well-chosen anthology, of
+course, errs grievously. Such familiarity no more makes one a master
+of literature than a perusal of a dictionary makes the reader a master
+of style. But as the latter pursuit can hardly fail to enlarge a man's
+vocabulary, so the former adds to his knowledge, increases his stock
+of ideas, liberalizes his mind and opens to him new sources of
+enjoyment.
+
+The Greek habit was to bring together selections of verse, passages
+of especial merit, epigrams and short poems. In the main their example
+has been followed. From their days down to the "Elegant Extracts in
+Verse" of our grandmothers and grandfathers, and thence on to our own
+time with its admirable "Golden Treasury" and "Oxford Handbook of
+Verse," there has been no end to the making of poetical anthologies
+and apparently no diminution in the public appetite for them. Poetry
+indeed lends itself to selection. Much of the best poetry of the world
+is contained in short poems, complete in themselves, and capable of
+transference bodily to a volume of selections. There are very few
+poets of whose quality and genius a fair idea can not be given by a
+few judicious selections. A large body of noble and beautiful poetry,
+of verse which is "a joy forever," can also be given in a very small
+compass. And the mechanical attribute of size, it must be remembered,
+is very important in making a successful anthology, for an essential
+quality of a volume of selections is that it should be easily
+portable, that it should be a book which can be slipt into the pocket
+and readily carried about in any wanderings whether near or remote.
+An anthology which is stored in one or more huge and heavy volumes is
+practically valueless except to those who have neither books nor
+access to a public library, or who think that a stately tome printed
+on calendered paper and "profusely illustrated" is an ornament to a
+center-table in a parlor rarely used except on solemn or official
+occasions.
+
+I have mentioned these advantages of verse for the purposes of an
+anthology in order to show the difficulties which must be encountered
+in making a prose selection. Very little prose is in small parcels
+which can be transferred entire, and therefore with the very important
+attribute of completeness, to a volume of selections. From most of the
+great prose writers it is necessary to take extracts, and the chosen
+passage is broken off from what comes before and after. The fame of a
+great prose writer as a rule rests on a book, and really to know him
+the book must be read and not merely passages from it. Extracts give
+no very satisfactory idea of "Paradise Lost" or "The Divine Comedy,"
+and the same is true of extracts from a history or a novel. It is
+possible by spreading prose selections through a series of small
+volumes to overcome the mechanical difficulty and thus make the
+selections in form what they ought above all things to be--companions
+and not books of reference or table decorations. But the spiritual or
+literary problem is not so easily overcome. What prose to take and
+where to take it are by no means easy questions to solve. Yet they are
+well worth solving, so far as patient effort can do it, for in this
+period of easy printing it is desirable to put in convenient form
+before those who read examples of the masters which will draw us back
+from the perishing chatter of the moment to the literature which is
+the highest work of civilization and which is at once noble and
+lasting.
+
+Upon that theory this collection has been formed. It is an attempt to
+give examples from all periods and languages of Western civilization
+of what is best and most memorable in their prose literature. That the
+result is not a complete exhibition of the time and the literatures
+covered by the selections no one is better aware than the editors.
+Inexorable conditions of space make a certain degree of incompleteness
+inevitable when he who is gathering flowers traverses so vast a
+garden, and is obliged to confine the results of his labors within
+such narrow bounds. The editors are also fully conscious that, like
+all other similar collections, this one too will give rise to the
+familiar criticism and questionings as to why such a passage was
+omitted and such another inserted; why this writer was chosen and that
+other passed by. In literature we all have our favorites, and even the
+most catholic of us has also his dislikes if not his pet aversions. I
+will frankly confess that there are authors represented in these
+volumes whose writings I should avoid, just as there are certain towns
+and cities of the world to which, having once visited them, I would
+never willingly return, for the simple reason that I would not
+voluntarily subject myself to seeing or reading what I dislike or,
+which is worse, what bores and fatigues me. But no editor of an
+anthology must seek to impose upon others his own tastes and opinions.
+He must at the outset remember and never afterward forget that so far
+as possible his work must be free from the personal equation. He must
+recognize that some authors who may be mute or dull to him have a
+place in literature, past or present, sufficiently assured to entitle
+them to a place among selections which are intended above all things
+else to be representative.
+
+To those who wonder why some favorite bit of their own was omitted
+while something else for which they do not care at all has found a
+place I can only say that the editors, having supprest their own
+personal preferences, have proceeded on certain general principles
+which seem to be essential in making any selection either of verse or
+prose which shall possess broader and more enduring qualities than
+that of being a mere exhibition of the editor's personal taste. To
+illustrate my meaning: Emerson's "Parnassus" is extremely interesting
+as an exposition of the tastes and preferences of a remarkable man of
+great and original genius. As an anthology it is a failure, for it is
+of awkward size, is ill arranged and contains selections made without
+system, and which in many cases baffle all attempts to explain their
+appearance. On the other hand, Mr. Palgrave, neither a very remarkable
+man nor a great and original genius, gave us in the first "Golden
+Treasury" a collection which has no interest whatever as reflecting
+the tastes of the editor, but which is quite perfect in its kind.
+Barring the disproportionate amount of Wordsworth which includes some
+of his worst things--and which, be it said in passing, was due to Mr.
+Palgrave's giving way at that point to his personal enthusiasm--the
+"Golden Treasury" in form, in scope, and in arrangement, as well as in
+almost unerring taste, is the best model of what an anthology should
+be which is to be found in any language.
+
+Returning now to our questioner who misses some favorite and finds
+something else which he dislikes, the only answer, as I have just
+said, is that the collection is formed on certain general principles,
+as any similar collection of the sort must be. This series is called
+"The Best of the World's Classics," and "classics" is used not in the
+narrow and technical sense, but rather in that of Thoreau, who defined
+classics as "the noblest recorded thoughts of mankind." Therefore, the
+first principle of guidance in selection is to take examples of the
+great writings which have moved and influenced the thought of the
+world, and which have preeminently the quality of "high seriousness"
+as required by Aristotle. This test alone, however, would limit the
+selections too closely. Therefore the second principle of choice is to
+make selections from writers historically important either personally
+or by their writings. The third rule is to endeavor to give selections
+which shall be representative of the various literatures and the
+various periods through which, the collection ranges. Lastly, and this
+applies, of course, only to passages taken from the writers of England
+and the United States, the effort has been to give specimens of the
+masters of English prose, of that prose in its development and at its
+best, and to show, so far as may be, what can be accomplished with
+that great instrument, and what a fine style really is as exhibited in
+the best models. Everything contained in these volumes is there in
+obedience to one at least of these principles, many in obedience to
+more than one, some in conformity to all four.
+
+No one will become a scholar or a master of any of the great
+literatures here represented by reading this collection. Literature
+and scholarship are not to be had so cheaply as that. Yet is there
+much profit to be had from these little volumes. They contain many
+passages which merit Dr. Johnson's fine saying about books: "That they
+help us to enjoy life or teach us to endure it." To the man of
+letters, to the man of wide reading, they will at least serve to
+recall, when far from libraries and books, those authors who have been
+the delight and the instructors of a lifetime. They will bring at
+least the pleasures of memory and that keener pleasure which arises
+when we meet a poem or a passage of prose which we know as an old and
+well-loved friend, remote from home, upon some alien page.
+
+To that larger public whose lives are not spent among books and
+libraries, and for whose delectation such a collection as this is
+primarily intended, these volumes rightly read at odd times, in idle
+moments, in out-of-the-way places, on the ship or the train, offer
+much. They will bring the reader in contact with many of the greatest
+intellects of all time. They contain some of the noblest thoughts that
+have passed through the minds of our weak and erring race. There is no
+man who will not be the better, for the moment at least, by reading
+what Cicero says about old age, Seneca about death, and Socrates
+about love, to go no further for examples than to
+
+    "The glory that was Greece,
+    And the grandeur that was Rome."
+
+Moreover, the bowing acquaintance which can be formed here may easily
+offer attractions which will lead to a close and intimate friendship,
+with all that the word implies in the case of a great author or a
+great book. It seems to me, for example, as if no one who read here
+the too brief extracts from Erasmus or from Cervantes, to take at
+random two writers widely separated in thought, could fail to pursue
+the acquaintance thus begun, so potent are the sympathetic charm, the
+wit, the wisdom and the humor of both these great men. There is, at
+least, variety in these little volumes, and while many things in them
+may not appeal to us, they may to our neighbors. That which "is dumb
+to us may speak to him."
+
+Again, let it be noticed that there is much more than the "high
+seriousness" which is the test of the greatest prose as of the finest
+poetry. Humor and pathos, tragedy and comedy, all find their place and
+glimpses of the pageant of human history flit through the pages. It
+would seem as if it were impossible to read extracts from Thucydides
+and Tacitus and Gibbon and not long to go to their histories and learn
+all that could be said by such men about the life of man upon earth,
+about Athens and Rome and the rise and fall of empires. Selections are
+unsatisfying and the better they are the more unsatisfying they
+become. But this is in reality their great merit. They have much
+beauty in themselves, they awaken pleasant memories, they revive old
+delights, but, above all, if rightly read they open the gates to the
+illimitable gardens whence all the flowers which have here been
+gathered may be found blooming in radiance, unplucked and unbroken and
+rooted in their native soil.
+
+The most important part of the collection is that which gives
+selections from those writers whose native tongue is English. No
+translation even of prose can ever quite reproduce its original, and
+as a rule can not hope to equal it. There are many translations,
+notably the Elizabethan, which are extremely fine in themselves and
+memorable examples of English prose. Still they are not the original
+writings. Something escapes in the translation into another tongue,
+an impalpable something which can not be held or transmitted. The
+Bible stands alone, a great literary monument of the noblest and most
+beautiful English, which has formed English speech and become a part
+of the language as it is of the thought and emotion of the people who
+read "King James'" version in all parts of the globe. Yet we know that
+the version which the people, so fortunate in its possession, wisely
+and absolutely decline to give up in exchange for any revision is
+neither an accurate nor a faithful reproduction of its original.
+Therefore, putting aside the English Bible as wholly by itself, it may
+be safely said that the soul of a language and the beauties of style
+which it is capable of exhibiting can only be found and studied in the
+productions of writers who not only think in the language in which
+they write, but to whom that speech is native, the inalienable
+birthright and heritage of their race or country. In such writers we
+get not only the thought, the humor, or the pathos, all that can be
+transferred in a translation, but also the pleasure to the ear akin to
+music, the sense of form, the artistic gratification which form
+brings, all those attributes which are possible in the highest degree
+to those only to whom the language is native.
+
+For these reasons, as will be readily understood, in making selections
+from those writers whose native tongue is English, specimens have been
+given of all periods from the earliest time and occasionally of
+authors who would not otherwise find a place in such a collection, for
+the purpose of tracing in outline the development of English prose and
+the formation of an English style which, like all true and great
+styles, is peculiar to the language and can not be reproduced in any
+other. This is not the place, nor would it be feasible within any
+reasonable limits to narrate the history of English prose. But in
+these selections it is possible to follow its gradual advance from the
+first rude and crude attempts through the splendid irregularities of
+the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the establishment of a
+standard of style in the eighteenth and thence onward to the
+modifications and changes in that standard which extend to our own
+time.
+
+The purpose of this collection is not didactic. If it were it would be
+a school-book and not an anthology in the Greek sense, where the
+first principle was to seek what was of literary value, artistic in
+expression, and noble in thought. Yet the mere bringing together of
+examples of prose from the writings of the great masters of style can
+not but teach a lesson never more needed than now.
+
+I do not mean by this to suggest imitation of any writer. Nothing is
+more dangerous, especially when the style of the writer imitated is
+peculiar and strongly marked. That which is valuable and instructive
+is the opportunity given here for a study of fine English styles, and
+in this way to learn the capabilities of the language and the general
+principles which have governed the production of the best English
+prose. We have in the English language an unequaled richness of
+vocabulary far surpassing in extent that of any other tongue. It
+possesses a great literature and a body of poetry unrivaled in modern
+times. It is not only one of the strongest bonds of union in the
+United States, but it is the language in which our freedom was won and
+in which our history and our laws are written. It is our greatest
+heritage. To weaken, corrupt or deprave it would be a misfortune
+without parallel to our entire people. Yet we can not disguise from
+ourselves the fact that the fertility of the printing-press, the
+multiplication of cheap magazines, and the flood of printed words
+poured out daily in the newspapers all tend strongly in this
+direction. This is an era of haste and hurry stimulated by the great
+inventions which have changed human environment. Form and style in any
+art require time, and time seems the one thing we can neither spare
+nor wisely economize. Yet, in literature above all arts, to abandon
+form and style is inevitably destructive and entails misfortunes which
+can hardly be estimated, for loose, weak and vulgar writing is a sure
+precursor of loose, weak and vulgar thinking. If form of expression is
+cast aside, form in thought and in the presentation of thought is
+certain to follow. Against all this the fine English prose amply
+represented in these selections offers a silent and convincing protest
+to every one who will read it attentively.
+
+We can begin with the splendid prose of the age of Elizabeth and of
+the seventeenth century. It is irregular and untamed, but exuberant
+and brilliant, rich both in texture and substance. We find it at its
+height in the strange beauties of Sir Thomas Browne, in the noble
+pages of Milton, stiff with golden embroidery, as Macaulay says, and
+in the touching and beautiful simplicity of Bunyan's childlike
+sentences. Thence we pass to the eighteenth century, when English
+prose was freed from its involutions and irregularities and brought to
+uniformity and to a standard. The age of Anne gave to English prose
+balance, precision and settled form. There have been periods of
+greater originality, but the eighteenth century at least lived up to
+Pope's doctrine, set forth in the familiar line:
+
+    "What oft was thought but ne'er so well exprest."
+
+As there is no better period to turn to for instruction than the age
+of Anne, so, if we must choose a single writer there is no better
+master to be studied than Swift. There have been many great writers
+and many fine and beautiful styles since the days of the terrible Dean
+of St. Patrick's, from the imposing and finely balanced sentences of
+Gibbon to the subtle delicacy of Hawthorne and the careful finish of
+Robert Louis Stevenson. But in Swift better than in any one writer can
+we find the lessons which are so sorely needed now. He had in the
+highest degree force, clearness and concentration all combined with a
+marvelous simplicity. Swift's style may have lacked richness, but it
+never failed in taste. There is not a line of false fine-writing in
+all his books. Those are the qualities which are so needed now,
+simplicity and clearness and a scrupulous avoidance of that would-be
+fine writing which is not at all fine but merely vulgar and insincere.
+
+The writing in our newspapers is where reform is particularly needed.
+There are great journals here and there which maintain throughout a
+careful standard of good and sober English. Most of them, unhappily,
+are filled in the news columns at least with a strange jargon found
+nowhere else, spoken by no one and never used in daily life by those
+who every night furnish it to the compositors. It is happily
+compounded in about equal parts of turgid fine writing, vulgar
+jauntiness and indiscriminate slang.
+
+I can best show my meaning by example. A writer in a newspaper wished
+to state that a man who had once caused excitement by a book of
+temporary interest and who, after the days of his notoriety were over,
+lived a long and checkered career, had killed himself. This is the way
+he said it:
+
+     His life's work void of fruition and dissipated into
+     emptiness, his fondest hopes and ambitions crumbled and
+     scattered, shunned as a fanatic, and unable to longer wage
+     life's battle, Hinton Rowan Helper, at one time United
+     States consul general to Buenos Ayres, yesterday sought the
+     darkest egress from his woes and disappointments--a
+     suicide's death.
+
+     In an unpretentious lodging-house in Pennsylvania avenue,
+     near the Capitol, the man who as much, if not more than any
+     other agitator, is said to have blazed the way to the Civil
+     War, the writer who stirred this nation to its core by his
+     anti-slavery philippics, and the promoter with the most
+     gigantic railroad enterprise projected in the history of the
+     world, was found gript in the icy hand of death. The brain
+     which gave birth to his historic writings had willed the
+     stilling of the heart which for three-quarters of a century
+     had palpitated quick and high with roseate hopes.
+
+That passage, taken at hazard from a newspaper, is intended, I think,
+to be fine writing of an imposing and dramatic kind. Why could not
+the writer have written it, a little more carefully perhaps, but still
+in just the language which he would have used naturally in describing
+the event to his wife or friend? Simply stated, it would have been far
+more solemn and impressive than this turgid, insincere account with
+its large words, its forced note of tragedy and its split infinitive.
+Let me put beneath it another description of a death-bed:
+
+     The blood and spirits of Le Fevre, which were waxing cold
+     and slow, and were retreating to their last citadel, the
+     heart--rallied back,--the film forsook his eyes for a
+     moment,--he looked up wishfully into my Uncle Toby's
+     face,--then cast a look upon his boy,--and that ligament,
+     fine as it was,--was never broken.
+
+     Nature instantly ebbed again,--the film returned to its
+     place,--the pulse fluttered,--stopt,--went
+     on,--throbbed,--stopt again,--moved,--stopt,--shall I go on?
+     No.
+
+This famous passage is neither unintentional sentiment nor unaffected
+pathos. The art is apparent even in the punctuation. The writer meant
+to be touching and pathetic and to awaken emotions of tenderness and
+pity and he succeeded. The description is all he meant it to be. The
+extract from the newspaper arouses no emotion, unless it be
+resentment at its form and leaves us cold and unmoved. The other is
+touching and pitiful. Observe the manner in which Sterne obtains his
+effect, the perfect simplicity and good taste of every word, the
+reserve, the gentleness, the utter absence of any straining for
+effect. The one description died the day it appeared. The other has
+held its place for a century and a half. Are not the qualities which
+produced such a result worth striving for?
+
+Let me take another haphazard selection from a description of a young
+girl entitled as such to every one's kindness, courtesy and respect.
+In it occurs this sentence: "The college girl is grammatical in
+speech, but she has the jolliest, chummiest jargon of slang that ever
+rolled from under a pink tongue." That articulate sounds come from
+beneath the tongue is at least novel and few persons are fortunate
+enough to be able to talk with that portion of their mouths. But I
+have no desire to dwell either upon the anatomical peculiarities of
+the sentence or upon its abysmal vulgarity. It is supposed to be
+effective, it is what is appropriately called "breezy," it is a form
+of words which can be heard nowhere in the speech of men and women.
+Why should it be consigned to print? It is possible to describe a
+young girl attractively and effectively in much simpler fashion. Let
+me give an example, not a famous passage at all, from another writer:
+
+     She shocked no canon of taste; she was admirably in keeping
+     with herself, and never jarred against surrounding
+     circumstances. Her figure, to be sure--so small as to be
+     almost childlike and so elastic that motion seemed as easy
+     or easier to it than rest--would hardly have suited one's
+     idea of a countess. Neither did her face--with brown
+     ringlets on either side and a slightly piquant nose, and the
+     wholesome bloom, and the clear shade of tan, and the half
+     dozen freckles, friendly remembrancers of the April sun and
+     breeze--precisely give us the right to call her beautiful.
+     But there was both luster and depth in her eyes. She was
+     very pretty; as graceful as a bird and graceful much in the
+     same way; as pleasant about the house as a gleam of sunshine
+     falling on the floor through a shadow of twinkling leaves,
+     or as a ray of firelight that dances on the wall while
+     evening is drawing nigh.
+
+Contrast this with the newspaper sentence and the sensation is one of
+pain. Again I say, observe the method by which Hawthorne gets his
+effect, the simplicity of the language, the balance of the sentences,
+the reserve, the refinement, and the final imaginative touch in the
+charming comparison with which the passage ends.
+
+To blame the hard working men who write for the day which is passing
+over them because they do not write like Sterne and Hawthorne would be
+as absurd as it would be unjust. But they ought to recognize the
+qualities of fine English prose, they ought to remember that they can
+improve their readers by giving them good, simple English, pure and
+undefiled, and they ought not to debauch the public taste by vulgar
+fine writing and even more vulgar light writing. In short, they ought
+to write for the public as they would talk to their wives and children
+and friends; a little more formally and carefully perhaps, but in the
+same simple and direct fashion.
+
+For the prolific authors of the flood of stories, which every month
+bears on its broad bosom many tons of advertisements, no such
+allowance need be made. They are not compelled to furnish copy between
+daylight and dark. They need a course of study in English prose more
+than anyone else, and they would profit by the effort. As a class
+they seem to be like the young man in Du Maurier's picture, who, being
+asked if he had read Thackeray, replies, "No. I nevah read novels; I
+write them."
+
+In this age of quickening movement and restless haste it is, above all
+things, important to struggle against the well-nigh universal
+inclination to abandon all efforts for form and style. They are the
+great preservers of what is best in literature, the salt which ought
+never to lose its savor. Those who use English in public speech and
+public writing have a serious responsibility too generally forgotten
+and disregarded. I would fain call attention to it altho no single man
+can hope to effect much by any plea he can make in behalf of the use
+of good English, whether written or spoken. Yet no one, I think, can
+read the great masterpieces of English prose and not have both lesson
+and responsibility brought home to him. He would be insensible,
+indeed, if he did not feel after such reading that he was a sharer in
+a noble heritage which it behooved him to guard and cherish. If this
+series serves no other purpose, it will exhibit to those who read it
+some of the splendors and the beauties of English prose. It will at
+least open the gates of literature and perhaps lead its readers to
+authors they have not known before, or recall the words of writers who
+have entered into their lives and thoughts and thus make them more
+mindful of the ineffable value to them and their children of the great
+language which is at once their birthright and their inheritance.
+
+HENRY CABOT LODGE.
+
+_Washington, D. C., July 15, 1909._
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+VOL. I--GREECE
+
+
+INTRODUCTION. By Henry Cabot Lodge.
+
+
+HERODOTUS--(Born probably in 484 B.C., died probably in 424.)
+
+I         Solon's Words of Wisdom to Croesus.
+            (From Book I of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)
+
+II        Babylon and Its Capture by Cyrus.
+            (From Book I of the "History." Translated by Taylor)
+
+III       The Pyramid of Cheops.
+            (From Book II of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)
+
+IV        The Story of Periander's Son.
+            (From Book III of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)
+
+
+THUCYDIDES--(Born about 471 B.C., died about 401.)
+
+I         The Athenians and Spartans Contrasted.
+            (From Book I of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by Benjamin
+             Jowett)
+
+II        The Plague at Athens.
+            (From Book II of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by
+             Benjamin Jowett)
+
+III       The Sailing of the Athenian Fleet for Sicily.
+            (From Book VI of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by
+             Benjamin Jowett)
+
+IV        Completion of the Athenian Defeat at Syracuse.
+            (From Book VII of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by
+             Benjamin Jowett)
+
+
+XENOPHON--(Born about 430 B.C., died about 357.)
+
+I         The Character of Cyrus the Younger.
+            (From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson)
+
+II        The Greek Army in the Snows of Armenia.
+            (From the "Anabasis." Translated by Watson)
+
+III       The Battle of Leuctra.
+            (From Book VI of the "Hellenica." Translated by Watson)
+
+IV        Of the Army of the Spartans.
+            (From the treatise on "The Government of Lacedæmon."
+             Translated by Watson)
+
+V         How to Choose and Manage Saddle Horses.
+            (From the treatise on "Horsemanship." Translated by Watson)
+
+
+PLATO--(Born about 427 B.C., died in 347.)
+
+I         The Image of the Cave.
+            (From the "Republic." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+II        Good and Evil.
+            (From the "Protagoras." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+III       Socrates in Praise of Love.
+            (From the "Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+IV        The Praise of Socrates by Alcibiades.
+            (From the "Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+V         The Refusal of Socrates to Escape from Prison.
+            (From the "Crito." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+VI        The Death of Socrates.
+            (From the "Phædo." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+
+ARISTOTLE--(Born in 384 B.C., died in 322.)
+
+I         What Things are Pleasant.
+            (From Book I of the "Rhetoric." Translated by Buckley)
+
+II        The Life Most Desirable.
+            (From Book VII of the "Politics." Translated by Walford)
+
+III       Ideal Husbands and Wives.
+            (From Book I of the "Economics." Translated by Walford)
+
+IV        Happiness as an End of Human Action.
+            (From Book X of the "Nicomachean Ethics." Translated by Browne)
+
+
+POLYBIUS--(Born in 204 B.C., died about 125.)
+
+I         The Battle of Cannæ.
+            (From Book IV of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)
+
+II        Hannibal's Advance on Rome.
+            (From Book IX of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)
+
+III       The Defense of Syracuse by Archimedes.
+            (From Book VIII of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)
+
+
+PLUTARCH--(Born about 46 A.D., died in 125.)
+
+I         Demosthenes and Cicero Compared.
+            (From the "Lives." Translated by Sir Thomas North)
+
+II        The Assassination of Cæsar.
+            (From the "Lives." Translated by North)
+
+III       Cleopatra's Barge.
+            (From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by North)
+
+IV        The Death of Antony and Cleopatra.
+            (From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by North)
+
+
+EPICTETUS--(Born about the middle of the first century.)
+
+I         Of Freedom.
+            (From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+             Higginson)
+
+II        Of Friendship.
+            (From the "Discourses." Translated by Higginson)
+
+III       The Philosopher and the Crowd.
+            (From the "Discourses." Translated by Higginson)
+
+
+LUCIAN--(Born about 120 A.D., died about 200.)
+
+I         A Descent to the Unknown.
+            (From "Menippus." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler)
+
+II        Among the Philosophers.
+            (From the "Fisher: A Resurrection Piece." Translated by
+             H. W. and F. G. Fowler)
+
+III       Of Liars and Lying.
+            (From the "Liar." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler)
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+GREECE
+
+484 B.C.--200 A.D.
+
+
+
+
+HERODOTUS
+
+     Born in Asia Minor, probably in 484 B.C.; died in Italy,
+     probably in 424; commonly called the "Father of History";
+     assisted in the expulsion of the tyrant Lygdamis from
+     Halicarnassus; traveled in Persia, Egypt, and Greece; lived
+     afterward in Samos and Athens, settling in Thurii, Italy,
+     about 444 B.C.; his history of the Persian invasion of
+     Greece, extending to 479 B.C., was first printed in Greek by
+     Aldus Manutius in 1502, but a Latin version had appeared in
+     1474.[1]
+
+I
+
+SOLON'S WORDS OF WISDOM TO CROESUS[2]
+
+
+When all these conquests had been added to the Lydian empire, and the
+prosperity of Sardis[3] was now at its height, there came thither, one
+after another, all the sages of Greece living at the time, and among
+them Solon, the Athenian. He was on his travels, having left Athens to
+be absent ten years, under the pretense of wishing to see the world,
+but really to avoid being forced to repeal any of the laws which at
+the request of the Athenians he had made for them. Without his
+sanction the Athenians could not repeal them, as they had bound
+themselves under a heavy curse to be governed for ten years by the
+laws which should be imposed on them by Solon.
+
+On this account, as well as to see the world, Solon set out upon his
+travels, in the course of which he went to Egypt to the court of
+Amasis,[4] and also paid a visit to Croesus at Sardis. Croesus
+received him as his guest, and lodged him in the royal palace. On the
+third or fourth day after, he bade his servants conduct Solon over his
+treasuries and show him all their greatness and magnificence. When he
+had seen them all, and so far as time allowed inspected them,
+Croesus addrest this question to him: "Stranger of Athens, we have
+heard much of thy wisdom and of thy travels through many lands, from
+love of knowledge and a wish to see the world. I am curious therefore
+to inquire of thee, whom of all the men that thou hast seen thou
+deemest the most happy?"
+
+This he asked because he thought himself the happiest of mortals; but
+Solon answered him without flattery, according to his true sentiments,
+"Tellus of Athens, sire." Full of astonishment at what he had heard
+Croesus demanded sharply, "And wherefore dost thou deem Tellus
+happiest?" To this the other replied: "First, because his country was
+flourishing in his days, and he himself had sons both beautiful and
+good, and he lived to see children born to each of them, and these
+children all grew up; and further, because after a life spent in what
+our people look upon as comfort, his end was surpassingly glorious. In
+a battle between the Athenians and their neighbors near Eleusis, he
+came to the assistance of his countrymen, routed the foe, and died
+upon the field most gallantly. The Athenians gave him a public funeral
+on the spot where he fell, and paid him the highest honors."
+
+Thus did Solon admonish Croesus by the example of Tellus,
+enumerating the manifold particulars of his happiness. When he had
+ended, Croesus inquired a second time, who after Tellus seemed to
+him the happiest, expecting that at any rate he would be given the
+second place. "Cleobis and Bito," Solon answered: "they were of Argive
+race; their fortune was enough for their wants, and they were besides
+endowed with so much bodily strength that they had both gained prizes
+at the games. Also, this tale is told of them: There was a great
+festival in honor of the goddess Juno at Argos, to which their mother
+must needs be taken in a car. Now, the oxen did not come home from the
+field in time; so the youths, fearful of being too late, put the yoke
+on their own necks, and themselves drew the car in which their mother
+rode. Five and forty furlongs did they draw her, and stopt before the
+temple. This deed of theirs was witnessed by the whole assembly of
+worshipers, and then their life closed in the best possible way.
+Herein, too, God showed forth most evidently how much better a thing
+for man death is than life. For the Argive men stood thick around the
+car and extolled the vast strength of the youths; and the Argive women
+extolled the mother who was blest with such a pair of sons; and the
+mother herself, overjoyed at the deed and at the praises it had won,
+standing straight before the image, besought the goddess to bestow on
+Cleobis and Bito, the sons who had so mightily honored her, the
+highest blessing to which mortals can attain. Her prayer ended, they
+offered sacrifice and partook of the holy banquet, after which the two
+youths fell asleep in the temple. They never woke again, but so passed
+from the earth. The Argives, looking on them as among the best of men,
+caused statues of them to be made, which they gave to the shrine at
+Delphi."
+
+When Solon had thus assigned these youths the second place Croesus
+broke in angrily, "What, stranger of Athens! is my happiness then so
+utterly set at naught by thee that thou dost not even put me on a
+level with private men?"
+
+"O Croesus," replied the other, "thou askedst a question concerning
+the condition of man, of one who knows that the Power above us is
+full of jealousy, and fond of troubling our lot. A long life gives
+one to witness much, and experience much oneself, that one would not
+choose. Seventy years I regard as the limit of the life of man. In
+these seventy years are contained, without reckoning intercalary
+months, twenty-five thousand and two hundred days. Add an intercalary
+month to every other year, that the seasons may come round at the
+right time, and there will be, besides the seventy years, thirty-five
+such months, making an addition of one thousand and fifty days. The
+whole number of the days contained in the seventy years will thus be
+twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, whereof not one but will
+produce events unlike the rest. Hence man is wholly accident.
+
+"For thyself, O Croesus, I see that thou art wonderfully rich, and
+art the lord of many nations; but with respect to that whereon thou
+questionest me, I have no answer to give, until I hear that thou hast
+closed thy life happily. For assuredly he who possesses great store of
+riches is no nearer happiness than he who has what suffices for his
+daily needs, unless it so hap that luck attend upon him, and so he
+continue in the enjoyment of all his good things to the end of life.
+For many of the wealthiest men have been unfavored of fortune, and
+many whose means were moderate have had excellent luck. Men of the
+former class excel those of the latter but in two respects; these last
+excel the former in many. The wealthy man is better able to content
+his desires, and to bear up against a sudden buffet of calamity. The
+other has less ability to withstand these evils (from which, however,
+his good luck keeps him clear), but he enjoys all these following
+blessings: he is whole of limb, a stranger to disease, free from
+misfortune, happy in his children, and comely to look upon.
+
+"If in addition to all this he ends his life well, he is of a truth
+the man of whom thou art in search, the man who may rightly be termed
+happy. Call him, however, until he die, not happy but fortunate.
+Scarcely indeed can any man unite all these advantages: as there is no
+country which contains within it all that it needs, but each while it
+possesses some things lacks others, and the best country is that which
+contains the most, so no single human being is complete in every
+respect--something is always lacking. He who unites the greatest
+number of advantages, and retaining them to the day of his death, then
+dies peaceably--that man alone, sire, is in my judgment entitled to
+bear the name of 'happy.' But in every matter it behooves us to mark
+well the end: for oftentimes God gives men a gleam of happiness, and
+then plunges them into ruin."
+
+Such was the speech which Solon addrest to Croesus, a speech which
+brought him neither largess nor honor. The king with much indifference
+saw Solon depart, since the former thought that a man must be an
+arrant fool who made no account of present good, but bade men always
+wait and mark the end.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 1: Herodotus, at a certain period in his life, came under
+the influence of Pericles and his contemporaries, but it is clear from
+his writings that he received from Attic thought and style little
+definite inspiration. J. P. Mahaffy has likened him to Goldsmith in
+his aloofness from his environment. Often ridiculed by his friends for
+simplicity, Goldsmith far exceeded his clever critics in directness
+and pathos, and thus gained a place in literature which contemporaries
+never dreamed would be his. The narrative of Herodotus, adds Mahaffy,
+gives us more information about the state of the ancient nations and
+their culture than all other Greek historians put together. His
+purpose, as Herodotus himself declares, was to narrate the great
+conflict between the Greeks and barbarians, in order that the causes
+might be known and glorious deeds might not perish. Readers are
+imprest by the perfect ease and mastery with which a great variety of
+subjects are dealt with, his story "advancing with epic grandeur to
+its close." Mahaffy pronounces Herodotus an Ionic story-writer, who
+never became an Attic one--the chief master of Ionic, as Thucydides
+was of Attic prose.]
+
+[Footnote 2: From Book I of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. Croesus reigned from 560 B.C. to 546. The visit of Solon
+was made some time before 559.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The capital of Lydia, in Asia Minor, and a flourishing
+city in the time of Croesus. It was several times destroyed, the
+last time by Tamerlane. Its site is now a village.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Amasis came to the Egyptian throne in 569 B.C., and
+reigned 44 years.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+BABYLON AND ITS CAPTURE BY CYRUS[5] (538 B.C.)
+
+
+Assyria contains many large cities; but of these Babylon, to which,
+after the destruction of Nineveh, the seat of government was removed,
+is by far the most renowned and the most strongly fortified. Babylon
+is situated in an extensive plain. Each side of the city, which forms
+a square, measures one hundred and twenty stadia (about fourteen
+miles), making the entire circuit of the city four hundred and eighty
+stadia--such is the magnitude of this city Babylon! and in
+magnificence also it surpassed every city of which we have any
+knowledge. It is surrounded by a trench, deep, wide, and full of
+water. Within this is a wall, the width of which is fifty royal
+cubits, and its height two hundred cubits.[6] The royal cubit exceeds
+the common measure by three fingers' breadth.
+
+It is proper I should say in what manner the earth removed from the
+trench was disposed of, and how the wall was constructed. The earth,
+as fast as it was removed from the trench, was converted into bricks
+and baked in furnaces: when thus prepared, melted bitumen was used
+instead of mortar; and between every thirtieth course of bricks there
+was inserted a layer of reeds. The sides of the trench were first
+lined with brickwork, and then the wall raised in the manner
+described. On the upper edges of the wall, and opposite to one
+another, were constructed turrets; between these turrets a space was
+left wide enough for a chariot and four horses to pass and turn. In
+the walls were one hundred gates, all of brass, with posts and upper
+lintels of the same. Eight days' journey from Babylon is a city named
+Is, near which runs a small river of the same name, discharging itself
+into the Euphrates; this river brings down with its waters clots of
+bitumen in large quantities. From this source was derived the bitumen
+used in cementing the walls of Babylon.
+
+Such are the fortifications of Babylon. The city is divided into two
+portions by the river Euphrates, which runs through the midst of it.
+This river rises in Armenia, and throughout its course is wide, deep,
+and swift; it empties itself into the Red sea.[7] Each of the city
+walls is extended to the river, where it makes an angle, and, with a
+coating of burnt bricks, lines the sides of the river. The city is
+filled with houses of three or four stories, forming streets in
+straight lines, and running parallel with one another, the cross
+streets opening upon the river through as many smaller brazen gates,
+placed in the breastwork of the river walls. Within the principal wall
+just mentioned is a second, not much inferior to the first in
+strength, tho less in width.
+
+In the center of each portion of the city is an enclosed space--the
+one occupied by the royal palace, a building of vast extent and great
+strength; in the other stands the temple of Jupiter Belus, with its
+brazen gates, remaining in my time: it is a square structure; each
+side measures two stadia. Within the enclosure is erected a solid
+tower, measuring a stadium both in width and depth; upon this tower is
+raised another, and then another, and another, making eight in all.
+The ascent is by a path which is formed on the outside of the towers;
+midway in the ascent is a resting-place, furnished with easy chairs,
+in which those who ascend repose themselves. On the summit of the
+topmost tower stands a large temple; and in this temple is a great
+couch, handsomely fitted up; and near it stands a golden table: no
+statue whatever is erected in the temple, nor does any man ever pass
+the night there; but a woman only, chosen from the people by the god,
+as the Chaldeans, who are the priests of the temple affirm. The same
+persons say--tho I give no credit to the story--that the god himself
+comes to the temple and reposes on the bed, in like manner as at
+Thebes in Egypt, where also, in the temple of Jupiter, a woman passes
+the night. A similar custom is observed at Pataris, in Lycia, where
+there is at times an oracle, on which occasions the priestess is shut
+up by night in the temple.
+
+Within the precincts of the temple at Babylon there is a smaller
+sacred edifice on the ground, containing an immense golden statue of
+Jupiter in a sitting posture: around the statue are large tables,
+which, with the steps and throne, are all of gold, and, as the
+Chaldeans affirm, contain eight hundred talents of gold. Without this
+edifice is a golden altar; there is also another altar of great size,
+on which are offered full-grown animals: upon the golden altar it is
+not lawful to offer sacrifices except sucklings. Once in every year,
+when the festival of this god is celebrated, the Chaldeans burn upon
+the greater altar a thousand talents of frankincense. There was also,
+not long since, in this sacred enclosure a statue of solid gold,
+twelve cubits in height; at least so the Chaldeans affirm: I did not
+myself see it. This figure Darius Hystaspes would fain have taken, but
+dared not execute his wishes; however, his son Xerxes not only took
+it, but put to death the priests who endeavored to prevent its
+removal. Such was the magnificence of this temple, which contained
+also many private offerings.
+
+Of this Babylon there were several monarchs--as I shall mention in my
+history of the Assyrians--who adorned the city and its temples. Among
+these, two young women must be mentioned. The former, named
+Semiramis,[8] reigned five generations before the latter. This queen
+raised an embankment worthy of admiration through the plain to confine
+the river, which heretofore often spread over the level like a lake.
+The latter of these two queens, named Nitocris,[9] excelled the
+former in intelligence: she left monuments, some of which I must
+describe. Seeing the Medes already possest of extensive empire, and
+restlessly extending their power, by taking city after city, among
+which was Nineveh, she resolved in good time to secure herself against
+them in the best manner possible. In the first place, therefore, as
+the river Euphrates ran in a straight course through the city, she
+formed excavations at a distance above it, by which means its course
+became so tortuous that it three times passed a certain town of
+Assyria, called Ardericca; travelers from our sea,[10] in descending
+the Euphrates toward Babylon, three times arrive at that town in the
+course of three days. She also raised both banks of the river to an
+amazing height and thickness. At some distance above Babylon, and near
+the river, she dug a reservoir in the marsh, of such depth as to drain
+it. The width of this excavation was such as to make its circuit four
+hundred and twenty stadia. The earth removed from it was taken to
+raise the banks of the river; this done, she brought stones, with
+which the sides of the lake were lined. Both these works--the
+diverting of the river and the reservoir--were formed with the
+intention of rendering the current less rapid by its many windings,
+which broke its force, and at the same time made the navigation more
+circuitous; so that those who descended toward Babylon by water might
+have to make a long circuit around the lake. These works were
+effective on that side which was exposed to the inroads of the Medes,
+and where the distance between her dominions and theirs was the least;
+for she wished to cut off all communication with them, and to keep
+them in ignorance of her movements.
+
+Thus did this princess raise from the depths a fortification, within
+which she was included. The city being divided into two portions by
+the river in former times, whoever wished to pass from one to the
+other was obliged to take a boat, which manifestly was a great
+inconvenience. This defect she supplied. When she had dug the lake in
+the marsh, she availed herself of the occasion to construct another
+monument also, by which her fame will be perpetuated. She caused
+stones of great magnitude to be hewn, and when they were ready, the
+lake being empty, she turned the waters of the Euphrates into it;
+which, as it filled, left the old channel dry. Then she lined both
+sides of the river and the descent from the gates with burnt bricks,
+in like manner as the city walls; and with the stones already
+mentioned she constructed, as near the middle of the city as possible,
+a bridge, binding the stones together with iron and lead. During the
+day, planks of wood were extended from pier to pier, so as to form a
+pathway; these were withdrawn at night, to prevent the people from
+passing over to plunder one another. This bridge was, as we have said,
+formed by withdrawing the water of the Euphrates into the artificial
+lake; when completed, the river was restored to its ancient channel;
+the propriety of this mode of proceeding then become apparent, by
+means of which the citizens obtained the accommodation of a bridge.
+
+The same queen also executed the following machination: she
+constructed for herself a tomb, aloft upon a gate in one of the most
+frequented ways of the city; upon the sepulcher she engraved this
+inscription: "If any one of my successors, the kings of Babylon, shall
+lack money, let him open the sepulcher, and take what treasures he
+pleases. But let him beware of opening it from any other cause than
+necessity; for in such a case it shall not turn to his advantage."
+This sepulcher remained undisturbed till Darius ascended the throne.
+To this king it seemed a grievance both that this gate should remain
+useless, and that the wealth deposited in it, and which invited
+research, should not be appropriated. The gate was not used, because
+no one could pass through it without having a dead body over his head.
+He therefore opened the tomb, in which he found--of treasures indeed
+nothing, but the corpse, and an inscription to this effect: "If thou
+hadst not been insatiably eager for riches, and greedy of filthy
+lucre, thou wouldst not have opened the depository of the dead." So
+much for this queen and the reports that have been handed down
+concerning her.
+
+It was against the son of this woman that Cyrus made war; he was named
+(like his father) Labynetus, and reigned over the Assyrians. When the
+Great King[11] goes out to battle, he is attended by ample provisions
+and cattle drawn from the home stock; and even water from the
+Choaspian spring at Susa,[12] of which alone the king drinks, is
+carried about for his use; for he can taste no other stream. This
+Choaspian water, after having been boiled, is put into vases of
+silver, which are transported in four-wheeled wagons drawn by mules,
+following him wherever he goes.
+
+Cyrus advancing toward Babylon arrived at the river Gyndes, which,
+rising in the Matienian hills and running through the country of the
+Dardanians (or Darnians), empties itself into the Tigris; and this
+river, passing by the city Opis, discharges its waters into the Red
+Sea.[13] When Cyrus attempted to pass this river Gyndes, which could
+only be done by boats, one of the white horses called sacred, full of
+mettle, plunged into the stream and endeavored to reach the opposite
+bank; but, being submerged in the current, it was carried away. Cyrus,
+enraged at the river for this injury, threatened to reduce it so low
+that in future women should ford it with ease, not wetting their
+knees. Having uttered this threat, he delayed the progress of his army
+toward Babylon, and, dividing his forces into two bodies, measured out
+one hundred and eighty channels to be cut from both banks of the
+river, thus diverting the Gyndes on all sides. He enjoined upon his
+army the work of digging these trenches, and by their numbers they
+completed it; but the whole summer was spent there in the labor.
+
+Cyrus having in this manner punished the river Gyndes, by distributing
+its waters into three hundred and sixty trenches, as soon as the next
+spring appeared, advanced toward Babylon. The Babylonians, coming out
+in battle-array, waited his approach; when he drew nigh to the city
+they engaged him, but, being defeated, retired within the walls. Some
+time before, well knowing the restless intentions of Cyrus, and seeing
+him attack one nation after another, they had brought into the city an
+abundance of corn for many years. They therefore disregarded the
+siege. But Cyrus, beset with difficulties, saw a long time pass away
+without his making any progress toward the accomplishment of his
+object.
+
+At length, either at the suggestion of some one else or from a thought
+of his own, he resorted to the following means: He disposed the whole
+of his army, by placing one part above the city, where the river
+enters it, and another part below, where it makes its exit, commanding
+them as soon as they should perceive the river to be sufficiently
+shallow to enter by that way. This order being given, he himself went
+off with the inferior troops of the army. Arriving at the lake, he did
+what had been done before by the queen of Babylon in the marsh; for,
+by making a trench from the river to the empty reservoir, he diverted
+the water from the ancient channel, till it so far subsided as to
+become fordable.
+
+As soon as this happened, the Persians who had been appointed for this
+purpose entered Babylon by the bed of the river, the water of which
+was little more than knee-deep. If the Babylonians had been before
+apprized of the intentions of Cyrus, or if they had learned at the
+moment what he was doing, they would not have suffered the Persians to
+enter the city, nor would the Babylonians have perished so
+shamefully; for if they had closed all the gates by the river's side,
+and ascended the walls which ran along it, they might have taken the
+Persians as in a net. But the Persians came upon their opponents quite
+unexpectedly; and from the great extent of the city--as it has been
+affirmed by some of the inhabitants--those who dwelt in the outskirts
+of the city were made prisoners before the people in the center of
+Babylon knew that the place was taken. But, as it happened, they were
+celebrating a festival, and were dancing and feasting when they
+learned what had happened. Thus was Babylon the first time taken.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 5: From Book I of the "History." Translated by Isaac Taylor.
+Cyrus, after capturing Babylon, did not destroy it; it was Darius
+Hystaspes who razed its walls and towers. Darius Hystaspes was the
+father of that Darius who succeeded to the Persian throne after the
+failure of male heirs to Cyrus. Xerxes carried further the work of
+destruction at Babylon. Its permanent decay was accelerated still more
+by the founding, in its neighborhood, of Seleucia in 300 B.C. In the
+time of Pliny it had become a dismal and silent place.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Equivalents in English feet for these measurements have
+been estimated as eighty-five feet for the width and three hundred and
+thirty-five feet for the height.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Now called the Persian Gulf.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Semiramis is regarded by modern antiquarians as a
+fabulous personage. By some of them she has been identified with the
+goddess Astarte.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Antiquarians have great doubts as to the identity of this
+queen. By some she is thought to have been the wife of Nebuchadnezzar,
+who began to reign in 604 B.C., and the mother or grandmother of
+Belshazzar, the last of the kings of Babylon.]
+
+[Footnote 10: That is, from the sea which encircled Greece.]
+
+[Footnote 11: Herodotus means by this the King of Persia.]
+
+[Footnote 12: Susa was the capital of Susiana, a country lying at the
+head of the Persian Gulf.]
+
+[Footnote 13: Here again for Red Sea we must read Persian Gulf.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE PYRAMID OF CHEOPS[14]
+
+
+Till the death of Rhampsinitus, the priests said, Egypt was
+excellently governed, and flourished greatly; but after him Cheops
+succeeded to the throne, and plunged into all manner of wickedness. He
+closed the temples and forbade the Egyptians to offer sacrifice,
+compelling them instead to labor, one and all, in his service. Some
+were required to drag blocks of stone down to the Nile from the
+quarries in the Arabian range of hills; others received the blocks
+after they had been conveyed in boats across the river, and drew them
+to the range of hills called the Libyan. A hundred thousand men
+labored constantly, and were relieved every three months by a fresh
+lot. It took ten years' oppression of the people to make the causeway
+for the conveyance of the stones, a work not much inferior, in my
+judgment, to the pyramid itself. This causeway is five furlongs in
+length, ten fathoms wide, and in height, at the highest part, eight
+fathoms. It is built of polished stone, and is covered with carvings
+of animals. To make it took ten years, as I said--or rather to make
+the causeway, the works on the mound where the pyramid stands, and the
+underground chambers, which Cheops intended as vaults for his own use;
+these last were built on a sort of island, surrounded by water
+introduced from the Nile by a canal. The pyramid itself was twenty
+years in building. It is a square, eight hundred feet each way, and
+the height the game, built entirely of polished stone, fitted together
+with the utmost care. The stones of which it is composed are none of
+them less than thirty feet in length.
+
+The pyramid was built in steps, battlement-wise, as it is called, or,
+according to others, altar-wise. After laying the stones for the base,
+they raised the remaining stones to their places by means of machines
+formed of short wooden planks. The first machine raised them from the
+ground to the top of the first step. On this there was another
+machine, which received the stone upon its arrival, and conveyed it to
+the second step, whence a third machine advanced it still higher.
+Either they had as many machines as there were steps in the pyramid or
+possibly they had but a single machine, which, being easily moved,
+was transferred from tier to tier as the stone rose--both accounts are
+given, and therefore I mention both. The upper portion of the pyramid
+was finished first, then the middle, and finally the part which was
+lowest and nearest the ground. There is an inscription in Egyptian
+characters on the pyramid which records the quantity of radishes,
+onions, and garlic consumed by the laborers who constructed it; and I
+perfectly well remember that the interpreter who read the writing to
+me said that the money expended in this way was 1,600 talents of
+silver. If this then is a true record, what a vast sum must have been
+spent on the iron tools used in the work, and on the feeding and
+clothing of the laborers, considering the length of time the work
+lasted, which has already been stated, and the additional time--no
+small space, I imagine--which must have been occupied by the quarrying
+of the stones, their conveyance, and the formation of the underground
+apartments!
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 14: From Book II of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. The Pyramid of Cheops was built about 3,500 B.C. Cheops,
+according to Herodotus, reigned fifty years.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+THE STORY OF PERIANDER'S SON[15]
+
+
+After Periander had put to death his wife Melissa, it chanced that on
+his first affliction a second followed of a different kind. His wife
+had borne him two sons, and one of them had now reached the age of
+seventeen, the other of eighteen years, when their mother's father,
+Procles, tyrant of Epidaurus,[16] asked them to his court. They went,
+and Procles treated them with much kindness, as was natural,
+considering they were his own daughter's children. At length, when the
+time for parting came, Procles as he was sending them on their way
+said, "Know you now, my children, who it was that caused your mother's
+death?" The elder son took no account of this speech, but the younger,
+whose name was Lycophron, was sorely troubled at it--so much so that
+when he got back to Corinth, looking upon his father as his mother's
+murderer, he would neither speak to him nor answer when spoken to nor
+utter a word in reply to all his father's questionings. So Periander,
+at last growing furious at such behavior, banished his son from his
+house.
+
+The younger son gone, he turned to the elder and asked him what it was
+that their grandfather had said to them. Then the son related in how
+kind and friendly a fashion the grandfather had received them; but,
+not having taken any notice of the speech which Procles had uttered at
+parting, he quite forgot to mention it. Periander insisted that it was
+not possible this should be all--their grandfather must have given
+them some hint or other--and he went on pressing his son till at last
+he remembered the parting speech and told it. Periander, after he had
+turned the whole matter over in his thoughts and felt unwilling to
+give way at all, sent a messenger to the persons who had opened their
+houses to his outcast son and forbade them to harbor him. Then the
+boy, when he had been driven from one friend, sought refuge with
+another, but was forced from shelter to shelter by the threats of his
+father, who menaced all those that took him in, and commanded them to
+shut their doors against him. Still, as fast as he was forced to leave
+one house he went to another, and was received by the inmates; for his
+acquaintances, altho in no small alarm, yet gave him shelter, as he
+was Periander's son.
+
+At last Periander made proclamation that whoever harbored his son, or
+even spoke to him, should forfeit a certain sum of money to Apollo. On
+hearing this no one any longer liked to take him in, or even to hold
+converse with him, and he himself did not think it right to seek to do
+what was forbidden; so, abiding by his resolve, he made his lodging in
+the public porticoes. When four days had passed in this way,
+Periander, seeing how wretched his son was, that he neither washed nor
+took any food, felt moved with compassion toward him; wherefore,
+foregoing his anger, he approached the lad, and said, "Which is
+better, oh, my son, to fare as now thou farest or to receive my crown
+and all the good things that I possess, on the one condition of
+submitting thyself to thy father? See, now, tho my own child, and lord
+of this wealthy Corinth, thou hast brought thyself to a beggar's life,
+because thou must resist and treat with anger him whom it least
+behooves thee to oppose. If there has been a calamity, and thou
+bearest me ill will on that account, bethink thee that I too feel it,
+and am the greater sufferer, inasmuch as it was by me that the deed
+was done. For thyself, now that thou knowest how much better a thing
+it is to be envied than pitied, and how dangerous it is to indulge
+anger against parents and superiors, come back with me to thy home."
+With such words as these did Periander chide his son; but the latter
+made no reply except to remind his father that he was indebted to the
+god in the penalty for coming and holding converse with him. Then
+Periander knew there was no cure for the youth's malady, nor means of
+overcoming it; so he prepared a ship and sent him away out of his
+sight to Corcyra,[17] which island at that time belonged to him. As
+for Procles, Periander, regarding him as the true author of all his
+present troubles, went to war with him as soon as his son was gone,
+and not only made himself master of his kingdom, Epidaurus, but also
+took Procles himself, and carried him into captivity.
+
+As time went on, and Periander came to be old, he found himself no
+longer equal to the oversight and management of affairs. Seeing
+therefore in his elder son no manner of ability, but knowing him to be
+dull and blockish, he sent to Corcyra and recalled Lycophron to take
+the kingdom. Lycophron, however, did not even deign to ask the bearer
+of this message a question. But Periander's heart was set upon the
+youth, so he sent again to him, this time by his own daughter, the
+sister of Lycophron, who would, he thought, have more power to
+persuade him than any other person. Then the daughter, when she had
+reached Corcyra, spoke thus with her brother: "Dost thou wish the
+kingdom, brother, to pass into strange hands, and our father's wealth
+to be made a prey rather than thyself return to enjoy it? Come back
+home with me, and cease to punish thyself. It is scant gain, this
+obstinacy. Why seek to cure evil by evil? Mercy, remember, is by many
+set above justice. Many, also while pushing their mother's claims have
+forfeited their father's fortune. Power is a slippery thing--it has
+many suitors; and he is old and stricken in years--let not thy own
+inheritance go to another."
+
+Thus did the sister, who had been tutored by Periander what to say,
+urge all the arguments most likely to have weight with her brother.
+He, however, made answer that so long as he knew his father to be
+still alive, he would never go back to Corinth. When the sister
+brought Periander this reply, he sent to his son a third time by a
+herald, and said he would come himself to Corcyra, and let his son
+take his place at Corinth, as heir to his kingdom. To these terms
+Lycophron agreed; and Periander was making ready to pass into Corcyra
+and his son to return to Corinth, when the Corcyreans, being informed
+of what was taking place, to keep Periander away, put the young man to
+death. For this reason it was that Periander took vengeance on the
+Corcyreans.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 15: From Book III of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. Periander was tyrant of Corinth, succeeding to power about
+625 B.C. He is believed to have reigned forty years.]
+
+[Footnote 16: A city on the coast of Argolis, one of the states of
+southern Greece.]
+
+[Footnote 17: Now known as Corfu, an island lying off the western
+coast of Greece, adjacent to Epirus.]
+
+
+
+
+THUCYDIDES
+
+     Born in Athens about 471 B.C.; died about 401; celebrated as
+     a historian; claimed blood relationship with Miltiades and
+     Cimon; possest an ample fortune; in 424 commanded an
+     expedition against Brasidas, but failing in it went into
+     exile, returning to Athens twenty years later; did not live
+     to finish his "History of the Peloponnesian War," the
+     narrative ending seven years before the war closed; the
+     Greek text first printed by Aldus at Venice in 1502.[18]
+
+I
+
+THE ATHENIANS AND SPARTANS CONTRASTED[19]
+
+
+Such were the causes of ill feeling which at this time existed between
+the Athenians and Peloponnesians;[20] the Corinthians complaining that
+the Athenians were blockading their colony of Potidæa, which was
+occupied by a Corinthian and Peloponnesian garrison; the Athenians
+rejoining that the Peloponnesians had excited to revolt a state which
+was an ally and tributary of theirs, and that they had now openly
+joined the Potidæans, and were fighting on their side. The
+Peloponnesian war, however, had not yet broken out; the peace still
+continued; for thus far the Corinthians had acted alone.
+
+But now, seeing Potidæa[21] besieged, they bestirred themselves in
+earnest. Corinthian troops were shut up within the walls, and they
+were afraid of losing the town; so without delay they invited the
+allies to meet at Sparta. There they inveighed against the Athenians,
+whom they affirmed to have broken the treaty and to have wronged the
+Peloponnesians.... The Megarians alleged, among other grounds of
+complaint, that they were excluded from all harbors within the
+Athenian dominion and from the Athenian market, contrary to the
+treaty. The Corinthians waited until the other allies had stirred up
+the Lacedæmonians; at length they came forward, and, last of all,
+spoke as follows:
+
+"The spirit of trust, Lacedæmonians, which animates your own political
+and social life makes you distrust others who, like ourselves, have
+something unpleasant to say, and this temper of mind, tho favorable to
+moderation, too often leaves you in ignorance of what is going on
+outside your own country. Time after time we have warned you of the
+mischief which the Athenians would do to us, but instead of taking our
+words to heart, you chose to suspect that we spoke only from
+interested motives. And this is the reason why you have brought the
+allies to Sparta, too late, not before but after the injury has been
+inflicted, and when they are smarting under the sense of it. Which of
+them all has a better right to speak than ourselves, who have the
+heaviest accusations to make, outraged as we are by the Athenians, and
+neglected by you? If the crimes which they are committing against
+Hellas were being done in a corner, then you might be ignorant, and we
+should have to inform you of them; but now, what need of many words?
+Some of us, as you see, have been already enslaved; they are at this
+moment intriguing against others, notably against allies of ours; and
+long ago they had made all their preparations in expectation of war.
+Else why did they seduce from her allegiance Corcyra, which they still
+hold in defiance of us, and why are they blockading Potidæa, the
+latter a most advantageous post for the command of the Thracian
+peninsula, the former a great naval power which might have assisted
+the Peloponnesians?
+
+"And the blame of all this rests on you; for you originally allowed
+them to fortify their city after the Persian war, and afterward to
+build their Long Walls;[22] and to this hour you have gone on
+defrauding of liberty their unfortunate subjects, and are now
+beginning to take it away from your own allies. For the true enslaver
+of a people is he who can put an end to their slavery, but has no care
+about it; and all the more, if he be reputed the champion of liberty
+in Hellas. And so we have met at last, but with what difficulty! and
+even now we have no definite object. By this time we ought to have
+been considering, not whether we are wronged, but how we are to be
+revenged. The aggressor is not now threatening, but advancing; he has
+made up his mind, while we are resolved about nothing. And we know too
+well how by slow degrees and with stealthy steps the Athenians
+encroach upon their neighbors. While they think that you are too dull
+to observe them, they are more careful; but, when they know that you
+wilfully overlook their aggressions, they will strike you and not
+spare. Of all Hellenes, Lacedæmonians, you are the only people who
+never do anything; on the approach of an enemy, you are content to
+defend yourselves against him, not by acts, but by intentions, and
+seek to overthrow him, not in the infancy but in the fulness of his
+strength. How came you to be considered safe? That reputation of
+yours was never justified by facts. We all know that the Persian made
+his way from the ends of the earth against Peloponnesus before you
+encountered him in a worthy manner; and now you are blind to the
+doings of the Athenians, who are not at a distance, as he was, but
+close at hand. Instead of attacking your enemy, you wait to be
+attacked, and take the chances of a struggle which has been deferred
+until his power is doubled. And you know that the barbarian miscarried
+chiefly through his own errors, and that we have oftener been
+delivered from these very Athenians by blunders of their own than by
+any aid from you. Some have already been ruined by the hopes which you
+inspired in them; for so entirely did they trust you that they took no
+precautions themselves. These things we say in no accusing or hostile
+spirit--let that be understood--but by way of expostulation. For men
+expostulate with erring friends; they bring accusations against
+enemies who have done them a wrong.
+
+"And surely we have a right to find fault with our neighbors if any
+one ever had. There are important interests at stake to which, as far
+as we can see, you are insensible. And you have never considered what
+manner of men are these Athenians with whom you will have to fight,
+and how utterly unlike yourselves. They are revolutionary, equally
+quick in the conception and in the execution of every new plan; while
+you are conservative--careful only to keep what you have, originating
+nothing, and not acting even when action is most necessary. They are
+bold beyond their strength; they run risks which prudence would
+condemn; and in the midst of misfortune they are full of hope. Whereas
+it is your nature, tho strong, to act feebly; when your plans are most
+prudent, to distrust them; and when calamities come upon you, to think
+that you will never be delivered from them. They are impetuous, and
+you are dilatory; they are always abroad, and you are always at home.
+For they hope to gain something by leaving their homes; but you are
+afraid that any new enterprise may imperil what you have already. When
+conquerors, they pursue their victory to the utmost; when defeated,
+they fall back the least. Their bodies they devote to their country as
+tho they belonged to other men; their true self is in their mind,
+which is most truly their own when employed in her service. When they
+do not carry out an intention which they have formed, they seem to
+have sustained a personal bereavement; when an enterprise succeeds,
+they have gained a mere instalment of what is to come; but if they
+fail, they at once conceive new hopes and so fill up the void. With
+them alone to hope is to have, for they lose not a moment in the
+execution of an idea. This is the lifelong task, full of danger and
+toil, which they are always imposing upon themselves. None enjoy their
+good things less, because they are always seeking for more. To do
+their duty is their only holiday, and they deem the quiet of inaction
+to be as disagreeable as the most tiresome business. If a man should
+say to them, in a word, that they were born neither to have peace
+themselves nor to allow peace to other men, he would simply speak the
+truth.
+
+"In the face of such an enemy, Lacedæmonians, you persist in doing
+nothing. You do not see that peace is best secured by those who use
+their strength justly, but whose attitude shows that they have no
+intention of submitting to wrong. Justice with you seems to consist in
+giving no annoyance to others and in defending yourselves only against
+positive injury. But this policy would hardly be successful, even if
+your neighbors were like yourselves; and in the present case, as we
+pointed out just now, your ways compared with theirs are
+old-fashioned. And, as in the arts, so also in politics, the new must
+always prevail over the old. In settled times the traditions of
+government should be observed; but when circumstances are changing and
+men are compelled to meet them, much originality is required.
+
+"The Athenians have had a wider experience, and therefore the
+administration of their state has improved faster than yours. But here
+let your procrastination end; send an army at once into Attica and
+assist your allies, especially the Potidæans, to whom your word is
+pledged. Do not allow friends and kindred to fall into the hands of
+their worst enemies, or drive us in despair to seek the alliance of
+others; in taking such a course we should be doing wrong either before
+the gods who are witnesses of our oaths or before men whose eyes are
+upon us. For the true breakers of treaties are not only those who,
+when forsaken, turn to others, but those who forsake allies whom they
+have sworn to defend. We will remain your friends if you choose to
+bestir yourselves; for we should be guilty of an impiety if we
+deserted you without cause; and we shall not easily find allies
+equally congenial to us. Take heed then; you have inherited from your
+fathers the leadership of Peloponnesus; see that her greatness suffers
+no diminution at your hands."
+
+Thus spake the Corinthians. Now there happened to be staying at
+Lacedæmon an Athenian embassy which had come on other business, and
+when the envoys heard what the Corinthians had said, they felt bound
+to go before the Lacedæmonian assembly, not with the views of
+answering the accusations brought against them by the cities, but they
+wanted to put before the Lacedæmonians the whole question, and make
+them understand that they should take time to deliberate and not be
+rash. They desired also to set forth the greatness of their city,
+reminding the elder men of what they knew, and informing the younger
+of what lay beyond their experience. They thought that their words
+would sway the Lacedæmonians in the direction of peace. So they came
+and said that, if they might be allowed, they too would like to
+address the people. The Lacedæmonians invited them to come forward,
+and they spoke as follows:
+
+"We were not sent here to argue with your allies, but on a special
+mission; observing, however, that no small outcry has arisen against
+us, we have come forward, not to answer the accusations which they
+bring (for you are not judges before whom either we or they have to
+plead), but to prevent you from lending too ready an ear to their bad
+advice and so deciding wrongly about a very serious question. We
+propose also, in reply to the wider charges which are raised against
+us, to show that what we have acquired we hold rightfully.
+
+"Of the ancient deeds handed down by tradition and which no eye of any
+one who hears us ever saw, why should we speak? But of the Persian
+war, and other events which you yourselves remember, speak we must,
+altho we have brought them forward so often that the repetition of
+them is disagreeable to us. When we faced those perils we did so for
+the common benefit; in the solid good you shared, and of the glory,
+whatever good there may be in that, we would not be wholly deprived.
+Our words are not designed to deprecate hostility, but to set forth in
+evidence the character of the city with which, unless you are very
+careful, you will soon be involved in war. We tell you that we, first
+and alone, dared to engage with the barbarian at Marathon,[23] and
+that, when he came again, being too weak to defend ourselves by land,
+we and our whole people embarked on shipboard and shared with the
+other Hellenes in the victory of Salamis.[24] Thereby he was prevented
+from sailing to the Peloponnesus and ravaging city after city; for
+against so mighty a fleet how could you have helped one another? He
+himself is the best witness of our words; for when he was once
+defeated at sea, he felt that his power was gone and quickly retreated
+with the greater part of his army.
+
+"The event proved undeniably that the fate of Hellas depended on her
+navy. And the three chief elements of success were contributed by us;
+namely, the greatest number of ships, the ablest general, the most
+devoted patriotism. The ships in all numbered four hundred, and of
+these, our own contingent amounted to nearly two-thirds. To the
+influence of Themistocles, our general, it was chiefly due that we
+fought in the strait, which was confessedly our salvation; and for
+this service you yourselves honored him above any stranger who ever
+visited you. Thirdly, we displayed the most extraordinary courage and
+devotion; there was no one to help us by land; for up to our frontier
+those who lay in the enemy's path were already slaves; so we
+determined to leave our city and sacrifice our homes. Even in that
+extremity we did not choose to desert the cause of the allies who
+still resisted, and by dispersing ourselves to become useless to them;
+but we embarked and fought, taking no offense at your failure to
+assist us sooner. We maintain then that we rendered you a service at
+least as great as you rendered us. The cities from which you came to
+help us were still inhabited and you might hope to return to them;
+your concern was for yourselves and not for us; at any rate, you
+remained at a distance while we had anything to lose. But we went
+forth from a city which was no more, and fought for one of which there
+was small hope; and yet we saved ourselves, and bore our part in
+saving you. If, in order to preserve our land, like other states, we
+had gone over to the Persians at first, or afterward had not ventured
+to embark because our ruin was already complete, it would have been
+useless for you with your weak navy to fight at sea, but everything
+would have gone quietly just as the Persian desired.
+
+"Considering, Lacedæmonians, the energy and sagacity which we then
+displayed, do we deserve to be so bitterly hated by the other Hellenes
+merely because we have an empire? That empire was not acquired by
+force; but you would not stay and make an end of the barbarian, and
+the allies came of their own accord and asked us to be their leaders.
+The subsequent development of our power was originally forced upon us
+by circumstances; fear was our first motive; afterward ambition, and
+then interest stept in. And when we had incurred the hatred of most of
+our allies, when some of them had already revolted and been
+subjugated, and you were no longer the friends to us which you once
+had been, but suspicious and ill-disposed, how could we without great
+risk relax our hold? For the cities as fast as they fell away from us
+would have gone over to you. And no man is to be reproached who seizes
+every possible advantage when the danger is so great.
+
+"At all events, Lacedæmonians, we may retort that you, in the exercise
+of your supremacy, manage the cities of Peloponnesus to suit your own
+views, and that if you, and not we, had persevered in the command of
+the allies long enough to be hated, you would have been quite as
+intolerable to them as we are, and would have been compelled, for the
+sake of your own safety, to rule with a strong hand. An empire was
+offered to us: can you wonder that, acting as human nature always
+will, we accepted it, and refused to give it up again, constrained by
+three all powerful motives, ambition, fear, interest? We are not the
+first who have aspired to rule; the world has ever held that the
+weaker must be kept down by the stronger. And we think that we are
+worthy of power; and there was a time when you thought so too; but now
+when you mean expediency you talk about justice. Did justice ever
+deter any one from taking by force whatever he could? Men who indulge
+the natural ambition of empire deserve credit if they are in any
+degree more careful of justice than they need be. How moderate we are
+would speedily appear if others took our place; indeed, our very
+moderation, which should be our glory, has been unjustly converted
+into a reproach.
+
+"For because in our suits with our allies, regulated by treaty, we do
+not even stand upon our rights, but have instituted the practise of
+deciding them at Athens and by Athenian law, we are supposed to be
+litigious. None of our opponents observes why others, who exercise
+dominion elsewhere and are less moderate than we are in their dealings
+with their subjects, escape this reproach. Why is it? Because men who
+practise violence have no longer any need of law. But we are in the
+habit of meeting our allies on terms of equality, and, therefore, if
+through some legal decision of ours, or exercise of our imperial
+power, contrary to their own ideas of right, they suffer ever so
+little, they are not grateful for our moderation in leaving them so
+much, but are far more offended at their trifling loss than if we had
+from the first plundered them in the face of day, laying aside all
+thought of law. For then they would themselves have admitted that the
+weaker must give way to the stronger. Mankind resents injustice more
+than violence, because the one seems to be an unfair advantage taken
+by an equal, the other is the irresistible force of a superior. They
+were patient under the yoke of the Persian, who inflicted on them far
+more grievous wrongs; but now our dominion is odious in their eyes.
+And no wonder: the ruler of the day is always detested by his
+subjects. And should your empire supplant ours, may not you lose the
+good-will which you owe to the fear of us? Lose it you certainly will,
+if you mean again to exhibit the temper of which you gave a specimen
+when, for a short time, you led the confederacy against the Persian.
+For the institutions under which you live are incompatible with those
+of foreign states; and further, when any of you goes abroad, he
+respects neither these nor any other Hellenic laws.
+
+"Do not then be hasty in deciding a question which is serious; and do
+not, by listening to the misrepresentations and complaints of others,
+bring trouble upon yourselves. Realize, while there is time, the
+inscrutable nature of war; and how when protracted it generally ends
+in becoming a mere matter of chance, over which neither of us can have
+any control, the event being equally unknown and equally hazardous to
+both. The misfortune is that in their hurry to go to war, men begin
+with blows, and when a reverse comes upon them, then have recourse to
+words. But neither you nor we have as yet committed this mistake; and
+therefore while both of us can still choose the prudent part, we tell
+you not to break the peace or violate your oaths. Let our differences
+be determined by arbitration, according to the treaty. If you refuse,
+we call to witness the gods by whom you have sworn that you are the
+authors of the war; and we will do our best to strike in return."
+
+When the Lacedæmonians had heard the charges brought by the allies
+against the Athenians, and their rejoinder, they ordered everybody but
+themselves to withdraw, and deliberated alone. The majority were
+agreed that there was now a clear case against the Athenians, and that
+they must fight at once.[25]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 18: Jowett says Thucydides "stands absolutely alone among
+historians, not only of Hellas, but of the world, in his impartiality
+and love of truth." Macaulay's enthusiasm for him is well known.
+Mahaffy says his work was intended to be a military history, compiled
+from original documents and from personal observations made by himself
+and other eye-witnesses. "There can not be the smallest doubt," adds
+Mahaffy, "that, in the hands of Thucydides, the art of writing history
+made an extraordinary stride and attained a perfection which no
+subsequent Hellenic, and few modern writers have attained." He is
+praised for the "lofty dignity" which he imparts to every subject. His
+temper is so solemn and severe as to be "strangely un-Attic." Among
+his great and enduring merits is the fact that he has "taught us to
+know more of Greek interpolitical life than all other Greek writers
+put together." No historian has been greater than he, not only in
+dignity of language, but in calmness of judgment, in intellectual
+force, and in breadth and acuteness of observation.]
+
+[Footnote 19: From Book I of the "History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett.]
+
+[Footnote 20: The Peloponnesians were the people of the peninsula
+which forms the southern part of Greece, and which is now known as
+Morea. In ancient times this territory was called the Peloponnesus.
+Its people comprized the inhabitants of several political domains
+called Achaia, Sicyonia, Corinthia, Argolis, Arcadia, Laconia,
+Messenia, and Elis. Laconia was otherwise, and quite anciently, known
+as Lacedæmon, its capital being the city of Sparta.]
+
+[Footnote 21: Potidæa, the modern Pinaka, had revolted from Athens in
+432 B.C., but did not capitulate until the end of the second year of
+the Peloponnesian war. It was a rich and flourishing town, originally
+Dorian, but colonized later from Corinth. During one of the Eastern
+invasions of Greece, it fell into Persian hands.]
+
+[Footnote 22: These walls connected Athens with its port, the Piræus,
+and were each about five miles long. They ran parallel and were
+separated from each other by about 500 feet of space. This intervening
+land was used for a carriage road, on either side of which were
+houses. Thus was formed a continuous walled street from Athens to the
+sea, so that communication in case of war was made secure.]
+
+[Footnote 23: The battle of Marathon was fought in September, 490. It
+ended the attempts of Darius to subdue Greece.]
+
+[Footnote 24: The battle of Salamis took place in September, 480, and
+was fought in waters lying between the Piræus and the island of
+Salamis. Themistocles commanded the Greeks. The Persian ships were
+practically annihilated. Byron's lines on this battle, in his poem
+"The Isles of Greece," will be recalled.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE PLAGUE AT ATHENS[26] (430--425 B.C.)
+
+
+They [the enemy] had not been there [in Attica] many days when the
+plague broke out at Athens for the first time. A similar disorder is
+said to have previously smitten many places, particularly Lemnos;[27]
+but there is no record of such a pestilence occurring elsewhere, or of
+so great a destruction of human life. For a while physicians, in
+ignorance of the nature of the disease, sought to apply remedies; but
+it was in vain, and they themselves were among the first victims,
+because they oftenest came into contact with it. No human art was of
+any avail, and as to supplications in temples, inquiries of oracles,
+and the like, they were utterly useless, and at last men were
+overpowered by the calamity and gave up all remedies.
+
+The disease is said to have begun south of Egypt in Ethiopia; thence
+it descended into Egypt and Libya, and after spreading over the
+greater part of the Persian empire, suddenly fell upon Athens. It
+first attacked the inhabitants of the Piræus, and it was supposed that
+the Peloponnesians had poisoned the cisterns, no conduits having as
+yet been made there. It afterward reached the upper city, and then the
+mortality became far greater. As to its probable origin or the causes
+which might or could have produced such a disturbance of nature, every
+man, whether a physician or not, will give his own opinion. But I
+shall describe its actual course, and the symptoms by which any one
+who knows them beforehand may recognize the disorder should it ever
+reappear. For I was myself attacked, and witnessed the sufferings of
+others.
+
+The season was admitted to have been remarkably free from ordinary
+sickness; and if anybody was already ill of any other disease, it was
+absorbed in this. Many who were in perfect health, all in a moment,
+and without any apparent reason, were seized with violent heats in the
+head and with redness and inflammation of the eyes. Internally the
+throat and the tongue were quickly suffused with blood, and the breath
+became unnatural and fetid. There followed sneezing and hoarseness; in
+a short time the disorder, accompanied by a violent cough, reached the
+chest; then fastening lower down, it would move the stomach and bring
+on all the vomits of bile to which physicians have ever given names;
+and they were very distressing. An ineffectual retching producing
+violent convulsions attacked most of the sufferers; some as soon as
+the previous symptoms had abated, others not until long afterward. The
+body externally was not so very hot to the touch, nor yet pale; it was
+of a livid color inclining to red, and breaking out in pustules and
+ulcers. But the internal fever was intense; the sufferers could not
+bear to have on them even the finest linen garment; they insisted on
+being naked, and there was nothing which they longed for more eagerly
+than to throw themselves into cold water. And many of those who had no
+one to look after them actually plunged into the cisterns, for they
+were tormented by unceasing thirst, which was not in the least
+assuaged whether they drank little or much. They could not sleep; a
+restlessness which was intolerable never left them.
+
+While the disease was at its height the body, instead of wasting away,
+held out amid these sufferings in a marvelous manner, and either they
+died on the seventh or ninth day, not of weakness, for their strength
+was not exhausted, but of internal fever, which was the end of most;
+or, if they survived, then the disease descended into the bowels and
+there produced violent ulcerations; severe diarrhea at the same time
+set in, and at a later stage caused exhaustion, which finally with few
+exceptions carried them off. For the disorder, which had originally
+settled in the head, passed gradually through the whole body, and, if
+a person got over the worst, would often seize the extremities and
+leave its mark, attacking the privy parts and the fingers and the
+toes; and some escaped with the loss of these, some with the loss of
+their eyes. Some, again, had no sooner recovered than they were seized
+with a forgetfulness of all things and knew neither themselves nor
+their friends.
+
+The malady took a form not to be described, and the fury with which it
+fastened upon each sufferer was too much for human nature to endure.
+There was one circumstance in particular which distinguished it from
+ordinary diseases. The birds and animals, which feed on human flesh,
+altho so many bodies were lying unburied, either never went near them
+or died if they touched them. This was proved by a remarkable
+disappearance of the birds of prey, which were not to be seen either
+about the bodies or anywhere else; while in the case of the dogs the
+fact was even more obvious, because they live with man.
+
+Such was the general nature of the disease; I omit many strange
+peculiarities which characterized individual cases. None of the
+ordinary sicknesses attacked any one while it lasted, or, if they did,
+they ended in the plague. Some of the sufferers died from want of
+care, others equally who were receiving the greatest attention. No
+single remedy could be deemed a specific; for that which did good to
+one did harm to another. No constitution was of itself strong enough
+to resist or weak enough to escape the attacks; the disease carried
+off all alike and defied every mode of treatment. Most appalling was
+the despondency which seized upon any one who felt himself sickening;
+for he instantly abandoned his mind to despair and, instead of holding
+out, absolutely threw away his chance of life. Appalling too was the
+rapidity with which men caught the infection, dying like sheep if they
+attended on one another, and this was the principal cause of
+mortality. When they were afraid to visit one another, the sufferers
+died in their solitude, so that many houses were empty because there
+had been no one left to take care of the sick; or if they ventured
+they perished, especially those who aspired to heroism. For they went
+to see their friends without thought of themselves and were ashamed to
+leave them, even at a time when the very relatives of the dying were
+at last growing weary and ceased to make lamentations, overwhelmed by
+the vastness of the calamity. But whatever instances there may have
+been of such devotion, more often the sick and the dying were tended
+by the pitying care of those who had recovered, because they knew the
+course of the disease and were themselves free from apprehension. For
+no one was ever attacked a second time, or not with a fatal result.
+All men congratulated them; and they themselves, in the excess of
+their joy at the moment, had an innocent fancy that they could not die
+of any other sickness.
+
+The crowding of the people out of the country into the city aggravated
+the misery, and the newly arrived suffered most. For, having no houses
+of their own, but inhabiting, in the height of summer, stifling huts,
+the mortality among them was dreadful, and they perished in wild
+disorder. The dead lay as they had died, one upon another, while
+others hardly alive wallowed in the streets and crawled about every
+fountain craving for water. The temples in which they lodged were full
+of the corpses of those who had died in them; for the violence of the
+calamity was such that men, not knowing where to turn, grew reckless
+of all law, human and divine. The customs which had hitherto been
+observed at funerals were universally violated, and they buried their
+dead each one as best he could. Many, having no proper appliances,
+because the deaths in their household had been so frequent, made no
+scruple of using the burial-place of others. When one man had raised a
+funeral pile, others would come, and throwing on their dead first, set
+fire to it; or when some other corpse was already burning, before they
+could be stopt would throw their own dead upon it and depart.
+
+There were other and worse forms of lawlessness which the plague
+introduced at Athens. Men who had hitherto concealed their indulgence
+in pleasure now grew bolder. For, seeing the sudden change--how the
+rich died in a moment, and those who had nothing immediately inherited
+their property--they reflected that life and riches were alike
+transitory, and they resolved to enjoy themselves while they could,
+and to think only of pleasure. Who would be willing to sacrifice
+himself to the law of honor when he knew not whether he would ever
+live to be held in honor? The pleasure of the moment and any sort of
+thing which conduced to it took the place both of honor and of
+expediency. No fear of God or law of man deterred a criminal. Those
+who saw all perishing alike thought that the worship or neglect of the
+gods made no difference. For offenses against human law no punishment
+was to be feared; no one would live long enough to be called to
+account. Already a far heavier sentence had been passed and was
+hanging over a man's head; before that feeling, why should he not take
+a little pleasure?
+
+Such was the grievous calamity which now afflicted the Athenians;
+within the walls their people were dying, and without, their country
+was being ravaged. In their troubles they naturally called to mind a
+verse which the elder men among them declared to have been current
+long ago:
+
+     "A Dorian war will come and a plague with it."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 25: The Peloponnesian war broke out in 431 B.C., and lasted
+until 404. Its result was the abasement of Athens and the elevation of
+Sparta to supreme power in Greece. When it began, Athens with her
+allies included all the coast cities of Asia Minor as far south as
+Lycia, the cities bordering on the Thracian and Chalcidian shores, and
+nearly all the islands of the Ægean Sea. Sparta at the same time was
+leader in a confederacy of independent states, among which were nearly
+all the Peloponnesian states, besides some of those in northern
+Greece, those of Magna Græcia and Sicily. Athens was strong in her
+navy, which comprized 300 galleys, while the Spartan strength lay in
+her land forces. The treasury of Athens was full, that of Sparta weak.
+After the war, the walls of Athens were demolished and she was
+deprived of her foreign possessions. The government set over her was
+an oligarchy of thirty persons, known in history as the thirty
+tyrants. These men soon made their harsh rule so intolerable that
+within sixteen months after Athens surrendered to Sparta they were
+deposed and democratic rule was restored to the Athenians.]
+
+[Footnote 26: From Book II of the "History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett.]
+
+[Footnote 27: One of the larger islands of the Ægean Sea, its area
+being about one hundred and eighty square miles.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE SAILING OF THE ATHENIAN FLEET FOR SICILY[28] (413 B.C.)
+
+
+About the middle of summer the expedition started for Sicily. Orders
+had been previously given to most of the allies, to the corn-ships,
+the smaller craft, and generally to the vessels in attendance on the
+armament that they should muster at Corcyra, whence the whole fleet
+was to strike across the Ionian Gulf to the promontory of Iapygia.[29]
+Early in the morning of the day appointed for their departure, the
+Athenians and such of their allies as had already joined them went
+down to the Piræus and began to man the ships. The entire population
+of Athens accompanied them, citizens and strangers alike. The citizens
+came to take farewell, one of an acquaintance another of a kinsman,
+another of a son; the crowd as they passed along were full of hope and
+full of tears; hope of conquering Sicily, tears because they doubted
+whether they would ever see their friends again, when they thought of
+the long voyage on which they were sending them. At the moment of
+parting, the danger was nearer; and terrors which had never occurred
+to them when they were voting the expedition now entered into their
+souls. Nevertheless their spirits revived at the sight of the armament
+in all its strength and of the abundant provision which they had made.
+The strangers and the rest of the multitude came out of curiosity,
+desiring to witness an enterprise of which the greatness exceeded
+belief.
+
+No armament so magnificent or costly had ever been sent out by any
+single Hellenic power, tho in mere number of ships and hoplites that
+which sailed to Epidaurus under Pericles and afterward under Hagnon to
+Potidæa was not inferior. For that expedition consisted of a hundred
+Athenian and fifty Chian and Lesbian triremes, conveying four thousand
+hoplites, all Athenian citizens, three hundred cavalry, and a
+multitude of allied troops. Still the voyage was short and the
+equipments were poor, whereas this expedition was intended to be long
+absent, and was thoroughly provided both for sea and land service,
+wherever its presence might be required.
+
+On the fleet the greatest pains and expense had been lavished by the
+trierarchs and the state. The public treasury gave a drachma a day to
+each sailor, and furnished empty hulls for sixty swift sailing
+vessels, and for forty transports carrying hoplites. All these were
+manned with the best crews which could be obtained. The trierarchs,
+besides the pay given by the state, added somewhat more out of their
+own means to the wages of the upper ranks of rowers and of the petty
+officers. The figureheads and other fittings provided by the
+trierarchs were of the most costly description. Every one strove to
+the utmost that his own ship might excel both in beauty and
+swiftness. The infantry had been well selected and the lists carefully
+made up. There was the keenest rivalry among the soldiers in the
+matter of arms and personal equipment.
+
+And while at home the Athenians were thus competing with one another
+in the performance of their several duties, to the rest of Hellas the
+expedition seemed to be a grand display of their power and greatness,
+rather than a preparation for war. If any one had reckoned up the
+whole expenditure (1) of the state, (2) of individual soldiers and
+others, including in the first not only what the city had already laid
+out, but what was entrusted to the generals, and in the second what
+either at the time or afterward private persons spent upon their
+outfit, or the trierarchs upon their ships, the provision for the long
+voyage which every one may be supposed to have carried with him over
+and above his public pay, and what soldiers or traders may have taken
+for purposes of exchange, he would have found that altogether an
+immense sum amounting to many talents was withdrawn from the city. Men
+were quite amazed at the boldness of the scheme and the magnificence
+of the spectacle, which were everywhere spoken of, no less than at the
+great disproportion of the force when compared with that of the enemy
+against whom it was intended. Never had a greater expedition been sent
+to a foreign land; never was there an enterprise in which the hope of
+future success seemed to be better justified by actual power.
+
+When the ships were manned and everything required for the voyage had
+been placed on board, silence was proclaimed by the sound of the
+trumpet, and all with one voice before setting sail offered up the
+customary prayers; these were recited, not in each ship, but by a
+single herald, the whole fleet accompanying him. On every deck both
+officers and men, mingling wine in bowls, made libations from vessels
+of gold and silver. The multitude of citizens and other well-wishers
+who were looking on from the land joined in the prayer. The crews
+raised the pæan, and when the libations were completed, put to sea.
+After sailing out for some distance in single file, the ships raced
+with one another as far as Ægina;[30] thence they hastened onward to
+Corcyra, where the allies who formed the rest of the army were
+assembling.
+
+Meanwhile reports of the expedition were coming in to Syracuse from
+many quarters, but for a long time nobody gave credit to them. At
+length an assembly was held. Even then different opinions were
+exprest, some affirming and others denying that the expedition was
+coming. At last Hermocrates,[31] the son of Hermon, believing that he
+had certain information, came forward, and warned the Syracusans....
+
+Great was the contention which his words aroused among the Syracusan
+people, some asserting that the Athenians would never come, and that
+he was not speaking truth, others asking, "And if they should come,
+what harm could they do to us nearly so great as we could do to them?"
+while others were quite contemptuous, and made a jest of the whole
+matter. A few only believed Hermocrates and realized the danger. At
+last Athenagoras, the popular leader, who had at that time the
+greatest influence with the multitude, came forward and spoke....
+
+The Athenians and their allies were by this time collected at Corcyra.
+There the generals began by holding a final review of the ships, and
+disposed them in the order in which they were to anchor at their
+stations. The fleet was divided into three squadrons, and one of them
+assigned by lot to each of the three generals, in order to avoid any
+difficulties which might occur, if they sailed together, in finding
+water, anchorage, and provisions where they touched; they thought also
+that the presence of a general in each division would promote good
+order and discipline throughout the fleet. They then sent before them
+to Italy and Sicily three ships, which had orders to find out what
+cities in those regions would receive them, and to meet them again on
+their way, that they might know before they put in.
+
+At length the great armament proceeded to cross from Corcyra to
+Sicily. It consisted of a hundred and thirty-four triremes in all,
+besides two Rhodian vessels of fifty oars. Of these a hundred were
+Athenian, sixty being swift vessels, and the remaining forty
+transports; the rest of the fleet was furnished by the Chians and
+other allies. The hoplites numbered in all five thousand one hundred,
+of whom fifteen hundred were Athenians taken from the roll, and seven
+hundred who served as marines were of the fourth and lowest class of
+Athenian citizens. The remainder of the hoplites were furnished by the
+allies, mostly by the subject states; but five hundred came from
+Argos, besides two hundred and fifty Mantinean and other mercenaries.
+The archers were in all four hundred and eighty, of whom eighty were
+Cretans. There were seven hundred Rhodian slingers, a hundred and
+twenty light-armed Megarians who were exiles, and one horse transport
+which conveyed thirty horsemen and horses.
+
+Such were the forces with which the first expedition crossed the sea.
+For the transport of provisions thirty merchant-ships, which also
+conveyed bakers, masons, carpenters, and tools such as are required in
+sieges, were included in the armament. It was likewise attended by a
+hundred small vessels; these as well as the merchant-vessels, were
+prest into the service. Other merchant-vessels and lesser craft in
+great numbers followed of their own accord for purposes of trade. The
+whole fleet now struck across the Ionian Sea from Corcyra. They
+arrived at the promontory of Iapygia and at Tarentum,[32] each ship
+taking its own course, and passed along the coast of Italy. The
+Italian cities did not admit them within their walls, or open a market
+to them, but allowed them water and anchorage; Tarentum and Locri[33]
+refused even these. At length they reached Rhegium,[34] the extreme
+point of Italy, where the fleet reunited. As they were not received
+within the walls, they encamped outside the city, at the temple of
+Artemis; there they were provided by the inhabitants with a market,
+and drawing up their ships on shore they took a rest. They held a
+conference with the Rhegians, and prest them, being Chalcidians
+themselves, to aid their Chalcidian kinsmen the Leontines. But the
+Rhegians replied that they would be neutral, and would only act in
+accordance with the decision of all the Italian Greeks. The Athenian
+commanders now began to consider how they could best commence
+operations in Sicily. Meanwhile they were expecting the ships which
+had gone on and were to meet them from Egesta;[35] for they wished to
+know whether the Egestæans really had the money of which the
+messengers had brought information to Athens.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 28: From Book VI of "The History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett. At the time of the sailing of this
+fleet the war had been in progress sixteen years. Syracuse, a Greek
+colony, founded from Corinth, had now become an ally of Sparta against
+Athens.]
+
+[Footnote 29: Iapygia lies in what is now Apulia, southern Italy. It
+is the extreme southern point of the "heel" of the "boot."]
+
+[Footnote 30: An island in the Saronic Gulf, lying immediately south
+of Attica; in an artistic and historical sense, one of the most
+celebrated of Greek islands.]
+
+[Footnote 31: One of the three generals of Syracuse entrusted with the
+defense of the city. His character was "one of the brightest and
+purest" in the history of that place, says a writer in Smith's
+"Dictionary." His daughter married the tyrant Dionysius.]
+
+[Footnote 32: The modern Taranto, in southern Italy, in the gulf of
+that name.]
+
+[Footnote 33: The city of Locri lay near Gerace, a town in the
+extremity of the "toe" of the "boot." It was allied with Syracuse in
+the fourth century.]
+
+[Footnote 34: The modern Reggio, which lies opposite Messina, and
+which, like Messina, was destroyed in the earthquake of 1908.]
+
+[Footnote 35: Also written Segesta, a city in northwestern Sicily, six
+miles from the coast and about twenty-five miles west of Palermo. The
+modern city of Aleamo stands near its site. Segesta traced its
+foundation to fugitives from Troy. Among its notable ruins is a Greek
+temple in the Doric order, which is one of the finest that have
+survived to our time.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+COMPLETION OF THE ATHENIAN DEFEAT AT SYRACUSE[36] (413 B.C.)
+
+
+The Syracusans and the allies naturally thought that the struggle
+would be brought to a glorious end if, after having defeated the
+Athenian fleet, they took captive the whole of their great armament,
+and did not allow them to escape either by sea or land. So they at
+once began to close the mouth of the Great Harbor, which was about a
+mile wide, by means of triremes, merchant-vessels, and small boats,
+placed broadside, which they moored there. They made every preparation
+also for a naval engagement, should the Athenians be willing to hazard
+another; and all their thoughts were on a grand scale.
+
+The Athenians, seeing the closing of the harbor and inferring the
+intentions of the enemy, proceeded to hold a council. The generals and
+officers met and considered the difficulties of their position. The
+most pressing was the want of food. For they had already sent to
+Catana,[37] when they intended to depart, and stopt the supplies; and
+they could get no more unless they recovered the command of the sea.
+They resolved therefore to quit their lines on the higher ground and
+to cut off by a cross-wall a space close to their ships, no greater
+than was absolutely required for their baggage and for their sick;
+after leaving a guard there, they meant to put on board every other
+man, and to launch all their ships, whether fit for service or not;
+they would then fight a decisive battle, and, if they conquered, go to
+Catana; but if not, they would burn their ships, and retreat by land
+in good order, taking the nearest way to some friendly country,
+barbarian or Hellenic.
+
+This design they proceeded to execute, and, withdrawing quietly from
+the upper walls, manned their whole fleet, compelling every man of any
+age at all suitable for service to embark. The entire number of the
+ships which they manned was about a hundred and ten. They put on board
+numerous archers and javelin-men, Acarnanians,[38] and other
+foreigners, and made such preparations for action as the nature of the
+plan imposed upon them by their necessities allowed. When all was
+nearly ready, Nicias,[39] perceiving that the soldiers were deprest by
+their severe defeat at sea, which was no new experience to them,
+while at the same time the want of provisions made them impatient to
+risk a battle with the least possible delay, called his men together
+and before they engaged exhorted them....
+
+Nicias gave orders to man the ships. Gylippus[40] and the Syracusans
+could see clearly enough from the preparations which the Athenians
+were making that they were going to fight. But they had also previous
+notice, and had been told of the iron grapnels; and they took
+precautions against this as against all the other devices of the
+Athenians. They covered the prows of their vessels with hides,
+extending a good way along the upper part of their sides, so that the
+grapnels might slip and find no hold. When all was ready, Gylippus and
+the other generals exhorted their men....
+
+When Gylippus and the other Syracusan generals had, like Nicias,
+encouraged their troops, perceiving the Athenians to be manning their
+ships, they presently did the same. Nicias, overwhelmed by the
+situation, and seeing how great and how near the peril was (for the
+ships were on the very point of rowing out), feeling too, as men do on
+the eve of a great struggle, that all which he had done was nothing,
+and that he had not said half enough, again addrest the trierarchs,
+and calling each of them by his father's name, and his own name, and
+the name of his tribe, he entreated those who had made any reputation
+for themselves not to be false to it, and those whose ancestors were
+eminent not to tarnish their hereditary fame. He reminded them that
+they were the inhabitants of the freest country in the world, and how
+in Athens there was no interference with the daily life of any man. He
+spoke to them of their wives and children and their fathers' gods, as
+men will at such a time; for then they do not care whether their
+common-place phrases seem to be out of date or not, but loudly
+reiterate the old appeals, believing that they may be of some service
+at the awful moment. When he thought that he had exhorted them, not
+enough, but as much as the scanty time allowed, he retired, and led
+the land-forces to the shore, extending the line as far as he could,
+so that they might be of the greatest use in encouraging the
+combatants on board ship. Demosthenes,[41] Menander, and Euthydemus,
+who had gone on board the Athenian fleet to take command, now quitted
+their own station, and proceeded straight to the closed mouth of the
+harbor, intending to force their way to the open sea where a passage
+was still left.
+
+The Syracusans and their allies had already put out with nearly the
+same number of ships as before. A detachment of them guarded the
+entrance of the harbor; the remainder were disposed all round it in
+such a manner that they might fall on the Athenians from every side at
+once, and that their land-forces might at the same time be able to
+cooperate whenever the ships retreated to the shore. Sicanus and
+Agatharchus commanded the Syracusan fleet, each of them a wing; Pythen
+and the Corinthians occupied the center.
+
+When the Athenians approached the closed mouth of the harbor, the
+violence of their onset overpowered the ships which were stationed
+there; they then attempted to loosen the fastenings. Whereupon from
+all sides the Syracusans and their allies came bearing down upon them,
+and the conflict was no longer confined to the entrance, but extended
+throughout the harbor. No previous engagement had been so fierce and
+obstinate. Great was the eagerness with which the rowers on both sides
+rushed upon their enemies whenever the word of command was given; and
+keen was the contest between the pilots as they maneuvered one against
+another. The marines too were full of anxiety that, when ship struck
+ship, the service on deck should not fall short of the rest; every one
+in the place assigned to him was eager to be foremost among his
+fellows. Many vessels meeting--and never did so many fight in so small
+a space, for the two fleets together amounted to nearly two
+hundred--they were seldom able to strike in the regular manner,
+because they had no opportunity of first retiring or breaking the
+line; they generally fouled one another as ship dashed against ship in
+the hurry of flight or pursuit. All the time that another vessel was
+bearing down, the men on deck poured showers of javelins and arrows
+and stones upon the enemy; and when the two closed, the marines fought
+hand to hand, and endeavored to board. In many places, owing to the
+want of room, they who had struck another found that they were struck
+themselves; often two or even more vessels were unavoidably entangled
+about one, and the pilots had to make plans of attack and defense,
+not against one adversary only, but against several coming from
+different sides.
+
+The crash of so many ships dashing against one another took away the
+wits of the sailors, and made it impossible to hear the boatswains,
+whose voices in both fleets rose high, as they gave directions to the
+rowers, or cheered them on in the excitement of the struggle. On the
+Athenians' side they were shouting to their men that they must force a
+passage and seize the opportunity now or never of returning in safety
+to their native land. To the Syracusans and their allies was
+represented the glory of preventing the escape of their enemies, and
+of a victory by which every man would exalt the honor of his own city.
+The commanders, too, when they saw any ship backing water without
+necessity, would call the captain by his name, and ask, of the
+Athenians, whether they were retreating because they expected to be
+more at home upon the land of their bitterest foes than upon that sea
+which had been their own so long; on the Syracusan side, whether, when
+they knew perfectly well that the Athenians were only eager to find
+some means of flight, they would themselves fly from the fugitives.
+
+While the naval engagement hung in the balance, the two armies on
+shore had great trial and conflict of soul. The Sicilian soldier was
+animated by the hope of increasing the glory which he had already won,
+while the invader was tormented by the fear that his fortunes might
+sink lower still. The last chance of the Athenians lay in their ships,
+and their anxiety was dreadful. The fortune of the battle varied; and
+it was not possible that the spectators on the shore should all
+receive the same impression of it. Being quite close and having
+different points of view, they would some of them see their own ships
+victorious; their courage would then revive, and they would earnestly
+call upon the gods not to take from them their hope of deliverance.
+But others, who saw their ships worsted, cried and shrieked aloud, and
+were by the sight alone more utterly unnerved than the defeated
+combatants themselves. Others again who had fixt their gaze on some
+part of the struggle which was undecided, were in a state of
+excitement still more terrible; they kept swaying their bodies to and
+fro in an agony of hope and fear as the stubborn conflict went on and
+on; for at every instant they were all but saved or all but lost. And
+while the strife hung in the balance, you might hear in the Athenian
+army at once lamentation, shouting, cries of victory or defeat, and
+all the various sounds which are wrung from a great host in extremity
+of danger. Not less agonizing were the feelings of those on board.
+
+At length the Syracusans and their allies, after a protracted
+struggle, put the Athenians to flight, and triumphantly bearing down
+upon them, and encouraging one another with loud cries and
+exhortations, drove them to the land. Then that part of the navy which
+had not been taken in the deep water fell back in confusion to the
+shore, and the crews rushed out of the ships into the camp. And the
+land-forces, no longer now divided in feeling, but uttering one
+universal groan of intolerable anguish ran, some of them to save the
+ships, others to defend what remained of the wall; but the greater
+number began to look to themselves and to their own safety. Never had
+there been a greater panic in an Athenian army than at that moment.
+They now suffered what they had done to others at Pylos. For at
+Pylos[42] the Lacedæmonians, when they saw their ships destroyed, knew
+that their friends who had crossed over into the island of
+Sphacteria[43] were lost with them. And so now the Athenians, after
+the rout of their fleet, knew that they had no hope of saving
+themselves by land unless events took some extraordinary turn.
+
+Thus, after a fierce battle and great destruction of ships and men on
+both sides, the Syracusans and their allies gained the victory. They
+gathered up the wrecks and bodies of the dead, and sailing back to the
+city, erected a trophy. The Athenians, overwhelmed by their misery,
+never so much as thought of recovering their wrecks or of asking leave
+to collect their dead. Their intention was to retreat that very
+night....
+
+On the third day after the sea-fight, when Nicias and Demosthenes
+thought that their preparations were complete, the army began to move.
+They were in a dreadful condition; not only was there the great fact
+that they had lost their whole fleet, and instead of their expected
+triumph had brought the utmost peril upon Athens as well as upon
+themselves, but also the sights which presented themselves as they
+quitted the camp were painful to every eye and mind. The dead were
+unburied, and when any one saw the body of a friend lying on the
+ground he was smitten with sorrow and dread, while the sick or wounded
+who still survived but had to be left were even a greater trial to the
+living, and more to be pitied than those who were gone. Their prayers
+and lamentations drove their companions to distraction; they would beg
+that they might be taken with them, and call by name any friend or
+relative whom they saw passing; they would hang upon their departing
+comrades and follow as far as they could, and when their limbs and
+strength failed them and they dropt behind, many were the imprecations
+and cries which they uttered. So that the whole army was in tears, and
+such was their despair that they could hardly make up their minds to
+stir altho they were leaving an enemy's country, having suffered
+calamities too great for tears already, and dreading miseries yet
+greater in the unknown future.
+
+There was also a general feeling of shame and self-reproach--indeed
+they seemed, not like an army, but like a fugitive population of a
+city captured after a siege, and of a great city too. For the whole
+multitude who were marching together numbered not less than forty
+thousand. Each of them took with him anything he could carry which was
+likely to be of use. Even the heavy-armed and cavalry, contrary to
+their practise when under arms, conveyed about their persons their own
+food, some because they had no attendants, others because they could
+not trust them; for they had long been deserting, and most of them
+had gone off all at once. Nor was the food which they carried
+sufficient, for the supplies of the camp had failed. Their disgrace
+and the universality of the misery, altho there might be some
+consolation in the very community of suffering, was nevertheless at
+that moment hard to bear, especially when they remembered from what
+pomp and splendor they had fallen into their present low estate. Never
+had a Hellenic army experienced such a reverse. They had come
+intending to enslave others, and they were going away in fear that
+they would be themselves enslaved. Instead of the prayers and hymns
+with which they had put to sea, they were now departing amid appeals
+to heaven of another sort. They were no longer sailors but landsmen,
+depending, not upon their fleet but upon their infantry. Yet in face
+of the great danger which still threatened them all these things
+appeared endurable....
+
+When daylight broke and the Syracusans and their allies saw that the
+Athenians had departed, most of them thought that Gylippus had let
+them go on purpose, and were very angry with him. They easily found
+the line of their retreat, and quickly following came up with them
+about the time of the midday meal. The troops of Demosthenes were
+last; they were marching slowly and in disorder, not having recovered
+from the panic of the previous night, when they were overtaken by the
+Syracusans, who immediately fell upon them and fought. Separated as
+they were from the others, they were easily hemmed in by the Syracusan
+cavalry and driven into a narrow space. The division of Nicias was as
+much as six miles in advance, for he marched faster, thinking that
+their safety depended at such a time, not in remaining and fighting,
+if they could avoid it, but in retreating as quickly as they could,
+and resisting only when they were positively compelled.
+
+Demosthenes, on the other hand, who had been more incessantly harassed
+throughout the retreat, because marching last, was first attacked by
+the enemy; now, when he saw the Syracusans pursuing him, instead of
+pressing onward, had ranged his army in order of battle. Thus
+lingering he was surrounded, and he and the Athenians under his
+command were in the greatest danger and confusion. For they were
+crusht into a walled enclosure, having a road on both sides and
+planted thickly with olive-trees, and missiles were hurled at them
+from all points. The Syracusans naturally preferred this mode of
+attack to a regular engagement. For to risk themselves against
+desperate men would have been only playing into the hands of the
+Athenians. Moreover, every one was sparing of his life; their good
+fortune was already assured, and they did not wish to fall in the hour
+of victory. Even by this irregular mode of fighting they thought that
+they could overpower and capture the Athenians.
+
+And so when they had gone on all day assailing them with missiles from
+every quarter, and saw that they were quite worn out with their wounds
+and all their other sufferings, Gylippus and the Syracusans made a
+proclamation, first of all to the islanders, that any of them who
+pleased might come over to them and have their freedom. But only a few
+cities accepted the offer. At length an agreement was made for the
+entire force under Demosthenes. Their arms were to be surrendered but
+no one was to suffer death, either from violence or from imprisonment,
+or from want of the bare means of life. So they all surrendered, being
+in number six thousand, and gave up what money they had. This they
+threw into the hollows of shields and filled four. The captives were
+at once taken to the city. On the same day Nicias and his division
+reached the river Erineus, which he crossed, and halted his army on a
+rising ground.
+
+On the following day, he was overtaken by the Syracusans, who told him
+that Demosthenes had surrendered, and bade him do the same. He, not
+believing them, procured a truce while he sent a horseman to go and
+see. Upon the return of the horseman bringing assurance of the fact,
+he sent a herald to Gylippus and the Syracusans, saying that he would
+agree, on behalf of the Athenian state, to pay the expenses which the
+Syracusans had incurred in the war, on condition that they should let
+his army go; until the money was paid he would give Athenian citizens
+as hostages, a man for a talent. Gylippus and the Syracusans would not
+accept these proposals, but attacked and surrounded this division of
+the army as well as the other, and hurled missiles at them from every
+side until the evening. They too were grievously in want of food and
+necessaries. Nevertheless they meant to wait for the dead of the night
+and then to proceed. They were just resuming their arms, when the
+Syracusans discovered them and raised the pæan. The Athenians,
+perceiving that they were detected, laid down their arms again, with
+the exception of about three hundred men who broke through the enemy's
+guard, and made their escape in the darkness as best they could.
+
+When the day dawned Nicias led forward his army, and the Syracusans
+and the allies again assailed them on every side, hurling javelins and
+other missiles at them. The Athenians hurried on to the river
+Assinarus. They hoped to gain a little relief if they forded the
+river, for the mass of horsemen and other troops overwhelmed and
+crusht them; and they were worn out by fatigue and thirst. But no
+sooner did they reach the water than they lost all order and rushed
+in; every man was trying to cross first, and, the enemy pressing upon
+them at the same time, the passage of the river became hopeless. Being
+compelled to keep close together they fell one upon another, and
+trampled each other under foot; some at once perished, pierced by
+their own spears; others got entangled in the baggage and were carried
+down the stream. The Syracusans stood upon the further bank of the
+river, which was steep, and hurled missiles from above on the
+Athenians, who were huddled together in the deep bed of the stream and
+for the most part were drinking greedily. The Peloponnesians came down
+the bank and slaughtered them, falling chiefly upon those who were in
+the river. Whereupon the water at once became foul but was drunk all
+the same, altho muddy and dyed with blood, and the crowd fought for
+it.
+
+At last, when the dead bodies were lying in heaps upon one another in
+the water and the army was utterly undone, some perishing in the
+river, and any one who escaped being cut off by the cavalry, Nicias
+surrendered to Gylippus, in whom he had more confidence than in the
+Syracusans. He entreated him and the Lacedæmonians to do what they
+pleased with himself, but not to go on killing the men. So Gylippus
+gave the word to make prisoners. Thereupon the survivors, not
+including, however, a large number whom the soldiers concealed, were
+brought in alive. As for the three hundred who had broken through the
+guard in the night, the Syracusans sent in pursuit and seized them.
+The total of the public prisoners when collected was not great; for
+many were appropriated by the soldiers, and the whole of Sicily was
+full of them, they not having capitulated like the troops under
+Demosthenes. A large number also perished; the slaughter at the river
+being very great, quite as great as any which took place in the
+Sicilian war; and not a few had fallen in the frequent attacks which
+were made upon the Athenians during the march. Still many escaped,
+some at the time, others ran away after an interval of slavery, and
+all these found refuge at Catana.
+
+The Syracusans and their allies collected their forces and returned
+with the spoil, and as many prisoners as they could take with them,
+into the city. The captive Athenians and allies they deposited in the
+quarries, which they thought would be the safest place of confinement.
+Nicias and Demosthenes they put to the sword, altho against the will
+of Gylippus. For Gylippus thought that to carry home with him to
+Lacedæmon the generals of the enemy, over and above all his other
+successes, would be a brilliant triumph. One of them, Demosthenes,
+happened to be the greatest foe, and the other the greatest friend of
+the Lacedæmonians, both in the same matter of Pylos and Sphacteria....
+
+Those who were imprisoned in the quarries were at the beginning of
+their captivity harshly treated by the Syracusans. There were great
+numbers of them, and they were crowded in a deep and narrow place. At
+first the sun by day was scorching and suffocating, for they had no
+roof over their heads, while the autumn nights were cold, and the
+extremes of temperature engendered violent disorders. Being cramped
+for room, they had to do everything on the same spot. The corpses of
+those who had died from their wounds, exposure to the weather, and the
+like lay heaped one upon another. The smells were intolerable; and the
+prisoners were at the same time afflicted by hunger and thirst. During
+eight months they were allowed only about half a pint of water and a
+pint of food a day.[44] Every kind of misery which could befall man in
+such a place befell them. This was the condition of all the captives
+for about ten weeks. At length the Syracusans sold them, with the
+exception of the Athenians and of any Sicilian or Italian Greeks who
+had sided with them in the war. The whole number of the public
+prisoners is not accurately known, but they were not less than seven
+thousand.
+
+Of all the Hellenic actions which took place in this war, or indeed of
+all Hellenic actions which are on record, this was the greatest--the
+most glorious to the victors, the most ruinous to the vanquished; for
+they were utterly and at all points defeated, and their sufferings
+were prodigious. Fleet and army perished from the face of the earth;
+nothing was saved, and of the many who went forth few returned home.
+
+Thus ended the Sicilian expedition.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 36: From Book VII of the "History of the Peloponnesian War,"
+translated by Benjamin Jowett. "The noblest piece of tragedy in all
+written history," says John Morley of this book. Gray, the poet, in
+one of his letters, inquired, "Is it, or is it not, the finest thing
+you ever read in your life?" Macaulay, in a letter once wrote: "I do
+assure you that there is no prose composition in the world that I
+place so high as the Seventh book of Thucydides. Tacitus was a great
+man, but he was not up to the Sicilian expedition." Praise is given to
+this chapter by Mahaffy for "the sustained splendor of the narrative."
+Grote had profound admiration for the famous picture contained in the
+selection here given. He refers to its "condensed and burning phrases"
+as imparting an impression which modern historians have sought in vain
+to convey.]
+
+[Footnote 37: The modern Catania, on the east coast of Sicily.]
+
+[Footnote 38: The people of Acarnania, a province of Greece, lying on
+the Ionian Sea south of the Ambracian Gulf.]
+
+[Footnote 39: Commander of the Athenians.]
+
+[Footnote 40: The Spartan general who had been sent to Syracuse by
+advice of Alcibiades after he went over to the enemy.]
+
+[Footnote 41: Next under Nicias in command of the expedition. He died
+twenty-nine years before the birth of the orator of the same name.]
+
+[Footnote 42: Here occurred one of the most memorable events in the
+Peloponnesian war, the defense of Pylos under Demosthenes.]
+
+[Footnote 43: This island lies immediately south of Pylos. It is long
+and narrow and guards the Bay of Navarino, the largest harbor in
+Greece, which was the scene of a famous battle between the English,
+French, Turkish, and Russian fleets in 1827.]
+
+[Footnote 44: This allowance of food was only about one-half the
+amount usually given to a slave.]
+
+
+
+
+XENOPHON
+
+     Born in Athens about 430 B.C.; died after 357; celebrated as
+     historian and essayist, being a disciple of Socrates; joined
+     the expedition of Cyrus the Younger in 401, and after the
+     battle of Cunaxa became the chief leader of ten thousand
+     Greeks in their march to the Black Sea, the story being
+     chronicled in his famous "Anabasis"; fought on the Spartan
+     side in the battle of Coronea; banished from Athens, he
+     settled at Scillus in Eleia; spent his last years in
+     Corinth; among his writings besides the "Anabasis" are the
+     "Hellenica," "Cycropædia," "Memorabilia of Socrates," and
+     essays on hunting and horsemanship.
+
+I
+
+THE CHARACTER OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER[45]
+
+
+Thus then died Cyrus, a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the
+Elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed
+by all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. In the first
+place, while he was yet with his brother and the other youths, he was
+a boy, and when he was receiving his education thought to surpass them
+all in everything. For without exception the sons of the Persian
+nobles are educated at the gates of the king;[46] where they may learn
+many a lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing
+disgraceful. In this place the boys see some honored by the king, and
+others disgraced, and hear of them; so that in their very childhood
+they learn to govern and to obey.
+
+Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modesty
+among those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to his
+elders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next
+he was noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in a
+superior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning and
+most assiduous in practising the warlike exercises of archery and
+hurling the javelin. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fond of
+the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. On
+one occasion he did not shrink from a she bear that attacked him;
+however, in grappling with her, he was dragged from his horse, and
+received some wounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but
+at last killed her. The person who first came to his assistance he
+made a happy man in the eyes of many.
+
+When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and Great
+Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all the
+troops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon
+showed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave a
+promise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word.
+Accordingly, the states that were committed to his charge, as well as
+individuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had
+been his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty
+with him, he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. When,
+therefore, he waged war against Tissaphernes,[47] all the cities, of
+their own accord, chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to
+Tissaphernes, except the Milesians; but they feared Cyrus, because he
+would not abandon the cause of the exiles; for he both showed by his
+deeds, and declared in words, that he would never desert them, since
+he had once become a friend to them, not even tho they should grow
+still fewer in number, and be in a worse condition than they were.
+
+Whenever any one did Cyrus a kindness or an injury, he showed himself
+anxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention a
+wish of his, that he "desired to live long enough to outdo both those
+who had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital
+that he should make." Accordingly, to him alone of the men of our days
+were so great a number of people desirous of committing the disposal
+of their property, their cities, and their own person.
+
+Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered the
+criminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men
+inflicted punishment most unsparingly; and there were often to be
+seen, along the most frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or
+hands, or eyes; so that in Cyrus' dominions it was possible for any
+one, Greek or barbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear
+whithersoever he pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his
+convenience.
+
+To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paid
+distinguished honor. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians;
+and, marching in person into these countries, he made those whom he
+saw voluntarily hazarding their lives in his service governors over
+the territory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in
+other ways, so that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of
+men, while the cowardly were deemed fit only to be their slaves. There
+were, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposed
+themselves to danger wherever they thought that Cyrus would become
+aware of their exertions.
+
+With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to display
+that virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those who
+sought to profit by injustice. Accordingly, while in many other
+respects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewise
+possest an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money that
+generals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his
+service, but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well
+would be more profitable than any amount of monthly pay. Besides, if
+any one executed his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered
+his diligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking,
+the best-qualified officers were said to be ready to assist him.
+
+If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regard
+to justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, and
+securing income from it, he would never take anything from such a
+person, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so that
+men labored with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, and
+made no concealment from Cyrus of what each possest; for he did not
+appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavor to
+bring into use the wealth of those who concealed it.
+
+Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well disposed to him, and
+considered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might
+wish to accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most
+successful in attaching them to him. For, on the very same account on
+which he thought that he himself had need of friends--namely, that he
+might have cooperators in his undertakings--did he endeavor to prove
+an efficient assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of
+them desirous of effecting.
+
+He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any other
+single individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributing
+among his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to what
+he perceived each most needed. Whatever presents any one sent him of
+articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accouterment or
+merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark that
+he could not decorate his own person with them all, but that he
+thought friends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could
+have. That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great
+benefits is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but
+that he should surpass his friends in kind attentions and an anxious
+desire to oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration.
+Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavor,
+he would send half-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with
+a message to this effect, "Cyrus has not for some time met with
+pleasanter wine than this; and he has therefore sent some of it to
+you, and begs you will drink it to-day, with those whom you love
+best." He would often, too, send geese partly eaten and the halves of
+loaves, and other such things, desiring the bearer to say, in
+presenting them, "Cyrus has been delighted with these, and therefore
+wishes you also to taste of them."
+
+Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having many
+attendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some,
+he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender
+to the horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry
+his friends. Whenever he rode out and many were likely to see him, he
+would call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with
+them, that he might show whom he held in honor; so that, from what I
+have heard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater
+number of persons, either Greeks or barbarians. Of this fact the
+following is a proof: that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus,
+tho only a subject (except that Orontes[48] attempted to do so; but he
+soon found the person whom he believed faithful to him more a friend
+to Cyrus than to himself), while many came over to Cyrus from the
+king, after they had become enemies to each other, and these, too, men
+who were greatly beloved by the king; for they felt persuaded that if
+they proved themselves brave soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain
+from him more adequate rewards for their services than from the king.
+
+What occurred also at the time of his death is a great proof as well
+that he himself was a man of merit as that he could accurately
+distinguish such as were trustworthy, well disposed, and constant to
+their attachment. For when he was killed, all his friends and the
+partakers of his table who were with him fell fighting in his defense
+except Ariæus, who had been posted in command of the cavalry on the
+left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he
+took to flight, with all the troops which he had under his command.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 45: From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson. Cyrus
+the Younger, son of Darius Nothus, with the help of 10,000 Greeks,
+sought to conquer his brother Artaxerxes, but was defeated and killed
+in the battle of Cunaxa in 401 B.C. The elder Cyrus, called the
+"Great," founder of the Persian Empire, died in 529 B.C. It is the
+retreat of the 10,000 Greeks that Xenophon chronicles in the
+"Anabasis."]
+
+[Footnote 46: By this is meant at the palace of the king, tho not
+literally within the palace. Among the ancient Persians, as to-day
+among the Turks at Constantinople, the king's palace was called "the
+Porte."]
+
+[Footnote 47: A Persian satrap who took part in the battle of Cunaxa.
+He became chief ruler of Western Asia, but was overthrown by the
+Greeks in 395 and put to death.]
+
+[Footnote 48: A Persian of royal blood, one of the officers of Cyrus
+the Younger, several times in revolt against him, and finally
+condemned.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE GREEK ARMY IN THE SNOWS OF ARMENIA[49]
+
+(400 B.C.)
+
+
+The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as
+possible, before the enemy's force should be reassembled, and get
+possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore,
+they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides;
+and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had
+intended to attack them, they encamped. Hence they proceeded three
+days' journey, through a desert tract of country, a distance of
+fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being
+wet higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to
+be far off.
+
+Hence they advanced three days' march, through much snow and a level
+plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day's march was
+extremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces,
+completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. One of the
+augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the
+wind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered, when the vehemence of
+the wind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the
+snow was a fathom; so that many of the baggage-cattle and slaves
+perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. They continued to burn
+fires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the
+place of encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood;
+those therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would
+not admit the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of
+the corn or other provisions that they had brought. Thus they shared
+with one another what they respectively had. In the places where the
+fires were made, as the snow melted, there were formed large pits that
+reached to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity to
+measure the depth of the snow.
+
+Hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day, and
+many of the men contracted the bulimia. Xenophon, who commanded in the
+rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen down with it,
+knew not what disease it was. But as one of those acquainted with it
+told him that they were evidently affected with bulimia, and that they
+would get up if they had something to eat, he went round among the
+baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, he gave it out, and
+sent such as were able to run to distribute it among those diseased,
+who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued their march. As
+they proceeded, Cheirisophus[50] came, just as it grew dark, to a
+village, and found a spring in front of the rampart, some women and
+girls belonging to the place fetching water. The women asked them who
+they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian language, that
+they were people going from the king to the satrap. They replied that
+he was not there, but about a parasang off.
+
+However, as it was late, they went with the water-carriers within the
+rampart to the head man of the village; and here Cheirisophus, and as
+many of the troops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such
+as were unable to get to the end of the journey spent the night on the
+way without food or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on
+that occasion. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves
+into a body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle
+that were unable to proceed, fighting with one another for the
+possession of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their
+sight from the effects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified by
+the cold, were left behind. It was found to be a relief to the eyes
+against the snow if the soldiers kept something black before them on
+the march, and to the feet, if they kept constantly in motion, and
+allowed themselves no rest, and if they took off their shoes in the
+night; but as to such as slept with their shoes on, the straps worked
+into their feet, and the soles were frozen about them; for when their
+old shoes had failed them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the
+men themselves from the newly skinned oxen.
+
+From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left
+behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the
+snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted;
+and it had, in fact, melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain,
+which was sending up a vapor in a woody hollow close at hand. Turning
+aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. Xenophon,
+who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to
+prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling
+them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected and pursuing
+them in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to
+kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. He then thought it
+the best course to strike terror, if possible, into the enemy that
+were behind, lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was
+now dark, and the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarreling
+about the booty that they had taken, when such of the rear-guard as
+were not disabled started up, and rushed toward them, while the tired
+men, shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against
+their shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves into the
+hollow amid the snow, and no one of them afterward made himself heard
+from any quarter.
+
+Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party would
+come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but before
+they had gone four stadia they found other soldiers resting by the
+way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed over
+them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army was
+not moving forward. Xenophon, going past them, and sending on some of
+the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what it was that
+hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army was in
+that manner taking rest. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing
+such a guard as they could, took up quarters there without fire or
+supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of his men to the
+sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to proceed.
+
+At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from the
+villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men were rejoiced
+to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp, while they
+themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia,
+found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus was quartered.
+When they came together, it was thought safe enough to lodge the
+troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordingly remained
+where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the several
+villages that they had in sight, went to their respective quarters
+with their men.
+
+Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence, and,
+taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the
+village which Xenophon had been allotted, surprized all the villagers
+and their head man in their houses, together with seventeen colts that
+were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, who
+had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunt
+hares, and was not found in any of the villages. Their houses were
+under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious
+below; there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the
+people descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows,
+and fowls, with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within
+the walls.[51] There were also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables,
+and barley-wine, in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in it
+even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some
+larger and some smaller, without joints; and these, when any one was
+thirsty, he was to take in his mouth and suck. The liquor is very
+strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to
+those accustomed to it.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 49: From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson. The
+"Anabasis" has made Xenophon perhaps the most prominent figure of
+ancient classical literature, largely because every schoolboy who
+studies Greek knows at least this book. It stands in that sense to
+Greek literature as Cæsar's "Commentaries" stands to Latin. The book
+has further value, not only as authentic history, but for the curious
+details it gives of the manners and customs of savage tribes living
+along the shores of the Euxine, and of those which prevailed at the
+Persian court and elsewhere in the Persian state.]
+
+[Footnote 50: A Spartan general who, at the instance of Xenophon, had
+been appointed to lead the van of the retreating Greek army.]
+
+[Footnote 51: W. T. Ainsworth, who has made a geographical commentary
+on Xenophon's "Anabasis," says: "This description of a village on the
+Armenian uplands applies itself to many that I visited." Houses on
+exposed elevations he found to be still semisubterranean. Whatever
+might be the kind of cottage used, domestic animals "participated with
+the family in the warmth and protection thereof."]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE BATTLE OF LEUCTRA[52]
+
+(371 B.C.)
+
+
+For the battle everything was adverse on the side of the
+Lacedæmonians, while to the enemy everything was rendered favorable by
+fortune. It was after dinner that the last council of war was held by
+Cleombrotus; and, as the officers had drunk a little at noon, it was
+said that the wine in some degree inspired them. And as, when both
+sides were fully armed, and it was now evident that a battle would
+take place, the people who had provisions for sale, with some of the
+baggage-carriers and others who were unwilling to fight, were
+proceeding first of all to quit the camp of the Boeotians, the
+mercenaries under Hiero the Phocian peltasts, and the Heraclean and
+Phliasian cavalry, making a circuit, fell upon them as they were going
+off, turned them back, and pursued them to the Boeotian camp; so
+that they made the army of the Boeotians larger and more numerous
+than before.
+
+Besides, as there was a plain between the armies, the Lacedæmonians
+drew up their cavalry before their main body and the Thebans drew up
+theirs over against them; but the cavalry of the Thebans had been
+exercised in wars with the Orchomenians and Thespians, while that of
+the Lacedæmonians was at that time in a very inefficient condition;
+for the richest men maintained the horses, and, when notice of an
+expedition was given, the men appointed came to ride them, and each
+taking his horse, and whatever arms were given him, proceeded at once
+to the field; and thus the weakest and least spirited of all the men
+were mounted on horseback. Such was the cavalry on either side. Of the
+foot, it was said that the Lacedæmonians advanced with each enomoty
+drawn up three deep, this arrangement making them not more than twelve
+deep in all. The Theban infantry, in close array, were not less than
+fifty deep, considering that if they could defeat the body of the
+enemy posted around the king, the rest of the army would be an easy
+conquest.
+
+As soon as Cleombrotus began to lead forward against the enemy, and
+even before the troops about him were aware that he was putting them
+in motion, the cavalry had already engaged, and those of the
+Lacedæmonians were at once defeated, who, as they fled, fell in among
+their own heavy-armed infantry, on which the troops of the Thebans
+were also pressing. But that the troops round Cleombrotus had at first
+the advantage in the contest, any one may be convinced by certain
+proof; for they would not have been able to take him and carry him off
+alive unless those who fought in front of him had been at that time
+victorious. When, however, Deimon the polemarch, Sphodrias, one of the
+attendants at the royal tent, and Cleonymus, his son, were killed, and
+the horse-guard, those who are called supporters of the polemarch,
+and the rest, being overpowered by the mass of the enemy, were forced
+to fall back, the Lacedæmonians on the left, seeing the right wing
+thus repulsed, also gave way; yet, tho many were killed, and they were
+quite defeated, they were able, when they had repassed the trench
+which was in front of the camp, to form themselves under arms in the
+place from which they had set out. Their camp was nevertheless not on
+level ground, but rather somewhat on an acclivity.
+
+Some of the Lacedæmonians, at the time, who thought their disaster an
+insupportable disgrace, exclaimed that they ought to prevent the enemy
+from erecting a trophy, and endeavor to recover the dead, not by
+making a truce, but by fighting another battle. However, the
+polemarchs, seeing that of the Lacedæmonians in all nearly a thousand
+had lost their lives; and that of the Spartans, who were in the field
+to the number of about seven hundred, about four hundred had fallen;
+and observing, also, that all the auxiliaries were too dispirited to
+renew the combat, and some of them not even concerned at what had
+happened, called a council of the chief officers, and deliberated what
+course they ought to pursue; and as all were of opinion that "they
+ought to fetch off the dead by truce," they accordingly despatched a
+herald to treat respecting a truce. The Thebans soon afterward erected
+a trophy, and gave up the dead under truce.
+
+After these occurrences, the messenger who was sent with the news of
+the calamity to Lacedæmon arrived there on the last day of the
+gymnopædiæ and after the chorus of men had made their entry. The
+ephors, when they heard of the calamity, were greatly concerned, as, I
+think, they naturally must have been; yet they did not order that
+chorus to withdraw, but allowed them to finish the entertainment. They
+then sent the names of the dead to their several relatives, and gave
+notice to the women to make no lamentations, but to bear their
+affliction in silence. The day after, a person might have seen those
+whose relatives had died appearing in public with looks of
+cheerfulness and joy; however, of those whose relatives were said to
+be alive, he would have seen but few, and those going about with
+gloomy and dejected countenances.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 52: From Book VI of the "Hellenica." At Leuctra, which lies
+near Thebes in Boetia, Epaminondas commanding the Boeotians,
+overwhelmed the Spartans under Cleombrotus. From this event dates the
+decline of Sparta.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+OF THE ARMY OF THE SPARTANS[53]
+
+
+The regulations which I have mentioned are beneficial alike in peace
+and in war; but if any one wishes to learn what the lawgiver contrived
+better than other legislators with reference to military proceedings,
+he may attend to the following particulars:
+
+In the first place, then, the ephors give the cavalry and infantry
+public notice of the years during which they must join the army, as
+well as the artizans; for the Lacedæmonians provide themselves in the
+field with an abundance of all those things which people use in a
+city; and of whatever instruments an army may require in common,
+orders are given to bring some on wagons and others on beasts of
+burden, as by this arrangement anything left behind is least likely to
+escape notice.
+
+For engagements in the field he made the following arrangements: He
+ordered that each soldier should have a purple robe and a brazen
+shield; for he thought that such a dress had least resemblance to that
+of women, and was excellently adapted for the field of battle, as it
+is soonest made splendid, and is longest in growing soiled. He
+permitted also those above the age of puberty to let their hair grow,
+as he thought that they thus appeared taller, more manly, and more
+terrible in the eyes of the enemy.
+
+When they were thus equipped, he divided them into six moræ of cavalry
+and heavy-armed infantry. Each of these moræ of the citizens has one
+polemarch, four centurions, eight captains of fifty, and sixteen
+enomotarchs. The men of these moræ are sometimes, according to the
+command issued, formed in enomotiæ, sometimes by threes, sometimes by
+sixes. As to what most people imagine, that the arrangement of the
+Lacedæmonians under arms is extremely complex, they conceive the exact
+contrary to what is the fact; for in the Lacedæmonian order the
+officers are placed in the front ranks, and each rank is in a
+condition to perform everything which it is necessary for it to
+perform. So easy is it to understand this arrangement that no one who
+can distinguish one man from another would fail of learning it; for it
+is assigned to some to lead, and enjoined on others to follow.
+Shiftings of place, by which the companies are extended or deepened,
+are ordered by the word of the enomotarch, as by a herald; and in
+these there is nothing in the least difficult to learn.
+
+But how it is possible for men in this arrangement, even if they are
+thrown into confusion, to fight with an enemy presenting themselves on
+any quarter alike, it is not so easy to understand, except for those
+who have been brought up under the institution of Lycurgus. The
+Lacedæmonians do with the greatest ease what appears extremely
+difficult to other men that are even accustomed to arms. For when they
+march in column, one enomotia follows in the rear of another; and if,
+when they are in this order, a body of the enemy shows itself in
+front, orders are given to each enomotarch to bring up his enomotia to
+the front on the left; and this movement is made throughout the whole
+army, until it presents itself in full array against the enemy. But if
+again, while they are in this order, the enemy should show themselves
+in the rear, each rank performs the evolution, that the strongest may
+always be presented to the enemy.
+
+But when the commander is on the left, they do not in that case
+consider themselves in a worse condition, but sometimes even in a
+better; for if an enemy should attempt to encompass them, he would
+come round, not on the defenseless, but on the armed side. If on any
+occasion, again, it should appear advantageous, for any particular
+object, that the commander should occupy the right wing, they wheel
+the troop toward the wing, and maneuver the main body until the
+commander is on the right, and the rear becomes the left. But if,
+again, the body of the enemy appear on the right, marching in column,
+they do nothing else but turn each century round, like a ship, so as
+to front the enemy; and thus the century which was in the rear comes
+to the right. But if the enemy approach on the left, they do not allow
+them to come near, but repulse them, or turn their centuries round to
+face the enemy; and thus again the century that was in the rear takes
+its place on the left.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 53: From the treatise on "The Government of Lacedæmon."
+Translated by J. S. Watson. This work is believed to be the earliest
+extant specimen of Attic prose. Mahaffy describes it as "one of the
+most interesting and instructive documents of the age, very remarkable
+for its Machiavellian tone, in its calm ignoring of the right and
+wrong of the case as irrelevant."]
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+HOW TO CHOOSE AND MANAGE SADDLE-HORSES[54]
+
+
+When a person would buy a horse that has been already ridden, we shall
+subjoin some admonitions which he ought to bear in mind, if he would
+not be cheated in his purchase. In the first place, then, let it not
+escape his notice what the _age_ is; for a horse that has no longer
+the marks in his teeth neither delights the buyer with hope nor is so
+easy to be exchanged.
+
+It is also necessary to see how he takes the rider on his back;[55]
+for many horses reluctantly receive on them anything which it is plain
+to them that they can not receive without being compelled to work. It
+must likewise be observed whether, when he is mounted, he wishes to
+separate himself from other horses, or whether, if he be ridden near
+horses standing by, he carries off his rider toward them. There are
+some horses too that, from bad training, run off from the place of
+exercise to their stalls at home.
+
+As for horses whose jaws are not alike, that sort of riding which is
+called the _pede_ exposes them, and, still more, a change in the
+direction in which they are ridden; for many horses will not attempt
+to run away with their riders unless a hard jaw, and their course
+directed homeward, concur to stimulate them. We ought to ascertain,
+also, whether the horse, being put to his speed, is readily pulled up,
+and whether he submits to be turned about.
+
+It is good for a purchaser not to be too ignorant, moreover, whether a
+horse is equally willing to obey when he is roused with a blow; for a
+servant and an army, if disobedient, are useless, but a disobedient
+horse is not only useless, but often plays the traitor.
+
+However, when we take upon ourselves to purchase a warhorse, we must
+make trial of him in all things in which war will make trial of him;
+and these are leaping across ditches, springing over walls, jumping on
+to mounds, and jumping down from them; and we must try him in riding
+up and down steep places, and along them; for all such efforts show
+his spirit, whether it is bold and whether his body is sound. Yet we
+must not at once reject a horse that does not accomplish all these
+feats perfectly; for many fail, not from being unable, but from want
+of training; and if they are taught, and used, and exercised in such
+performances, they will execute them all well, provided they are sound
+in other respects, and not wanting in spirit.
+
+We must, however, be cautious of having anything to do with horses
+that are naturally shy; for horses that are excessively timorous will
+not only not allow the rider on their back to harm the enemy, but will
+often take him by surprize, and expose him to great danger. We must
+also learn whether the horse has anything of vice either toward other
+horses or toward men, and whether he is averse to being handled; for
+all such defects are troublesome to his owner.
+
+As to any reluctance to being bridled and mounted, and other tricks, a
+person will much sooner discover them if, when the horse has been
+thoroughly exercised, he attempt to do to him what he did before he
+began to ride him; since horses that, after having been exercised, are
+ready to submit to exercise again give sufficient proofs of a
+mettlesome spirit.
+
+To sum up all in a few words, whatever horse has good feet, is
+mild-tempered, sufficiently swift, is willing and able to endure
+fatigue, and is in the highest degree obedient will probably give
+least trouble to his rider, and contribute most to his safety in
+military occupations. But horses that from sluggishness require a
+great deal of driving or, from excess of mettle, much coaxing and
+care, afford plenty of employment to the rider, as well as much
+apprehension in time of danger....
+
+We shall now show how a man may groom a horse with least danger to
+himself and most benefit to the animal. If, when he cleans him, he
+look the same way as the horse, there is danger that he may be struck
+in the face with his knee or his hoof. But if he look in the opposite
+direction to the horse when he cleans him, keeping himself out of the
+reach of his leg, and rubs gradually down by the shoulder, he will
+thus receive no injury, and may clean the frog of the horse's foot by
+turning up the hoof. In like manner let him clean the hind legs.
+
+But whoever is employed about a horse ought to know that to do these
+things, and everything else that he has to do, he must come as little
+as possible near the face and the tail; for if a horse be inclined to
+be vicious, he has in both these parts the advantage of the man. But a
+person who approaches him at the side may manage the horse with least
+danger to himself, and with most power over the beast.
+
+When we have to lead a horse, we do not approve of the practise of
+leading from behind, for these reasons: that the person leading the
+horse is thus least able to keep on his guard against him, and the
+horse has most liberty to do what he pleases. To the mode, again, of
+conducting him with a long rein, to teach him to go forward and take
+the lead, we object for the following reasons: that the horse can do
+mischief on whichever side he pleases, and that, by turning himself
+round, he can set himself opposite his leader. When there are a number
+of horses together, too, how, if they are thus led, can they be
+prevented from annoying one another? But a horse that is accustomed to
+be led at the side will be least in a condition to molest either other
+horses or men, and will be readiest at hand for his rider whenever he
+may require to mount in haste.
+
+That the groom may put on the bridle properly, let him first approach
+the horse on the left side, and then throwing the reins over the
+horse's head, let him suffer them to rest on the point of the
+shoulder; and next let him take the headpiece in his right hand, and
+apply the bit with his left. If the horse take the bit into his mouth,
+the man has nothing to do but to put on the headpiece; but if the
+horse will not open his mouth, the man must hold the bit to his teeth,
+and insert the middle finger of his left hand between the horse's
+bars; for most horses, when this is done, open their mouths; should
+the horse, however, not even then receive the bit, let him press the
+lip against the dog-tooth or tusk, and there are very few horses that,
+on feeling this, will not admit it....
+
+But never to approach a horse in a fit of anger is the one great
+precept and maxim of conduct in regard to the treatment of a horse;
+for anger is destitute of forethought, and consequently often does
+that of which the agent must necessarily repent.
+
+When a horse is shy of any object, and reluctant to approach it, the
+rider must try to make him feel that there is nothing terrible in it,
+especially to a horse of spirit; but if he can not succeed, the rider
+must himself touch that which appears so alarming, and lead the horse
+up gently to it. As to those who force horses forward with blows in
+such a case they merely inspire the animals with greater terror; for
+they imagine when they suffer any pain at such a time, that what they
+look upon with alarm is in some way the cause of it.
+
+When the groom brings the horse to the rider, we have no objection
+that he should know how to make the horse stoop, so that it may be
+easy to mount him; yet we think every rider ought to take care to be
+able to mount even if the horse does not bend to him; for sometimes a
+different horse will present himself, and the same horse will not
+always be equally obedient....
+
+When he has taken his seat, whether on the horse's bare back or on the
+cloth, we do not like that he should sit as if he were on a
+carriage-seat, but as if he were standing upright with his legs
+somewhat apart, for thus he will cling more firmly to the horse with
+his thighs, and keeping himself erect, he will be able to throw a
+javelin, or to strike a blow on horseback, if it be necessary, with
+greater force.
+
+But it is necessary to allow the leg, as well as the foot, to hang
+loose from the knee; for if a rider keep his leg stiff, and strike it
+against anything, it may be broken; but if the leg hang easy, and
+anything strikes against it, it will yield, and yet not move the thigh
+from its position.
+
+A rider should also accustom himself to keep the parts of his body
+above the hips as flexible as possible; for he will by this means be
+better able to exert himself, and if any person should drag or push
+him, he will be less likely to be thrown off.
+
+Let it be observed, that when he is seated on the horse's back, he
+must first teach the horse to stand quiet, until he has drawn up his
+mantle, if necessary, and adjusted the reins, and taken hold of his
+lance in such a way as it may most conveniently be carried. Then let
+him keep his left arm close to his side; for in such an attitude a
+rider appears most graceful and his hand has the greatest power.
+
+As to reins, we approve of such as are equally balanced, and not weak,
+or slippery, or too thick, so that the hand which holds them may be
+able also to hold the spear when it is necessary.
+
+When the rider gives the signal to the horse to start, let him begin
+to advance at a walking pace, as this pace is least likely to disturb
+the horse. Let him hold the reins, if the horse be inclined to hold
+down his head, rather high, but if he be more disposed to carry it
+erect, let him keep them lower, for thus he will best set off the
+horse's figure. After a little, if he trot at his natural pace, he
+will find his limbs become pliant without inconvenience, and will come
+with the greatest readiness to obey the whip. Since too it is the most
+approved practise to set off toward the left side, the horse will most
+readily start on that side, if, when he lifts, as he is trotting, the
+right foot, the rider then give him the signal to gallop. For, being
+then about to raise the left foot, he will thus start with that foot;
+and just at the moment that the rider turns him to the left, he will
+make the first spring in his gallop; for a horse, when he is turned to
+the right, naturally leads off with the right foot, and when turned to
+the left, with the left foot.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 54: From the treatise, "On Horsemanship." Translated by J.
+S. Watson. Mahaffy says this treatise on the horse "shows an insight
+into the character of horses which would do credit to a modern book."
+Most readers of the treatise who are familiar with horses have
+remarked how true it all is of the horse as we know him to-day. One
+commentator has remarked that the book reads as if it might have been
+written by some educated man professionally attached to racing
+stables.]
+
+[Footnote 55: The ancients did not use the stirrup; nor did they have
+a saddle in the modern sense of the word.]
+
+
+
+
+PLATO
+
+    Born in Ægina of aristocratic parents about 427 B.C.; died
+     in Athens in 347; originally called Aristocles and surnamed
+     Plato because of his broad shoulders; a disciple of Socrates
+     and a teacher of Aristotle; was the founder of the Academic
+     school; in his youth a successful gymnast, soldier, and
+     poet; traveled in Egypt, Sicily, and Magna Græcia; arrested
+     in Syracuse by Dionysius, the tyrant, and sold as a slave in
+     Ægina, where he was released and returned to Athens;
+     revisited Syracuse in 367 and 361; lived afterward in Athens
+     until his death, which occurred at a marriage feast.[56]
+
+I
+
+THE IMAGE OF THE CAVE[57]
+
+
+After this, I said, imagine the enlightenment or ignorance of our nature
+in a figure. Behold: human beings living in a sort of underground den,
+which has a mouth open toward the light and reaching all across the den;
+they have been here from their childhood, and have their legs and necks
+chained so that they can not move, and can see only before them; for the
+chains are arranged in such a manner as to prevent them from turning
+round their heads. At a distance above and behind them the light of a
+fire is blazing, and between the fire and the prisoners there is a
+raised way; and you will see, if you look, a low wall built along the
+way, like the screen which marionette-players have before them, over
+which they show the puppets.
+
+I see, he[58] said.
+
+And do you see, I said, men passing along the wall carrying vessels,
+which appear over the wall; also figures of men and animals, made of
+wood and stone and various materials; and some of the passengers, as
+you would expect, are talking, and some of them are silent?
+
+That is a strange image, he said, and they are strange prisoners.
+
+Like ourselves, I replied; and they see only their own shadows, or the
+shadows of one another, which the fire throws on the opposite wall of
+the cave.
+
+True, he said; how could they see anything but the shadows if they
+were never allowed to move their heads?
+
+And of the objects which are being carried in like manner they would
+see only the shadows.
+
+Yes, he said.
+
+And if they were able to talk to one another, would they not suppose
+that they were naming what was actually before them.
+
+Very true.
+
+And suppose further that the prison had an echo which came from the
+other side, would they not be sure to fancy that the voice which they
+heard was that of a passing shadow?
+
+No question, he replied.
+
+There can be no question, I said, that the truth would be to them just
+nothing but the shadows of the images.
+
+That is certain.
+
+And now look again, and see how they are released and cured of their
+folly. At first, when any one of them is liberated and compelled
+suddenly to go up and turn his neck round and walk and look at the
+light, he will suffer sharp pains; the glare will distress him, and he
+will be unable to see the realities of which in his former state he
+had seen the shadows; and then imagine some one saying to him that
+what he saw before was an illusion, but that now he is approaching
+real being and has a truer sight and vision of more real things--what
+will be his reply? And you may further imagine that his instructor is
+pointing to the objects as they pass and requiring him to name
+them--will he not be in a difficulty? Will he not fancy that the
+shadows which he formerly saw are truer than the objects which are now
+shown to him?
+
+Far truer.
+
+And if he is compelled to look at the light, will he not have a pain
+in his eyes which will make him turn away to take refuge in the
+objects of vision which he can see, and which he will conceive to be
+clearer than the things which are now being shown to him?
+
+True, he said.
+
+And suppose, once more, that he is reluctantly dragged up a steep and
+rugged ascent, and held fast and forced into the presence of the sun
+himself, do you not think that he will be pained and irritated, and
+when he approaches the light he will have his eyes dazzled, and will
+not be able to see any of the realities which are now affirmed to be
+the truth?
+
+Not all in a moment, he said.
+
+He will require to get accustomed to the sight of the upper world. And
+first he will see the shadows best, next the reflections of men and
+other objects in the water, and then the objects themselves; next he
+will gaze upon the light of the moon and the stars; and he will see
+the sky and the stars by night better than the sun, or the light of
+the sun, by day.
+
+Certainly.
+
+And at last he will be able to see the sun, and not mere reflections
+of him in the water, but he will see him as he is in his own proper
+place, and not in another; and he will contemplate his nature.
+
+Certainly.
+
+And after this, he will reason that the sun is he who gives the
+seasons and the years, and is the guardian of all that is in the
+visible world, and in a certain way the cause of all things which he
+and his fellows have been accustomed to behold....
+
+No question, he said.
+
+This allegory, I said, you may now append to the previous argument;
+the prison is the world of sight, the light of the fire is the sun,
+the ascent and vision of the things above you may truly regard as the
+upward progress of the soul into the intellectual world; that is my
+poor belief, to which, at your desire, I have given expression.
+Whether I am right or not God only knows; but, whether true or false,
+my opinion is that in the world of knowledge the idea of good appears
+last of all, and is seen only with an effort; and, when seen, is
+inferred also to be the universal author of all things beautiful and
+right, parent of light and the lord of light in his world, and the
+source of truth and reason in the other; this is the first great cause
+which he who would act rationally either in public or private life
+must behold.
+
+I agree, he said, as far as I am able to understand you.
+
+I should like to have your agreement in another matter I said. For I
+would not have you marvel that those who attain to this beatific
+vision are unwilling to descend to human affairs; but their souls are
+ever hastening into the upper world in which they desire to dwell; and
+this is very natural, if our allegory may be trusted.
+
+Certainly, that is quite natural.
+
+And is there anything surprizing in one who passes from divine
+contemplation to human things, misbehaving himself in a ridiculous
+manner; if, while his eyes are blinking and before he has become
+accustomed to the darkness visible, he is compelled to fight in courts
+of law, or in other places, about the images or shadows of images of
+justice, and is endeavoring to meet the conceptions of those who have
+never yet seen the absolute justice?
+
+There is nothing surprizing in that, he replied.
+
+Any one who has common sense will remember that the bewilderments of
+the eyes are of two kinds, and arise from two causes, either from
+coming out of the light or from going into the light, which is true of
+the mind's eye, quite as much as of the bodily eye; and he who
+remembers this when he sees the soul of any one whose vision is
+perplexed and weak will not be too ready to laugh; he will first ask
+whether that soul has come out of the brighter life, and is unable to
+see because unaccustomed to the dark, or having turned from darkness
+to the day is dazzled by excess of light. And then he will count the
+one happy in his condition and state of being, and he will pity the
+other; or, if he have a mind to laugh at the soul which comes from
+below into the light there will be more reason in this than in the
+laugh which greets the other from the den.
+
+That, he said, is a very just remark.
+
+But if this is true, then certain professors of education must be
+mistaken in saying that they can put a knowledge into the soul which
+was not there before, like giving eyes to the blind.
+
+Yes, that is what they say, he replied.
+
+Whereas, I said, our argument shows that the power is already in the
+soul; and that as the eye can not turn from darkness to light without
+the whole body, so too, when the eye of the soul is turned round, the
+whole soul must be turned from the world of generation into that of
+being, and become able to endure the sight of being and of the
+brightest and best of being--that is to say, of the good.
+
+Very true.
+
+And this is conversion; and the art will be how to accomplish this as
+easily and completely as possible; not implanting eyes, for they exist
+already, but giving them a right direction, which they have not.
+
+Yes, he said, that may be assumed.
+
+And hence while the other qualities seem to be akin to the body, being
+infused by habit and exercise and not originally innate, the virtue of
+wisdom is part of a divine essence, and has a power which is
+everlasting, and by this conversion is rendered useful and profitable,
+and is also capable of becoming hurtful and useless. Did you never
+observe the narrow intelligence flashing from the keen eye of a clever
+rogue--how eager he is, how clearly his paltry soul sees the way to
+his end; he is the reverse of blind, but his keen sight is taken into
+the service of evil, and he is dangerous in proportion to his
+intelligence?
+
+Very true, he said.
+
+But what if there had been a circumcision of such natures in the days
+of their youth; and they had been severed from the leaden weights, as
+I may call them, with which they are born into the world, which lead
+on to sensual pleasures, such as those of eating and drinking, and
+drag them down and turn the vision of their souls about the things
+that are below--if, I say, these natures had been released from these
+tendencies and turned round to the truth, the very same faculty in
+these very same persons would have seen the other as keenly as they
+now see that on which the eye is fixt.
+
+That is very likely.
+
+Yes, I said; and there is another thing which is likely, or rather a
+necessary inference from what has proceeded, that neither the
+uneducated and uninformed of the truth, nor yet those who never make
+an end of their education, will be able ministers of state; not the
+former, because they have no single aim of duty which is the rule of
+their actions, private as well as public; nor the latter, because they
+will not act at all except upon compulsion, fancying that they are
+already in the islands of the blest.
+
+Very true, he replied.
+
+Then, I said, the business of us who are the founders of the state
+will be to compel the best minds to attain that knowledge which has
+been already declared by us to be the greatest of all--to that
+eminence they must ascend and arrive at the good, and when they have
+ascended and seen enough we must not allow them to do as they do now.
+
+What do you mean?
+
+I mean that they remain in the upper world; but this must not be
+allowed; they must be made to descend again among the prisoners in the
+den, and partake of their labors and honors, whether they are worth
+having or not.
+
+But is not this unjust? he said; ought we to give them an inferior
+life, when they might have a superior one?
+
+You have again forgotten, my friend, I said, the intention of the
+legislator; he did not aim at making any one class in the state happy
+above the rest; the happiness was to be in the whole state, and he
+held the citizens together by persuasion and necessity, making them
+benefactors of one another; to this end he created them, not that they
+should please themselves, but they were to be his instruments in
+binding up the state.
+
+True, he said, I had forgotten that.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 56: Plato is one of the very few Greek authors none of whose
+work has been lost. He shares this good fortune with Xenophon. Of the
+dialog Plato was practically, if not actually, the originator, and the
+form has survived to our day.]
+
+[Footnote 57: From "The Republic." Translated by Benjamin Jowett. In
+this famous work Plato describes an ideal commonwealth.]
+
+[Footnote 58: The speaker here is Glaucon, Plato's brother.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+GOOD AND EVIL[59]
+
+
+I suppose that you are satisfied at having a life of pleasure which is
+without pain. And if you are satisfied, and if you are unable to show
+any good or evil which does not end in pleasure and pain, hear the
+consequences: If this is true, then I say that the argument is absurd
+which affirms that a man often does evil knowingly when he might
+abstain, because he is seduced and amazed by pleasure; or again, when
+you say that a man knowingly refuses to do what is good because he is
+overcome at the moment by pleasure. Now that this is ridiculous will
+be evident if we only give up the use of various names, such as
+pleasant and painful and good and evil. As there are two things, let
+us call them by two names--first, good and evil, and then pleasant and
+painful. Assuming this, let us go on to say that a man does evil
+knowing that he does evil. But some one will ask, Why? Because he is
+overcome, is the first answer. And by what is he overcome? the
+inquirer will proceed to ask. And we shall not be able to reply, by
+pleasure, for the name of pleasure has been exchanged for that of
+good.
+
+In our answer, then, we shall say only that he is overcome. By what?
+he will reiterate. By the good, we shall have to reply; indeed, we
+shall. Nay, but our questioner will rejoin with a laugh, if he be one
+of the swaggering sort, that is too ridiculous, that a man should do
+what he knows to be evil when he ought not, because he is overcome by
+good. Is that, he will ask, because the good was worthy or not worthy
+of conquering the evil? And in answer to that we shall clearly reply,
+because it was not worthy; for if it had been worthy, then he who, as
+we say, was overcome by pleasure, would not have been wrong. But how,
+he will reply, can the good be unworthy of the evil, or the evil of
+the good? Is not the real explanation that they are out of proportion
+to each other, either as greater and smaller, or more and fewer? This
+we can not deny. And when you speak of being overcome, what do you
+mean, he will say, but that you choose the greater evil in exchange
+for the lesser good? This being the case, let us now substitute the
+names of pleasure and pain, and say, not as before, that a man does
+what is evil knowingly, but that he does what is painful knowingly,
+and because he is overcome by pleasure, which is unworthy to overcome.
+And what measure is there of the relations of pleasure to pain other
+than excess and defect, which means that they become greater and
+smaller, and more and fewer, and differ in degree? For if any one
+says, Yes, Socrates, but immediate pleasure differs widely from future
+pleasure and pain, to which I should reply: And do they differ in any
+other way except by reason of pleasure and pain? There can be no other
+measure of them. And do you, like a skilful weigher, put into the
+balance the pleasures and the pains, near and distant, and weigh them,
+and then say which outweighs the other? If you weigh pleasures against
+pleasures, you of course take the more and greater; or if you weigh
+pains against pains, you take the fewer and the less; or if pleasures
+against pains, then you choose that course of action in which the
+painful is exceeded by the pleasant, whether the distant by the near
+or the near by the distant; and you avoid that course of action in
+which the pleasant is exceeded by the painful. Would you not admit, my
+friends, that this is true? I am confident that they can not deny
+this.
+
+He agreed with me.
+
+Well then, I shall say, if you admit that, be so good as to answer me
+a question: Do not the same magnitudes appear larger to your sight
+when near, and smaller when at a distance. They will acknowledge that.
+And the same holds of thickness and number; also sounds which are in
+themselves equal are greater when near and lesser when at a distance.
+They will grant that also. Now supposing that happiness consisted in
+making and taking large things, what would be the saving principle of
+human life? Would the art of measuring be the saving principle or
+would the power of appearance? Is not the latter that deceiving art
+which makes us wander up and down and take the things at one time of
+which we repent at another, both in our actions and in our choice of
+things great and small? But the art of measurement is that which would
+do away with the effect of appearances, and, showing the truth, would
+fain teach the soul at last to find rest in the truth, and would thus
+save our life. Would not mankind generally acknowledge that the art
+which accomplishes this is the art of measurement?
+
+Yes, he said, the art of measurement.
+
+Suppose, again, the salvation of human life to depend on the choice of
+odd and even, and on the knowledge of when men ought to choose the
+greater or less, either in reference to themselves or to each other
+whether near or at a distance; what would be the saving principles of
+our lives? Would not knowledge?--a knowledge of measuring, when the
+question is one of excess and defect, and a knowledge of number, when
+the question is of odd and even? The world will acknowledge that, will
+they not?
+
+Protagoras admitted that they would.
+
+Well then, I say to them, my friends, seeing that the salvation of
+human life has been found to consist in the right choice of pleasures
+and pains--in the choice of the more and the fewer, and the greater
+and the less, and the nearer and remoter--must not this measuring be a
+consideration of excess and defect and equality in relation to one
+another?
+
+That is undeniably true.
+
+And this, as possessing measure, must undeniably also be an art and
+science?
+
+They will agree to that....
+
+Then you agree, I said, that the pleasant is the good, and the painful
+evil. And here I would beg my friend Prodicus not to introduce his
+distinction of names, whether he is disposed to say pleasurable,
+delightful, joyful. However and in whatever way he rejoices to name
+them, I will ask you, most excellent Prodicus, to answer this in my
+sense.
+
+Prodicus laughed and assented, as did the others.
+
+Then, my friends, I said, what do you say to this? Are not all actions
+the tendency of which is to make life painless and pleasant honorable
+and useful? The honorable work is also useful and good.
+
+This was admitted.
+
+Then, I said, if the pleasant is the good, nobody does anything under
+the idea or conviction that some other thing would be better and is
+also attainable when he might do the better. And this inferiority of a
+man to himself is merely ignorance, as the superiority of a man to
+himself is wisdom.
+
+They all assented.
+
+And does not ignorance consist in having a false opinion and being
+deceived about important matters?
+
+To that they unanimously assented also.
+
+Then, I said, no man voluntarily pursues evil or that which he thinks
+to be evil. To prefer evil to good is not in human nature; and when a
+man is compelled to choose one of two evils, no one will choose the
+greater when he might have the less.
+
+We all agreed to every word of this.
+
+Well, I said, there is a certain thing called fear or terror; and
+here, Prodicus, I should particularly like to know whether you would
+agree with me in defining this fear or terror as expectation of evil.
+
+Protagoras and Hippias agreed, but Prodicus said that this was fear
+and not terror.
+
+Never mind about that, Prodicus, I said; but let me ask whether, if
+our former assertions are true, a man will pursue that which he fears
+when he need not? Would not this be in contradiction to the admission
+which has been already made, that he thinks the things which he fears
+to be evil? And no one will pursue or voluntarily accept that which he
+thinks to be evil.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 59: From the "Protagoras," translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Protagoras, from whom this dialog gets its name, was one of the Greek
+sophists, born about 481 B.C., and exiled from Athens on a charge of
+atheism, his work entitled "On the Gods" being publicly burned. In the
+dialog, which took place in the house of Calias, a wealthy Athenian
+gentleman, besides Protagoras there were present other sophists,
+including Hippias, Prodicus, Hippocrates, Alcibiades, and Critias.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+SOCRATES IN PRAISE OF LOVE[60]
+
+
+And now I will take my leave of you, and rehearse the tale of love
+which I heard once upon a time from Diotima,[61] of Mantinea, who was
+a wise woman in this and many other branches of knowledge. She was the
+same who deferred the plague of Athens ten years by a sacrifice, and
+was my instructress in the art of love. In the attempt that I am
+about to make, I shall pursue Agathon's method, and begin with his
+admissions, which are nearly if not quite the same as I made to the
+wise woman when she questioned me; this will be the easiest way, and I
+shall take both parts myself as well as I can. For, like Agathon, she
+spoke first of the being and nature of Love, and then of his works.
+And I said to her, in nearly the same words which he used to me, that
+Love was a mighty god, and likewise fair; and she proved to me as I
+proved to him that, in my way of speaking about him, Love was neither
+fair nor good. "What do you mean, Diotima," I said; "is love then evil
+and foul?" "Hush," she cried; "is that to be deemed foul which is not
+fair?" "Certainly," I said. "And is that which is not wise ignorant?
+Do you not see that there is a mean between wisdom and ignorance?"
+"And what is this?" I said. "Right opinion," she replied, "which, as
+you know, being incapable of giving a reason, is not knowledge (for
+how could knowledge be devoid of reason? nor, again, ignorance, for
+neither can ignorance attain the truth), but is clearly something
+which is a mean between ignorance and wisdom." "Quite true," I
+replied. "Do not then insist," she said, "that what is not fair is of
+necessity foul or what is not good is evil, or infer that because Love
+is not fair and good he is therefore foul and evil; for he is in mean
+between them." "Well," I said, "Love is surely admitted by all to be a
+great god." "By those who know or by those who don't know?" "By all."
+"And how, Socrates," she said with a smile, "can Love be acknowledged
+to be a great god by those who say that he is not a god at all?" "And
+who are they?" I said. "You and I are two of them," she replied. "How
+can that be?" I said. "That is very intelligible," she replied, "as
+you yourself would acknowledge that the gods are happy and fair--of
+course you would--would you dare to say that any god was not?"
+"Certainly not," I replied. "And you mean by the happy those who are
+the possessors of things good or fair?" "Yes." "And you admitted that
+Love, because he was in want, desires those good and fair things of
+which he is in want?" "Yes, I admitted that." "But how can he be a god
+who has no share in the good or the fair?" "That is not to be
+supposed." "Then you see that you also deny the deity of Love."
+
+"What then is Love?" I asked. "Is he mortal?" "No." "What then?" "As
+in the former instance, he is neither mortal nor immortal, but in a
+mean between them." "What is he then, Diotima?" "He is a great spirit,
+and like all that is spiritual he is intermediate between the divine
+and the mortal." "And what is the nature of this spiritual power?" I
+said. "This is the power," she said, "which interprets and conveys to
+the gods the prayers and sacrifices of men, and to men the commands
+and rewards of the gods; and this power spans the chasm which divides
+them, and in this all is bound together, and through this the arts of
+the prophet and the priest, their sacrifices and mysteries and charms,
+and all prophecy and incantation, find their way. For God mingles not
+with man; and through this power all the intercourse and speech of God
+with man, whether awake or asleep, is carried on. The wisdom which
+understands this is spiritual; all other wisdom, such as that of arts
+or handicrafts, is mean and vulgar. Now these spirits or intermediate
+powers are many and divine, and one of them is Love." "And who," I
+said, "was his father, and who his mother?" "The tale," she said,
+"will take time; nevertheless I will tell you. On the birthday of
+Aphrodite there was a feast of the gods, at which the god Poros or
+Plenty, who is the son of Metis or Discretion, was one of the guests.
+When the feast was over, Penia or Poverty, as the manner was, came
+about the doors to beg. Now Plenty, who was the worse for Nectar
+(there was no wine in those days), came into the garden of Zeus and
+fell into a heavy sleep; and Poverty, considering her own straitened
+circumstances, plotted to have him for a husband, and accordingly she
+lay down at his side and conceived Love, who partly because he is
+naturally a lover of the beautiful, and because Aphrodite is herself
+beautiful, and also because he was born on Aphrodite's birthday is her
+follower and attendant. And as his parentage is, so also are his
+fortunes.
+
+"In the first place, he is always poor, and anything but tender and
+fair, as the many imagine him; and he is hard-featured and squalid,
+and has no shoes nor a house to dwell in; on the bare earth exposed he
+lies under the open heaven, in the streets, or at the doors of houses,
+taking his rest; and like his mother, he is always in distress. Like
+his father too, whom he also partly resembles, he is always plotting
+against the fair and the good; he is bold, enterprising, strong, a
+hunter of men, always at some intrigue or other, keen in the pursuit
+of wisdom, and never wanting resources; a philosopher at all times,
+terrible as an enchanter, sorcerer, sophist; for as he is neither
+mortal nor immortal, he is alive and flourishing at one moment when he
+is in plenty, and dead at another moment, and again alive by reason of
+his father's nature. But that which is always flowing in is always
+flowing out, and so he is never in want and never in wealth, and he is
+also in a mean between ignorance and knowledge. The truth of the
+matter is just this: No god is a philosopher or seeker after wisdom,
+for he is wise already; nor does any one else who is wise seek after
+wisdom. Neither do the ignorant seek after wisdom. For herein is the
+evil of ignorance, that he who is neither good nor wise is
+nevertheless satisfied; he feels no want, and has therefore no
+desire." "But who then, Diotima," I said, "are the lovers of wisdom,
+if they are neither the wise nor the foolish?" "A child may answer
+that question," she replied; "they are those who, like Love, are in a
+mean between the two. For wisdom is a most beautiful thing, and Love
+is of the beautiful; and therefore Love is also a philosopher or lover
+of wisdom, and being a lover of wisdom is in a mean between the wise
+and the ignorant. And this again is a quality which Love inherits from
+his parents; for his father is wealthy and wise, and his mother poor
+and foolish. Such, my dear Socrates, is the nature of the spirit Love.
+The error in your conception of him was very natural, and as I imagine
+from what you say, has arisen out of a confusion of love and the
+beloved--this made you think that love was all beautiful. For the
+beloved is the truly beautiful, delicate, and perfect and blest; but
+the principle of love is of another nature, and is such as I have
+described."
+
+I said, "O thou strange woman, thou sayest well, and now, assuming
+Love to be such as you say, what is the use of him?" "That, Socrates,"
+she replied, "I will proceed to unfold; of his nature and birth I have
+already spoken, and you acknowledge that Love is of the beautiful. But
+some one will say, 'Of the beautiful in what, Socrates and
+Diotima?'--or rather let us put the question more clearly, and ask,
+When a man loves the beautiful, what does he love?" I answered her,
+"That the beautiful may be his." "Still," she said, "the answer
+suggests a further question, which is this, What is given by the
+possession of beauty?" "That," I replied, "is a question to which I
+have no answer ready." "Then," she said, "let me put the word 'good'
+in the place of the beautiful, and repeat the question, What does he
+who loves the good desire?" "The possession of the good," I said. "And
+what does he gain who possesses the good?" "Happiness," I replied;
+"there is no difficulty in answering that." "Yes," she said, "the
+happy are made happy by the acquisition of good things. Nor is there
+any need to ask why a man desires happiness; the answer is already
+final." "That is true," I said. "And is this wish and this desire
+common to all? and do all men always desire their own good, or only
+some men?--what think you?" "All men," I replied; "the desire is
+common to all." "But all men, Socrates," she rejoined, "are not said
+to love, but only some of them; and you say that all men are always
+loving the same things." "I myself wonder," I said, "why that is."
+"There is nothing to wonder at," she replied; "the reason is that one
+part of love is separated off and receives the name of the whole, but
+the other parts have other names." "Give an example," I said. She
+answered me as follows: "There is poetry, which, as you know, is
+complex and manifold. And all creation or passage of non-being into
+being is poetry or making, and the processes of all art are creative,
+and the masters of arts are all poets." "Very true." "Still," she
+said, "you know that they are not called poets, but have other names;
+the generic term 'poetry' is confined to that specific art which is
+separated off from the rest of poetry, and is concerned with music and
+meter; and this is what is called poetry, and they who possess this
+kind of poetry are called poets."
+
+"Very true," I said. "And the same holds of love. For you may say
+generally that all desire of good and happiness is due to the great
+and subtle power of Love; but those who, having their affections set
+upon him, are yet diverted into the paths of money-making or gymnastic
+philosophy are not called lovers--the name of the genus is reserved
+for those whose devotion takes one form only--they alone are said to
+love, or to be lovers." "In that," I said, "I am of opinion that you
+are right." "Yes," she said, "and you hear people say that lovers are
+seeking for the half of themselves; but I say that they are seeking
+neither for the half nor for the whole, unless the half or the whole
+be also a good. And they will cut off their own hands and feet and
+cast them away if they are evil; for they love them not because they
+are their own, but because they are good, and dislike them not because
+they are another's, but because they are evil. There is nothing which
+men love but the good. Do you think that there is?" "Indeed," I
+answered, "I should say not." "Then," she said, "the conclusion of the
+whole matter is that men love the good." "Yes," I said. "To which may
+be added that they love the possession of the good?" "Yes, that may be
+added." "And not only the possession, but the everlasting possession
+of the good?" "That may be added too." "Then love," she said, "may be
+described generally as the love of the everlasting possession of the
+good?" "That is most true," I said.
+
+"Then if this be the nature of love, can you tell me further," she
+said, "what is the manner of the pursuit? What are they doing who show
+all this eagerness and heat which is called love? Answer me that."
+"Nay, Diotima," I said, "if I had known I should not have wondered at
+your wisdom or have come to you to learn." "Well," she said, "I will
+teach you: love is only birth in beauty, whether of body or soul."
+"The oracle requires an explanation," I said; "I don't understand
+you." "I will make my meaning clearer," she replied. "I mean to say
+that which all men are bringing to the birth of their bodies and their
+souls. There is a certain age at which human nature is desirous of
+procreation; and this procreation must be in beauty and not in
+deformity; and this is the mystery of man and woman, which is a divine
+thing, for conception and generation are a principle of immortality in
+the mortal creature. And in the inharmonical they can never be. But
+the deformed is always inharmonical with the divine, and the beautiful
+harmonious. Beauty, then, is the destiny or goddess of parturition who
+presides a birth, and therefore, when approaching beauty the
+conceiving power is propitious, and diffuse, and benign, and begets
+and bears fruit; on the appearance of foulness she frowns and
+contracts in pain, and is averted and morose, and shrinks up, and not
+without a pang refrains from conception. And this is the reason why,
+when the hour of conception arrives, and the teeming nature is full,
+there is such a flutter and ecstasy about beauty whose approach is the
+alleviation of pain. For love, Socrates, is not, as you imagine, the
+love of the beautiful only." "What then?" "The love of generation and
+birth in beauty." "Yes," I said. "Yes, indeed," she replied. "But why
+of birth?" I said. "Because to the mortal, birth is a sort of eternity
+and immortality," she replied; "and as has been already admitted, all
+men will necessarily desire immortality together with good if love is
+of the everlasting possession of the good."
+
+All this she taught me at various times when she spoke of love. And on
+another occasion she said to me: "What is the reason, Socrates, of
+this love, and the attendant desire? See you not how all animals,
+birds as well as beasts, in their desire of procreation, are in agony
+when they take the infection of love; this begins with the desire of
+union, to which is added the care of offspring, in behalf of whom the
+weakest are ready to battle against the strongest even to the
+uttermost, and to die for them, and will let themselves be tormented
+with hunger or suffer anything in order to maintain their
+offspring.... Marvel not then at the love which all men have of their
+offspring; for that universal love and interest are for the sake of
+immortality."
+
+When I heard this, I was astonished and said, "Is this really true, O
+thou wise Diotima?" And she answered with all the authority of a
+sophist: "Of that, Socrates, you may be assured; think only of the
+ambition of men, and you will marvel at their senselessness unless you
+consider how they are stirred by the love of an immortality of fame.
+They are ready to run risks greater far than they would have run for
+their children, and to spend money and undergo any amount of toil, and
+even to die for the sake of leaving behind them a name which shall be
+eternal. Do you imagine that Alcestis[62] would have died on behalf of
+Admetus, or Achilles after Patroclus, or your own Codrus in order to
+preserve the kingdom for his sons, if they had not imagined that the
+memory of their virtues, which is still retained among us, would be
+immortal? Nay," she said, "for I am persuaded that all men do all
+things for the sake of the glorious fame of immortal virtue, and the
+better they are the more they desire this; for they are ravished with
+the desire of the immortal.
+
+"Men whose bodies only are creative betake themselves to women and
+beget children--this is the character of their love; their offspring,
+as they hope, will preserve their memory and give them the blessedness
+and immortality which they desire in the future. But creative
+souls--for there are men who are more creative in their souls than in
+their bodies--conceive that which is proper for the soul to conceive
+or retain. And what are these conceptions?--wisdom and virtue in
+general. And such creators are all poets and other artists who may be
+said to have invention. But the greatest and fairest sort of wisdom by
+far is that which is concerned with the ordering of states and
+families, and which is called temperance and justice. And he who in
+youth has the seed of these implanted in him and is himself inspired,
+when he comes to maturity desires to beget and generate offspring. And
+he wanders about seeking beauty that he may beget offspring--for in
+deformity he will beget nothing--and embraces the beautiful rather
+than the deformed; and when he finds a fair and noble and
+well-nurtured soul, and there is union of the two in one person, he
+gladly embraces it, and to such a soul he is full of fair speech about
+virtue and the nature and pursuits of a good man; and he tries to
+educate it; and at the touch and presence of the beautiful he brings
+forth the beautiful which he conceived long before, and the beautiful
+is ever present with him and in his memory even when absent, and in
+company they tend that which he brings forth, and they are bound
+together by a far nearer tie and have a closer friendship than those
+who beget mortal children, for the children who are their common
+offspring are fairer and more immortal. Who, when he thinks of Homer
+and Hesiod[63] and other great poets, would not rather emulate them
+in the creation of children such as theirs, which have preserved their
+memory and given them everlasting glory? Or who would not have such
+children as Lycurgus[64] left behind to be the saviors, not only of
+Lacedæmon, but of Hellas, as one may say? There is Solon, too, who is
+the revered father of Athenian laws; and many others there are in
+various places, both among Hellenes and barbarians. They all have done
+many noble works, and have been the parents of virtue of every kind,
+and in honor of their children many temples have been raised, which
+were never raised in honor of the mortal children of any one.
+
+"These are the lesser mysteries of love, into which even you,
+Socrates, may enter; to the greater and more hidden ones which are the
+crown of these, and to which, if you pursue them in a right spirit,
+they will lead, I know not whether you will be able to attain. But I
+will do my utmost to inform you, and do you follow if you can. For he
+who would proceed rightly in this matter should begin in youth to turn
+to beautiful forms; and first, if his instructor guide him rightly, he
+should learn to love one such form only--out of that he should create
+fair thoughts; and soon he will find himself perceive that the beauty
+of one form is truly related to the beauty of another; and then if
+beauty in general is his pursuit, how foolish would he be not to
+recognize that the beauty in every form is one and the same! And when
+he perceives this he will abate his violent love of the one, which he
+will despise and deem a small thing, and will become a lover of all
+beautiful forms; this will lead him on to consider that the beauty of
+the mind is more honorable than the beauty of the outward form. So
+that if a virtuous soul have but a little comeliness, he will be
+content to love and tend it, and will search out and bring to the
+birth thoughts which may improve the young, until his beloved is
+compelled to contemplate and see the beauty of institutions and laws,
+and understand that all is of one kindred, and that personal beauty is
+only a trifle; and after laws and institutions he will lead him on to
+the sciences, that he may see their beauty, being not like a servant
+in love with the beauty of one youth or man or institution, himself a
+slave mean and calculating, but looking at the abundance of beauty and
+drawing toward the sea of beauty, and creating and beholding many fair
+and noble thoughts and notions in boundless love of wisdom, until at
+length he grows and waxes strong, and at last the vision is revealed
+to him of a single science, which is the science of beauty
+everywhere...."
+
+Such, Phædrus[65]--and I speak not only to you, but to all men--were
+the words of Diotima; and I am persuaded of their truth. And being
+persuaded of them, I try to persuade others that in the attainment of
+this end human nature will not easily find a better helper than Love.
+And, therefore, also, I say that every man ought to honor him as I
+myself honor him, and walk in his ways, and exhort others to do the
+same, even as I praise the power and spirit of Love according to the
+measure of my ability now and ever.
+
+The words which I have spoken, you, Phædrus, may call an encomium of
+Love or anything else which you please.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 60: From "The Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Mahaffy ranks this work "as greater and more brilliant" than the
+"Phædo." Being intensely Greek, it has, however, seemed alien, if not
+offensive, to many modern readers. Scholars have valued it highly as a
+vivid picture of the manners of the most refined society of Athens. It
+has sometimes been called "The Banquet." Under that name, the poet
+Shelley made a translation. The banquet described took place in the
+house of the tragic poet Agathon. Agathon was born about 477 B.C., of
+a rich and eminent Athenian family. He was remarkable for personal
+accomplishments rather than for high literary genius. He is believed
+to have died at the age of forty-seven.]
+
+[Footnote 61: Diotima, a priestess, reputed to have been a
+Pythagorean, but some writers have doubted her existence.]
+
+[Footnote 62: The wife of Admetus, a Thessalian king, who sacrificed
+her life in order to save that of her husband.]
+
+[Footnote 63: Hesiod, whose home was in Boeotia, is thought to have
+lived about three centuries after Homer; that is, about 800 B.C. He
+was a shepherd in his youth, and began to write verses while tending
+his flocks.]
+
+[Footnote 64: Lived probably in the ninth century B.C., and the
+traditional author of the laws by which Sparta was governed for
+several centuries.]
+
+[Footnote 65: An Athenian, son of Pythocles, and friend of Plato, but
+of whom nothing more is known.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+THE PRAISE OF SOCRATES BY ALCIBIADES[66]
+
+
+When Socrates had done speaking, the company applauded, and
+Aristophanes[67] was beginning to say something in answer to the
+allusion which Socrates had made to his own speech, when suddenly
+there was a great knocking at the door of the house, as of revelers,
+and the sound of a flute-girl was heard. Agathon told the attendants
+to go and see who were the intruders. "If they are friends of ours,"
+he said, "invite them in, but if not say that the drinking is over." A
+little while afterward they heard the voice of Alcibiades resounding
+in the court; he was in a great state of intoxication, and kept
+roaring and shouting: "Where is Agathon? Lead me to Agathon," and at
+length, supported by the flute-girl and some of his companions, he
+found his way to them. "Hail, friends," he said, appearing at the door
+crowned with a massive garland of ivy and wall-flowers, and having his
+head flowing with ribbons. "Will you have a very drunken man as a
+companion of your revels? Or shall I crown Agathon, as was my
+intention in coming, and go my way? For I was unable to come
+yesterday, and therefore I come to-day, carrying on my head three
+ribbons, that taking them from my own head I may crown the head of
+this fairest and wisest of men, as I may be allowed to call him. Will
+you laugh at me because I am drunk? Yet I know very well that I am
+speaking the truth, altho you may laugh. But first tell me whether I
+shall come in on the understanding that I am drunk. Will you drink
+with me or not?"
+
+The company were vociferous in begging that he should take his place
+among them, and Agathon specially invited him. Thereupon he was led in
+by the people who were with him; and as he was being led he took the
+crown and ribbons from his head, intending to crown Agathon, and had
+them before his eyes; this prevented him from seeing Socrates, who
+made way for him, and Alcibiades took the vacant place between Agathon
+and Socrates, and in taking the place he embraced Agathon and crowned
+him. "Take off his sandals," said Agathon, "and let him make a third
+on the same couch."
+
+"By all means; but who makes the third partner in our revels?" said
+Alcibiades, turning round and starting up as he caught sight of
+Socrates. "By Heracles," he said, "what is this? Here is Socrates
+always lying in wait for me, and always, as his way is, coming out at
+all sorts of unexpected places; and now, what have you to say for
+yourself, and why are you lying here, where I perceive that you have
+contrived to find a place, not by a professor or lover of jokes, like
+Aristophanes, but by the fairest of the company?"
+
+Socrates turned to Agathon and said: "I must ask you to protect me,
+Agathon; for this passion of his has grown quite a serious matter.
+Since I became his admirer I have never been allowed to speak to any
+other fair one, or so much as to look at them. If I do he goes wild
+with envy and jealousy, and not only abuses me, but can hardly keep
+his hands off me, and at this moment he may do me some harm. Please
+see to this, and either reconcile me to him or, if he attempt
+violence, protect me, as I am in bodily fear of his mad and passionate
+attempts."
+
+"There can never be reconciliation between you and me," said
+Alcibiades; "but for the present I will defer your chastisement. And I
+must beg you, Agathon, to give me back some of the ribbons that I may
+crown the marvelous head of this universal despot. I would not have
+him complain of me for crowning you, and neglecting him, who in
+conversation is the conqueror of all mankind; and this not once only,
+as you were the day before yesterday, but always." Then taking some of
+the ribbons, he crowned Socrates, and again reclined. When he had lain
+down again, he said: "You seem, my friends, to be sober, which is a
+thing not to be endured; you must drink for that was the agreement
+which I made with you--and I elect myself master of the feast until
+you are quite drunk. Let me have a large goblet, Agathon, or rather,"
+he said, addressing the attendant, "bring me that wine-cooler." The
+wine-cooler which caught his eye was a vessel holding more than two
+quarts; this he filled and emptied, and bade the attendant fill it
+again for Socrates. "Observe, my friends," said Alcibiades, "that my
+ingenious device will have no effect on Socrates, for he can drink any
+quantity of wine and not be at all nearer being drunk." Socrates drank
+the cup which the attendant filled for him....
+
+"I shall praise Socrates in a figure which will appear to him to be a
+caricature, and yet I do not mean to laugh at him, but only to speak
+the truth. I say, then, that he is exactly like the masks of Silenus,
+which may be seen sitting in the statuaries' shops, having pipes and
+flutes in their mouths; and they are made to open in the middle, and
+there are images of gods inside them. I say also that he is like
+Marsyas the satyr. You will not deny this, Socrates, that your face is
+like that of a satyr. Aye, and there is a resemblance in other points
+too. For example, you are a bully--that I am in a position to prove by
+the evidence of witnesses if you will not confess. And are you not a
+flute-player? That you are, and a far more wonderful performer than
+Marsyas. For he indeed with instruments charmed the souls of men by
+the power of his breath, as the performers of his music do still; for
+the melodies of Olympus are derived from the teaching of Marsyas, and
+these, whether they are played by a great master or by a miserable
+flute-girl, have a power which no others have; they alone possess the
+soul and reveal the wants of those who have need of gods and
+mysteries, because they are inspired.
+
+"But you produce the same effect with the voice only, and do not
+require the flute; that is the difference between you and him. When we
+hear any other speaker, even a very good one, his words produce
+absolutely no effect upon us in comparison, whereas the very fragments
+of you and your words, even at second-hand, and however imperfectly
+repeated, amaze and possess the souls of every man, woman, and child
+who comes within hearing of them. And if I were not afraid that you
+think me drunk, I would have sworn to as well as spoken of the
+influence which they have always and still have over me. For my heart
+leaps within me more than that of any Corybantian[68] reveler, and my
+eyes rain tears when I hear him. And I observe that many others are
+affected in the same way. I have heard Pericles and other great
+orators, but tho I thought that they spoke well, I never had any
+similar feeling; my soul was not stirred by them, nor was I angry at
+the thought of my own slavish state. But this Marsyas has often
+brought me to such a pass that I have felt as if I could hardly endure
+the life which I am leading (this, Socrates, you admit); and I am
+conscious that if I did not shut my ears against him, and fly from the
+voice of the siren, he would detain me until I grew old sitting at his
+feet. For he makes me confess that I ought not to live as I do,
+neglecting the wants of my own soul, and busying myself with the
+concerns of the Athenians; therefore I hold my ears and tear myself
+away from him. And he is the only person who ever made me ashamed,
+which you might think not to be in my nature, and there is no one else
+who does the same. For I know that I can not answer him or say that I
+ought not to do as he bids, but when I leave his presence the love of
+popularity gets the better of me. And therefore I run away and fly
+from him, and when I see him I am ashamed of what I have confest to
+him. And many a time I wish that he were dead, and yet I know that I
+should be much more sorry than glad if he were to die; so that I am at
+my wit's end.
+
+"And this is what I and many others have suffered from the
+flute-playing of this satyr. Yet hear me once more while I show you
+how exact the image is, and how marvelous his power. For I am sure
+that none of you know him; but I know him and will describe him, as I
+have begun. See you how fond he is of the fair? He is always with them
+and is always being smitten by them, and then again he knows nothing
+and is ignorant of all things--that is the appearance which he puts
+on. Is he not like a Silenus in this? Yes, surely; that is, his outer
+mask, which is the carved head of the Silenus; but when he is opened,
+what temperance there is, as I may say to you, O my companions in
+drink, residing within. Know you that beauty and wealth and honor, at
+which the many wonder, are of no account with him, and are utterly
+despised by him; he regards not at all the persons who are gifted with
+them; mankind are nothing to him; all his life is spent in mocking
+and flouting at them. But when I opened him, and looked within at his
+serious purpose, I saw in him divine and golden images of such
+fascinating beauty that I was ready to do in a moment whatever
+Socrates commanded (they may have escaped the observation of others,
+but I saw them). Now I thought that he was seriously enamored of my
+beauty, and this appeared to be a grand opportunity of hearing him
+tell what he knew, for I had a wonderful opinion of the attractions of
+my youth.
+
+"In the prosecution of this design, when I next went to him, I sent
+away the attendant who usually accompanied me (I will confess the
+whole truth, and beg you to listen; and if I speak falsely, do you,
+Socrates, expose the falsehood). Well, he and I were alone together,
+and I thought that when there was nobody with us, I should hear him
+speak the language of love as lovers do, and I was delighted. Not a
+word; he conversed as usual, and spent the day with me and then went
+away. Afterward I challenged him to the palestra; and he wrestled and
+closed with me several times alone; I fancied that I might succeed in
+this way. Not a bit; there was no use in that. Lastly, as I had failed
+hitherto, I thought that I must use stronger measures and attack him
+boldly, as I had begun, and not give him up until I saw how the matter
+stood. So I invited him to supper, just as if he were a fair youth,
+and I a designing lover. He was not easily persuaded to come; he did,
+however, after a while, accept the invitation, and when he came the
+first time, he wanted to go away at once as soon as supper was over,
+and I had not the face to detain him....
+
+"And yet I could not help wondering at his natural temperance and
+self-restraint and courage. I never could have thought that I should
+have met with a man like him in wisdom and endurance. Neither could I
+be angry with him or renounce his company any more than I could hope
+to win him. For I well knew that if Ajax could not be wounded by
+steel, much less he by money; and I had failed in my only chance of
+captivating him. So I wandered about and was at my wit's end; no one
+was ever more hopelessly enslaved by another. All this, as I should
+explain, happened before he and I went on the expedition to Potidæa;
+there we messed together, and I had the opportunity of observing his
+extraordinary power of sustaining fatigue and going without food when
+our supplies were intercepted at any place, as will happen with an
+army. In the faculty of endurance he was superior not only to me but
+to everybody else; there was no one to be compared to him. Yet at a
+festival he was the only person who had any real powers of enjoyment,
+and tho not willing to drink, he could if compelled beat us all at
+that, and the most wonderful thing of all was that no human being had
+ever seen Socrates drunk; and that, if I am not mistaken, will soon be
+tested. His endurance of cold was also surprizing. There was a severe
+frost, for the winter in that region is really tremendous, and
+everybody else either remained indoors, or if they went out had on no
+end of clothing, and were well shod, and had their feet swathed in
+felt and fleeces; in the midst of this, Socrates, with his bare feet
+on the ice, and in his ordinary dress, marched better than any of the
+other soldiers who had their shoes on, and they looked daggers at him
+because he seemed to despise them.
+
+"I have told you one tale, and now I must tell you another, which is
+worth hearing, of the doings and sufferings of this enduring man while
+he was on the expedition. One morning he was thinking about something
+which he could not resolve; and he would not give up, but continued
+thinking from early dawn until noon--there he stood fixt in thought;
+and at noon attention was drawn to him, and the rumor ran through the
+wondering crowd that Socrates had been standing and thinking about
+something ever since the break of day. At last, in the evening after
+supper, some Ionians out of curiosity (I should explain that this was
+not in the winter but in summer) brought out their mats and slept in
+the open air that they might watch him and see whether he would stand
+all night. There he stood all night as well as all day and the
+following morning; and with the return of light he offered up a prayer
+to the sun, and went his way. I will also tell, if you please--and
+indeed I am bound to tell--of his courage in battle; for who but he
+saved my life? Now this was the engagement in which I received the
+prize for valor; for I was wounded and he would not leave me, but he
+rescued me and my arms; and he ought to have received the prize of
+valor which the generals wanted to confer on me partly on account of
+my rank, and I told them so (this Socrates will not impeach or deny),
+but he was more eager than the generals that I and not he should have
+the prize. There was another occasion on which he was very noticeable;
+this was in the flight of the army after the battle of Delium, and I
+had a better opportunity of seeing him than at Potidæa, as I was
+myself on horseback, and therefore comparatively out of danger. He and
+Laches were retreating as the troops were in flight, and I met them
+and told them not to be discouraged, and promised to remain with them;
+and there you might see him, Aristophanes, as you describe, just as he
+is in the streets of Athens, stalking like a pelican, and rolling his
+eyes, calmly contemplating enemies as well as friends, and making very
+intelligible to anybody, even from a distance, that whoever attacks
+him will be likely to meet with a stout resistance; and in this way he
+and his companion escaped--for these are the sort of persons who are
+never touched in war; they pursue only those who are running away
+headlong. I particularly observed how superior he was to Laches in
+presence of mind.
+
+"Many are the wonders of Socrates which I might narrate in his praise;
+most of his ways might perhaps be paralleled in others, but the most
+astonishing thing of all is his absolute unlikeness to any other human
+being that is or ever has been. You may imagine Brasidas and others to
+have been like Achilles; or you may imagine Nestor and Antenor to have
+been like Pericles; and the same may be said of other famous men, but
+of this strange being you will never be able to find any likeness,
+however remote, either among men who now are or who ever have been,
+except that which I have already suggested of Silenus and the satyrs;
+and this is an allegory not only of himself, but also of his words.
+For, altho I forgot to mention this before, his words are ridiculous
+when you first hear them; he clothes himself in language that is as
+the skin of the wanton satyr--for his talk is of pack-asses and smiths
+and cobblers and curriers, and he is always repeating the same things
+in the same words, so that an ignorant man who did not know him might
+feel disposed to laugh at him; but he, who pierces the mask and sees
+what is within will find that they are the only words which have a
+meaning in them, and also the most divine, abounding in fair examples
+of virtue, and of the largest discourse, or rather extending to the
+whole duty of a good and honorable man.
+
+"This, friends, is my praise of Socrates. I have added my blame of him
+for his ill treatment of me; and he has ill treated not only me, but
+Charmides,[69] the son of Glaucon, and Euthydemus,[70] the son of
+Diocles, and many others in the same way--beginning as their lover, he
+has ended by making them pay their addresses to him. Wherefore I say
+to you, Agathon, 'Be not deceived by him; learn from me and take
+warning, and don't be a fool and learn by experience,' as the proverb
+says."
+
+When Alcibiades had done speaking, there was a laugh at his plainness
+of speech, as he seemed to be still in love with Socrates. "You are
+sober, Alcibiades," said Socrates, "or you would never have gone about
+to hide the purpose of your satyr's praises, for all this long story
+is only an ingenious circumlocution, the point of which comes in by
+the way at the end; you want to get up a quarrel between me and
+Agathon, and your notion is that I ought to love you and nobody else,
+and that you and you only ought to love Agathon. But the plot of this
+satyric or Selinic drama has been detected, and you must not allow
+him, Agathon, to set us at variance."
+
+"I believe you are right," said Agathon, "and I am disposed to think
+that his intention in placing himself between you and me was only to
+divide us; but he shall gain nothing by that move, as I will go and
+lie in the couch next to you."
+
+"Yes, yes," replied Socrates, "by all means come here and lie on the
+couch below me."
+
+"Alas," said Alcibiades, "how am I fooled by this man! He is
+determined to get the better of me at every turn. I do beseech you,
+allow Agathon to lie between us."
+
+"Impossible," said Socrates, "as you praised me, and I ought to praise
+my neighbor on the right, he will be out of order in praising me again
+when he ought rather to be praised by me, and I must entreat you to
+consent to this, and not be jealous, for I have a great desire to
+praise the youth."
+
+"Ha! ha!" cried Agathon; "I will rise instantly, that I may be praised
+by Socrates."
+
+"The usual way," said Alcibiades; "where Socrates is, no one else has
+any chance with the fair, and now how readily has he invented a
+specious reason for attracting Agathon to himself!"
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 66: From "The Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+This picture of Socrates is declared by Mahaffy to be the most
+wonderful of all pictures of him, inasmuch as it shows him "in all his
+ugliness, his fascination, his deep sympathy, his iron courage, his
+unassailable chastity." Mahaffy's enthusiasm has been shared by many
+writers and readers in all generations.]
+
+[Footnote 67: The famous comic poet and dramatist, author of the
+"Frogs," "Clouds," "Birds," and many other works, of which only eleven
+are now extant; born about 451 B.C., died not later than 380.]
+
+[Footnote 68: The Corybantes were priests of the Phrygian goddess
+Rhea, worship of whom was exprest in dances, which often took the
+character of orgies.]
+
+[Footnote 69: Charmides was an uncle of Plato, noted for moderation.]
+
+[Footnote 70: Euthydemus was a name given by Plato to one of his
+dialogs, in which virtue and the teaching of virtue are the themes.]
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+THE REFUSAL OF SOCRATES TO ESCAPE FROM PRISON[71]
+
+
+_Crito_: There are persons who at no great cost are willing to save
+you and bring you out of prison; and as for the informers, you may
+observe that they are far from being exorbitant in their demands; a
+little money will satisfy them. My means, which, as I am sure, are
+ample, are at your service, and if you have a scruple about spending
+all mine, here are strangers who will give you the use of others; and
+one of them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a sum of money for this
+very purpose; and Cebes and many others are willing to spend their
+money too. I say, therefore, do not on that account hesitate about
+making your escape, and do not say, as you did in court, that you will
+have difficulty in knowing what to do with yourself if you escape. For
+men will love you in other places to which you may go, and not in
+Athens only; there are friends of mine in Thessaly, if you like to go
+to them, who will value and protect you, and no Thessalians will give
+you any trouble.
+
+Nor can I think that you are justified, Socrates, in betraying your
+own life when you might be saved; this is playing into the hands of
+your enemies and destroyers; and moreover I should say that you were
+betraying your children; for you might bring them up and educate them;
+instead of which you go away and leave them, and they will have to
+take their chance; and if they do not meet with the usual fate of
+orphans, there will be small thanks to you. No man should bring
+children into the world who is unwilling to persevere to the end in
+their nurture and education. But you are choosing the easier part, as
+I think, not the better and manlier, which would rather have become
+one who professes virtue in all his actions, like yourself. And indeed
+I am ashamed not only of you, but of us who are your friends, when I
+reflect that this entire business of yours will be attributed to our
+want of courage. The trial need never have come on, or might have been
+brought to another issue; and the end of all, which is the crowning
+absurdity, will seem to have been permitted by us, through cowardice
+and baseness, who might have saved you, as you might have saved
+yourself, if we had been good for anything (for there was no
+difficulty in escaping); and we did not see how disgraceful, Socrates,
+and also miserable all this will be to us as well as you. Make your
+mind up then, or rather have your mind already made up, for the time
+of deliberation is over, and there is only one thing to be done, which
+must be done, if at all, this very night, and which any delay will
+render all but impossible; I beseech you therefore, Socrates, to be
+persuaded by me, and to do as I say....
+
+_Socrates_: From these premises I proceed to argue the question
+whether I ought or ought not to try and escape without the consent of
+the Athenians; and if I am clearly right in escaping, then I will
+make the attempt; but if not, I will abstain. The other considerations
+which you mention, of money and loss of character and the duty of
+educating children, are, as I fear, only the doctrines of the
+multitude, who would be as ready to call people to life if they were
+able as they are to put them to death--and with as little reason. But
+now, since the argument has thus far prevailed, the only question
+which remains to be considered is whether we shall do rightly either
+in escaping or in suffering others to aid in our escape and paying
+them in money and thanks, or whether we shall not do rightly; and if
+the latter, then death or any other calamity which may ensue on my
+remaining here must not be allowed to enter into the calculation.
+
+_Crito_: I think that you are right, Socrates; how then shall we
+proceed?
+
+_Socrates_: Let us consider the matter together, and do you either
+refute me if you can, and I will be convinced, or else cease, my dear
+friend, from repeating to me that I ought to escape against the wishes
+of the Athenians; for I am extremely desirous to be persuaded by you,
+but not against my own better judgment. And now please to consider my
+first position, and do your best to answer me.
+
+_Crito_: I will do my best....
+
+_Socrates_: Again, Crito, may we do evil?
+
+_Crito_: Surely not, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: And what of doing evil in return for evil, which is the
+morality of the many; is that just or not?
+
+_Crito_: Not just.
+
+_Socrates_: For doing evil to another is the same as injuring him?
+
+_Crito_: Very true.
+
+_Socrates_: Then we ought not to retaliate or render evil for evil to
+any one, whatever evil we may have suffered from him. But I would have
+you consider, Crito, whether you really mean what you are saying. For
+this opinion has never been held, and never will be held, by any
+considerable number of persons; and those who are agreed and those who
+are not agreed upon this point have no common ground, and can only
+despise one another when they see how widely they differ. Tell me,
+then, whether you agree with and assent to my first principle, that
+neither injury nor retaliation nor warding off evil by evil is ever
+right. And shall that be the premise of our argument? Or do you
+decline and dissent from this? For this has been of old and is still
+my opinion; but, if you are of another opinion, let me hear what you
+have to say. If, however, you remain of the same mind, I will proceed.
+
+_Crito_: You may proceed, for I have not changed my mind.
+
+_Socrates_: Then I will proceed to the next step, which may be put in
+the form of a question: Ought a man to do what he admits to be right
+or ought he to betray the right?
+
+_Crito_: He ought to do what he thinks right.
+
+_Socrates_: But if this is true, what is the application? In leaving
+the prison against the will of the Athenians, do I wrong any? or
+rather do I not wrong those whom I ought least to wrong? Do I not
+desert the principles which were acknowledged by us to be just? What
+do you say?
+
+_Crito_: I can not tell, Socrates; for I do not know.
+
+_Socrates_: Then consider the matter in this way: Imagine that I am
+about to play truant (you may call the proceeding by any name which
+you like), and the laws and the government come and interrogate me:
+"Tell us, Socrates," they say; "what are you about? Are you going by
+an act of yours to overturn us--the laws and the whole state, as far
+as in you lies? Do you imagine that a state can subsist and not be
+overthrown in which the decisions of law have no power, but are set
+aside and overthrown by individuals?" What will be our answer, Crito,
+to these and the like words? Any one, and especially a clever
+rhetorician, will have a good deal to urge about the evil of setting
+aside the law which requires a sentence to be carried out; and we
+might reply, "Yes; but the state has injured us and given an unjust
+sentence." Suppose I say that?
+
+_Crito_: Very good, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: "And was that our agreement with you?" the law would say;
+"or were you to abide by the sentence of the state?" And if I were to
+express astonishment at their saying this, the law would probably add:
+"Answer, Socrates, instead of opening your eyes; you are in the habit
+of asking and answering questions. Tell us what complaint you have to
+make against us which justifies you in attempting to destroy us and
+the state? In the first place, did we not bring you into existence?
+Your father married your mother by our aid and begot you. Say whether
+you have any objection to urge against those of us who regulate
+marriage?" None, I should reply. "Or against those of us who regulate
+the system of nurture and education of children in which you were
+trained? Were not the laws, which have the charge of this, right in
+commanding your father to train you in music and gymnastic?" Right, I
+should say. "Well then, since you were brought into the world and
+nurtured and educated by us, can you deny, in the first place, that
+you are our child and slave, as your fathers were before you? And if
+this is true, you are not on equal terms with us; nor can you think
+that you have a right to do to us what we are doing to you. Would you
+have any right to strike or revile or do any other evil to a father or
+to your master, if you had one, when you have been struck or reviled
+by him, or received some other evil at his hands? You would not say
+this? And because we think right to destroy you, do you think that you
+have any right to destroy us in return, and your country as far as in
+you lies? And will you, O professor of true virtue, say that you are
+justified in this? Has a philosopher like you failed to discover that
+our country is more to be valued and higher and holier far than mother
+or father or any master, and more to be regarded in the eyes of the
+gods and of men of understanding; also to be soothed, and gently and
+reverently entreated when angry, even more than a father, and if not
+persuaded, obeyed? And when we are punished by her, whether with
+imprisonment or stripes, the punishment is to be endured in silence;
+and if she lead us to wounds or death in battle, thither we follow as
+is right; neither may any one yield or retreat or leave his rank, but
+whether in battle, or in a court of law, or in any other place, he
+must do what his city and his country order him, or he must change
+their view of what is just; and if he may do no violence to his father
+or mother, much less may he do violence to his country." What answer
+shall we make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak truly, or do they not?
+
+_Crito_: I think that they do.
+
+_Socrates_: Then the laws will say: "Consider, Socrates, if this is
+true, that in your present attempt you are going to do us wrong. For,
+after having brought you into the world, and nurtured and educated
+you, and given you and every other citizen a share in every good that
+we had to give, we further proclaim and give the right to every
+Athenian that if he does not like us when he has come of age and has
+seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he may go where
+he pleases and take his goods with him; and none of our laws will
+forbid him or interfere with him. Any of you who does not like us and
+the city, and who wants to go to a colony or to any other city, may go
+where he likes and take his goods with him. But he who has experience
+of the manner in which we order justice and administer the state, and
+still remains, has entered into an implied contract that he will do as
+we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we maintain, thrice
+wrong; first, because in disobeying us he is disobeying his parents;
+secondly, because we are the authors of his education; thirdly,
+because he had made an agreement with us that he will duly obey our
+commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces us that our commands
+are wrong; and we do not rudely impose them, but give him the
+alternative of obeying or convincing us; that is what we offer, and he
+does neither. These are the sort of accusations to which, as we were
+saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you accomplish your
+intentions; you above all other Athenians." Suppose I ask, why is
+this? They will justly retort upon me that I above all other men have
+acknowledged the agreement. "There is clear proof," they will say,
+"Socrates, that we and the city were not displeasing to you. Of all
+Athenians you have been the most constant resident in the city, which,
+as you never leave, you may be supposed to love. For you never went
+out of the city either to see the games, except once when you went to
+the Isthmus, or to any other place unless when you were on military
+service; nor did you travel as other men do. Nor have you any
+curiosity to know other states or their laws; your affections did not
+go beyond us and our state; we were your special favorites, and you
+acquiesced in our government of you; and this is the state in which
+you begot your children, which is a proof of your satisfaction.
+Moreover, you might, if you had liked, have fixt the penalty at
+banishment in the course of the trial--the state which refuses to let
+you go now would have let you go then. But you pretended that you
+preferred death to exile, and that you were not grieved at death. And
+now you have forgotten these fine sentiments, and pay no respect to us
+the laws, of which you are the destroyer, and are doing what only a
+miserable slave would do, running away and turning your back upon the
+compacts and agreements which you made as a citizen. And first of all
+answer this very question: Are we right in saying that you agreed to
+be governed according to us in deed, and not in word only? Is that
+true or not?" How shall we answer that, Crito? Must we not agree?
+
+_Crito_: There is no help, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: Then will they not say: "You, Socrates, are breaking the
+covenants and agreements which you made with us at your leisure, not
+in any haste or under any compulsion or deception, but having had
+seventy years to think of them, during which time you were at liberty
+to leave the city, if we were not to your mind, or if our covenants
+appeared to you to be unfair. You had your choice, and might have gone
+either to Lacedæmon or Crete, which you often praise for their good
+government, or to some other Hellenic or foreign state. Whereas you,
+above all other Athenians, seemed to be so fond of the state, or, in
+other words, of us her laws (for who would like a state that has no
+laws?), that you never stirred out of her; the halt, the blind, the
+maimed were not more stationary in her than you were. And now you run
+away and forsake your agreements. Not so, Socrates, if you will take
+our choice; do not make yourself ridiculous by escaping out of the
+city.
+
+"For just consider, if you transgress and err in this sort of way,
+what good will you do either to yourself or to your friends? That your
+friends will be driven into exile and deprived of citizenship, or will
+lose their property, is tolerably certain; and you yourself if you fly
+to one of the neighboring cities, as, for example, Thebes or Megara,
+both of which are well-governed cities, will come to them as an
+enemy, Socrates, and their government will be against you, and all
+patriotic citizens will cast an evil eye upon you as a subverter of
+the laws, and you will confirm in the minds of the judges the justice
+of their own condemnation of you. For he who is a corrupter of the
+laws is more than likely to be a corrupter of the young and foolish
+portion of mankind. Will you then flee from well-ordered cities and
+virtuous men? and is existence worth having on these terms?...
+
+"Listen, then, Socrates, to us who have brought you up. Think not of
+life and children first, and of justice afterward, but of justice
+first, that you may be justified before the princes of the world
+below. For neither will you nor any that belong to you be happier or
+holier or juster in this life, or happier in another, if you do as
+Crito bids. Now you depart in innocence, a sufferer and not a doer of
+evil; a victim, not of the laws, but of men. But if you go forth,
+returning evil for evil, and injury for injury, breaking the covenants
+and agreements which you have made with us, and wronging those whom
+you ought least to wrong--that is to say, yourself, your friends, your
+country, and us--we shall be angry with you while you live, and our
+brethren, the laws in the world below, will receive you as an enemy;
+for they will know that you have done your best to destroy us. Listen,
+then, to us and not to Crito."
+
+This is the voice which I seem to hear murmuring in my ears, like the
+sound of the flute in the ears of the mystic; that voice, I say, is
+humming in my ears, and prevents me from hearing any other. And I know
+that anything more which you may say will be vain. Yet speak, if you
+have anything to say.
+
+_Crito_: I have nothing to say, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: Then let me follow the intimations of the will of God.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 71: From the "Crito," translated by Benjamin Jowett. Crito
+was an influential and well-to-do citizen of Athens and a friend of
+Socrates; but nothing more definite about him is known.]
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+THE DEATH OF SOCRATES[72]
+
+
+"Me, already, as the tragic poet would say, the voice of fate calls.
+Soon I must drink the poison; and I think that I had better repair to
+the bath first, in order that the women may not have the trouble of
+washing my body after I am dead."
+
+When he had done speaking, Crito said: "And have you any commands for
+us, Socrates--anything to say about your children or any other matter
+in which we can serve you?"
+
+"Nothing particular," he said; "only, as I have always told you, I
+would have you to look to yourselves; that is a service which you may
+always be doing to me and mine as well as to yourselves. And you need
+not make professions; for if you take no thought for yourselves, and
+walk not according to the precepts which I have given you, not now for
+the first time, the warmth of your professions will be of no avail."
+
+"We will do our best," said Crito. "But in what way would you have us
+bury you?"
+
+"In any way that you like; only you must get hold of me, and take care
+that I do not walk away from you." Then he turned to us, and added
+with a smile: "I can not make Crito believe that I am the same
+Socrates who has been talking and conducting the argument; he fancies
+that I am the other Socrates whom he will soon see a dead body--and he
+asks, How shall he bury me? And tho I have spoken many words in the
+endeavor to show that when I have drunk the poison I shall leave you
+and go to the joys of the blest--these words of mine, with which I
+comforted you and myself, have had, as I perceive, no effect upon
+Crito. And therefore I want you to be surety for me now, as he was
+surety for me at the trial: but let the promise be of another sort;
+for he was my surety to the judges that I would remain, but you must
+be my surety to him that I shall not remain, but go away and depart;
+and then he will suffer less at my death, and not be grieved when he
+sees my body being burned or buried. I would not have him sorrow at my
+hard lot, or say at the burial, 'Thus we lay out Socrates,' or, 'Thus
+we follow him to the grave or bury him'; for false words are not only
+evil in themselves, but they infect the soul with evil. Be of good
+cheer then, my dear Crito, and say that you are burying my body only,
+and do with that as is usual, and as you think best."
+
+When he had spoken these words, he arose and told us to wait until he
+went into the bath-chamber with Crito; and we waited, talking and
+thinking of the subject of discourse, and also of the greatness of
+our sorrow: he was like a father of whom we were being bereaved, and
+we were about to pass the rest of our lives as orphans. When he had
+taken the bath, his children were brought to him--(he had two young
+sons and an elder one); and the women of his family also came, and he
+talked to them and gave them a few directions in the presence of
+Crito; and he then dismissed them and returned to us.
+
+Now the hour of sunset was near, for a good deal of time had passed
+while he was within. When he came out, he sat down with us again after
+his bath, but not much was said. Soon the jailer, who was the servant
+of the eleven, entered and stood by him, saying: "To you, Socrates,
+whom I know to be the noblest and gentlest and best of all who ever
+came to this place, I will not impute the angry feelings of other men,
+who rage and swear at me when, in obedience to the authorities, I bid
+them drink the poison--indeed, I am sure that you will not be angry
+with me; for others, as you are aware, and not I, are the guilty
+cause. And so fare you well, and try to bear lightly what must needs
+be; you know my errand." Then bursting into tears, he went out.
+
+Socrates looked at him and said, "I return your good wishes, and will
+do as you bid." Then turning to us, he said, "How charming the man is;
+since I have been in prison he has always been coming to see me, and
+at times he would talk to me, and was as good as could be, and now see
+how generously he sorrows for me. But we must do as he says, Crito;
+let the cup be brought if the poison is prepared; if not, let the
+attendant prepare some."
+
+"Yet," said Crito, "the sun is still upon the hilltops, and I know
+that many a one has taken the draft late; and after the announcement
+had been made to him, he has eaten and drunk, and enjoyed the society
+of his beloved; do not hasten then; there is still time."
+
+Socrates said: "Yes, Crito, and they of whom you speak are right in
+doing thus, for they think that they will gain by the delay; but I am
+right in not doing thus, for I do not think that I should gain
+anything by drinking the poison a little later; I should be sparing
+and saving a life which is already gone; I could only laugh at myself
+for this. Please then to do as I say, and not to refuse me."
+
+Crito made a sign to the servant, who was standing by; and he went
+out, and after being absent for some time returned with the jailer
+carrying the cup of poison. Socrates said: "You, my good friend, who
+are experienced in these matters, shall give me the directions how I
+am to proceed." The man answered: "You have only to walk about until
+your legs are heavy, and then to lie down, and the poison will act."
+At the same time he handed the cup to Socrates, who in the easiest and
+gentlest manner, without the least fear or change of color or feature,
+looking at the man with all his eyes, Echecrates,[73] as his manner
+was, took the cup and said: "What do you say about making a libation
+out of this cup to any god? May I or not?" The man answered: "We only
+prepare, Socrates, just so much as we deem enough." "I understand,"
+he said; "yet I may and must ask the gods to prosper my journey from
+this to that other world--even so--and so be it according to my
+prayer." Then holding the cup to his lips, quite readily and
+cheerfully he drank off the poison. And hitherto most of us had been
+able to control our sorrow; but now when we saw him drinking, and saw
+too that he had finished the draft, we could no longer forbear, and in
+spite of myself my own tears were flowing fast; so that I covered my
+face and wept over myself, for certainly I was not weeping over him,
+but at the thought of my own calamity in having lost such a friend.
+Nor was I the first, for Crito, when he found himself unable to
+restrain his tears, had got up and moved away, and I followed; and at
+that moment, Apollodorus, who had been weeping all the time, broke out
+into a loud and passionate cry which made cowards of us all. Socrates
+alone retained his calmness: "What is this strange outcry?" he said.
+"I sent away the women mainly in order that they might not offend in
+this way, for I have heard that a man should die in peace. Be quiet
+then, and have patience." When we heard that, we were ashamed, and
+refrained our tears; and he walked about until, as he said, his legs
+began to fail, and then he lay on his back, according to the
+directions, and the man who gave him the poison now and then looked at
+his feet and legs; and after a while he prest his foot hard and asked
+him if he could feel; and he said, "No"; and then his leg, and so
+upward and upward, and showed us that he was cold and stiff. And he
+felt them himself, and said: "When the poison reaches the heart, that
+will be the end." He was beginning to grow cold about the groin, when
+he uncovered his face, for he had covered himself up, and said (they
+were his last words)--"Crito, I owe a cock to Asclepius; will you
+remember to pay the debt?" "The debt shall be paid," said Crito; "is
+there anything else?" There was no answer to this question; but in a
+minute or two a movement was heard, and the attendants uncovered him;
+his eyes were set, and Crito closed his eyes and mouth.
+
+Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend, whom I may truly call the
+wisest, and justest, and best of all the men whom I have ever known.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 72: From the "Phædo." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Probably the "Phædo" is, of all Plato's writings, the most famous. Its
+importance is ascribed by Mahaffy not only to what is said of
+immortality, in passages which have "fascinated the thoughtful men of
+all ages," but to the touching story of the last hours of Socrates.]
+
+[Footnote 73: Echecrates seems to have been the Locrian philosopher to
+whom Plato is believed to have gone for some of his early
+instruction.]
+
+
+
+
+ARISTOTLE
+
+
+Born in Stagira in 384 B.C.; died at Chalcis in Euboea in 322; the
+most famous of Greek philosophers; went to Athens in his eighteenth
+year as a pupil of Plato and remained there for twenty years; in 343
+went to the Court of Macedon, where he undertook the education of
+Alexander the Great, then thirteen years old; in 335 returned to
+Athens and produced the greater part of his writings; afterward forced
+to flee from Athens to Chalcis during an uprising against the
+Macedonians; his numerous writings deal with all branches of science
+known to his times; the first edition of the Greek text, that of Aldus
+Manutius, published in 1495-98.[74]
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+WHAT THINGS ARE PLEASANT[75]
+
+
+Let it be laid down by us, that pleasure is a certain motion of the
+soul, and a settlement of it, at once rapid and perceptible, into its
+own proper nature; and that pain is the contrary. If then pleasure be
+a thing of this nature, it is plain that whatever is productive of the
+disposition I have described is pleasant; while everything of a
+nature to destroy it, or produce a disposition the opposite to it, is
+painful.
+
+Generally speaking, therefore, it is necessary, both that the being in
+progress toward a state conformable to nature should be pleasant; and
+that, in the highest degree, when those feelings, whose original is
+conformable to it, shall have recovered that their nature; and habits,
+because that which is habitual becomes by that time natural, as it
+were; for, in a certain way, custom is like nature, because the idea
+of frequency is proximate to that of always; now nature belongs to the
+idea of always, custom to that of often. What is not compulsory, also,
+is pleasant; for compulsion is contrary to nature. Wherefore acts of
+necessity are painful; and it has been truly remarked, "Every act of
+necessity is in its nature painful." It must be also that a state of
+sedulous attention, anxiety, the having the mind on the stretch, are
+painful, for they all are acts of necessity, and constrained, unless
+they have become habitual; but it is custom which, under such
+circumstances, renders them pleasant. The contraries of these must
+also be pleasant; wherefore, relaxation of mind, leisure,
+listlessness, amusements, and intervals of rest, rank in the class of
+things pleasant; for none of these has anything to do with necessity.
+Everything of which there is an innate appetite, is pleasant; for
+appetite is a desire of what is pleasant.
+
+Now, of appetites, some are irrational, others attended by reason. I
+call all those irrational which men desire, not from any conception
+which they form: of this kind are all which are said to exist
+naturally, as those of the body; thirst or hunger, for instance, in
+the case of sustenance; and the appetite of sustenance in every kind.
+And the appetites connected with objects of taste, and of lust, and,
+in fact, objects of touch generally; the appetite of fragrant odors,
+too, as connected with smelling, and hearing, and sight. Appetites
+attended by reason are all those whatsoever which men exercise from a
+persuasion: for many things there are which they desire to behold, and
+possess, on hearsay and persuasion. Now, as the being pleased stands
+in the perception of a certain affection, and as imagination is a kind
+of faint perception, there will attend on him who exercises either
+memory or hope a kind of imagination of that which is the object of
+his memory or hope; but if so, it is plain that they who exercise
+memory or hope, certainly feel pleasure, since they have also a
+perception. So that everything pleasant consists either in the
+perception of present objects, or in the remembrance of those which
+have already been, or in the hope of such as are yet to be; for men
+exercise perception on present, memory on past, and hope on future
+objects. Now the objects of memory are pleasant, not only such as at
+the moment while present were pleasant, but some even which were not
+pleasant, should their consequence subsequently be honorable and good;
+and hence this saying, "But it is indeed pleasant for a man, when
+preserved, to remember his toils"; and this, "For after his
+sufferings, a man who has suffered much, and much achieved, is
+gladdened at the recollection." But the reason of this is, that to be
+exempt from evil is pleasant. And all objects are pleasant in hope,
+which appear by their presence either to delight or benefit in a great
+degree; or to benefit, without giving pain. In a word, whatever
+objects by their presence delight us, do so, generally speaking, as we
+hope for, or remember them. On which account, too, the feeling of
+anger is pleasant; just as Homer has remarked of anger in his poem,
+"That which with sweetness far greater than distilling honey as it
+drops"; for there is no one who feels anger where the object seems
+impracticable to his revenge; nor with those far their superiors in
+power do men feel anger at all, or if they do, it is in a less degree.
+
+There is also a kind of pleasure consequent on most appetites; for
+either in the recollection that they have enjoyed them, or in the hope
+that they shall enjoy them, men are affected and delighted by a
+certain pleasure: thus men possest by fevers feel delight, amid their
+thirst, as well at the remembrance how they used to drink, as at the
+hope of drinking yet again. Lovers, too, feel delight in conversing,
+writing, and composing something, ever about the object beloved;
+because, in all those energies, they have a perception, as it were, of
+the object they love. And this is in all cases a criterion of the
+commencement of love, when persons feel pleasure not only in the
+presence of the object, but are enamored also of it when absent, on
+memory; wherefore, even when pain arises at absence, nay in the midst
+of mourning, and the very dirge of death, there yet arises within us a
+certain pleasure. For the pain is felt because the object is not
+present; but the pleasure consists in remembering and seeing, as it
+were, both the person, and what he used to do, and the kind of
+character of which he was. Whence has it been said, and with
+probability enough, "Thus spake he, and excited within them all a
+desire of lamentation." Also the avenging oneself is pleasant; for the
+getting of that is pleasant, the failing to get which is painful: now
+the angry do feel pain in an excessive degree if they be not avenged;
+but in the hope of revenge they take pleasure.
+
+Again, to overcome is pleasant, not to the ambitious only, but even to
+all; for there arises an imagination of superiority, for which all,
+either in a faint or more violent degree, have an appetite. But since
+to overcome is pleasant, it must follow, of course, that amusements
+where there is field for rivalry, as those of music and disputations,
+are pleasant; for it frequently occurs, in the course of these, that
+we overcome; also chess, ball, dice, and drafts.
+
+Again, it is the same with respect to amusements where a lively
+interest is taken; for, of these, some become pleasant as accustomed
+to them; others are pleasant at first; for instance, hunting and every
+kind of sporting; for where there is rivalry, there is also victory;
+on which principle the disputations of the bar and of the schools are
+pleasant to those who have become accustomed to them, and have
+abilities. Also honor and good character are most pleasant, by reason
+that an idea arises, that one is such as is the good man; and this in
+a greater degree should those people pronounce one such who he thinks
+speak truth: such are those immediately about one, rather than those
+who are more removed; familiar friends, and acquaintances, and one's
+fellow citizens, rather than those who are at a distance; the present,
+rather than a future generation; a man of practical wisdom, rather
+than a mere ignoramus; many, than a few; for it is more likely that
+these I have mentioned will adhere to the truth, than that the
+opposite characters will: since one has no anxiety about the honor or
+the opinion of such as one greatly despises, children and animals, for
+instance, not at least for the sake of such opinion itself; but if one
+is anxious about it, then it is on account of something else.
+
+A friend, too, ranks among things pleasant; for the affection of love
+is pleasant; since there is no lover of wine who does not delight in
+wine: also the having affection felt toward one is pleasant; for there
+is in this case also an idea of one's being an excellent person, which
+all who have any sensibility to it are desirous of; now the having
+affection felt for you is the being beloved yourself, on your own
+account. Also the being held in admiration is pleasant, on the very
+account of being honored by it. Flattery and the flatterer are
+pleasant; since the flatterer is a seeming admirer and a seeming
+friend. To continue the same course of action is also pleasant; for
+what is habitual was laid down to be pleasant. To vary is also
+pleasant; for change is an approach to what is natural: for sameness
+produces an excess of a stated habit; whence it has been said, "In
+everything change is pleasant." For on this principle, whatever occurs
+at intervals of time is pleasant, whether persons or things; for it is
+a variation of present objects; and at the same time that which
+occurs merely at intervals possesses the merit of rarity. Also
+learning and admiration, generally speaking, are pleasant; for under
+admiration exists a desire [to learn], so that what is admired is
+desired; and in the act of learning there is a settlement into a state
+conformable to nature. To benefit and to be benefited are also of the
+number of pleasant things; for to be benefited is to get what people
+desire; but to benefit is to possess and abound; things, the both of
+which men desire. And because a tendency to beneficence is pleasant,
+it is also pleasant to a man to set his neighbor on his legs again,
+and to put a finish to that which was deficient in some particular.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE LIFE MOST DESIRABLE[76]
+
+
+He who proposes to make the fitting inquiry as to which form of
+government is the best, ought first to determine what manner of living
+is most eligible; for while this remains uncertain, it will also be
+equally uncertain what government is best. For, unless some unexpected
+accident interfere, it is probable that those who enjoy the best
+government will live best according to existing circumstances; he
+ought, therefore, first to come to some agreement as to the manner of
+life which, so to speak, is most desirable for all; and afterward,
+whether this life is the same or different in the individual and the
+member of a state.
+
+Deeming then that we have already sufficiently shown what sort of life
+is best, in our popular discourses on that subject, we must now make
+use of what we there said. Certainly no one ever called in question
+the propriety of one of the divisions; namely, that as there are three
+kinds of things good for man, which are, what is external, what
+belongs to the body, and to the soul, it is evident that all these
+must conspire to make men truly happy. For no one would say that a man
+was happy who had nothing of fortitude or temperance, justice or
+prudence, but was afraid of the flies that flew round him; or who
+would abstain from nothing, if he chanced to be desirous of meat or
+drink, or who would murder his dearest friend for a farthing; or, in
+like manner, one who was in every particular as wanting and misguided
+in his understanding as an infant or a maniac. These truths are so
+evident that all must agree to them, tho some may dispute about the
+quantity and the degree: for they may think, that a very little amount
+of virtue is sufficient for happiness; but as to riches, property,
+power, honor, and all such things, they endeavor to increase them
+without bounds. But to such we say, that it is easy to prove, from
+what experience teaches us concerning these cases, that it is not
+through these external goods that men acquire virtue, but through
+virtue that they acquire them. As to a happy life, whether it is to be
+found in pleasure or in virtue, or in both, certain it is that it
+belongs more frequently to those whose morals are most pure, and whose
+understandings are best cultivated, and who preserve moderation in
+the acquisition of external goods, than to those who possess a
+sufficiency of external good things, but are deficient in the rest.
+
+And that such is the case will be clearly seen by any one who views
+the matter with reflection. For whatsoever is external has its
+boundary, as a machine; and whatsoever is useful is such that its
+excess is either necessarily hurtful, or at best useless to the
+possessor. But every good quality of the soul, the higher it is in
+degree, becomes much the more useful, if it is permitted on this
+subject to adopt the word "useful" as well as "noble." It is also
+evident that the best disposition of each thing will follow in the
+same proportion of excess, as the things themselves, of which we allow
+they are accidents, differ from each other in value. So that if the
+soul is more noble than any outward possession, or than the body, both
+in itself and with respect to us, it must be admitted, of course, that
+the best disposition of each must follow the same analogy. Besides, it
+is for the sake of the soul that these things are desirable, and it is
+on this account that wise men should desire them, and not the soul for
+them.
+
+Let us therefore be well agreed that so much of happiness falls to the
+lot of every one as he possesses of virtue and wisdom, and in
+proportion as he acts according to their dictates; since for this we
+have the example of the God Himself, who is completely happy, not from
+any external good, but in Himself, and because He is such by nature.
+For good fortune is something of necessity different from happiness,
+as every external good of the soul is produced by chance or by
+fortune; but it is not from fortune that any one is just or wise.
+Hence it follows, as established by the same reasoning, that the state
+which is best, and acts best, will be happy: for no one can fare well
+who acts not well; nor can the actions either of man or city be
+praiseworthy without virtue and wisdom. For valor, justice and wisdom
+have in a state the same force and form as in individuals; and it is
+only as he shares in these virtues that each man is said to be just,
+wise, and prudent.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 74: Aristotle has been recognized as a great name in the
+classic literature of Greece, but this, as Mahaffy points out, is
+rather as a critic than as a man of letters in the narrow sense of the
+word. Physically he was unattractive. In his day he was thought ugly.
+His features were small and his legs thin. A sitting portrait of him,
+now preserved in Rome, shows a refined and careworn, tho somewhat hard
+face, in which thought and perhaps bodily suffering have drawn deep
+furrows. His writings are said to have numbered about four hundred.]
+
+[Footnote 75: From Book I of the "Rhetoric." Translated by Theodore
+Buckley.]
+
+[Footnote 76: From Book VII of the "Politics." Translated by Edward
+Walford.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+IDEAL HUSBANDS AND WIVES[77]
+
+
+But as to man, the first object of his care should be respecting a
+wife; for the society which exists between the male and female is
+above all others natural. For it is laid down by us elsewhere, that
+nature aims at producing many such creatures as the several kinds of
+animals; but it is impossible for the female to accomplish this
+without the male, or the male without the female, so that the society
+between them exists of necessity. In all other animals indeed, this
+association is irrational, and exists only so far as they possess a
+natural instinct, and for the sake of procreation alone. But in the
+milder and more intelligent animals, this bond more nearly approaches
+perfection; for there seem to be in them more signs of mutual
+assistance and good-will, and of cooperation with each other. But this
+is especially the case with man, because the male and female here
+cooperate not only for the sake of existence, but of living happily.
+And the procreation of children is a means not only of subserving
+nature, but also of solid benefit; for the labor which they expend
+during their season of vigor upon their helpless young is given back
+to them in the decay of age, from their children who are then in
+vigor.
+
+And at the same time, by this continual cycle, nature provides for the
+continuance of the race as a species, since she can not do so
+numerically. Thus divinely predisposed toward such a society is the
+nature of both the male and the female. For the sexes are at once
+divided, in that neither of them have powers adequate for all
+purposes, nay, in some respects even opposite to each other, tho they
+tend to the same end. For nature has made the one sex stronger and the
+other weaker, that the one by reason of fear may be more adapted to
+preserve property, while the other, by reason of its fortitude, may be
+disposed to repel assaults; and that the one may provide things
+abroad, while the other preserves them at home. And with respect to
+labor, the one is by nature capable of attending to domestic duties,
+but weak as to matters out-of-doors; the other is ill-adapted to works
+where repose is necessary, but able to perform those which demand
+exercise. And with respect to children, the bearing of them belongs to
+one sex, but the advantage of them is common to both; for the one has
+to rear them, and the other to educate them....
+
+A good and perfect wife ought to be mistress of everything within the
+house, and to have the care of everything according to fixt laws;
+allowing no one to come in unbidden by her husband, and especially
+keeping on her guard against everything which can be noised abroad
+relating to a woman's dishonor. So that if any mischance has happened
+within doors, she alone ought to know about it; but when those who
+have come in have done anything wrong, the husband should bear the
+blame. And she should manage the expenses laid out upon such festivals
+as her husband has agreed with her in keeping, and make an outlay of
+clothes and other ornaments on a somewhat lesser scale than is
+encouraged by the laws of the state; considering that neither splendor
+of vestments, nor preeminence of beauty, nor the amount of gold,
+contributes so much to the commendation of a woman as good management
+in domestic affairs, and a noble and comely manner of life; since all
+such array of the soul is far more lovely, and has greater force (than
+anything besides), to provide herself and her children true ornament
+till old age.
+
+A wife therefore ought to inspire herself with confidence, and
+perpetually to be at the head of domestic affairs. For it is unseemly
+for a man to know all that goes on in the house; in all respects
+indeed she ought to be obedient to her husband, and not to busy
+herself about public affairs, nor to take part in matrimonial
+concerns. And when it is time to give his daughters in marriage, or to
+get wives for his sons, by all means in these respects she should obey
+her husband. And she ought to show herself a fellow counsellor to her
+husband, so as to assent to what pleases him, remembering that it is
+less unseemly for a husband to take in hand domestic matters, than for
+a wife to busy herself in affairs out-of-doors. But the well-ordered
+wife will justly consider the behavior of her husband as a model of
+her own life, and a law to herself, invested with a divine sanction by
+means of the marriage tie and the community of life. For if she can
+persuade herself to bear her husband's ways patiently, she will most
+easily manage matters in the house; but if she can not, she will have
+greater difficulty. So that it will be seemly for her to show herself
+of one mind with her husband, and tractable, not only when her husband
+is in good luck and prosperity, but also when he is in misfortune; and
+when good fortune has failed him or sickness has laid hold of his
+bodily frame, or when he has been deprived of his senses, she ought
+gently and sympathetically to yield in any matter which is not base
+and unworthy; but if her husband has been ailing and made a mistake,
+she ought not to keep it on her mind, but to lay the blame on disease
+or ignorance....
+
+But the husband in his turn should find out certain laws to regulate
+his treatment of his wife, as one who entered the house of her husband
+to share his children and his life, and to leave him a progeny
+destined to bear the names of her husband's parents and her own. And
+what in the world could there be more holy than these ties? or what is
+there about which a man in his sound sense could strive more earnestly
+than to beget the children who shall hereafter nurse his declining
+years, from the best and most praiseworthy of wives; for they are to
+be, as it were, the best and most pious preservers of their father and
+mother, and guardians of the entire family. For it is probable that
+they will turn out good, if they have been reared uprightly by their
+parents in the habitual practise of what is just and holy but if the
+contrary should be the case, they will suffer the loss themselves. For
+unless parents afford their children a fit pattern of life, they will
+leave them an obvious excuse to quote against themselves. And this is
+to be feared, that if they have not lived well, their sons will
+disregard them, and neglect them in their old age.
+
+On this account nothing is to be omitted which tends to the fit
+education of a bride, so that the children may be born of the best
+possible mother. For the husbandman neglects nothing so as to cast his
+seed upon the richest and best wrought ground, considering that it is
+from such a soil that he will hereafter reap the fairest fruits; and
+if any violence threatens, he fights against his enemy, and
+deliberately chooses to die rather than endure to see it ravaged; and
+such a disposition as this is praised by most persons. And as such is
+the care which is spent by us on the support of our bodies, what
+manner of men ought we to show ourselves on behalf of our children and
+of the mother that is to rear them? Ought we not most readily to
+strain every nerve? For in this way alone does the constitution of
+man's nature, which is mortal, attain to prosperity, and the prayers
+of parents all tend to this one end. And hence, whoever cares not for
+this is sure to be regardless of the gods.
+
+It was for the sake of the gods, then, who were present to him when
+he offered the marriage sacrifice, that he not only took to himself a
+wife, but also (what is far more) gave himself over to his bride to
+honor her next to his own parents. But that which is most precious in
+the eyes of a prudent wife is to see her husband preserving himself
+entirely for her, thinking of no other woman in comparison with her,
+and regarding herself, above all other women, as peculiarly his own,
+and faithful toward him. For in proportion as a wife perceives that
+she is faithfully and justly cared for, so much the more will she
+exert her energies to show herself such. Whoever therefore is prudent
+will not fail to remember with how much honor it becomes him to
+requite his parents, his wife, and his children, in order that he may
+gain the name of one who is just and upright in distributing to each
+their due. For every one is indignant beyond measure at being deprived
+of that which belongs to himself in a peculiar manner; and there is no
+one who is content at being deprived of his own property, tho one were
+to give him plenty of his neighbor's goods. And in very truth nothing
+is so peculiarly the property of a wife as a chaste and hallowed
+intercourse.
+
+And hence it would not befit a prudent man to cast his seed wherever
+chance might take it, lest children should be born to him from a bad
+and base stock, on an equality with his legitimate sons; and by this
+the wife is robbed of her conjugal rights, the children are injured,
+and above all, the husband himself is enveloped in disgrace. He ought
+therefore to approach his wife with much self-restraint and decency,
+and to maintain modesty in his words, and in his deeds a regard to
+what is lawful and honest, and in his intercourse he should be true
+and discreet. And to little errors, even tho they be voluntary, he
+ought to vouchsafe pardon; and if she has made any mistake through
+ignorance, he ought to advise her, and not to inspire her with fear,
+except such as is accompanied with reverence and respect. For such
+treatment would be more suited to mistresses at the hands of their
+gallants. Yet, nevertheless, justly to love her husband with reverence
+and respect, and to be loved in turn, is that which befits a wife of
+gentle birth, as to her intercourse with her own husband. For fear is
+of two kinds; the one kind is reverent and full of respect; such is
+that which good sons exhibit toward their parents, and well-ordered
+citizens toward those who rule them in a kindly spirit. But the other
+kind is attended by hatred and aversion: such is that which slaves
+feel toward their masters, and citizens toward unjust and lawless
+tyrants.
+
+Furthermore, the husband ought to choose the best course out of all
+that we have said above, and so to conciliate his wife to himself, and
+to make her trustworthy and well disposed, as that whether her husband
+be present or absent, she will be equally good, while he can turn his
+attention to public matters: so that even in his absence she may feel
+that no one is better, nor more suited to herself, nor more nearly
+bound to her, than her own husband: and that he may always direct his
+energies to the public good, and show from the very first that such is
+the case, even tho she may be very young and quite inexperienced in
+such matters. For if the husband should ever begin such a course of
+conduct as this, and show himself to be perfect master of himself, he
+would be the best guide of the entire course of his life, and he would
+teach his wife to adopt a similar mode of action.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 77: From Book I of the "Economics." Translated by Edward
+Walford.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+HAPPINESS AS AN END OF HUMAN ACTION[78]
+
+
+Since we have spoken of the virtues, of the different kinds of
+friendships, and of pleasures, it remains that we should discuss the
+subject of happiness in outline, since we assumed this to be the end
+of human actions. Therefore, if we recapitulate what has been said
+before, the argument will be more concise.
+
+We have said that it is not a habit; for if it were, it might exist in
+a man who slept throughout his life, living the life of a plant, and
+suffering the greatest misfortunes. If, then, this does not please us,
+but if we must rather bring it under a kind of energy, as was said
+before; and if, of energies, some are necessary and eligible for the
+sake of something else, others are eligible for their own sakes; it is
+plain that we must consider happiness as one of those which are
+eligible for their own sakes, and not one of those which are eligible
+for the sake of something else; for happiness is in want of nothing,
+but is self-sufficient. Now those energies are eligible for their own
+sakes from which nothing more is sought for beyond the energy. But of
+this kind, actions done according to virtue seem to be: for the
+performance of honorable and good acts is among things eligible for
+their own sakes. And of amusements, those are eligible for their own
+sakes which are pleasant: for men do not choose these for the sake of
+anything else: for they are rather injured by them than benefited,
+since they neglect their persons and property. But the majority of
+those who are called happy fly to such pastimes as these; and,
+therefore, those who have a happy turn for such pastimes as these are
+in favor with tyrants; for they make themselves agreeable in those
+things which tyrants desire; and such are the men they want.
+
+These things are thought to belong to happiness, because those who are
+in power pass their leisure in them. But such men are perhaps no
+proof; for neither virtue nor intellect consists in having power, and
+from these two good energies proceed; nor if those, who have never
+tasted pure and liberal pleasure, fly to bodily pleasures, must we
+therefore think that these pleasures are more eligible; for children
+think those things which are esteemed by them the best. It is
+reasonable, therefore, to suppose, that as the things which appear
+honorable to children and men differ, so also those which appear so to
+the bad and the good will differ likewise, and therefore, as we have
+very often said, those things are honorable and pleasant which are so
+to the good man. But to every man that energy is most eligible which
+is according to his proper habit; and, therefore, to the good man,
+that is most eligible which is according to virtue.
+
+Consequently happiness does not consist in amusement; for it is absurd
+that the end should be amusement; and that men should toil and suffer
+inconvenience all their life long for the sake of amusement; for we
+choose everything, as we might say, for the sake of something else,
+except happiness; for that is an end. But to be serious and to labor
+for the sake of amusement appears foolish and very childish. But to
+amuse ourselves in order that we may be serious, as Anacharsis said,
+seems to be right: for amusement resembles relaxation. Relaxation,
+therefore, is not the end, for we have recourse to it for the sake of
+the energy. But the happy life seems to be according to virtue; and
+this is serious, and does not consist in amusement. We say also that
+serious things are better than those which are ridiculous and joined
+with amusement; and that the energy of the better part and of the
+better man is more serious; and the energy of the better man is at
+once superior, and more tending to happiness. Besides, any person
+whatever, even a slave, may enjoy bodily pleasures no less than the
+best man; but no one allows that a slave partakes of happiness except
+so far as that he partakes of life: for happiness does not consist in
+such modes of passing life, but in energies according to virtue, as
+has been said already.
+
+If happiness be an energy according to virtue, it is reasonable to
+suppose that it is according to the best virtue; and this must be the
+virtue of the best part of man. Whether, then, this best part be the
+intellect, or something else--which is thought naturally to bear rule
+and to govern, and to possess ideas upon honorable and divine
+subjects, or whether it is itself divine, or the most divine of any
+property which we possess; the energy of this part according to its
+proper virtue must be perfect happiness: and that this energy is
+contemplative has been stated. This also would seem to agree with what
+was said before, and with the truth: for this energy is the noblest;
+since the intellect is the noblest thing within us, and of subjects of
+knowledge, those are noblest with which the intellect is conversant.
+
+It is also most continuous; for we are better able to contemplate
+continuously than to do anything else continuously. We think also that
+pleasure must be united to happiness: but of all the energies
+according to virtue, that according to wisdom is confessedly the most
+pleasant: at any rate, wisdom seems to contain pleasures worthy of
+admiration, both in point of purity and stability: and it is
+reasonable to suppose that his mode of life should be pleasanter to
+those who know it than to those who are only seeking it. Again, that
+which is called self-sufficiency must be most concerned with
+contemplative happiness; for both the wise man and the just, and all
+others, need the necessaries of life; but supposing them to be
+sufficiently supplied with such goods, the just man requires persons
+toward whom and with whom he may act justly; and in like manner the
+temperate man, and the brave man, and so on with all the rest. But the
+wise man, if even by himself, is able to contemplate; and the more so
+the wiser he is; perhaps he will energize better, if he has
+cooperators, but nevertheless he is most self-sufficient. This would
+seem also to be the only energy which is loved for its own sake; for
+it has no result beyond the act of contemplation; but from the active
+energies, we gain more or less beyond the performance of the action.
+
+Happiness seems also to consist in leisure; for we are busy in order
+that we may have leisure; and we go to war in order that we may be at
+peace. Now the energies of the active virtues are exerted in political
+or military affairs; and the actions with respect to these are thought
+to allow of no leisure. Certainly military actions altogether exclude
+it; for no one chooses war, nor makes preparations for war for the
+sake of war; for a man would be thought perfectly defiled with blood,
+if he made his friends enemies in order that there might be battles
+and massacres. The energy of the statesman is also without leisure;
+and besides the actual administration of the state, the statesman
+seeks to gain power and honors, or at least happiness for himself and
+his fellow citizens, different from the happiness of the state, which
+we are in search of, clearly as being different.
+
+If, then, of all courses of action which are according to the virtues,
+those which have to do with politics and war excel in beauty and
+greatness; and these have no leisure, and aim at some end, and are not
+chosen for their own sakes; but the energy of the intellect is thought
+to be superior in intensity, because it is contemplative; and to aim
+at no end beyond itself, and to have a pleasure properly belonging to
+it; and if this increases the energy; and if self-sufficiency, and
+leisure, and freedom from cares (as far as anything human can be
+free), and everything which is attributed to the happy man, evidently
+exist in this energy; then this must be the perfect happiness of man,
+when it attains the end of life complete; for nothing is incomplete of
+those things which belong to happiness.
+
+But such a life would be better than man could attain to; for he would
+live thus, not so far forth as he is man, but as there is in him
+something divine. But so far as this divine part surpasses the whole
+compound nature, so far does its energy surpass the energy which is
+according to all other virtue. If, then, the intellect be divine when
+compared with man, the life also, which is in obedience to that, will
+be divine when compared with human life. But a man ought not to
+entertain human thoughts, as some would advise, because he is human,
+nor mortal thoughts, because he is mortal: but as far as it is
+possible he should make himself immortal, and do everything with a
+view to living in accordance with the best principle in him; altho it
+be small in size, yet in power and value it is far more excellent than
+all. Besides, this would seem to be each man's "self," if it really is
+the ruling and the better part. It would be absurd, therefore, if a
+man were to choose not his own life, but the life of some other thing.
+And what was said before will apply now; for that which peculiarly
+belongs to each by nature is best and most pleasant to every one; and
+consequently to man, the life according to intellect is most pleasant,
+if intellect especially constitutes Man. This life, therefore, is the
+most happy.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 78: From Book X of the "Nicomachean Ethics." Translated by
+R. W. Browne.]
+
+
+
+
+POLYBIUS
+
+     Born in Megalopolis in Greece, in 204 B.C.; died about 125;
+     celebrated as an historian; entered the service of the
+     Achæan League; taken to Rome about 169 as a political
+     prisoner, becoming a friend of Scipio the younger; later
+     engaged in settling the affairs of Achaia; went to Egypt in
+     181 as an ambassador of the Achæan League; of his history of
+     Rome in forty books, five only have been preserved
+     entire.[79]
+
+I
+
+THE BATTLE OF CANNÆ[80]
+
+(216 B.C.)
+
+
+When the news arrived at Rome that the two armies were face to face,
+and that skirmishes between advanced parties of both sides were daily
+taking place, the city was in a state of high excitement and
+uneasiness; the people dreading the result, owing to the disasters
+which had now befallen them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing
+and anticipating in their imaginations what would happen if they were
+utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in
+everybody's mouth; and every temple and house was full of prodigies
+and miracles: in consequence of which the city was one scene of vows,
+sacrifices, supplicatory processions, and prayers. For the Romans in
+times of danger take extraordinary pains to appease gods and men, and
+look upon no ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or
+beneath their dignity.
+
+When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as the sun
+was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius[81] got the army in motion from
+both the camps. Those from the larger camp he drew up in order of
+battle, as soon as he had got them across the river, and bringing up
+those of the smaller camp he placed them all in the same line,
+selecting the south as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he
+stationed on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them
+in the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together than
+usual, and making the depth of each maniple several times greater than
+its front. The cavalry of the allies he stationed on the left wing,
+and the light-armed troops he placed slightly in advance of the whole
+army, which amounted with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a
+little more than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought
+his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and stationed
+them in advance of his main body; which he led out of their camp,
+and, getting them across the river at two spots, drew them up opposite
+the enemy. On his left wing, close to the river, he stationed the
+Iberian and Celtic horse opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them
+half the Libyan heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and
+Celtic foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right
+wing, the Numidian horse. Having now got them all into line, he
+advanced with the central companies of the Iberians and Celts; and so
+arranged the other companies next these in regular gradations that the
+whole line became crescent-shaped, diminishing in depth toward its
+extremities: his object being to have his Libyans as a reserve in the
+battle, and to commence the action with his Iberians and Celts.
+
+The armor of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal had armed them with a
+selection of the spoils taken in previous battles. The shield of the
+Iberians and Celts was about the same size, but their swords were
+quite different. For that of the Roman can thrust with as deadly
+effects as it can cut, while the Gallic sword can only cut, and that
+requires some room. And the companies coming alternately--the naked
+Celts, and the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with
+purple stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and
+terrifying. The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was ten
+thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty thousand,
+including the Celts. Æmilius[82] commanded on the Roman right, Gaius
+Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and Gnæus Servilius, the Consuls
+of the previous year, on the center. The left of the Carthaginians
+was commanded by Hasdrubal,[83] the right by Hanno,[84] the center by
+Hannibal in person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman
+line faced the south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian the
+north, the rays of the rising sun did not inconvenience either of
+them.
+
+The battle was begun by an engagement between the advanced guard of
+the two armies; and at first the affair between these light-armed
+troops was indecisive. But as soon as the Iberian and Celtic cavalry
+got at the Romans, the battle began in earnest, and in the true
+barbaric fashion: for there was none of the usual formal advance and
+retreat; but when they once got to close quarters, they grappled man
+to man, and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But when
+the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed
+most of their opponents on the ground--because the Romans all
+maintained the fight with spirit and determination--and began chasing
+the remainder along the river, slaying as they went and giving no
+quarter; then the legionaries took the place of the light-armed and
+closed with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic lines
+stood their ground and fought gallantly; but, presently overpowered by
+the weight of the heavy-armed lines, they gave way and retired to the
+rear, thus breaking up the crescent. The Roman maniples followed with
+spirit, and easily cut their way through the enemy's line; since the
+Celts had been drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had closed up
+from the wings toward the center and the point of danger. For the two
+wings did not come into action at the same time as the center: but the
+center was first engaged because the Gauls, having been stationed on
+the arc of the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long
+before the wings, the convex of the crescent being toward the enemy.
+The Romans, however, going in pursuit of these troops, and hastily
+closing in toward the center and the part of the enemy which was
+giving ground, advanced so far that the Libyan heavy-armed troops on
+either wing got on their flanks. Those on the right, facing to the
+left, charged from the right upon the Roman flank; while those who
+were on the left wing faced to the right, and, dressing by the left,
+charged their right flank, the exigency of the moment suggesting to
+them what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal had
+planned, that the Romans were caught between two hostile lines of
+Libyans--thanks to their impetuous pursuit of the Celts. Still they
+fought, tho no longer in line, yet singly or in maniples, which faced
+about to meet those who charged them on the flanks.
+
+Tho he had been from the first on the right wing, and had taken part
+in the cavalry engagement, Lucius Æmilius still survived. Determined
+to act up to his own exhortatory speech, and seeing that the decision
+of the battle rested mainly on the legionaries, riding up to the
+center of the line he led the charge himself, and personally grappled
+with the enemy, at the same time cheering on and exhorting his
+soldiers to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same, for
+he too had taken his place on the center from the commencement. The
+Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the
+cavalry on the Roman left; and tho, from the peculiar nature of their
+mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they
+yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and
+charging them first on one side and then on another. But when
+Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came
+from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied
+cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.
+
+At that point Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill and
+discretion. Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers, and more
+effective and formidable to troops that had once been forced from
+their ground, he left the pursuit to them; while he himself hastened
+to the part of the field where the infantry were engaged, and brought
+his men up to support the Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions
+on the rear, and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron
+upon them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the
+Libyans, and dismayed and deprest those of the Romans. It was at this
+point that Lucius Æmilius fell, in the thick of the fight, covered
+with wounds: a man who did his duty to his country at the last hour of
+his life, as he had throughout its previous years, if any man ever
+did. As long as the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first
+in one direction and then in another to meet the assaults of the
+enemy, they held out; but the outer files of the circle continually
+falling, and the circle becoming more and more contracted, they at
+last were all killed on the field; and among them Marcus Atilius and
+Gnæus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, who had shown
+themselves brave men and worthy of Rome in the battle. While this
+struggle and carnage were going on, the Numidian horse were pursuing
+the fugitives, most of whom they cut down or hurled from their horses;
+but some few escaped into Venusia, among whom was Gaius Terentius, the
+Consul, who thus sought a flight, as disgraceful to himself, as his
+conduct in office had been disastrous to his country.
+
+Such was the end of the battle of Cannæ,[85] in which both sides
+fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the conquered no less than
+the conquerors. This is proved by the fact that, out of six thousand
+horse, only seventy escaped with Gaius Terentius to Venusia, and about
+three hundred of the allied cavalry to various towns in the
+neighborhood. Of the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners in
+fair fight, but were not actually engaged in the battle: of those who
+were actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped to the
+towns of the surrounding district; all the rest died nobly, to the
+number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians being on this occasion,
+as on previous ones, mainly indebted for their victory to their
+superiority in cavalry: a lesson to posterity that in actual war it is
+better to have half the number of infantry, and the superiority in
+cavalry, than to engage your enemy with an equality in both. On the
+side of Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred
+Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse....
+
+The result of this battle, such as I have described it, had the
+consequences which both sides expected. For the Carthaginians by their
+victory were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole of the Italian
+coast which is called _Magna Græcia_. Thus the Tarentines immediately
+submitted; and the Arpani and some of the Campanian states invited
+Hannibal to come to them; and the rest were with one consent turning
+their eyes to the Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have
+high hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 79: Polybius, who, as will be noted, belongs to a period two and
+a half centuries later than the greatest Greek historians--Herodotus,
+Thucydides and Xenophon--is classed by Mahaffy as "the soberest and most
+valuable" of those who wrote with masters as their models. While he has
+suffered from the fate of all imitators, his work is "of the highest value
+to the historian, as a long series of approving critics has amply shown."
+He has never been read as a stylist, "nor could he be said to form a part
+of the classical literature of Greece."]
+
+[Footnote 80: From Book IV of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn S.
+Shuckburgh. In this battle Hannibal had about 50,000 men, and the
+Romans about 80,000.]
+
+[Footnote 81: Gaius Terentius Varro, who was then Consul and died
+later than 200 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 82: Lucius Æmilius Paulus was then Consul.]
+
+[Footnote 83: Hannibal's brother, who, nine years later, crossed the
+Alps and was killed in battle by the Romans. It was a tradition in
+Rome that Hasdrubal's head, severed from his body, was sent to
+Hannibal.]
+
+[Footnote 84: The younger brother of Hannibal, who in 200 B.C. was
+defeated by Scipio at Silpia.]
+
+[Footnote 85: The site of Cannæ in Apulia, southern Italy, near the
+Adriatic shore, lies on the bank of the river Aufidus, now called the
+Ofanto.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+HANNIBAL'S ADVANCE ON ROME[86] (211 B.C.)
+
+
+When the news had arrived at Rome that Hannibal had encamped over
+against their lines, and was actually besieging their forces, there
+was a universal excitement and terror, from a feeling that the result
+of the impending battle would decide the whole war. Consequently, with
+one heart and soul, the citizens had all devoted themselves to
+sending out reenforcements and making preparations for this struggle.
+On their part, the Capuans were encouraged by the receipt of
+Hannibal's letter, and by thus learning the object of the Carthaginian
+movement, to stand by their determination, and to await the issue of
+this new hope. At the end of the fifth day, therefore, after his
+arrival on the ground, Hannibal ordered his men to take their supper
+as usual, and leave their watch-fires burning; and started with such
+secrecy that none of the enemy knew what was happening. He took the
+road through Samnium, and marched at a great pace and without
+stopping, his skirmishers always keeping before him to reconnoiter and
+occupy all the posts along the route: and while those in Rome had
+their thoughts still wholly occupied with Capua,[87] and the campaign
+there, he crossed the Anio without being observed; and having arrived
+at a distance of not more than forty stades from Rome, there pitched
+his camp.
+
+On this being known at Rome, the utmost confusion and terror prevailed
+among the inhabitants--this movement of Hannibal's being as unexpected
+as it was sudden; for he had never been so close to the city before.
+At the same time their alarm was increased by the idea at once
+occurring to them that he would not have ventured so near if it were
+not that the armies at Capua were destroyed. Accordingly, the men at
+once went to line the walls, and the points of vantage in the defenses
+of the town; while the women went round to the temples of the gods and
+implored their protection, sweeping the pavements of the temples with
+their hair: for this is their customary way of behaving when any
+serious danger comes upon their country. But just as Hannibal had
+encamped, and was intending to attempt the city itself next day, an
+extraordinary coincidence occurred which proved fortunate for the
+preservation of Rome.
+
+For Gnæus Fulvius and Publius Sulpicius, having already enrolled one
+consular army, had bound the men with the usual oath to appear at Rome
+armed on that very day; and were also engaged on that day in drawing
+out the lists and testing the men for the other army: whereby it so
+happened that a large number of men had been collected in Rome
+spontaneously in the very nick of time. These troops the Consuls
+boldly led outside the walls, and, entrenching themselves there,
+checked Hannibal's intended movement. For the Carthaginians were at
+first eager to advance, and were not altogether without hope that they
+would be able to take Rome itself by assault. But when they saw the
+enemy drawn up in order, and learned before long from a prisoner what
+had happened, they abandoned the idea of attacking the city, and began
+devastating the country-side instead, and setting fire to the houses.
+In these first raids they collected an innumerable amount of booty,
+for the field of plunder upon which they were entered was one into
+which no one had ever expected an enemy to set foot.
+
+But presently, when the Consuls ventured to encamp within ten stades
+of him, Hannibal broke up his quarters before daylight. He did so for
+three reasons: first, because he had collected an enormous booty;
+secondly, because he had given up all hope of taking Rome; and
+lastly, because he reckoned that the time had now come at which he
+expected, according to his original idea, that Appius would have
+learned the danger threatening Rome, and would have raised the siege
+of Capua, and come with his whole force to the relief of the city; or
+at any rate would hurry up with the greater part, leaving a detachment
+to carry on the siege. Publius had caused the bridges over the Anio to
+be broken down, and thus compelled Hannibal to get his army across by
+a ford; and he now attacked the Carthaginians as they were engaged in
+making the passage of the stream and caused them great distress. They
+were not able however to strike an important blow, owing to the number
+of Hannibal's cavalry, and the activity of the Numidians in every part
+of the field. But before retiring to their camp they wrested the
+greater part of the booty from them, and killed about three hundred
+men; and then, being convinced that the Carthaginians were beating a
+hasty retreat in a panic, they followed in their rear, keeping along
+the line of hills. At first Hannibal continued to march at a rapid
+pace, being anxious to meet the force which he expected; but at the
+end of the fifth day, being informed that Appius had not left the
+siege of Capua, he halted; and waiting for the enemy to come up, made
+an attack upon his camp before daylight, killed a large number of
+them, and drove the rest out of their camp. But when day broke, and he
+saw the Romans in a strong position upon a steep hill, to which they
+had retired, he decided not to continue his attack upon them; but
+marching through Daunia and Bruttium he appeared at Rhegium so
+unexpectedly that he was within an ace of capturing the city, and did
+cut off all who were out in the country; and during this excursion
+captured a very large number of the Rhegini....
+
+Who could refrain from speaking in terms of admiration of this great
+man's strategic skill courage and ability when one looks to the length
+of time during which he displayed those qualities; and realizes to
+oneself the pitched battles, the skirmishes and sieges, the
+revolutions and counter-revolutions of states, the vicissitudes of
+fortune, and in fact the course of his design and its execution in its
+entirety? For sixteen continuous years Hannibal maintained the war
+with Rome in Italy without once releasing his army from service in the
+field, but keeping those vast numbers under control, like a good
+pilot, without any sign of disaffection toward himself or toward each
+other, tho he had troops in his service who, so far from being of the
+same tribe, were not even of the same race. He had Libyans, Iberians,
+Ligurians, Celts, Phoenicians, Italians, Greeks, who had naturally
+nothing in common with each other, neither laws, nor customs, nor
+language. Yet the skill of the commander was such that these
+differences, so manifold and so wide, did not disturb the obedience to
+one word of command and to a single will. And yet circumstances were
+not by any means unvarying: for tho the breeze of fortune often set
+strongly in his favor, it as often also blew in exactly the opposite
+direction. There is therefore good ground for admiring Hannibal's
+display of ability in campaign; and there can be no fear in saying
+that, if he had reserved his attack upon the Romans until he had
+first subdued other parts of the world, there is not one of his
+projects which would have eluded his grasp. As it was, he began with
+those whom he should have attacked last, and accordingly began and
+ended his career with them.[88]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 86: From Book IX of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn S.
+Shuckburgh.]
+
+[Footnote 87: Capua lies seventeen miles north of Naples.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE DEFENSE OF SYRACUSE BY ARCHIMEDES[89]
+
+(214-212 B.C.)
+
+
+When Epicydes and Hippocrates had occupied Syracuse, and had alienated
+the rest of the citizens with themselves from the friendship of Rome,
+the Romans who had already been informed of the murder of Hieronymus,
+tyrant of Syracuse, appointed Appius Claudius as Pro-prætor to command
+a land force, while Marcus Claudius Marcellus[90] commanded the fleet.
+These officers took up a position not far from Syracuse, and
+determined to assault the town from the land at Hexapylus, and by sea
+at what was called Stoa Scytice in Achradina, where the wall has its
+foundation close down to the sea. Having prepared their wicker
+pent-houses, and darts, and other siege material, they felt confident
+that, with so many hands employed, they would in five days get their
+works in such an advanced state as to give them the advantage over the
+enemy. But in this they did not take into account the abilities of
+Archimedes;[91] nor calculate on the truth that, in certain
+circumstances, the genius of one man is more effective that any
+numbers whatever. However they now learned it by experience. The city
+was strong from the fact of its encircling wall lying along a chain of
+hills with overhanging brows, the ascent of which was no easy task,
+even with no one to hinder it, except at certain definite points.
+Taking advantage of this, Archimedes had constructed such defenses
+both in the town, and at the places where an attack might be made by
+sea, that the garrison would have everything at hand which they might
+require at any moment, and be ready to meet without delay whatever the
+enemy might attempt against them.
+
+The attack was begun by Appius bringing his pent-houses, and scaling
+ladders, and attempting to fix the latter against that part of the
+wall which abuts on Hexapylus toward the east. At the same time Marcus
+Claudius Marcellus with sixty quinqueremes was making a descent upon
+Achradina. Each of these vessels were full of men armed with bows and
+slings and javelins, with which to dislodge those who fought on the
+battlements. As well as these vessels he had eight quinqueremes in
+pairs. Each pair had had their oars removed, one on the larboard and
+the other on the starboard side, and then had been lasht together on
+the sides thus left bare. On these double vessels, rowed by the outer
+oars of each of the pair, they brought up under the walls some engines
+called "Sambucæ," the construction of which was as follows: A ladder
+was made four feet broad, and of a height to reach the top of the wall
+from the place where its foot had to rest; each side of the ladder was
+protected by a railing, and a covering or pent-house was added
+overhead. It was then placed so that its foot rested across the sides
+of the lasht-together vessels, which touched each other with its other
+extremity protruding a considerable way beyond the prows.
+
+On the tops of the mast pulleys were fixt with ropes: and when the
+engines were about to be used, men standing on the sterns of the
+vessels drew the ropes tied to the head of the ladder, while others
+standing on the prows assisted the raising of the machine and kept it
+steady with long poles. Having then brought the ships close in shore
+by using the outer oars of both vessels they tried to let the machine
+down upon the wall. At the head of the ladder was fixt a wooden stage
+secured on three sides by wicker-shields, upon which stood four men
+who fought and struggled with those who tried to prevent the Sambuca
+from being made to rest on the battlements. But when they have fixt it
+and so got above the level of the top of the wall, the four men
+unfasten the wicker-shields from either side of the stage and walk
+out upon the battlements or towers as the case may be; they are
+followed by their comrades coming up by the Sambuca, since the
+ladder's foot is safely secured with ropes and stands upon both the
+ships. This construction has got the name of "Sambuca," or "Harp," for
+the natural reason, that when it is raised the combination of the ship
+and ladder has very much the appearance of such an instrument.
+
+With such contrivances and preparations were the Romans intending to
+assault the towers. But Archimedes had constructed catapults to suit
+every range; and as the ships sailing up were still at a considerable
+distance, he so wounded the enemy with stones and darts, from the
+tighter wound and longer engines as to harass and perplex them to the
+last degree; and when these began to carry over their heads, he used
+smaller engines graduated according to the range required from time to
+time, and by this means caused so much confusion among them as to
+altogether check their advance and attack; and finally Marcellus was
+reduced in despair to bringing up his ships under cover of night. But
+when they had come close to land, and so too near to be hit by the
+catapults, they found that Archimedes had prepared another contrivance
+against the soldiers who fought from the decks. He had pierced the
+wall as high as a man's stature with numerous loop-holes, which, on
+the outside, were about as big as the palm of the hand. Inside the
+wall he stationed archers and cross-bows, or scorpions, and by the
+volleys discharged through these he made the marines useless. By these
+means he not only baffled the enemy, whether at a distance or close
+at hand, but also killed the greater number of them. As often, too, as
+they tried to work their Sambucæ, he had engines ready all along the
+walls, not visible at other times, but which suddenly reared
+themselves above the wall from the inside, when the moment for their
+use had come, and stretched their beams far over the battlements, some
+of them carrying stones weighing as much as ten talents, and others
+great masses of lead. So whenever the Sambucæ were approaching, these
+beams swung round on their pivot the required distance, and by means
+of a rope running through a pulley dropt the stone, upon the Sambucæ,
+with the result that it not only smashed the machine itself to pieces,
+but put the ship also and all on board into the most serious danger.
+
+Other machines which he invented were directed against storming
+parties, who, advancing under the protection of pent-houses, were
+secured by them from being hurt by missiles shot through the walls.
+Against these he either shot stones big enough to drive the marines
+from the prow; or let down an iron hand swung on a chain, by which the
+man who guided the crane, having fastened on some part of the prow
+where he could get a hold, prest down the lever of the machine inside
+the wall; and when he had thus lifted the prow and made the vessel
+rest upright on its stern, he fastened the lever of his machine so
+that it could not be moved; and then suddenly slackened the hand and
+chain by means of a rope and pulley. The result was that many of the
+vessels heeled over and fell on their sides; some completely
+capsized; while the greater number, by their prows coming down
+suddenly from a height, dipt low in the sea, shipped a great quantity
+of water, and became a scene of the utmost confusion. Tho reduced
+almost to despair by these baffling inventions of Archimedes, and tho
+he saw that all his attempts were repulsed by the garrison with
+mockery on their part and loss to himself, Marcellus could not yet
+refrain from making a joke at his own expense, saying that "Archimedes
+was using his ships to ladle out the sea-water, but that his 'harps'
+not having been invited to the party were buffeted and turned out with
+disgrace." Such was the end of the attempt at storming Syracuse by
+sea.
+
+Nor was Appius Claudius more successful. He, too, was compelled by
+similar difficulties to desist from the attempt; for while his men
+were still at a considerable distance from the wall, they began
+falling by the stones and shots from the engines and catapults. The
+volleys of missiles, indeed, were extraordinarily rapid and sharp, for
+their construction had been provided for by all the liberality of a
+Hiero, and had been planned and engineered by the skill of an
+Archimedes. Moreover, when they did at length get near the walls, they
+were prevented from making an assault by the unceasing fire through
+the loop-holes, which I mentioned before; or if they tried to carry
+the place under cover of pent-houses, they were killed by the stones
+and beams let down upon their heads. The garrison also did them no
+little damage with those hands at the end of their engines; for they
+used to lift the men, armor, and all, into the air, and then throw
+them down. At last Appius retired into the camp, and summoning the
+Tribunes to a council of war, decided to try every possible means of
+taking Syracuse except a storm. And this decision they carried out;
+for during the eight months of siege which followed, tho there was no
+stratagem or measure of daring which they did not attempt, they never
+again ventured to attempt a storm. So true it is that one man and one
+intellect, properly qualified for the particular undertaking, is a
+host in itself and of extraordinary efficacy. In this instance, at any
+rate, we find the Romans confident that their forces by land and sea
+would enable them to become masters of the town, if only one old man
+could be got rid of; while as long as he remained there, they did not
+venture even to think of making the attempt, at least by any method
+which made it possible for Archimedes to oppose them. They believed,
+however, that their best chance of reducing the garrison was by a
+failure of provisions sufficient for so large a number as were within
+the town; they therefore relied upon this hope, and with their ships
+tried to cut off their supplies by sea, and with their army by land.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 88: This paragraph is taken from Book XI.]
+
+[Footnote 89: From Book VIII of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn
+S. Shuckburgh. Syracuse was now an ally of Carthage in the Punic war,
+but in the earlier Punic war had been an ally of Rome.]
+
+[Footnote 90: A celebrated statesman and general, born before 268
+B.C., died in 208; five times Consul; defeated the Gauls; defended
+Nola; captured Syracuse; commanded Apulia against Hannibal; killed in
+a skirmish at Venusia.]
+
+[Footnote 91: The celebrated geometrician, who discovered the
+principle of the lever, and after detecting an alloy uttered the
+famous exclamation "Eureka." He was killed at the siege of Syracuse.]
+
+
+
+
+PLUTARCH
+
+     Born in Chæronea in Boeotia about 46 A.D.; died in 125;
+     celebrated for his forty-six "Lives of Greeks and Romans,"
+     and for works on philosophical and moral subjects; settled
+     at Athens at the time of Nero's visit in 66, and traveled in
+     Greece, Egypt and Italy; being in Rome during the reign of
+     Vespasian; lived at Chæronea in the latter part of his life
+     where he was elected archon.[92]
+
+I
+
+DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO COMPARED[93]
+
+
+Furthermore, leaving the comparison aside of the difference of their
+eloquence in their orations: methinks I may say thus much of them.
+That Demosthenes did wholly employ all his wit and learning (natural
+or artificial) unto the art of rhetoric, and that in force, and vertue
+of eloquence, he did excel all the orators in his time: and for
+gravity and magnificent style, all those also that only write for shew
+or ostentation: and for sharpness and art, all the sophisters and
+masters of rhetoric. And that Cicero was a man generally learned in
+all sciences, and that had studied divers books, as appeareth plainly
+by the sundry books of philosophy of his own making, written after the
+manner of the Academic philosophers. Furthermore, they may see in his
+orations he wrote in certain causes to serve him when he pleaded: that
+he sought occasions in his by-talk to shew men that he was excellently
+well learned. Furthermore, by their phrases a man may discern some
+spark of their manners and conditions. For Demosthenes' phrase hath no
+manner of fineness, jests, nor grace in it, but is altogether grave
+and harsh, and not only smelleth of the lamp, as Pytheas said when he
+mocked him, but sheweth a great drinker of water, extreme pains, and
+therewith also a sharp and sour nature.
+
+But Cicero oftentimes fell from pleasant taunts, unto plain
+scurrility: and turning all his pleadings of matters of importance, to
+sport and laughter, having a grace in it, many times he did forget the
+comeliness that became a man of his calling. As in his oration for
+Cælius, where he saith, It is no marvel if in so great abundance of
+wealth and fineness he give himself a little to take his pleasure:
+and that it was a folly not to use pleasures lawful and tolerable,
+sith the famousest philosophers that ever were, did place the chief
+felicity of man, to be in pleasure. And it is reported also that
+Marcus Cato having accused Murena, Cicero being Consul, defended his
+cause, and in his oration pleasantly girded all the sect of the Stoic
+philosophers for Cato's sake, for the strange opinions they hold,
+which they call paradoxes: insomuch as he made all the people and
+judges also fall a-laughing a good. And Cato himself also smiling a
+little, said unto them that sat by him: What a laughing and mocking
+Consul have we, my lords? but letting that pass, it seemeth that
+Cicero was of a pleasant and merry nature: for his face shewed ever
+great life and mirth in it. Whereas in Demosthenes' countenance on the
+other side, they might discern a marvellous diligence and care, and a
+pensive man, never weary with pain: insomuch that his enemies, (as he
+reporteth himself) called him a perverse and froward man.
+
+Furthermore, in their writings is discerned, that the one speaketh
+modestly in his own praise, so as no man can justly be offended with
+him: and yet not always, but when necessity enforceth him for some
+matter of great importance, but otherwise very discreet and modest to
+speak of himself. Cicero in contrary manner, using too often
+repetition of one self thing in all his orations, shewed an extreme
+ambition of glory, when incessantly he cried out:
+
+    Let spear and shield give place to gown,
+    And give the tongue the laurel crown.
+
+Yea furthermore, he did not only praise his own acts and deeds, but
+the orations also which he had written or pleaded, as if he should
+have contended against Isocrates, or Anaximenes, a master that taught
+rhetoric, and not to go about to reform the people of Rome.
+
+    Which were both fierce and stout in arms,
+    And fit to work their enemies harms.
+
+For, as it is requisite for a governor of a commonwealth to seek
+authority by his eloquence: so, to cover the praise of his own
+glorious tongue, or as it were to beg it, that sheweth a base mind.
+And therefore in this point we must confess that Demosthenes is far
+graver, and of a nobler mind: who declared himself, That all his
+eloquence came only but by practice, the which also required the
+favour of his auditory: and further, he thought them fools and madmen
+(as indeed they be no less) that therefore would make any boast of
+themselves. In this they were both alike, that both of them had great
+credit and authority in their orations to the people, and for
+obtaining that they would propound: insomuch as captains, and they
+that had armies in their hands, stood in need of their eloquence. As
+Chares, Diopithes, and Leosthenes, they all were holpen of
+Demosthenes: and Pompey, and Octavius Cæsar the young man, of Cicero:
+as Cæsar himself confesseth in his commentaries he wrote unto Agrippa,
+and Mæcenas. But nothing sheweth a man's nature and condition more,
+(as it is reported, and so is it true) that when one is in authority:
+for that bewrayeth his humour, and the affections of his mind, and
+layeth open all his secret vices in him.
+
+Demosthenes could never deliver any such proof of himself, because he
+never bare any office, nor was called forward. For he was not general
+of the army, which he himself had prepared against King Philip. Cicero
+on the other side being sent Treasurer into Sicily, and Pro-consul
+into Cilicia and Cappadocia,[94] in such a time as covetousness
+reigned most: (insomuch that the captains and governors whom they sent
+to govern their provinces, thinking it villainy and dastardliness to
+rob, did violently take things by force, at what time also to take
+bribes was reckoned no shame, but to handle it discreetly, he was the
+better thought of, and beloved for it) he shewed plainly that he
+regarded not money, and gave forth many proofs of his courtesy and
+goodness. Furthermore, Cicero being created Consul by name, but
+Dictator in deed, having absolute power and authority over all things
+to suppress the rebellion and conspirators of Catiline: he proved
+Plato's prophecy true, which was: That the cities are safe from
+danger, when the chief magistrates and governors (by some good divine
+fortune) do govern with wisdom and justice. Demosthenes was reproved
+for his corruption, and selling of his eloquence: because secretly he
+wrote one oration for Phormio, and another in the self same manner for
+Apollodorus, they being both adversaries. Further, he was defamed also
+for receiving money of the king of Persia, and therewithal condemned
+for the money which he had taken of Harpalus. And though some
+peradventure would object, that the reports thereof (which are many)
+do lie: yet they cannot possibly deny this, that Demosthenes had no
+power to refrain from looking on the presents which divers kings did
+offer him, praying him to accept them in good part for their sakes:
+neither was that the part of a man that did take usury by traffick on
+the sea, the extremest yet of all other.
+
+In contrary manner (as we have said before) it is certain that Cicero
+being Treasurer, refused the gifts which the Sicilians offered him,
+there: and the presents also which the king of the Cappadocians
+offered him whilst he was Pro-consul in Cilicia, and those especially
+which his friends pressed upon him to take of them, being a great sum
+of money, when he went as a banished man out of Rome. Furthermore, the
+banishment of the one was infamous to him, because by judgement he was
+banished as a thief. The banishment of the other was for as honourable
+an act as ever he did, being banished for ridding his country of
+wicked men. And therefore of Demosthenes, there was no speech after he
+was gone: but for Cicero, all the Senate changed their apparel into
+black, and determined that they would pass no decree by their
+authority, before Cicero's banishment was revoked by the people.
+Indeed Cicero idly passed his time of banishment, and did nothing all
+the while he was in Macedon: and one of the chiefest acts that
+Demosthenes did, in all the time that he dealt in the affairs of the
+commonwealth, was in his banishment. For he went into every city, and
+did assist the ambassadors of the Grecians, and refused the
+ambassadors of the Macedonians. In the which he showed himself a
+better citizen, than either Themistocles, or Alcibiades, in their like
+fortune and exile. So when he was called home, and returned, he fell
+again to his old trade which he practiced before, and was ever against
+Antipater,[95] and the Macedonians. Where Lælius in open Senate
+sharply took up Cicero, for that he sat still and said nothing, when
+that Octavius Cæsar the young man made petition against the law, that
+he might sue for the Consulship, and being so young, that he had never
+a hair on his face. And Brutus self also doth reprove Cicero in his
+letters, for that he had maintained and nourished a more grievous and
+greater tyranny, than that which they had put down. And last of all,
+me thinketh the death of Cicero most pitiful, to see an old man
+carried up and down, (with tender love of his servants) seeking all
+the ways that might be to fly death, which did not long prevent his
+natural course: and in the end, old as he was, to see his head so
+pitifully cut off. Whereas Demosthenes, though he yielded a little,
+entreating him that came to take him: yet for that he had prepared the
+poison long before, that he had kept it long, and also used it as he
+did, he cannot but be marvellously commended for it. For sith the god
+Neptune denied him the benefit of his sanctuary, he betook him to a
+greater, and that was death: whereby he saved himself out of the
+soldiers' hands of the tyrant, and also scorned the bloody cruelty of
+Antipater.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 92: Plutarch is read for his matter, rather than for his
+style. In style as well as for the time in which he lived, he does not
+belong to the classical writers of Greece. For this reason he may be
+read in English almost as satisfactorily as in his own language. He is
+described by Mahaffy as a pure and elevating writer, full of precious
+information and lofty in his moral tone.]
+
+[Footnote 93: From "The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans,
+Compared together by that Grave, Learned Philosopher and
+Historiographer Plutarch of Chæronea." Translated by Sir Thomas North.
+North was born about 1535, his translation being first published in
+1579. Written throughout in the best prose of the Elizabethan period,
+North's version will always have another and very special interest as
+the store house from which Shakespeare obtained his knowledge of
+antiquity. It has been asserted that to this book we really owe the
+existence of "Julius Cæsar," "Coriolanus," and "Antony and Cleopatra."
+In "Coriolanus" whole speeches have been taken bodily from North,
+while in "Antony and Cleopatra" North's diction has been closely
+followed. North did not translate from the original Greek, but from an
+old French version by James Amyot, Bishop of Auxerre in the times of
+Henry II of England. The selections here given are printed with the
+original punctuation, etc., preserved as specimens of the style of the
+period.]
+
+[Footnote 94: This and the province of Cilicia lay in the eastern part
+of Asia Minor.]
+
+[Footnote 95: Antipater was a general of Macedonia under Philip and
+Alexander the Great and became Regent in 334.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE ASSASSINATION OF CÆSAR[96]
+
+(44 B.C.)
+
+
+But Brutus in many other things tasted of the benefit of Cæsar's favor
+in anything he requested.[97] For if he had listed, he might have been
+one of Cæsar's chiefest friends, and of greater authority and credit
+about him. Howbeit Cassius' friends did dissuade him from it[98] (for
+Cassius and he were not yet reconciled together sithence their first
+contention and strife for the Prætorship), and prayed him to beware of
+Cæsar's sweet enticements, and to fly his tyrannical favors: the which
+they said Cæsar gave him, not to honor his virtue, but to weaken his
+constant mind, framing it to the bent of his bow. Now Cæsar on the
+other side did not trust him overmuch, nor was not without tales
+brought unto him against him: howbeit he feared his great mind,
+authority, and friends. Yet on the other side also, he trusted his
+good-nature, and fair conditions. For, intelligence being brought him
+one day, that Mark Antony and Dolabella did conspire against him: he
+answered, That these fat long-haired men made him not afraid, but the
+lean and whitely-faced fellows, meaning that, by Brutus and Cassius.
+
+At another time also when one accused Brutus unto him, and bade him
+beware of him: What, said he again, clapping his hand on his breast:
+think ye that Brutus will not tarry till this body die? Meaning that
+none but Brutus after him was meet to have such power as he had. And
+surely, in my opinion, I am persuaded that Brutus might indeed have
+come to have been the chiefest man of Rome, if he could have contented
+himself for a time to have been next unto Cæsar, and to have suffered
+his glory and authority which he had gotten by his great victories, to
+consume with time. But Cassius being a choleric man, and hating Cæsar
+privately, more than he did the tyranny openly: he incensed Brutus
+against him....
+
+But for Brutus, his friends and countrymen, both by divers
+procurements, and sundry rumours of the city, and by many bills also,
+did openly call and procure him to do that he did. For, under the
+image of his ancestor Junius Brutus, that drave the kings out of
+Rome,[99] they wrote: Oh that it pleased the gods thou wert now alive,
+Brutus: and again, that thou wert here among us now. His tribunal (or
+chair) where he gave audience during the time he was Prætor, was full
+of such bills: Brutus, thou art asleep, and art not Brutus indeed....
+
+Therefore Cassius considering this matter with himself, did first of
+all speak to Brutus, since they grew strange together for the suit
+they had for the Prætorship. So when he was reconciled to him again,
+and that they had embraced one another: Cassius asked him, If he were
+determined to be in the Senate-house, the first day of the month of
+March, because he heard say that Cæsar's friends should move the
+council that day, that Cæsar should be called king by the Senate.
+Brutus answered him, He would not be there. But if we be sent for said
+Cassius: how then? For myself then said Brutus, I mean not to hold my
+peace, but to withstand it, and rather die than lose my liberty.
+Cassius being bold, and taking hold of this word: Why, quoth he, what
+Roman is he alive that will suffer thee to die for the liberty? What,
+knowest thou not that thou art Brutus? Thinkest thou that they be
+cobblers, tapsters, or suchlike base mechanical people, that write
+these bills and scrolls which are found daily in thy Prætor's chair,
+and not the noblest men and best citizens that do it? No, be thou well
+assured, that of other Prætors they look for gifts, common
+distributions amongst the people, and for common plays, and to see
+fencers fight at the sharp, to show the people pastime, but at thy
+hands, they specially require (as a due debt unto them) the taking
+away of the tyranny, being fully bent to suffer any extremity for thy
+sake, so that thou wilt show thyself to be the man thou art taken for,
+and that they hope thou art. Thereupon he kissed Brutus, and embraced
+him. And so each taking leave of other, they went both to speak with
+the friends about it....
+
+Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his sake all the noblest,
+valiantest, and most courageous men of Rome did venture their lives,
+weighing with himself the greatness of the danger, when he was out of
+his house, he did so frame and fashion his countenance and looks,
+that no man could discern he had anything to trouble his mind. But
+when night came that he was in his own house, then he was cleaned
+changed. For, either care did wake him against his will when he could
+have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep
+thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that
+might happen, that his wife lying by him, found that there was some
+marvellous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont to be
+in that taking, and that he could not well determine with himself.
+
+His wife Porcia[100] (as we have told you before) was the daughter of
+Cato, whom Brutus married being his cousin, not a maiden, but a young
+widow after the death of her first husband Bibulus, by whom she had
+also a young son called Bibulus, who afterwards wrote a book of the
+acts and gests of Brutus, extant at this present day. This young lady
+being excellently well seen in philosophy, loving her husband well,
+and being of a noble courage, as she was also wise; because she would
+not ask her husband what he ailed before she had made some proof by
+herself, she took a little razor such as barbers occupy to pare men's
+nails, and causing her maids and women to go out of her chamber, gave
+herself a great gash withal in her thigh, that she was straight all of
+a gore-blood, and incontinently after, a vehement fever took her, by
+reason of the pain of her wound.
+
+Then perceiving her husband was marvellously out of quiet, and that he
+could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of all, she spake in
+this sort unto him, "I being, O Brutus," (said she) "the daughter of
+Cato, was married unto thee, not to be thy bedfellow and companion in
+bed and at board only, like a harlot, but to be partaker also with
+thee, of thy good and evil fortune. Now for thyself, I can find no
+cause of fault in thee touching our match, but for my part, how may I
+show my duty towards thee, and how much I would do for thy sake, if I
+cannot constantly bear a secret mischance or grief with thee, that
+requireth secrecy and fidelity? I confess, that a woman's wit commonly
+is too weak to keep a secret safely: but yet, Brutus, good education,
+and the company of virtuous men, have some power to reform the defect
+of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit, moreover, that I am
+the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did
+not trust to any of these things before, until that now I have found
+by experience, that no pain nor grief whatsoever can overcome me."
+With those words she showed him her wound on her thigh, and told him
+what she had done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear what she
+said unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought the
+gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise to so good
+pass, that he might be found a husband worthy of so noble a wife as
+Porcia, so he then did comfort her the best he could....
+
+So when this day was come, Brutus went out of his house with a dagger
+by his side under his long gown, that nobody saw nor knew, but his
+wife only. The other conspirators were all assembled at Cassius'
+house, to bring his son into the market-place, who on that day did put
+on the man's gown, called _toga virilis_, and from thence they came
+all in a troop together unto Pompey's porch, looking that Cæsar would
+straight come thither. But here is to be noted, the wonderful assured
+constancy of these conspirators, in so dangerous and weighty an
+enterprise as they had undertaken. For many of them being Prætors, by
+reason of their office, whose duty is to minister justice to
+everybody: they did not only with great quietness and courtesy hear
+them that spake unto them, or that plead matters before them, and gave
+them attentive ear, as if they had had no other matter in their heads:
+but moreover, they gave just sentence, and carefully despatched the
+causes before them. So there was one among them, who being condemned
+in a certain sum of money, refused to pay it, and cried out that he
+did appeal unto Cæsar. Then Brutus casting his eyes upon the
+conspirators said, Cæsar shall not let me to see the law executed.
+
+Notwithstanding this, by chance there fell out many misfortunes unto
+them, which was enough to have marred the enterprise. The first and
+chiefest was, Cæsar's long tarrying, who came very late to the Senate:
+for because the signs of the sacrifices appeared unlucky, his wife
+Calpurnia[101] kept him at home, and the soothsayers bade him beware
+he went not abroad. The second cause was, when one came unto Casca
+being a conspirator, and taking him by the hand, said unto him: O
+Casca, thou keepest it close from me, but Brutus hath told me all.
+Casca being amazed at it, the other went on with his tale, and said:
+Why, how now, how cometh it to pass thou art thus rich, that thou dost
+sue to be Ædile? Thus Casca being deceived by the other's doubtful
+words, he told them it was a thousand to one, he blabbed not out all
+the conspiracy. Another Senator called Popilius Lænas, after he had
+saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do: he
+rounded softly in their ears, and told them, I pray the gods you may
+go through with that you have taken in hand, but withal, despatch I
+read you, for your enterprise is bewrayed. When he had said, he
+presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their
+conspiracy would out.
+
+Now in the meantime, there came one of Brutus' men post-haste unto
+him, and told him his wife was a-dying. For Porcia being very careful
+and pensive for that which was to come, and being too weak to away
+with so great and inward grief of mind: she could hardly keep within,
+but was frightened with every little noise and cry she heard, as those
+that art taken and possessed with the fury of the Bacchants, asking
+every man that came from the market-place, what Brutus did, and still
+sent messenger after messenger, to know what news. At length Cæsar's
+coming being prolonged as you have heard, Porcia's weakness was not
+able to hold out any longer, and thereupon she suddenly swooned, that
+she had no leisure to go to her chamber, but was taken in the midst of
+her house, where her speech and senses failed her. Howbeit she soon
+came to her self again, and so was laid in her bed, and tended by her
+women. When Brutus heard these news, it grieved him, as it is to be
+presupposed: yet he left not off the care of his country and
+commonwealth, neither went home to his house for any news he heard.
+
+Now, it was reported that Cæsar was coming in his litter: for he
+determined not to stay in the Senate all that day (because he was
+afraid of the unlucky signs of the sacrifices) but to adjourn matters
+of importance unto the next session and council holden, feigning
+himself not to be well at ease. When Cæsar came out of his litter:
+Popilius Lænas, that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and
+had prayed the gods they might bring this enterprise to pass: went
+unto Cæsar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Cæsar gave good ear
+unto him. Wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not
+hearing what he said to Cæsar, but conjecturing by that he had told
+them a little before, that his talk was none other but the very
+discovery of their conspiracy: they were afraid every man of them, and
+one looking in another's face, it was easy to see that they all were
+of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them till they were
+apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their
+own hands. And when Cassius and certain others clapped their hands on
+their swords under their gowns to draw them: Brutus marking the
+countenance and gesture of Lænas, and considering that he did use
+himself rather like an humble and earnest suitor, than like an
+accuser: he said nothing to his companion (because there were many
+amongst them that were not of the conspiracy) but with a pleasant
+countenance encouraged Cassius. And immediately after, Lænas went from
+Cæsar, and kissed his hand: which shewed plainly that it was for some
+matter concerning himself, that he had held him so long in talk. Now
+all the Senators being entered first into this place or chapter-house
+where the council should be kept, all the other conspirators straight
+stood about Cæsar's chair, as if they had had something to have said
+unto him. And some say, that Cassius casting his eyes upon Pompey's
+image, made his prayer unto it, as if it had been alive. Trebonius on
+the other side, drew Mark Antony aside, as he came into the house
+where the Senate sat, and held him with a long talk without.
+
+When Cæsar was come into the house, all the Senate rose to honour him
+at his coming in. So when he was set, the conspirators flocked about
+him, and amongst them they presented one Metellus Cimber, who made
+humble suit for the calling home again of his brother that was
+banished. They all made as though they were intercessors for him, and
+took him by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. Cæsar at the
+first simply refused their kindness and entreaties: but afterwards,
+perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from
+him. Then Cimber with both his hands plucked Cæsar's gown over his
+shoulders, and Casca that stood behind him, drew his dagger first, and
+struck Cæsar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. Cæsar
+feeling himself hurt, took him straight by the hand he held his dagger
+in, and cried out in Latin: O traitor, Casca, what doest thou? Casca
+on the other side cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him.
+So divers running on a heap together to fly upon Cæsar, he looking
+about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a sword drawn in his hand
+ready to strike at him: then he let Casca's hand go, and casting his
+gown over his face, suffered every man to strike at him that would.
+
+Then the conspirators thronging one upon another because every man was
+desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting
+upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus caught
+a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murthering of him,
+and all the rest also were every man of them bloodied. Cæsar being
+slain in this manner, Brutus standing in the midst of the house, would
+have spoken, and stayed the other Senators that were not of the
+conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done this fact.
+But they as men both affrayed and amazed, fled one upon another's neck
+in haste to get out at the door, and no man followed them. For it was
+set down, and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but
+Cæsar only, and should entreat all the rest to defend their liberty.
+
+All the conspirators, but Brutus, determining upon this matter,
+thought it good also to kill Mark Antony,[102] because he was a wicked
+man, and that in nature favoured tyranny: besides also, for that he
+was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long
+time amongst them: and specially having a mind bent to great
+enterprises, he was also of great authority at that time, being Consul
+with Cæsar. But Brutus would not agree to it. First, for that he said
+it was not honest: secondly, because he told them there was hope of
+change in him. For he did not mistrust, but that Mark Antony being a
+noble-minded and courageous man (when he should know that Cæsar was
+dead) would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having
+them an example unto him, to follow their courage and virtue. So
+Brutus by this means saved Mark Antony's life, who at that present
+time disguised himself, and stole away. But Brutus and his consorts,
+having their swords bloody in their hands, went straight to the
+Capitol, persuading the Romans, as they went, to take their liberty
+again.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 96: From the "Life of Julius Cæsar." Translated by North.]
+
+[Footnote 97: Marcus Junius Brutus had originally been an adherent of
+Pompey, but after the battle at Pharsalia in 48 B.C., went over to
+Cæsar, and in 46 became governor of Cisalpine Gaul.]
+
+[Footnote 98: Gaius Cassius Longinus, general and politician, had won
+distinction in the Parthian war of 53-51 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 99: Lucius Junius Brutus under whose leadership the Tarquins
+were expelled and the republic established in 510 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 100: Brutus first married Claudia, daughter of Appius
+Claudius, who was Consul in 54 B.C. It was probably in 55 B.C.,
+after Cato's death, that he put away Claudia (for which he was much
+blamed), and married Porcia, daughter of Cato. Portia was the widow of
+Bibulus, a colleague of Cæsar in the Consulship of 59 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 101: Daughter of Calpurnius Piso Cæsonius and married to
+Cæsar in 59 B.C. She was his second wife, Pompeia, a relative of
+Pompey the Great, being the first.]
+
+[Footnote 102: Mark Antony was then about forty-four years old. He had
+commanded the left wing of Cæsar at Pharsalia and became Consul in
+44.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+CLEOPATRA'S BARGE[103]
+
+
+Mark Antony being thus inclined, the last and extremest mischief of
+all other (to wit, the love of Cleopatra) lighted on him, who did
+waken and stir up many vices yet hidden in him, and were never seen to
+any: and if any spark of goodness or hope of rising were left him,
+Cleopatra quenched it straight, and made it worse than before. The
+manner how he fell in love with her was this. Antony going to make war
+with the Parthians, sent to command Cleopatra to appear personally
+before him, when he came into Cilicia, to answer unto such accusations
+as were laid against her, being this: that she had aided Cassius and
+Brutus in their war against him. The messenger sent unto Cleopatra to
+make this summons unto her, was called Dellius: who when he had
+thoroughly considered her beauty, the excellent grace and sweetness of
+her tongue, he nothing mistrusted that Antony would do any hurt to so
+noble a lady, but rather assured himself, that within few days she
+should be in great favour with him. Thereupon he did her great honour,
+and persuaded her to come into Cilicia, as honourably furnished as she
+could possible, and bade her not to be afraid at all of Antony, for he
+was a more courteous lord, than any one that she had ever seen.
+
+Cleopatra on the other side believing Dellius' words, and guessing by
+the former access and credit she had with Julius Cæsar, and Cneius
+Pompey (the son of Pompey the Great) only for her beauty: she began to
+have good hope that she might more easily win Antony. For Cæsar and
+Pompey knew her when she was but a young thing, and knew not then what
+the world meant: but now she went to Mark Antony at the age when a
+woman's beauty is at the prime, and she also of best judgement. So,
+she furnished herself with a world of gifts, store of gold and silver,
+and of riches and other sumptuous ornaments, as is credible enough she
+might bring from so great a house, and from so wealthy and rich a
+realm as Egypt was. But yet she carried nothing with her wherein she
+trusted more than in her self, and in the charms and enchantment of
+her passing beauty and grace.
+
+Therefore when she was sent unto by divers letters, both from Antony
+himself, and also from his friends, she made so light of it and mocked
+Antony so much, that she disdained to set forward otherwise, but to
+take her barge in the river of Cydnus, the poop whereof was of gold,
+the sails of purple, and the oars of silver, which kept stroke in
+rowing after the sound of the music of flutes, howboys, citherns,
+viols, and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge.
+And now for the person of her self: she was laid under a pavilion of
+cloth of gold of tissue, apparelled and attired like the goddess
+Venus, commonly drawn in picture: and hard by her, on either hand of
+her, pretty fair boys apparelled as painters do set forth god Cupid,
+with little fans in their hands, with the which they fanned wind upon
+her. Her ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of them were
+apparelled like the nymphs nereids (which are the mermaids of the
+waters) and like the Graces, some steering the helm, others tending
+the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there came a
+wonderful passing sweet savour of perfumes, that perfumed the wharf's
+side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people. Some of them
+followed the barge all alongst the river-side: others also ran out of
+the city to see her coming in. So that in the end, there ran such
+multitudes of people one after another to see her, that Antony was
+left post alone in the market-place, in his imperial seat to give
+audience: and there went a rumour in the people's mouths, that the
+goddess Venus was come to play with the god Bacchus, for the general
+good of all Asia.[104] When Cleopatra landed, Antony sent to invite
+her to supper to him. But she sent him word again, he should do better
+rather to come and sup with her. Antony therefore to shew himself
+courteous unto her at her arrival, was contented to obey her, and went
+to supper to her: where he found such passing sumptuous fare, that no
+tongue can express it.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 103: From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by Sir
+Thomas North.]
+
+[Footnote 104: The following description of Cleopatra's barge, taken
+from Shakespeare's "Antony and Cleopatra," when compared with the
+foregoing paragraph, will illustrate to the reader the closeness with
+which Shakespeare followed North:
+
+    "The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne,
+    Burn'd on the water. The poop was beaten gold;
+    Purple the sails, and so perfumed that
+    The winds were love-sick with them. The oars were silver,
+    Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made
+    The water which they beat to follow faster,
+    As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,
+    It beggar'd all description: she did lie
+    In her pavilion--cloth-of-gold of tissue--
+    O'er-picturing that Venus where we see
+    The fancy outwork nature. On each side her
+    Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling Cupids,
+    With diverse colour'd fans, whose wind did seem
+    To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,
+    And what they undid did.
+
+    "Her gentlewomen, like the Nereides,
+    So many mermaids, tended her i' the eyes,
+    And made their bends adornings. At the helm
+    A seeming mermaid steers; the silken tackle
+    Swell with the touches of those flower-soft hands,
+    That yarely frame the office. From the barge
+    A strange invisible perfume hits the sense
+    Of the adjacent wharfs. The city cast
+    Her people out upon her; and Antony
+    Enthron'd i' the market-place, did sit alone,
+    Whistling to the air, which, but for vacancy,
+    Had gone to gaze on Cleopatra too
+    And made a gap in nature."]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+THE DEATH OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA[105]
+
+
+When Mark Antony saw that his men did forsake him, and yielded unto
+Cæsar,[106] and that his footmen were broken and overthrown: he then
+fled into the city, crying out that Cleopatra had betrayed him unto
+them, with whom he had made war for her sake. Then she being afraid of
+his fury, fled into the tomb which she had caused to be made, and
+there locked the doors unto her, and shut all the springs of the locks
+with great bolts, and in the meantime sent unto Antony to tell him
+that she was dead. Antony believing it, said unto himself: What dost
+thou look for further, Antony, sith spiteful fortune had taken from
+thee the only joy thou hadst, for whom thou yet reservedst thy life?
+when he had said these words, he went into a chamber and unarmed
+himself, and being naked said thus: O Cleopatra, it grieveth me not
+that I have lost thy company, for I will not be long from thee: but I
+am sorry, that having been so great a captain and emperor, I am indeed
+condemned to be judged of less courage and noble mind, than a woman.
+
+Now he had a man of his called Eros, whom he loved and trusted much,
+and whom he had long before caused to swear unto him, that he should
+kill him when he did command him: and then he willed him to keep his
+promise. His man drawing his sword, lift it up as though he had meant
+to have stricken his master: but turning his head at one side he
+thrust his sword into himself, and fell down dead at his master's
+foot. Then said Antony, O noble Eros, I thank thee for this, and it is
+valiantly done of thee, to shew me what I should do to my self, which
+thou couldst not do for me. Therewithal he took his sword, and thrust
+it into his belly, and so fell down upon a little bed. The wound he
+had killed him not presently, for the blood stinted a little when he
+was laid: and when he came somewhat to himself again, he prayed them
+that were about him to despatch him. But they all fled out of the
+chamber, and left him crying out and tormenting himself: until at last
+there came a secretary unto him called Diomedes, who was commanded to
+bring him unto the tomb or monument where Cleopatra was.
+
+When he heard that she was alive, he very earnestly prayed his men to
+carry his body thither, and so he was carried in his men's arms into
+the entry of the monument. Notwithstanding, Cleopatra would not open
+the gates, but came to the high windows, and cast out certain chains
+and ropes, in the which Antony was trussed: and Cleopatra her own
+self, with two women only, which she had suffered to come with her
+into these monuments, triced Antony up. They that were present to
+behold it, said they never saw so pitiful a sight. For, they plucked
+up poor Antony all bloody as he was, and drawing on with pangs of
+death, who holding up his hands to Cleopatra raised up himself as well
+as he could. It was a hard thing for these women to do, to lift him
+up: but Cleopatra stooping down with her head, putting to all her
+strength to her uttermost power, did lift him up with much ado, and
+never let go her hold, with the help of the women beneath that bade
+her be of good courage, and were as sorry to see her labour so, as she
+her self.
+
+So when she had gotten him in after that sort, and laid him on a bed:
+she rent her garments upon him, clapping her breast, and scratching
+her face and stomach. Then she dried up his blood that had berayed his
+face, and called him her lord, her husband, and emperor, forgetting
+her own misery and calamity, for the pity and compassion she took of
+him. Antony made her cease her lamenting, and called for wine, either
+because he was athirst, or else for that he thought thereby to hasten
+his death. When he had drunk, he earnestly prayed her, and persuaded
+her, that she would seek to save her life, if she could possible,
+without reproach and dishonour: and that chiefly she should trust
+Proculeius above any man else about Cæsar. And as for himself, that
+she should not lament nor sorrow for the miserable change of his
+fortune at the end of his days: but rather that she should think him
+the more fortunate, for the former triumphs and honours he had
+received, considering that while he lived he was the noblest and
+greatest prince of the world, and that now he was overcome, not
+cowardly, but valiantly, a Roman by another Roman.
+
+As Antony gave the last gasp, Proculeius came that was sent from
+Cæsar. For after Antony had thrust his sword in himself, as they
+carried him into the tombs and monuments of Cleopatra, one of his
+guard called Dercetæus, took his sword with the which he had stricken
+himself, and hid it: then he secretly stole away, and brought Octavius
+Cæsar the first news of his death, and shewed him his sword that was
+bloodied. Cæsar hearing these news, straight withdrew himself into a
+secret place of his tent, and there burst out with tears, lamenting
+his hard and miserable fortune, that had been his friend and
+brother-in-law,[107] his equal in the empire, and companion with him
+in sundry great exploits and battels. Then he called for all his
+friends, and shewed them the letters Antony had written to him, and
+his answers also sent him again, during their quarrel and strife: and
+how fiercely and proudly the other answered him, to all just and
+reasonable matters he wrote unto him.
+
+After this, he sent Proculeius, and commanded him to do what he could
+possible to get Cleopatra alive, fearing lest otherwise all the
+treasure would be lost: and furthermore, he thought that if he could
+take Cleopatra, and bring her alive to Rome, she would marvellously
+beautify and set out his triumph. But Cleopatra would never put her
+self into Proculeius' hands, although they spake together. For
+Proculeius came to the gates that were very thick and strong, and
+surely barred, but yet there were some crannies through the which her
+voice might be heard, and so they without understood, that Cleopatra
+demanded the kingdom of Egypt for her sons: and that Proculeius
+answered her, That she should be of good cheer, and not be affrayed to
+refer all unto Cæsar. After he had viewed the place very well, he came
+and reported her answer unto Cæsar. Who immediately sent Gallus to
+speak once again with her, and bade him purposely hold her with talk,
+whilst Proculeius did set up a ladder against that high window, by the
+which Antony was triced up, and came down into the monument with two
+of his men hard by the gate, where Cleopatra stood to hear what Gallus
+said unto her.
+
+One of her women which was shut in her monuments with her, saw
+Proculeius by chance as he came down, and shrieked out: O poor
+Cleopatra, thou art taken. Then when she saw Proculeius behind her as
+she came from the gate, she thought to have stabbed her self in with a
+short dagger she wore of purpose by her side. But Proculeius came
+suddenly upon her, and taking her by both the hands, said unto her:
+Cleopatra, first thou shalt do thy self great wrong, and secondly unto
+Cæsar: to deprive him of the occasion and opportunity, openly to shew
+his bounty and mercy, and to give his enemies cause to accuse the most
+courteous and noble prince that ever was, and to appeach him, as
+though he were a cruel and merciless man, that were not to be trusted.
+So even as he spake the word, he took her dagger from her, and shook
+her clothes for fear of any poison hidden about her. Afterwards Cæsar
+sent one of his enfranchised men called Epaphroditus, whom he
+straightly charged to look well unto her, and to beware in any case
+that she made not her self away: and for the rest, to use her with all
+the courtesy possible.
+
+And for himself, he in the meantime entered the city of Alexandria,
+and as he went, talked with the philosopher Arrius, and held him by
+the hand, to the end that his countrymen should reverence him the
+more, because they saw Cæsar so highly esteem and honour him. Then he
+went into the shew-place of exercises, and so up to his chair of state
+which was prepared for him of a great height: and there according to
+his commandment, all the people of Alexandria were assembled, who
+quaking for fear, fell down on their knees before him, and craved
+mercy. Cæsar bade them all stand up, and told them openly that he
+forgave the people, and pardoned the felonies and offences they had
+committed against him in this war. First, for the founder sake of the
+same city, which was Alexander the Great: secondly, for the beauty of
+the city, which he much esteemed and wondered at: thirdly, for the
+love he bare unto his very friend Arrius. Thus did Cæsar honour
+Arrius, who craved pardon for himself and many others, and especially
+for Philostratus, the eloquentest man of all the sophisters and
+orators of his time, for present and sudden speech: howbeit he falsely
+named himself an academic philosopher. Therefore, Cæsar that hated his
+nature and conditions, would not hear his suit. Thereupon he let his
+grey beard grow long, and followed Arrius step by step in a long
+mourning gown, still buzzing in his ears this Greek verse:
+
+    A wise man if that he be wise indeed,
+    May by a wise man have the better speed.
+
+Cæsar understanding this, not for the desire he had to deliver
+Philostratus of his fear, as to rid Arrius of malice and envy that
+might have fallen out against him: he pardoned him.
+
+Now touching Antony's sons, Antyllus, his eldest son by Fulvia was
+slain, because his schoolmaster Theodorus did betray him unto the
+soldiers, who strake off his head. And the villain took a precious
+stone of great value from his neck, the which he did sew in his
+girdle, and afterwards denied that he had it: but it was found about
+him, and so Cæsar trussed him up for it. For Cleopatra's children,
+they were very honourably kept, with their governors and train that
+waited on them. But for Cæsarion, who was said to be Julius Cæsar's
+son:[108] his mother Cleopatra had sent him unto the Indians through
+Ethiopia, with a great sum of money. But one of his governors also
+called Rhodon, even such another as Theodorus, persuaded him to return
+into his country, and told him that Cæsar sent for him to give him his
+mother's kingdom. So, as Cæsar was determining with himself what he
+should do, Arrius said unto him:
+
+    Too many Cæsars is not good.
+
+Alluding unto a certain verse of Homer that saith:
+
+    Too many lords doth not well.
+
+Therefore Cæsar did put Cæsarion to death, after the death of his
+mother Cleopatra. Many princes, great kings and captains did crave
+Antony's body of Octavius Cæsar, to give him honourable burial: but
+Cæsar would never take it from Cleopatra, who did sumptuously and
+royally bury him with her own hands, whom Cæsar suffered to take as
+much as she would to bestow upon his funerals.
+
+Now was she altogether overcome with sorrow and passion of mind, for
+she had knocked her breast so pitifully, that she had martyred it, and
+in divers places had raised ulcers and inflammations, so that she fell
+into a fever withal: whereof she was very glad, hoping thereby to have
+good colour to abstain from meat, and that so she might have died
+easily without any trouble. She had a physician called Olympus, whom
+she made privy of her intent, to the end he should help her rid her
+out of her life: as Olympus writeth himself, who wrote a book of all
+these things. But Cæsar mistrusted the matter, by many conjectures he
+had, and therefore did put her in fear, and threatened her to put her
+children to shameful death. With these threats, Cleopatra for fear
+yielded straight, as she would have yielded unto strokes: and
+afterwards suffered her self to be cured and dieted as they listed.
+
+Shortly after, Cæsar came himself in person to see her, and to comfort
+her. Cleopatra being laid upon a little low bed in poor state, when
+she saw Cæsar come into her chamber, she suddenly rose up, naked in
+her smock, and fell down at his feet marvellously disfigured: both for
+that she had plucked her hair from her head, as also for that she had
+martyred all her face with her nails, and besides, her voice was small
+and trembling, her eyes sunk into her head with continual blubbering
+and moreover, they might see the most part of her stomach torn in
+sunder. To be short, her body was not much better than her mind: yet
+her good grace and comeliness, and the force of her beauty was not
+altogether defaced. But notwithstanding this ugly and pitiful state of
+hers, yet she shewed her self within, by her outward looks and
+countenance.
+
+When Cæsar had made her lie down again, and sat by her bedside:
+Cleopatra began to clear and excuse her self for that she had done,
+laying all to the fear she had of Antony; Cæsar, in contrary manner,
+reproved her in every point. Then she suddenly altered her speech, and
+prayed him to pardon her, as though she were affrayed to die, and
+desirous to live. At length, she gave him a brief and memorial of all
+the ready money and treasure she had. But by chance there stood
+Seleucus by, one of her treasurers, who to seem a good servant, came
+straight to Cæsar to disprove Cleopatra, that she had had not set in
+all, but kept many things back of purpose. Cleopatra was in such a
+rage with him, that she flew upon him, and took him by the hair of the
+head, and boxed him well-favouredly. Cæsar fell a-laughing and parted
+the fray. Alas, said she, O Cæsar: is not this a great shame and
+reproach, that thou having vouchsafed to take the pains to come unto
+me, and has done me this honour, poor wretch, and caitiff creature,
+brought into this pitiful and miserable state: and that mine own
+servants should come now to accuse me, though it may be I have
+reserved some jewels and trifles meet for women, but not for me (poor
+soul) to set out my self withal, but meaning to give some pretty
+presents and gifts unto Octavia and Livia, that they making means and
+intercessions for me to thee, thou mightest yet extend thy favour and
+mercy upon me? Cæsar was glad to hear her say so, persuading himself
+thereby that she had yet a desire to save her life. So he made her
+answer, That he did not only give her that to dispose of at her
+pleasure, which she had kept back, but further promised to use her
+more honourably and bountifully that she would think for: and so he
+took his leave of her, supposing he had deceived her, but indeed he
+was deceived himself.
+
+There was a young gentleman Cornelius Dolabella,[109] that was of
+Cæsar's very great familiars, and besides did bear no evil will unto
+Cleopatra. He sent her word secretly as she had requested him, that
+Cæsar determined to take his journey through Syria, and that within
+three days he would send her away before with her children. When this
+was told Cleopatra, she requested Cæsar that it would please him to
+suffer her to offer the last oblations of the dead, unto the soul of
+Antony. This being granted her, she was carried to the place where his
+tomb was, and there falling down on her knees, embracing the tomb with
+her women, the tears running down her cheeks, she began to speak in
+this sort:
+
+"O my dearn lord Antony, not long sithence I buried thee here, being a
+freewoman: and now I offer unto thee the funeral springlings and
+oblations, being a captive and prisoner, and yet I am forbidden and
+kept from tearing and murdering this captive body of mine with blows,
+which they carefully guard and keep, only to triumph of thee: look
+therefore henceforth for no other honours, offerings, nor sacrifices
+from me, for these are the last which Cleopatra can give thee, sith
+now they carry her away. Whilst we lived together, nothing could sever
+our companies: but now at our death, I fear me they will make us
+change our countries. For as thou being a Roman, has been buried in
+Egypt: even so wretched creature I, an Egyptian, shall be buried in
+Italy, which shall be all the good that I have received by thy
+country. If therefore the gods where thou art now have any power and
+authority, sith our gods here have forsaken us: suffer not thy true
+friend and lover to be carried away alive, that in me, they triumph of
+thee: but receive me with thee, and let me be buried in one self tomb
+with thee. For though my griefs and miseries be infinite, yet none
+hath grieved me more, nor that I could less bear withal: than this
+small time, which I have been driven to live alone without thee."
+
+Then having ended these doleful plaints, and crowned the tomb with
+garlands and sundry nosegays, and marvellous lovingly embraced the
+same: she commanded they should prepare her bath, and when she had
+bathed and washed her self, she fell to her meat, and was sumptuously
+served. Now whilst she was at dinner, there came a countryman, and
+brought her a basket. The soldiers that warded at the gate, asked him
+straight what he had in his basket. He opened the basket, and took out
+the leaves that covered the figs, and shewed them that they were figs
+he brought. They all of them marvelled to see so goodly figs. The
+countryman laughed to hear them, and bade them take some if they
+would. They believed he told them truly, and so bade him carry them
+in. After Cleopatra had dined, she sent a certain table written and
+sealed unto Cæsar, and commanded them all to go out of the tombs where
+she was, but the two women, then she shut the doors to her. Cæsar when
+he received this table, and began to read her lamentation and
+petition, requesting him that he would let her be buried with Antony,
+found straight what she meant, and thought to have gone thither
+himself: howbeit he sent one before in all haste that might be, to see
+what it was.
+
+Her death was very sodain. For those whom Cæsar sent unto her ran
+thither in all haste possible, and found the soldiers standing at the
+gate, mistrusting nothing, nor understanding of her death. But when
+they had opened the doors, they found Cleopatra stark dead, laid upon
+a bed of gold, attired and arrayed in her royal robes, and one of her
+two women, which was called Iras, dead at her feet: and her other
+woman called Charmion half-dead, and trembling, trimming the diadem
+which Cleopatra wore upon her head. One of the soldiers seeing her,
+angrily said unto her: Is that well done Charmion? Very well said she
+again, and meet for a princess descended from the race of so many
+noble kings. She said no more, but fell down dead hard by the bed.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 105: From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by Sir
+Thomas North.]
+
+[Footnote 106: That is Octavius, afterward the Emperor Augustus.]
+
+[Footnote 107: Antony's mother was Julia, sister of Julius Cæsar; his
+wife was Octavia, sister of Octavius, the Emperor Augustus.]
+
+[Footnote 108: Cæsarion was born in 47 B.C., and is believed to have
+gone to Rome with his mother Cleopatra in the following year. It has
+been pointed out that there could be no reason for putting Cæsarion to
+death as a possible competitor with Octavius at Rome, for tho Octavius
+was only the nephew of Julius Cæsar, Cæsarion, his son, was not a
+Roman citizen. Inasmuch, however, as it was the object of Octavius to
+retain Egypt, Cæsarion might have been an obstacle to him there.]
+
+[Footnote 109: A son of the elder Dolabella by his first marriage.
+Dolabella the elder married Cicero's daughter Tullia, and became one
+of Cæsar's murderers.]
+
+
+
+
+EPICTETUS
+
+     Born, about the middle of the first century, A.D., in
+     Hierapolis, Phrygia; originally a slave, but became a
+     freedman of Epaphroditus, a favorite of the emperor Nero; a
+     pupil of Musonius Rufus; taught philosophy at Rome; banished
+     with other philosophers by Domitian and settled in
+     Nicopolis, Epirus, where he taught philosophy, his doctrines
+     being compiled by his pupil Arrian, the historian; he wrote
+     nothing himself.
+
+I
+
+OF FREEDOM[110]
+
+
+He is free who lives as he likes; who is not subject to compulsion, to
+restraint, or to violence; whose pursuits are unhindered, his desires
+successful, his aversions unincurred. Who, then, would wish to lead a
+wrong course of life? "No one." Who would live deceived, erring,
+unjust, dissolute, discontented, dejected? "No one." No wicked man,
+then, lives as he likes; therefore no such man is free. And who would
+live in sorrow, fear, envy, pity, with disappointed desires and
+unavailing aversions? "No one." Do we then find any of the wicked
+exempt from these evils? "Not one." Consequently, then, they are not
+free.
+
+If some person who has been twice Consul should hear this, he will
+forgive you, provided you add, "but you are wise, and this has no
+reference to you." But if you tell him the truth, that, in point of
+slavery, he does not necessarily differ from those who have been
+thrice sold, what but chastisement can you expect? "For how," he says,
+"am I a slave? My father was free, my mother free. Besides, I am a
+senator, too, and the friend of Cæsar, and have been twice Consul, and
+have myself many slaves." In the first place, most worthy sir, perhaps
+your father too was a slave of the same kind; and your mother, and
+your grandfather, and all your series of ancestors. But even were they
+ever so free, what is that to you? For what if they were of a
+generous, you of a mean spirit; they brave, and you a coward; they
+sober, and you dissolute?
+
+"But what," he says, "has this to do with my being a slave?" Is it no
+part of slavery to act against your will, under compulsion, and
+lamenting? "Be it so. But who can compel me but the master of all,
+Cæsar?" By your own confession, then, you have one master; and let not
+his being, as you say, master of all, give you any comfort; for then
+you are merely a slave in a large family. Thus the Nicopolitans, too,
+frequently cry out, "By the genius of Cæsar we are free!"
+
+For the present, however, if you please, we will let Cæsar alone. But
+tell me this. Have you never been in love with any one, either of a
+servile or liberal condition? "Why, what has that to do with being
+slave or free?" Were you never commanded anything by your mistress
+that you did not choose? Have you never flattered your fair slave?
+Have you never kissed her feet? And yet if you were commanded to kiss
+Cæsar's feet, you would think it an outrage and an excess of tyranny.
+What else is this than slavery? Have you never gone out by night where
+you did not desire? Have you never spent more than you chose? Have you
+not sometimes uttered your words with sighs and groans? Have you never
+borne to be reviled and shut out-of-doors? But if you are ashamed to
+confess your own follies, see what Thrasonides says and does; who,
+after having fought more battles perhaps than you, went out by night,
+when [his slave] Geta would not dare to go; nay, had he been compelled
+to do it, would have gone bewailing and lamenting the bitterness of
+servitude. And what says he afterward? "A contemptible girl has
+enslaved me, whom no enemy ever enslaved." Wretch! to be the slave of
+a girl and a contemptible girl too! Why, then, do you still call
+yourself free? Why do you boast your military expeditions? Then he
+calls for a sword, and is angry with the person who, out of kindness,
+denies it; and sends presents to her who hates him; and begs, and
+weeps, and then again is elated on every little success. But what
+elation? Is he raised above desire or fear?
+
+Consider what is our idea of freedom in animals. Some keep tame lions,
+and feed them and even lead them about; and who will say that any such
+lion is free? Nay, does he not live the more slavishly the more he
+lives at ease? And who that had sense and reason would wish to be one
+of those lions? Again, how much will caged birds suffer in trying to
+escape? Nay, some of them starve themselves rather than undergo such a
+life; others are saved only with difficulty and in a pining condition;
+and the moment they find any opening, out they go. Such a desire have
+they for their natural freedom, and to be at their own disposal, and
+unrestrained. "And what harm can this confinement do you?" "What say
+you? I was born to fly where I please, to live in the open air, to
+sing when I please. You deprive me of all this, and then ask what harm
+I suffer?"
+
+Hence we will allow those only to be free who will not endure
+captivity, but, so soon as they are taken, die and escape. Thus
+Diogenes somewhere says that the only way to freedom is to die with
+ease. And he writes to the Persian king, "You can no more enslave the
+Athenians than you can fish." "How? Can I not get possession of them?"
+"If you do," said he, "they will leave you and be gone like fish. For
+catch a fish, and it dies. And if the Athenians, too, die as soon as
+you have caught them, of what use are your warlike preparations?" This
+is the voice of a free man who had examined the matter in earnest,
+and, as it might be expected, found it all out. But if you seek it
+where it is not, what wonder if you never find it?
+
+A slave wishes to be immediately set free. Think you it is because he
+is desirous to pay his fee [of manumission] to the officer? No, but
+because he fancies that, for want of acquiring his freedom, he has
+hitherto lived under restraint and unprosperously. "If I am once set
+free," he says, "it is all prosperity; I care for no one; I can speak
+to all as being their equal and on a level with them. I go where I
+will, I come when and how I will." He is at last made free, and
+presently having nowhere to eat he seeks whom he may flatter, with
+whom he may sup. He then either submits to the basest and most
+infamous degradation, and if he can obtain admission to some great
+man's table, falls into a slavery much worse than the former; or
+perhaps, if the ignorant fellow should grow rich, he dotes upon some
+girl, laments, and is unhappy, and wishes for slavery again. "For what
+harm did it do me? Another clothed me, another shod me, another fed
+me, another took care of me when I was sick. It was but in a few
+things, by way of return, I used to serve him. But now, miserable
+wretch! what do I suffer, in being a slave to many, instead of one!
+Yet, if I can be promoted to equestrian rank, I shall live in the
+utmost prosperity and happiness." In order to obtain this, he first
+deservedly suffers; and as soon as he has obtained it, it is all the
+same again. "But then," he says, "if I do but get a military command,
+I shall be delivered from all my troubles." He gets a military
+command. He suffers as much as the vilest rogue of a slave; and,
+nevertheless, he asks for a second command and a third; and when he
+has put the finishing touch, and is made a senator, then he is a slave
+indeed. When he comes into the public assembly, it is then that he
+undergoes his finest and most splendid slavery.
+
+[It is needful] not to be foolish, but to learn what Socrates taught,
+the nature of things; and not rashly to apply general principles to
+particulars. For the cause of all human evils is the not being able
+to apply general principles to special cases. But different people
+have different grounds of complaint; one, for instance, that he is
+sick. That is not the trouble; it is in his principles. Another, that
+he is poor; another, that he has a harsh father and mother; another,
+that he is not in the good graces of Cæsar. This is nothing else but
+not understanding how to apply our principles. For who has not an idea
+of evil, that it is hurtful; that it is to be avoided; that it is by
+all means to be prudently guarded against? One principle does not
+contradict another, except when it comes to be applied. What, then, is
+this evil--thus hurtful and to be avoided? "Not to be the friend of
+Cæsar," says some one. He is gone; he has failed in applying his
+principles; he is embarrassed; he seeks what is nothing to the
+purpose. For if he comes to be Cæsar's friend, he is still no nearer
+to what he sought. For what is it that every man seeks? To be secure,
+to be happy, to do what he pleases without restraint and without
+compulsion. When he becomes the friend of Cæsar, then does he cease to
+be restrained; to be compelled? Is he secure? Is he happy? Whom shall
+we ask? Whom can we better credit than this very man who has been his
+friend? Come forth and tell us whether you sleep more quietly now than
+before you were the friend of Cæsar. You presently hear him cry,
+"Leave off, for Heaven's sake! and do not insult me. You know not the
+miseries I suffer; there is no sleep for me; but one comes and says
+that Cæsar is already awake; another, that he is just going out. Then
+follow perturbations, then cares." Well, and when did you use to sup
+the more pleasantly--formerly, or now? Hear what he says about this
+too. When he is not invited, he is distracted; and if he is, he sups
+like a slave with his master, solicitous all the while not to say or
+do anything foolish. And what think you? Is he afraid of being whipt
+like a slave! No such easy penalty. No; but rather, as becomes so
+great a man, Cæsar's friend, of losing his head. And when did you
+bathe the more quietly; when did you perform your exercises the more
+at your leisure; in short, which life would you rather wish to
+live--your present, or the former? I could swear there is no one so
+stupid and insensible as not to deplore his miseries, in proportion as
+he is the more the friend of Cæsar.
+
+Since, then, neither they who are called kings nor the friends of
+kings live as they like, who, then, after all, is free?...
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 110: From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1865 and 1890, by Little, Brown & Co. Epictetus
+has been valued not alone as an exposition of the Stoic philosophy,
+but as a specimen of Greek of the later or Silver Age. Marcus
+Aurelius, who in a later generation wrote in Greek himself, is said to
+have ranked Epictetus with Socrates as a teacher. Origen, the early
+Christian father, asserted that his writings had been of more value to
+the world's morals than those of Plato.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+OF FRIENDSHIP[111]
+
+
+To whatever objects a person devotes his attention, these objects he
+probably loves. Do men ever devote their attention, then, to [what
+they think] evils? By no means. Or even to things indifferent? No, nor
+this. It remains, then, that good must be the sole object of their
+attention; and if of their attention, of their love too. Whoever,
+therefore, understands good, is capable likewise of love; and he who
+can not distinguish good from evil, and things indifferent from both,
+how is it possible that he can love? The wise person alone, then, is
+capable of loving.
+
+"How so? I am not this wise person, yet I love my child."
+
+I protest it surprizes me that you should, in the first place, confess
+yourself unwise. For in what are you deficient? Have not you the use
+of your senses? Do you not distinguish the semblances of things? Do
+you not provide such food and clothing and habitation as are suitable
+to you? Why then do you confess that you want wisdom? In truth,
+because you are often struck and disconcerted by semblances, and their
+speciousness gets the better of you; and hence you sometimes suppose
+the very same things to be good, then evil, and lastly, neither; and,
+in a word, you grieve, you fear, you envy, you are disconcerted, you
+change. Is it from this that you confess yourself unwise? And are you
+not changeable too in love? Riches, pleasure, in short, the very same
+things, you sometimes esteem good, and at other times evil. And do you
+not esteem the same persons too alternately as good and bad, at one
+time treating them with kindness, at another with enmity; at one time
+commending, and at another time censuring them?
+
+"Yes. This too is the case with me."
+
+Well, then; can he who is deceived in another be his friend, think
+you?
+
+"No, surely."
+
+Or does he who loves him with a changeable affection bear him genuine
+good-will?
+
+"Nor he, neither."
+
+Or he who now vilifies, then admires him?
+
+"Nor he."
+
+Do you not often see little dogs caressing and playing with each
+other, so that you would say nothing could be more friendly? But to
+learn what this friendship is, throw a bit of meat between them, and
+you will see. Do you too throw a bit of an estate betwixt you and your
+son, and you will see that he will quickly wish you under ground, and
+you him; and then you, no doubt, on the other hand will exclaim, What
+a son have I brought up! He would bury me alive! Throw in a pretty
+girl, and the old fellow and the young one will both fall in love with
+her; or let fame or danger intervene, the words of the father of
+Admetus will be yours:
+
+    "You love to see the light. Doth not your father?
+    You fain would still behold it. Would not he?"
+
+Do you suppose that he did not love his own child when it was little;
+that he was not in agonies when it had a fever, and often wished to
+undergo that fever in its stead? But, after all, when the trial comes
+home, you see what expressions he uses. Were not Eteocles and
+Polynices born of the same mother and of the same father? Were they
+not brought up, and did they not live and eat and sleep, together? Did
+not they kiss and fondle each other? So that any one, who saw them,
+would have laughed at all the paradoxes which philosophers utter about
+love. And yet when a kingdom, like a bit of meat, was thrown betwixt
+them, see what they say--
+
+_Polynices._ Where wilt thou stand before the towers?
+
+_Eteocles._ Why askest thou this of me?
+
+_Polynices._ I will oppose myself to thee, to slay thee.
+
+_Eteocles._ Me too the desire of this seizes.
+
+Such are the prayers they offer. Be not therefore deceived. No living
+being is held by anything so strongly as by its own needs. Whatever
+therefore appears a hindrance to these, be it brother or father or
+child or mistress or friend, is hated, abhorred, execrated; for by
+nature it loves nothing like its own needs. This motive is father and
+brother and family and country and God. Whenever, therefore, the gods
+seem to hinder this, we vilify even them, and throw down their
+statues, and burn their temples; as Alexander ordered the temple of
+Æsculapius to be burnt, because he had lost the man he loved.
+
+When, therefore, any one identifies his interest with those of
+sanctity, virtue, country, parents, and friends, all these are
+secured; but whenever he places his interest in anything else than
+friends, country, family and justice, then these all give way, borne
+down by the weight of self-interest. For wherever I and mine are
+placed, thither must every living being gravitate. If in body, that
+will sway us; if in our own will, that; if in externals, these. If,
+therefore, I rest my personality in the will, then only shall I be a
+friend, a son, or a father, such as I ought. For in that case it will
+be for my interest to preserve the faithful, the modest, the patient,
+the abstinent, the beneficent character; to keep the relations of life
+inviolate. But if I place my personality in one thing, and virtue in
+another, the doctrine of Epicurus will stand its ground, that virtue
+is nothing, or mere opinion.
+
+From this ignorance it was that the Athenians and Lacedæmonians
+quarreled with each other, and the Thebans with both; the Persian king
+with Greece, and the Macedonians with both; and now the Romans with
+the Getes.[112] And in still remoter times the Trojan war arose from
+the same cause. Alexander [Paris] was the guest of Menelaus; and
+whoever had seen the mutual proofs of good-will that passed between
+them would never have believed that they were not friends. But a
+tempting bait, a pretty woman, was thrown in between them; and thence
+came war. At present, therefore, when you see that dear brothers have,
+in appearance, but one soul, do not immediately pronounce upon their
+love; not tho they should swear it, and affirm it was impossible to
+live asunder. For the governing faculty of a bad man is faithless,
+unsettled, undiscriminating, successively vanquished by different
+semblances. But inquire, not as others do, whether they were born of
+the same parents, and brought up together, and under the same
+preceptor; but this thing only, in what they place their interest--in
+externals or in their own wills. If in externals, you can no more
+pronounce them friends, than you can call them faithful, or constant,
+or brave, or free; nay, nor even truly men, if you are wise. For it is
+no principle of humanity that makes them bite and vilify each other,
+and take possession of public assemblies, as wild beasts do of
+solitudes and mountains; and convert courts of justice into dens of
+robbers; that prompts them to be intemperate, adulterers, seducers; or
+leads them into other offenses that men commit against each other--all
+from that one single error, by which they risk themselves and their
+own concerns on things uncontrollable by will.
+
+But if you hear that these men in reality suppose good to be placed
+only in the will, and in a right use of things as they appear, no
+longer take the trouble of inquiring if they are father and son, or
+old companions and acquaintances; but boldly pronounce that they are
+friends, and also that they are faithful and just. For where else can
+friendship be met, but joined with fidelity and modesty, and the
+intercommunication of virtue alone?
+
+"Well; but such a one paid me the utmost regard for so long a time,
+and did he not love me?"
+
+How can you tell, foolish man, if that regard be any other than he
+pays to his shoes, or his horse, when he cleans them? And how do you
+know but that when you cease to be a necessary utensil, he may throw
+you away, like a broken stool?
+
+"Well; but it is my wife, and we have lived together many years."
+
+And how many did Eriphyle live with Amphiaraus, and was the mother of
+children not a few? But a bauble came between them. What was this
+bauble? A false conviction concerning certain things. This turned her
+into a savage animal; this cut asunder all love, and suffered neither
+the wife nor the mother to continue such.
+
+Whoever, therefore, among you studies either to be or to gain a
+friend, let him cut up all false convictions by the root, hate them,
+drive them utterly out of his soul. Thus, in the first place, he will
+be secure from inward reproaches and contests, from vacillation and
+self-torment. Then, with respect to others, to every like-minded
+person he will be without disguise; to such as are unlike he will be
+patient, mild, gentle, and ready to forgive them, as failing in points
+of the greatest importance; but severe to none, being fully convinced
+of Plato's doctrine, that the soul is never willingly deprived of
+truth. Without all this, you may, in many respects, live as friends
+do; and drink and lodge and travel together, and even be born of the
+same parents; and so may serpents too; but neither they nor you can
+ever be really friends, while your accustomed principles remain brutal
+and execrable.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 111: From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1890, by Little, Brown & Co.]
+
+[Footnote 112: The Getes were a Thracian people who dwelt north of the
+Danube, at one time in what is now Bulgaria, and at another in what is
+Bessarabia.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE PHILOSOPHER AND THE CROWD[113]
+
+
+The first difference between one of the crowd and a philosopher is
+this: the one says, "I am undone on the account of my child, my
+brother, my father"; but the other, if ever he be obliged to say, "I
+am undone!" reflects, and adds, "on account of myself." For the Will
+can not be restrained or hurt by anything to which the Will does not
+extend, but only by itself. If, therefore, we always would incline
+this way, and whenever we are unsuccessful, would lay the fault on
+ourselves, and remember that there is no cause of perturbation and
+inconstancy but wrong principles, I pledge myself to you that we
+should make some proficiency. But we set out in a very different way
+from the very beginning. In infancy, for example, if we happen to
+stumble, our nurse does not chide us, but beats the stone. Why, what
+harm has the stone done? Was it to move out of its place for the folly
+of your child? Again, if we do not find something to eat when we come
+out of the bath, our tutor does not try to moderate our appetite, but
+beats the cook. Why, did we appoint you tutor of the cook, man? No;
+but of our child. It is he whom you are to correct and improve. By
+these means even when we are grown up, we appear children. For an
+unmusical person is a child in music; an illiterate person, a child in
+learning; and an untaught one, a child in life.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 113: From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1890, by Little, Brown & Co.]
+
+
+
+
+LUCIAN
+
+     Born at Samosata, Syria, about 120 A.D.; died about 200;
+     apprenticed to his maternal uncle, who was a sculptor, but
+     ran away in dislike of the art; becoming interested in the
+     Rhetoricians, began to write himself; his works, as
+     collected in English, comprize four volumes, among them
+     "Dialogues of the Gods," "Dialogues of the Dead," "Zeus, the
+     Tragedian," "The Ferryboat," and "Toxaris."[114]
+
+I
+
+A DESCENT TO THE UNKNOWN[115]
+
+
+Dawn was approaching when we went down to the river to embark; he had
+provided a boat, victims, hydromel, and all necessaries for our mystic
+enterprise. We put all aboard, and then, Troubled at heart, with
+welling tears, we went. For some distance we floated down stream,
+until we entered the marshy lake in which the Euphrates disappears.
+Beyond this we came to a desolate, wooded, sunless spot; there we
+landed, Mithrobarzanes leading the way, and proceeded to dig a pit,
+slay our sheep, and sprinkle their blood round the edge. Meanwhile the
+Mage, with a lighted torch in his hand, abandoning his customary
+whisper, shouted at the top of his voice an invocation to all spirits,
+particularly the Poenæ and Erinyes,
+
+    Hecate's dark might, and dread Persephone,
+
+with a string of other names, outlandish, unintelligible, and
+polysyllabic.
+
+As he ended, there was a great commotion, earth was burst open by the
+incantation, the barking of Cerberus was heard far off, and all was
+overcast and lowering:
+
+    Quaked in his dark abyss the King of Shades;
+
+for almost all was now unveiled to us, the lake, and Phlegethon, and
+the abode of Pluto. Undeterred, we made our way down the chasm, and
+came upon Rhadamanthus half dead with fear. Cerberus barked and looked
+like getting up; but I quickly touched my lyre, and the first note
+sufficed to lull him. Reaching the lake, we nearly missed our passage
+for that time, the ferry-boat being already full; there was incessant
+lamentation, and all the passengers had wounds upon them; mangled
+legs, mangled heads, mangled everything; no doubt there was a war
+going on. Nevertheless, when good Charon saw the lion's skin, taking
+me for Heracles, he made room, was delighted to give me a passage, and
+showed us our direction when we got off.
+
+We were now in darkness; so Mithrobarzanes led the way, and I followed
+holding on to him, until we reached a great meadow of asphodel, where
+the shades of the dead, with their thin voices, came flitting round
+us. Working gradually on, we reached the court of Minos; he was
+sitting on a high throne, with the Poenæ, Avengers, and Erinyes
+standing at the sides. From another direction was being brought a long
+row of persons chained together; I heard that they were adulterers,
+procurers, publicans, sycophants, informers, and all the filth that
+pollutes the stream of life. Separate from them came the rich and
+usurers, pale, pot-bellied, and gouty, each with a hundredweight of
+spiked collar upon him. There we stood looking at the proceedings and
+listening to the pleas they put in; their accusers were orators of a
+strange and novel species.
+
+We left the court at last, and came to the place of punishment. Many a
+piteous sight and sound was there--cracking of whips, shrieks of the
+burning, rack and gibbet and wheel; Chimera tearing, Cerberus
+devouring; all tortured together, kings and slaves, governors and
+paupers, rich and beggars, and all repenting their sins. A few of
+them, the lately dead, we recognized. These would turn away and shrink
+from observation; or if they met our eyes, it would be with a slavish
+cringing glance--how different from the arrogance and contempt that
+had marked them in life! The poor were allowed half-time in their
+tortures, respite and punishment alternating. Those with whom legend
+is so busy I saw with my eyes--Ixion,[116] Sisyphus, the Phrygian
+Tantalus in all his misery, and the giant Tityus--how vast, his bulk
+covering a whole field!
+
+Leaving these, we entered the Acherusian plain, and there found the
+demigods, men and women both, and the common dead, dwelling in their
+nations and tribes, some of them ancient and moldering "strengthless
+heads," as Homer has it, others fresh, with substance yet in them,
+Egyptians chiefly, these--so long last their embalming drugs. But to
+know one from another was no easy task; all men are so like when the
+bones are bared; yet with pains and long scrutiny we could make them
+out. They lay pell-mell in undistinguished heaps, with none of their
+earthly beauties left. With all those anatomies piled together as like
+as could be, eyes glaring ghastly and vacant, teeth gleaming bare, I
+knew not how to tell Thersites[117] from Nireus the beauty, beggar
+Irus from the Phæacian king, or cook Pyrrhias from Agamemnon's self.
+Their ancient marks were gone, and their bones alike--uncertain,
+unlabeled, indistinguishable.
+
+When I saw all this, the life of man came before me under the
+likeness of a great pageant, arranged and marshaled by Chance, who
+distributed infinitely varied costumes to the performers. She would
+take one and array him like a king, with tiara, body-guard, and crown
+complete; another she drest like a slave; one was adorned with beauty,
+another got up as a ridiculous hunchback: there must be all kinds in
+the show. Often before the procession was over she made individuals
+exchange characters; they could not be allowed to keep the same to the
+end; Croesus must double parts and appear as slave and captive;
+Mæandrius, starting as slave, would take over Polycrates'[118]
+despotism, and be allowed to keep his new clothes for a little while.
+And when the procession is done, every one disrobes, gives up his
+character with his body, and appears, as he originally was, just like
+his neighbor. Some, when Chance comes round collecting the properties,
+are silly enough to sulk and protest, as tho they were being robbed of
+their own instead of only returning loans. You know the kind of thing
+on the stage--tragic actors shifting as the play requires from Creon
+to Priam, from Priam to Agamemnon; the same man, very likely, whom you
+saw just now in all the majesty of Cecrops or Erechtheus, treads the
+boards next as a slave, because the author tells him to. The play
+over, each of them throws off his gold-spangled robe and his mask,
+descends from the buskin's height, and moves a mean ordinary creature;
+his name is not now Agamemnon son of Atreus, or Creon son of
+Menoeceus, but Polus son of Charicles of Sunium, or Satyrus son of
+Theogiton of Marathon. Such is the condition of mankind, or so that
+sight presented it to me.
+
+_Philip._ Now, if a man occupies a costly towering sepulcher, or
+leaves monuments, statues, inscriptions behind him on earth, does not
+this place him in a class above the common dead?
+
+_Menippus._ Nonsense, my good man; if you had looked on Mausolus[119]
+himself--the Carian so famous for his tomb--I assure you, you would
+never have stopt laughing; he was a miserable unconsidered unit among
+the general mass of the dead, flung aside in a dusty hole, with no
+profit of his sepulcher but its extra weight upon him. No, friend,
+when Æacus gives a man his allowance of space--and it never exceeds a
+foot's breadth, he must be content to pack himself into its limits.
+You might have laughed still more if you had beheld the kings and
+governors of earth begging in Hades, selling salt fish for a living,
+it might be, or giving elementary lessons, insulted by any one who met
+them, and cuffed like the most worthless of slaves. When I saw Philip
+of Macedon,[120] I could not contain myself; some one showed him to me
+cobbling old shoes for money in a corner. Many others were to be seen
+begging--people like Xerxes, Darius, or Polycrates.
+
+_Philip._ These royal downfalls are extraordinary--almost incredible.
+But what of Socrates, Diogenes, and such wise men?
+
+_Menippus._ Socrates still goes about proving everybody wrong, the
+same as ever; Palamedes, Odysseus, Nestor, and a few other
+conversational shades, keep him company. His legs, by the way, were
+still puffy and swollen from the poison. Good Diogenes pitches close
+to Sardanapalus, Midas, and other specimens of magnificence. The sound
+of their lamentations and better-day memories keeps him in laughter
+and spirits; he is generally stretched on his back roaring out a noisy
+song which drowns lamentations; it annoys them, and they are looking
+out for a new pitch where he may not molest them.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 114: Lucian lived under four Roman emperors and possibly
+five,--Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Commodus and
+Pertinax. The Fowlers, whose translation is used in these specimens,
+regard Lucian as "a linguistic miracle," stating the case as follows:
+"A Syrian writes in Greek, and not in the Greek of his own time, but
+in that of five or six centuries before, and he does it, if not with
+absolute correctness, yet with the easy mastery that we expect from
+one in a million of those who write in their mother tongue and takes
+place as an immortal classic. The miracle may be repeated; an
+English-educated Hindu may produce masterpieces of Elizabethan English
+that will rank him with Bacon and Ben Jonson; but it will surprize us
+when it does happen."]
+
+[Footnote 115: From "Menippus: A Necromantic Experiment." Translated
+by H. W. and F. G. Fowler. Menippus was a Cynic philosopher,
+originally a slave, born in Syria. He lived about 60 B.C., and wrote
+much, but all his works have been lost.]
+
+[Footnote 116: Ixion, of whom the familiar legend is that he was
+punished in the lower world by being chained to an ever-revolving
+wheel, was King of the Lapithæ. Sisyphus, whose punishment was to roll
+a stone up a hill and then see it roll back again, being condemned
+perpetually to attempt rolling it completely to the top, belonged to a
+period anterior to Homer, and was the founder of Corinth. Homer
+describes him as the craftiest of men. Tantalus, one of the kings of
+Lydia, was condemned to stand in water, but whenever he sought to
+quench his thirst the water retreated from him.]
+
+[Footnote 117: Thersites is represented as the most insolent and
+hateful of the Greeks who went to Troy.]
+
+[Footnote 118: Polycrates was tyrant of Samos from 536 to 522 B.C.,
+but was put to death.]
+
+[Footnote 119: Mausolus was King of Caria, a country lying on the
+Ægean Sea in Asia Minor. Its chief town was Helicarnassus. Mausolus
+died about 353 B.C. His sister-wife, Artemisia, erected above his
+body the famous tomb named after him the Mausoleum, which was one of
+the "seven wonders of the world."]
+
+[Footnote 120: The father of Alexander the Great, and the king against
+whom several of the orations of Demosthenes were delivered.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+AMONG THE PHILOSOPHERS[121]
+
+
+_Socrates._ Stone the miscreant; stone him with many stones; clod him
+with clods; pot him with pots; let the culprit feel your sticks; leave
+him no way out. At him, Plato! come, Chrysippus, let him have it!
+Shoulder to shoulder, close the ranks;
+
+    Let wallet succor wallet, staff aid staff!
+
+We are all parties in this war; not one of us but he has assailed.
+You, Diogenes, now if ever is the time for that stick of yours; stand
+firm, all of you. Let him reap the fruits of his revilings. What,
+Epicurus, Aristippus, tired already? 'tis too soon; ye sages,
+
+    Be men; resume that erstwhile furious wrath.
+
+Aristotle, one more sprint. There! the brute is caught; we have you,
+villain. You shall soon know a little more about the characters you
+have assailed. Now, what shall we do with him? it must be rather an
+elaborate execution, to meet all our claims upon him; he owes a
+separate death to every one of us.
+
+_First Philosopher._ Impale him, say I.
+
+_Second Philosopher._ Yes, but scourge him first.
+
+_Third Philosopher._ Tear out his eyes.
+
+_Fourth Philosopher._ Ah, but first out with the offending tongue.
+
+_Socrates._ What say you, Empedocles?
+
+_Empedocles._ Oh, fling him into a crater; that will teach him to
+vilify his betters.
+
+_Plato._ 'Twere best for him, Orpheus or Pentheus like, to
+
+    Find death, dashed all to pieces on the rock;
+
+so each might have taken a piece home with him....
+
+_Lucian._ Believe me, good gentlemen, I have been at much pains on
+your behalf; to slay me is to slay one who should rather be selected
+for commendation; a kindred spirit, a well-wisher, a man after your
+own heart, a promoter, if I may be bold to say it, of your pursuits.
+See to it that you catch not the tone of our latter-day philosophers,
+and be thankless, petulant and hard of heart, to him that deserves
+better of you.
+
+_Plato._ Talk of a brazen front! So to abuse us is to oblige us. I
+believe you are under the delusion that you are really talking to
+slaves; after the insolent excesses of your tongue, do you propose to
+chop gratitude with us?
+
+_Lucian._ How or when was I ever insolent to you? I have always been
+an admirer of philosophy, your panegyrist, and a student of the
+writings you left. All that comes from my pen is but what you give me;
+I deflower you, like a bee, for the behoof of mankind; and then there
+is praise and recognition; they know the flowers, whence and whose the
+honey was, and the manner of my gathering; their surface feeling is
+for my selective art, but deeper down it is for you and your meadow,
+where you put forth such bright blooms and myriad dyes, if one knows
+but how to sort and mix and match, that one be not in discord with
+another. Could he that had found you such have the heart to abuse
+these benefactors to whom his little fame was due? then he must be a
+Thamyris or Eurytus, defying the Muses who gave his gift of song, or
+challenging Apollo with the bow, forgetful from whom he had his
+marksmanship.
+
+_Plato._ All this, good sir, is quite according to the principles of
+rhetoric; that is to say, it is clean contrary to the facts; your
+unscrupulousness is only emphasized by this adding of insult to
+injury; you confess that your arrows are from our quiver, and you use
+them against us; your one aim is to abuse us. This is our reward for
+showing you that meadow, letting you pluck freely, fill your bosom,
+and depart. For this alone you richly deserve death.
+
+_Lucian._ There; your ears are partial; they are deaf to the right.
+Why, I would never have believed that personal feeling could affect a
+Plato, a Chrysippus,[122] an Aristotle; with you, of all men, I
+thought there was dry light. But, dear sirs, do not condemn me
+unheard; give me trial first....
+
+_Plato._ Pythagoras,[123] Socrates, what do you think? perhaps the
+man's appeal to law is not unreasonable.
+
+_Socrates._ No; come along, form the court, fetch Philosophy, and see
+what he has to say for himself. To condemn unheard is a sadly crude
+proceeding, not for us; leave that to the hasty people with whom might
+is right. We shall give occasion to the enemy to blaspheme if we stone
+a man without a hearing, profest lovers of justice as we are. We shall
+have to keep quiet about Anytus and Meletus, my accusers, and the jury
+on that occasion, if we can not spare an hour to hear this fellow
+before he suffers.
+
+_Plato._ Very true, Socrates. We will go and fetch Philosophy. The
+decision shall be hers, and we will accept it, whatever it is....
+
+_Philosophy._ Well, well. Here we are at the appointed place. We will
+hold the trial in the forecourt of Athene Polias.[124] Priestess,
+arrange our seats, while we salute the goddess.
+
+_Lucian._ Polias, come to my aid against these pretenders, mindful of
+the daily perjuries thou hearest from them. Their deeds too are
+revealed to thee alone, in virtue of thy charge. Thou hast now thine
+hour of vengeance. If thou see me in evil case, if blacks be more than
+whites, then cast thou thy vote and save me!
+
+_Philosophy._ So. Now we are seated, ready to hear your words. Choose
+one of your number, the best accuser you may, make your charge, and
+bring your proofs. Were all to speak, there would be no end. And you,
+Parrhesiades, shall afterward make your defense....
+
+_Parrhesiades._ Philosophy, Diogenes has been far indeed from
+exhausting his material; the greater part of it, and the more strongly
+exprest, he has passed by, for reasons best known to himself. I refer
+to statements of mine which I am as far from denying that I made as
+from having provided myself with any elaborate defense of them. Any of
+these that have been omitted by him, and not previously emphasized by
+myself, I propose now to quote; this will be the best way to show you
+who were the persons that I sold by auction and inveighed against as
+pretenders and impostors; please to concentrate your vigilance on the
+truth or falsehood of my descriptions. If what I say is injurious or
+severe, your censure will be more fairly directed at the perpetrators
+than at the discoverer of such iniquities. I had no sooner realized
+the odious practises which his profession imposes on an advocate--the
+deceit, falsehood, bluster, clamor, pushing, and all the long hateful
+list, than I fled as a matter of course from these, betook myself to
+your dear service, Philosophy, and pleased myself with the thought of
+a remainder of life spent far from the tossing waves in a calm haven
+beneath your shadow.
+
+At my first peep into your realm, how could I but admire yourself and
+all these your disciples? There they were, legislating for the perfect
+life, holding out hands of help to those that would reach it,
+commending all that was fairest and best; fairest and best--but a man
+must keep straight on for it and never slip, must set his eyes
+unwaveringly on the laws that you have laid down, must tune and test
+his life thereby; and that, Zeus be my witness, there are few enough
+in these days of ours to do.
+
+So I saw how many were in love, not with Philosophy, but with the
+credit it brings; in the vulgar externals, so easy for any one to ape,
+they showed a striking resemblance to the real article, perfect in
+beard and walk and attire; but in life and conduct they belied their
+looks, read your lessons backwards, and degraded their profession.
+Then I was wroth; methought it was as tho some soft womanish actor on
+the tragic stage should give us Achilles or Theseus or Heracles
+himself; he can not stride nor speak out as a hero should, but minces
+along under his enormous mask; Helen or Polyxena would find him too
+realistically feminine to pass for them; and what shall an invincible
+Heracles say? Will he not swiftly pound man and mask together into
+nothingness with his club, for womanizing and disgracing him?
+
+Well, these people were about as fit to represent you, and the
+degradation of it all was too much for me. Apes daring to masquerade
+as heroes! emulators of the ass at Cyme! The Cymeans, you know, had
+never seen ass or lion; so the ass came the lion over them, with the
+aid of a borrowed skin and his most awe-inspiring bray; however, a
+stranger who had often seen both brought the truth to light with a
+stick. But what most distrest me, Philosophy, was this: when one of
+these people was detected in rascality, impropriety, or immorality,
+every one put it down to philosophy, and to the particular philosopher
+whose name the delinquent took in vain without ever acting on his
+principles; the living rascal disgraced you, the long dead; for you
+were not there in the flesh to point the contrast; so, as it was clear
+enough that his life was vile and disgusting, your case was given away
+by association with his, and you had to share his disgrace.
+
+This spectacle, I say, was too much for me; I began exposing them, and
+distinguishing between them and you; and for this good work you now
+arraign me. So then, if I find one of the Initiated betraying and
+parodying the Mysteries of the two Goddesses, and if I protest and
+denounce him, the transgression will be mine? There is something wrong
+there; why, at the Games, if an actor who has to present Athene or
+Poseidon or Zeus plays his part badly, derogating from the divine
+dignity, the stewards have him whipt; well, the gods are not angry
+with them for having the officers whip the man who wears their mask
+and their attire; I imagine they approve of the punishment. To play a
+slave or a messenger badly is a trifling offense, but to represent
+Zeus or Heracles to the spectators in an unworthy manner--that is a
+crime and a sacrilege.
+
+I can indeed conceive nothing more extraordinary than that so many of
+them should get themselves absolutely perfect in your words, and then
+live precisely as if the sole object of reading and studying them had
+been to reverse them in practise. All their professions of despising
+wealth and appearances, of admiring nothing but what is noble, of
+superiority to passion, of being proof against splendor, and
+associating with its owners only on equal terms--how fair and wise and
+laudable they all are! But they take pay for imparting them, they are
+abashed in presence of the rich, their lips water at sight of coin;
+they are dogs for temper, hares for cowardice, apes for imitativeness,
+asses for lust, cats for thievery, cocks for jealousy. They are a
+perfect laughingstock with their strivings after vile ends, their
+jostling of each other at rich men's doors, their attendance at
+crowded dinners, and their vulgar obsequiousness at table. They swill
+more than they should and would like to swill more than they do, they
+spoil the wine with unwelcome and untimely disquisitions, and they can
+not carry their liquor. The ordinary people who are present naturally
+flout them, and are revolted by the philosophy which breeds such
+brutes.
+
+What is so monstrous is that every man of them says he has no needs,
+proclaims aloud that wisdom is the only wealth, and directly afterward
+comes begging and makes a fuss if he is refused; it would hardly be
+stranger to see one in kingly attire, with tall tiara, crown, and all the
+attributes of royalty, asking his inferiors for a little something more.
+When they want to get something, we hear a great deal, to be sure, about
+community of goods--how wealth is a thing indifferent--and what is gold
+and silver?--neither more nor less worth than pebbles on the beach. But
+when an old comrade and tried friend needs help and comes to them with his
+modest requirements, ah, then there is silence and searchings of heart,
+unlearning of tenets and flat renunciation of doctrines. All their fine
+talk of friendship, with Virtue and The Good, have vanished and flown, who
+knows whither? they were winged words in sad truth, empty fantoms, only
+meant for daily conversational use.
+
+These men are excellent friends so long as there is no gold or silver
+for them to dispute the possession of; exhibit but a copper or two,
+and peace is broken, truce void, armistice ended; their books are
+blank, their virtue fled, and they so many dogs; some one has flung a
+bone into the pack, and up they spring to bite each other and snarl at
+the one which has pounced successfully. There is a story of an
+Egyptian king who taught some apes the sword-dance; the imitative
+creatures very soon picked it up; and used to perform in purple robes
+and masks; for some time the show was a great success, till at last an
+ingenious spectator brought some nuts in with him and threw them down.
+The apes forgot their dancing at the sight, dropt their humanity,
+resumed their ape-hood, and, smashing masks and tearing dresses, had a
+free fight for the provender. Alas for the _corps de ballet_ and the
+gravity of the audience!
+
+These people are just those apes; it is they that I reviled; and I
+shall never cease exposing and ridiculing them; but about you and your
+like--for there are, in spite of all, some true lovers of philosophy
+and keepers of your laws--about you or them may I never be mad enough
+to utter an injurious or rude word! Why, what could I find to say?
+what is there in your lives that lends itself to such treatment? but
+those pretenders deserve my detestation, as they have that of heaven.
+Why, tell me, all of you, what have such creatures to do with you? Is
+there a trace in their lives of kindred and affinity? Does oil mix
+with water? If they grow their beards and call themselves philosophers
+and look solemn, do these things make them like you? I could have
+contained myself if there had been any touch of plausibility in their
+acting; but the vulture is more like the nightingale than they like
+philosophers. And now I have pleaded my cause to the best of my
+ability. Truth, I rely upon you to confirm my words.
+
+_Philosophy._ Parrhesiades, retire to a further distance. Well, and
+our verdict? How think you the man has spoken?
+
+_Truth._ Ah, Philosophy, while he was speaking I was ready to sink
+through the ground; it was all so true. As I listened, I could
+identify every offender, and I was fitting caps all the time--this is
+so-and-so, that is the other man, all over. I tell you they were all
+as plain as in a picture--speaking likenesses not of their bodies
+only, but of their very souls.
+
+_Temperance._ Yes, Truth, I could not help blushing at it.
+
+_Philosophy._ What say you, gentlemen?
+
+_Res._ Why, of course, that he is acquitted of the charge, and stands
+recorded as our friend and benefactor. Our case is just that of the
+Trojans, who entertained the tragic actor only to find him reciting
+their own calamities. Well, recite away, our tragedian, with these
+pests of ours for dramatis personæ.
+
+_Diogenes._ I too, Philosophy, give him my meed of praise; I withdraw
+my charges, and count him a worthy friend.
+
+_Philosophy._ I congratulate you, Parrhesiades; you are unanimously
+acquitted, and are henceforth one of us.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 121: From the "Fisher: A Resurrection Piece." Translated by
+H. W. and F. G. Fowler.]
+
+[Footnote 122: Famous as a mathematician as well as philosopher; born
+in Samos about 582 B.C. He founded a famous school of philosophy at
+Crotona in Southern Italy.]
+
+[Footnote 123: After Zeno the most eminent of the Stoic philosophers;
+born in 280 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 124: The guardian of the city of Athens. A famous statue of
+Athenia Polias of the fifth century B.C. is preserved in the Villa
+Albani at Rome.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+OF LIARS AND LYING[125]
+
+
+_Tychiades._ Philocles, what is it that makes most men so fond of a
+lie? Can you explain it? Their delight in romancing themselves is only
+equaled by the earnest attention with which they receive other
+people's efforts in the same direction.
+
+_Philocles._ Why, in some cases there is no lack of motives for
+lying--motives of self-interest.
+
+_Tychiades._ Ah, but that is neither here nor there. I am not speaking
+of men who lie with an object. There is some excuse for that: indeed,
+it is sometimes to their credit, when they deceive their country's
+enemies, for instance, or when mendacity is but the medicine to heal
+their sickness. Odysseus, seeking to preserve his life and bring his
+companions safe home, was a liar of that kind. The men I mean are
+innocent of any ulterior motive: they prefer a lie to truth, simply on
+its own merits; they like lying, it is their favorite occupation;
+there is no necessity in the case. Now what good can they get out of
+it?
+
+_Philocles._ Why, have you ever known any one with such a strong
+natural turn for lying?
+
+_Tychiades._ Any number of them.
+
+_Philocles._ Then I can only say they must be fools, if they really
+prefer evil to good.
+
+_Tychiades._ Oh, that is not it. I could point you out plenty of men
+of first-rate ability, sensible enough in all other respects, who have
+somehow picked up this vice of romancing. It makes me quite angry:
+what satisfaction can there be to men of their good qualities in
+deceiving themselves and their neighbors? There are instances among
+the ancients with which you must be more familiar than I. Look at
+Herodotus, or Ctesias of Cnidus;[126] or, to go further back, take the
+poets--Homer himself: here are men of world-wide celebrity,
+perpetuating their mendacity in black and white; not content with
+deceiving their hearers, they must send their lies down to posterity,
+under the protection of the most admirable verse. Many a time I have
+blushed for them, as I read of the mutilation of Uranus, the fetters
+of Prometheus, the revolt of the giants, the torments of hell;
+enamored Zeus taking the shape of bull or swan; women turning into
+birds and bears; Pegasuses, Chimæras, Gorgons, Cyclopes, and the rest
+of it; monstrous medley! fit only to charm the imaginations of
+children for whom Mormo and Lamia have still their terrors. However,
+poets, I suppose, will be poets. But when it comes to national lies,
+when one finds whole cities bouncing collectively like one man, how is
+one to keep one's countenance? A Cretan will look you in the face, and
+tell you that yonder is Zeus' tomb. In Athens, you are informed that
+Erichthonius sprang out of the earth, and that the first Athenians
+grew up from the soil like so many cabbages; and this story assumes
+quite a sober aspect when compared with that of the Sparti, for whom
+the Thebans claim descent from a dragon's teeth. If you presume to
+doubt these stories, if you choose to exert your common sense, and
+leave Triptolemus' winged aerial car, and Pan's Marathonian exploits,
+and Orithyia's mishap, to the stronger digestions of a Coroebus and
+a Margites, you are a fool and a blasphemer, for questioning such
+palpable truths. Such is the power of lies!
+
+_Philocles._ I must say I think there is some excuse, Tychiades, both
+for your national liars and for the poets. The latter are quite right
+in throwing in a little mythology: it has a very pleasing effect, and
+is just the thing to secure the attention of their hearers. On the
+other hand, the Athenians and the Thebans and the rest are only trying
+to add to the luster of their respective cities. Take away the
+legendary treasures of Greece, and you condemn the whole race of
+ciceroni to starvation: sightseers do not want the truth; they would
+not take it at a gift. However, I surrender to your ridicule any one
+who has no such motive, and yet rejoices in lies.
+
+_Tychiades._ Very well: now I have just been with the great Eucrates,
+who treated me to a whole string of old wives' tales. I came away in
+the middle of it; he was too much for me altogether; Furies could not
+have driven me out more effectually than his marvel-working tongue.
+
+_Philocles._ What, Eucrates, of all credible witnesses? That venerably
+bearded sexagenarian, with his philosophic leanings? I could never
+have believed that he would lend his countenance to other people's
+lies, much less that he was capable of such things himself.
+
+_Tychiades._ My dear sir, you should have heard the stuff he told me;
+the way in which he vouched for the truth of it all too, solemnly
+staking the lives of his children on his veracity! I stared at him in
+amazement, not knowing what to make of it: one moment I thought he
+must be out of his mind; the next I concluded he had been a humbug all
+along, an ape in a lion's skin. Oh, it was monstrous....
+
+"When I was a young man," said he, "I passed some time in Egypt, my
+father having sent me to that country for my education. I took it into
+my head to sail up the Nile to Coptus, and thence pay a visit to the
+statue of Memnon,[127] and hear the curious sound that proceeds from
+it at sunrise. In this respect, I was more fortunate than most people,
+who hear nothing but an indistinct voice: Memnon actually opened his
+lips, and delivered me an oracle in seven hexameters; it is foreign to
+my present purpose, or I would quote you the very lines."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 125: From "The Liar." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler.]
+
+[Footnote 126: Ctesias who died after 398 B.C., and wrote a history
+of Persia in twenty-four books and a treatise on India. Parts only of
+both are now extant.]
+
+[Footnote 127: A legendary king of Ethiopia, who was slain at Troy by
+Achilles--a fable, says Rawlinson, which is "one of those in which it
+is difficult to determine any germs of truth." His name was given by
+the Greeks to one of the Colossi at Thebes in Egypt, from which, when
+touched by the rays of the rising sun, there was said to proceed a
+strange sound.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Best of the World's Classics, 
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Best of the World's Classics, 
+Restricted to prose. Volume I (of X) - Greece, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Best of the World's Classics,  Restricted to prose. Volume I (of X) - Greece
+
+Author: Various
+
+Editor: Henry Cabot Lodge
+        Francis W.  Halsey
+
+Release Date: March 26, 2007 [EBook #20907]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORLD'S CLASSICS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Joseph R. Hauser, Sankar Viswanathan, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div class="center"><img src="images/image_01.jpg" alt="HENRY CABOT LODGE" width="300" height="551" /><br />
+<span class="caption">HENRY CABOT LODGE</span></div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="center"><img src="images/image_03.jpg" alt="Title Page" width="500" height="803" /></div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>THE BEST</h2>
+<h3 ><i>of the</i></h3>
+<h1><span class="smcap">World's Classics</span></h1>
+<h4>RESTRICTED TO PROSE</h4>
+<div class="center"><img src="images/image_02.jpg" alt="Decorative Image" width="400" height="102" /></div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>HENRY CABOT LODGE</h2>
+<h4><i>Editor-in-Chief</i></h4>
+<h2>FRANCIS W. HALSEY</h2>
+<h4><i>Associate Editor</i></h4>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>With an Introduction, Biographical and<br />
+ Explanatory Notes, etc.</h3>
+ <p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3> IN TEN VOLUMES</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>Vol. I</h3>
+<h1>GREECE</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>FUNK &amp; WAGNALLS COMPANY</h3>
+<h4>NEW YORK AND LONDON</h4>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h5><span class="smcap">Copyright</span>, 1909, <span class="smcap">by</span></h5>
+<h4>FUNK &amp; WAGNALLS COMPANY</h4>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>The Best of the World's Classics</h2>
+<h3>VOL. I</h3>
+<h2>GREECE</h2>
+<h4>484 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>&mdash;200 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></h4>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="INTRODUCTION" id="INTRODUCTION"></a>INTRODUCTION</h2>
+
+
+<p>Ever since civilized man has had a literature he has apparently sought
+to make selections from it and thus put his favorite passages together
+in a compact and convenient form. Certain it is, at least, that to the
+Greeks, masters in all great arts, we owe this habit. They made such
+collections and named them, after their pleasant imaginative fashion,
+a gathering of flowers, or what we, borrowing their word, call an
+anthology. So to those austere souls who regard anthologies as a
+labor-saving contrivance for the benefit of persons who like a
+smattering of knowledge and are never really learned, we can at least
+plead in mitigation that we have high and ancient authority for the
+practise. In any event no amount of scholarly deprecation has been
+able to turn mankind or that portion of mankind which reads books from
+the agreeable habit of making volumes of selections and finding in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>them much pleasure, as well as improvement in taste and knowledge.
+With the spread of education and with the great increase of literature
+among all civilized nations, more especially since the invention of
+printing and its vast multiplication of books, the making of volumes
+of selections comprizing what is best in one's own or in many
+literatures is no longer a mere matter of taste or convenience as with
+the Greeks, but has become something little short of a necessity in
+this world of many workers, comparatively few scholars, and still
+fewer intelligent men of leisure. Anthologies have been multiplied
+like all other books, and in the main they have done much good and no
+harm. The man who thinks he is a scholar or highly educated because he
+is familiar with what is collected in a well-chosen anthology, of
+course, errs grievously. Such familiarity no more makes one a master
+of literature than a perusal of a dictionary makes the reader a master
+of style. But as the latter pursuit can hardly fail to enlarge a man's
+vocabulary, so the former adds to his knowledge, increases his stock
+of ideas, liberalizes his mind and opens to him new sources of
+enjoyment.</p>
+
+<p>The Greek habit was to bring together selec<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>tions of verse, passages
+of especial merit, epigrams and short poems. In the main their example
+has been followed. From their days down to the "Elegant Extracts in
+Verse" of our grandmothers and grandfathers, and thence on to our own
+time with its admirable "Golden Treasury" and "Oxford Handbook of
+Verse," there has been no end to the making of poetical anthologies
+and apparently no diminution in the public appetite for them. Poetry
+indeed lends itself to selection. Much of the best poetry of the world
+is contained in short poems, complete in themselves, and capable of
+transference bodily to a volume of selections. There are very few
+poets of whose quality and genius a fair idea can not be given by a
+few judicious selections. A large body of noble and beautiful poetry,
+of verse which is "a joy forever," can also be given in a very small
+compass. And the mechanical attribute of size, it must be remembered,
+is very important in making a successful anthology, for an essential
+quality of a volume of selections is that it should be easily
+portable, that it should be a book which can be slipt into the pocket
+and readily carried about in any wanderings whether<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span> near or remote.
+An anthology which is stored in one or more huge and heavy volumes is
+practically valueless except to those who have neither books nor
+access to a public library, or who think that a stately tome printed
+on calendered paper and "profusely illustrated" is an ornament to a
+center-table in a parlor rarely used except on solemn or official
+occasions.</p>
+
+<p>I have mentioned these advantages of verse for the purposes of an
+anthology in order to show the difficulties which must be encountered
+in making a prose selection. Very little prose is in small parcels
+which can be transferred entire, and therefore with the very important
+attribute of completeness, to a volume of selections. From most of the
+great prose writers it is necessary to take extracts, and the chosen
+passage is broken off from what comes before and after. The fame of a
+great prose writer as a rule rests on a book, and really to know him
+the book must be read and not merely passages from it. Extracts give
+no very satisfactory idea of "Paradise Lost" or "The Divine Comedy,"
+and the same is true of extracts from a history or a novel. It is
+possible by spreading prose selections through a series of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span> small
+volumes to overcome the mechanical difficulty and thus make the
+selections in form what they ought above all things to be&mdash;companions
+and not books of reference or table decorations. But the spiritual or
+literary problem is not so easily overcome. What prose to take and
+where to take it are by no means easy questions to solve. Yet they are
+well worth solving, so far as patient effort can do it, for in this
+period of easy printing it is desirable to put in convenient form
+before those who read examples of the masters which will draw us back
+from the perishing chatter of the moment to the literature which is
+the highest work of civilization and which is at once noble and
+lasting.</p>
+
+<p>Upon that theory this collection has been formed. It is an attempt to
+give examples from all periods and languages of Western civilization
+of what is best and most memorable in their prose literature. That the
+result is not a complete exhibition of the time and the literatures
+covered by the selections no one is better aware than the editors.
+Inexorable conditions of space make a certain degree of incompleteness
+inevitable when he who is gathering flowers traverses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span> so vast a
+garden, and is obliged to confine the results of his labors within
+such narrow bounds. The editors are also fully conscious that, like
+all other similar collections, this one too will give rise to the
+familiar criticism and questionings as to why such a passage was
+omitted and such another inserted; why this writer was chosen and that
+other passed by. In literature we all have our favorites, and even the
+most catholic of us has also his dislikes if not his pet aversions. I
+will frankly confess that there are authors represented in these
+volumes whose writings I should avoid, just as there are certain towns
+and cities of the world to which, having once visited them, I would
+never willingly return, for the simple reason that I would not
+voluntarily subject myself to seeing or reading what I dislike or,
+which is worse, what bores and fatigues me. But no editor of an
+anthology must seek to impose upon others his own tastes and opinions.
+He must at the outset remember and never afterward forget that so far
+as possible his work must be free from the personal equation. He must
+recognize that some authors who may be mute or dull to him have a
+place<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span> in literature, past or present, sufficiently assured to entitle
+them to a place among selections which are intended above all things
+else to be representative.</p>
+
+<p>To those who wonder why some favorite bit of their own was omitted
+while something else for which they do not care at all has found a
+place I can only say that the editors, having supprest their own
+personal preferences, have proceeded on certain general principles
+which seem to be essential in making any selection either of verse or
+prose which shall possess broader and more enduring qualities than
+that of being a mere exhibition of the editor's personal taste. To
+illustrate my meaning: Emerson's "Parnassus" is extremely interesting
+as an exposition of the tastes and preferences of a remarkable man of
+great and original genius. As an anthology it is a failure, for it is
+of awkward size, is ill arranged and contains selections made without
+system, and which in many cases baffle all attempts to explain their
+appearance. On the other hand, Mr. Palgrave, neither a very remarkable
+man nor a great and original genius, gave us in the first "Golden
+Treasury" a collec<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>tion which has no interest whatever as reflecting
+the tastes of the editor, but which is quite perfect in its kind.
+Barring the disproportionate amount of Wordsworth which includes some
+of his worst things&mdash;and which, be it said in passing, was due to Mr.
+Palgrave's giving way at that point to his personal enthusiasm&mdash;the
+"Golden Treasury" in form, in scope, and in arrangement, as well as in
+almost unerring taste, is the best model of what an anthology should
+be which is to be found in any language.</p>
+
+<p>Returning now to our questioner who misses some favorite and finds
+something else which he dislikes, the only answer, as I have just
+said, is that the collection is formed on certain general principles,
+as any similar collection of the sort must be. This series is called
+"The Best of the World's Classics," and "classics" is used not in the
+narrow and technical sense, but rather in that of Thoreau, who defined
+classics as "the noblest recorded thoughts of mankind." Therefore, the
+first principle of guidance in selection is to take examples of the
+great writings which have moved and influenced the thought of the
+world, and which have preeminently the quality of "high<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span> seriousness"
+as required by Aristotle. This test alone, however, would limit the
+selections too closely. Therefore the second principle of choice is to
+make selections from writers historically important either personally
+or by their writings. The third rule is to endeavor to give selections
+which shall be representative of the various literatures and the
+various periods through which, the collection ranges. Lastly, and this
+applies, of course, only to passages taken from the writers of England
+and the United States, the effort has been to give specimens of the
+masters of English prose, of that prose in its development and at its
+best, and to show, so far as may be, what can be accomplished with
+that great instrument, and what a fine style really is as exhibited in
+the best models. Everything contained in these volumes is there in
+obedience to one at least of these principles, many in obedience to
+more than one, some in conformity to all four.</p>
+
+<p>No one will become a scholar or a master of any of the great
+literatures here represented by reading this collection. Literature
+and scholarship are not to be had so cheaply as that. Yet is there
+much profit to be had from these little<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span> volumes. They contain many
+passages which merit Dr. Johnson's fine saying about books: "That they
+help us to enjoy life or teach us to endure it." To the man of
+letters, to the man of wide reading, they will at least serve to
+recall, when far from libraries and books, those authors who have been
+the delight and the instructors of a lifetime. They will bring at
+least the pleasures of memory and that keener pleasure which arises
+when we meet a poem or a passage of prose which we know as an old and
+well-loved friend, remote from home, upon some alien page.</p>
+
+<p>To that larger public whose lives are not spent among books and
+libraries, and for whose delectation such a collection as this is
+primarily intended, these volumes rightly read at odd times, in idle
+moments, in out-of-the-way places, on the ship or the train, offer
+much. They will bring the reader in contact with many of the greatest
+intellects of all time. They contain some of the noblest thoughts that
+have passed through the minds of our weak and erring race. There is no
+man who will not be the better, for the moment at least, by reading
+what Cicero says about old age, Seneca about death, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span> Socrates
+about love, to go no further for examples than to</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"The glory that was Greece,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And the grandeur that was Rome."<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Moreover, the bowing acquaintance which can be formed here may easily
+offer attractions which will lead to a close and intimate friendship,
+with all that the word implies in the case of a great author or a
+great book. It seems to me, for example, as if no one who read here
+the too brief extracts from Erasmus or from Cervantes, to take at
+random two writers widely separated in thought, could fail to pursue
+the acquaintance thus begun, so potent are the sympathetic charm, the
+wit, the wisdom and the humor of both these great men. There is, at
+least, variety in these little volumes, and while many things in them
+may not appeal to us, they may to our neighbors. That which "is dumb
+to us may speak to him."</p>
+
+<p>Again, let it be noticed that there is much more than the "high
+seriousness" which is the test of the greatest prose as of the finest
+poetry. Humor and pathos, tragedy and comedy, all find their place and
+glimpses of the pageant of human<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a></span> history flit through the pages. It
+would seem as if it were impossible to read extracts from Thucydides
+and Tacitus and Gibbon and not long to go to their histories and learn
+all that could be said by such men about the life of man upon earth,
+about Athens and Rome and the rise and fall of empires. Selections are
+unsatisfying and the better they are the more unsatisfying they
+become. But this is in reality their great merit. They have much
+beauty in themselves, they awaken pleasant memories, they revive old
+delights, but, above all, if rightly read they open the gates to the
+illimitable gardens whence all the flowers which have here been
+gathered may be found blooming in radiance, unplucked and unbroken and
+rooted in their native soil.</p>
+
+<p>The most important part of the collection is that which gives
+selections from those writers whose native tongue is English. No
+translation even of prose can ever quite reproduce its original, and
+as a rule can not hope to equal it. There are many translations,
+notably the Elizabethan, which are extremely fine in themselves and
+memorable examples of English prose. Still they are not the original
+writings. Something escapes in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</a></span> the translation into another tongue,
+an impalpable something which can not be held or transmitted. The
+Bible stands alone, a great literary monument of the noblest and most
+beautiful English, which has formed English speech and become a part
+of the language as it is of the thought and emotion of the people who
+read "King James'" version in all parts of the globe. Yet we know that
+the version which the people, so fortunate in its possession, wisely
+and absolutely decline to give up in exchange for any revision is
+neither an accurate nor a faithful reproduction of its original.
+Therefore, putting aside the English Bible as wholly by itself, it may
+be safely said that the soul of a language and the beauties of style
+which it is capable of exhibiting can only be found and studied in the
+productions of writers who not only think in the language in which
+they write, but to whom that speech is native, the inalienable
+birthright and heritage of their race or country. In such writers we
+get not only the thought, the humor, or the pathos, all that can be
+transferred in a translation, but also the pleasure to the ear akin to
+music, the sense of form, the artistic grati<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</a></span>fication which form
+brings, all those attributes which are possible in the highest degree
+to those only to whom the language is native.</p>
+
+<p>For these reasons, as will be readily understood, in making selections
+from those writers whose native tongue is English, specimens have been
+given of all periods from the earliest time and occasionally of
+authors who would not otherwise find a place in such a collection, for
+the purpose of tracing in outline the development of English prose and
+the formation of an English style which, like all true and great
+styles, is peculiar to the language and can not be reproduced in any
+other. This is not the place, nor would it be feasible within any
+reasonable limits to narrate the history of English prose. But in
+these selections it is possible to follow its gradual advance from the
+first rude and crude attempts through the splendid irregularities of
+the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the establishment of a
+standard of style in the eighteenth and thence onward to the
+modifications and changes in that standard which extend to our own
+time.</p>
+
+<p>The purpose of this collection is not didactic. If it were it would be
+a school-book and not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">[xix]</a></span> an anthology in the Greek sense, where the
+first principle was to seek what was of literary value, artistic in
+expression, and noble in thought. Yet the mere bringing together of
+examples of prose from the writings of the great masters of style can
+not but teach a lesson never more needed than now.</p>
+
+<p>I do not mean by this to suggest imitation of any writer. Nothing is
+more dangerous, especially when the style of the writer imitated is
+peculiar and strongly marked. That which is valuable and instructive
+is the opportunity given here for a study of fine English styles, and
+in this way to learn the capabilities of the language and the general
+principles which have governed the production of the best English
+prose. We have in the English language an unequaled richness of
+vocabulary far surpassing in extent that of any other tongue. It
+possesses a great literature and a body of poetry unrivaled in modern
+times. It is not only one of the strongest bonds of union in the
+United States, but it is the language in which our freedom was won and
+in which our history and our laws are written. It is our greatest
+heritage. To weaken, corrupt or de<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">[xx]</a></span>prave it would be a misfortune
+without parallel to our entire people. Yet we can not disguise from
+ourselves the fact that the fertility of the printing-press, the
+multiplication of cheap magazines, and the flood of printed words
+poured out daily in the newspapers all tend strongly in this
+direction. This is an era of haste and hurry stimulated by the great
+inventions which have changed human environment. Form and style in any
+art require time, and time seems the one thing we can neither spare
+nor wisely economize. Yet, in literature above all arts, to abandon
+form and style is inevitably destructive and entails misfortunes which
+can hardly be estimated, for loose, weak and vulgar writing is a sure
+precursor of loose, weak and vulgar thinking. If form of expression is
+cast aside, form in thought and in the presentation of thought is
+certain to follow. Against all this the fine English prose amply
+represented in these selections offers a silent and convincing protest
+to every one who will read it attentively.</p>
+
+<p>We can begin with the splendid prose of the age of Elizabeth and of
+the seventeenth century. It is irregular and untamed, but exuberant
+and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">[xxi]</a></span> brilliant, rich both in texture and substance. We find it at its
+height in the strange beauties of Sir Thomas Browne, in the noble
+pages of Milton, stiff with golden embroidery, as Macaulay says, and
+in the touching and beautiful simplicity of Bunyan's childlike
+sentences. Thence we pass to the eighteenth century, when English
+prose was freed from its involutions and irregularities and brought to
+uniformity and to a standard. The age of Anne gave to English prose
+balance, precision and settled form. There have been periods of
+greater originality, but the eighteenth century at least lived up to
+Pope's doctrine, set forth in the familiar line:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"What oft was thought but ne'er so well exprest."<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>As there is no better period to turn to for instruction than the age
+of Anne, so, if we must choose a single writer there is no better
+master to be studied than Swift. There have been many great writers
+and many fine and beautiful styles since the days of the terrible Dean
+of St. Patrick's, from the imposing and finely balanced sentences of
+Gibbon to the subtle delicacy of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxii" id="Page_xxii">[xxii]</a></span> Hawthorne and the careful finish of
+Robert Louis Stevenson. But in Swift better than in any one writer can
+we find the lessons which are so sorely needed now. He had in the
+highest degree force, clearness and concentration all combined with a
+marvelous simplicity. Swift's style may have lacked richness, but it
+never failed in taste. There is not a line of false fine-writing in
+all his books. Those are the qualities which are so needed now,
+simplicity and clearness and a scrupulous avoidance of that would-be
+fine writing which is not at all fine but merely vulgar and insincere.</p>
+
+<p>The writing in our newspapers is where reform is particularly needed.
+There are great journals here and there which maintain throughout a
+careful standard of good and sober English. Most of them, unhappily,
+are filled in the news columns at least with a strange jargon found
+nowhere else, spoken by no one and never used in daily life by those
+who every night furnish it to the compositors. It is happily
+compounded in about equal parts of turgid fine writing, vulgar
+jauntiness and indiscriminate slang.</p>
+
+<p>I can best show my meaning by example. A<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiii" id="Page_xxiii">[xxiii]</a></span> writer in a newspaper wished
+to state that a man who had once caused excitement by a book of
+temporary interest and who, after the days of his notoriety were over,
+lived a long and checkered career, had killed himself. This is the way
+he said it:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>His life's work void of fruition and dissipated into
+emptiness, his fondest hopes and ambitions crumbled and
+scattered, shunned as a fanatic, and unable to longer wage
+life's battle, Hinton Rowan Helper, at one time United
+States consul general to Buenos Ayres, yesterday sought the
+darkest egress from his woes and disappointments&mdash;a
+suicide's death.</p>
+
+<p>In an unpretentious lodging-house in Pennsylvania avenue,
+near the Capitol, the man who as much, if not more than any
+other agitator, is said to have blazed the way to the Civil
+War, the writer who stirred this nation to its core by his
+anti-slavery philippics, and the promoter with the most
+gigantic railroad enterprise projected in the history of the
+world, was found gript in the icy hand of death. The brain
+which gave birth to his historic writings had willed the
+stilling of the heart which for three-quarters of a century
+had palpitated quick and high with roseate hopes.</p></div>
+
+<p>That passage, taken at hazard from a newspaper, is intended, I think,
+to be fine writing of an imposing and dramatic kind. Why could not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiv" id="Page_xxiv">[xxiv]</a></span>
+the writer have written it, a little more carefully perhaps, but still
+in just the language which he would have used naturally in describing
+the event to his wife or friend? Simply stated, it would have been far
+more solemn and impressive than this turgid, insincere account with
+its large words, its forced note of tragedy and its split infinitive.
+Let me put beneath it another description of a death-bed:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The blood and spirits of Le Fevre, which were waxing cold
+and slow, and were retreating to their last citadel, the
+heart&mdash;rallied back,&mdash;the film forsook his eyes for a
+moment,&mdash;he looked up wishfully into my Uncle Toby's
+face,&mdash;then cast a look upon his boy,&mdash;and that ligament,
+fine as it was,&mdash;was never broken.</p>
+
+<p>Nature instantly ebbed again,&mdash;the film returned to its
+place,&mdash;the pulse fluttered,&mdash;stopt,&mdash;went
+on,&mdash;throbbed,&mdash;stopt again,&mdash;moved,&mdash;stopt,&mdash;shall I go on?
+No.</p></div>
+
+<p>This famous passage is neither unintentional sentiment nor unaffected
+pathos. The art is apparent even in the punctuation. The writer meant
+to be touching and pathetic and to awaken emotions of tenderness and
+pity and he succeeded. The description is all he meant it to be. The
+extract from the newspaper arouses no emotion,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxv" id="Page_xxv">[xxv]</a></span> unless it be
+resentment at its form and leaves us cold and unmoved. The other is
+touching and pitiful. Observe the manner in which Sterne obtains his
+effect, the perfect simplicity and good taste of every word, the
+reserve, the gentleness, the utter absence of any straining for
+effect. The one description died the day it appeared. The other has
+held its place for a century and a half. Are not the qualities which
+produced such a result worth striving for?</p>
+
+<p>Let me take another haphazard selection from a description of a young
+girl entitled as such to every one's kindness, courtesy and respect.
+In it occurs this sentence: "The college girl is grammatical in
+speech, but she has the jolliest, chummiest jargon of slang that ever
+rolled from under a pink tongue." That articulate sounds come from
+beneath the tongue is at least novel and few persons are fortunate
+enough to be able to talk with that portion of their mouths. But I
+have no desire to dwell either upon the anatomical peculiarities of
+the sentence or upon its abysmal vulgarity. It is supposed to be
+effective, it is what is appropriately called "breezy," it is a form
+of words which can be heard nowhere<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxvi" id="Page_xxvi">[xxvi]</a></span> in the speech of men and women.
+Why should it be consigned to print? It is possible to describe a
+young girl attractively and effectively in much simpler fashion. Let
+me give an example, not a famous passage at all, from another writer:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>She shocked no canon of taste; she was admirably in keeping
+with herself, and never jarred against surrounding
+circumstances. Her figure, to be sure&mdash;so small as to be
+almost childlike and so elastic that motion seemed as easy
+or easier to it than rest&mdash;would hardly have suited one's
+idea of a countess. Neither did her face&mdash;with brown
+ringlets on either side and a slightly piquant nose, and the
+wholesome bloom, and the clear shade of tan, and the half
+dozen freckles, friendly remembrancers of the April sun and
+breeze&mdash;precisely give us the right to call her beautiful.
+But there was both luster and depth in her eyes. She was
+very pretty; as graceful as a bird and graceful much in the
+same way; as pleasant about the house as a gleam of sunshine
+falling on the floor through a shadow of twinkling leaves,
+or as a ray of firelight that dances on the wall while
+evening is drawing nigh.</p></div>
+
+<p>Contrast this with the newspaper sentence and the sensation is one of
+pain. Again I say, observe the method by which Hawthorne gets his
+effect, the simplicity of the language, the balance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxvii" id="Page_xxvii">[xxvii]</a></span> of the sentences,
+the reserve, the refinement, and the final imaginative touch in the
+charming comparison with which the passage ends.</p>
+
+<p>To blame the hard working men who write for the day which is passing
+over them because they do not write like Sterne and Hawthorne would be
+as absurd as it would be unjust. But they ought to recognize the
+qualities of fine English prose, they ought to remember that they can
+improve their readers by giving them good, simple English, pure and
+undefiled, and they ought not to debauch the public taste by vulgar
+fine writing and even more vulgar light writing. In short, they ought
+to write for the public as they would talk to their wives and children
+and friends; a little more formally and carefully perhaps, but in the
+same simple and direct fashion.</p>
+
+<p>For the prolific authors of the flood of stories, which every month
+bears on its broad bosom many tons of advertisements, no such
+allowance need be made. They are not compelled to furnish copy between
+daylight and dark. They need a course of study in English prose more
+than anyone else, and they would profit by the effort.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxviii" id="Page_xxviii">[xxviii]</a></span> As a class
+they seem to be like the young man in Du Maurier's picture, who, being
+asked if he had read Thackeray, replies, "No. I nevah read novels; I
+write them."</p>
+
+<p>In this age of quickening movement and restless haste it is, above all
+things, important to struggle against the well-nigh universal
+inclination to abandon all efforts for form and style. They are the
+great preservers of what is best in literature, the salt which ought
+never to lose its savor. Those who use English in public speech and
+public writing have a serious responsibility too generally forgotten
+and disregarded. I would fain call attention to it altho no single man
+can hope to effect much by any plea he can make in behalf of the use
+of good English, whether written or spoken. Yet no one, I think, can
+read the great masterpieces of English prose and not have both lesson
+and responsibility brought home to him. He would be insensible,
+indeed, if he did not feel after such reading that he was a sharer in
+a noble heritage which it behooved him to guard and cherish. If this
+series serves no other purpose, it will exhibit to those who read it
+some of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxix" id="Page_xxix">[xxix]</a></span> splendors and the beauties of English prose. It will at
+least open the gates of literature and perhaps lead its readers to
+authors they have not known before, or recall the words of writers who
+have entered into their lives and thoughts and thus make them more
+mindful of the ineffable value to them and their children of the great
+language which is at once their birthright and their inheritance.</p>
+
+<p class="sig"><span class="smcap">HENRY CABOT LODGE.</span></p>
+
+<p class="sig1"><i>Washington, D. C., July 15, 1909.</i></p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxi" id="Page_xxxi">[xxxi]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<h2><span class="smcap">Vol. I&mdash;Greece</span></h2>
+<table summary="Contents">
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td></td>
+  <td></td><td class="tocpg"><i>Page</i></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td class="tocpg">&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">Introduction.</a></span> By Henry Cabot Lodge.</td>
+  <td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_v">v</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#HERODOTUS">Herodotus</a></span>&mdash;(Born probably in 484 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died probably in 424.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#SOLONS_WORDS_OF_WISDOM_TO_CROESUS">Solon's Words of Wisdom to Cr&oelig;sus.</a></td> <td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book I of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#BABYLON_AND_ITS_CAPTURE_BY_CYRUS">Babylon and Its Capture by Cyrus.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book I of the "History." Translated by Taylor)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_PYRAMID_OF_CHEOPS">The Pyramid of Cheops.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book II of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">IV</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_STORY_OF_PERIANDERS_SON">The Story of Periander's Son.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book III of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#THUCYDIDES">Thucydides</a></span>&mdash;(Born about 471 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died about 401.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_ATHENIANS_AND_SPARTANS_CONTRASTED">The Athenians and Spartans Contrasted.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book I of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by Benjamin
+Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_PLAGUE_AT_ATHENS">The Plague at Athens.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book II of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by Benjamin
+Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_SAILING_OF_THE_ATHENIAN_FLEET_FOR_SICILY">The Sailing of the Athenian Fleet for Sicily.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book VI of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by Benjamin
+Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">IV</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#COMPLETION_OF_THE_ATHENIAN_DEFEAT_AT_SYRACUSE">Completion of the Athenian Defeat at Syracuse.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book VII of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by Benjamin
+Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_52">52</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#XENOPHON">Xenophon</a></span>&mdash;(Born about 430 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died about 357.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_CHARACTER_OF_CYRUS_THE_YOUNGER">The Character of Cyrus the Younger.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_GREEK_ARMY_IN_THE_SNOWS_OF_ARMENIA">The Greek Army in the Snows of Armenia.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Anabasis." Translated by Watson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_BATTLE_OF_LEUCTRA">The Battle of Leuctra.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book VI of the "Hellenica." Translated by Watson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">IV</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#OF_THE_ARMY_OF_THE_SPARTANS">Of the Army of the Spartans.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the treatise on "The Government of Laced&aelig;mon." Translated by</td></tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>Watson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">V</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#HOW_TO_CHOOSE_AND_MANAGE_SADDLE-HORSES">How to Choose and Manage Saddle Horses.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the treatise on "Horsemanship." Translated by Watson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#PLATO">Plato</a></span>&mdash;(Born about 427 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died in 347.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_IMAGE_OF_THE_CAVE">The Image of the Cave.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Republic." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#GOOD_AND_EVIL">Good and Evil.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Protagoras." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#SOCRATES_IN_PRAISE_OF_LOVE">Socrates in Praise of Love.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_108">108</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">IV</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_PRAISE_OF_SOCRATES_BY_ALCIBIADES">The Praise of Socrates by Alcibiades.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">V</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_REFUSAL_OF_SOCRATES_TO_ESCAPE_FROM_PRISON">The Refusal of Socrates to Escape from Prison.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Crito." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_133">133</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">VI</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_DEATH_OF_SOCRATES">The Death of Socrates.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Ph&aelig;do." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_143">143</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#ARISTOTLE">Aristotle</a></span>&mdash;(Born in 384 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died in 322.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#WHAT_THINGS_ARE_PLEASANT">What Things are Pleasant.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book I of the "Rhetoric." Translated by Buckley)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_LIFE_MOST_DESIRABLE">The Life Most Desirable.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book VII of the "Politics." Translated by Walford)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#IDEAL_HUSBANDS_AND_WIVES">Ideal Husbands and Wives.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book I of the "Economics." Translated by Walford)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">IV</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#HAPPINESS_AS_AN_END_OF_HUMAN_ACTION">Happiness as an End of Human Action.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book X of the "Nicomachean Ethics." Translated by Browne)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#POLYBIUS">Polybius</a></span>&mdash;(Born in 204 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died about 125.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_BATTLE_OF_CANNAE">The Battle of Cann&aelig;.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book IV of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_171">171</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#HANNIBALS_ADVANCE_ON_ROME">Hannibal's Advance on Rome.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book IX of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_178">178</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_DEFENSE_OF_SYRACUSE_BY_ARCHIMEDES">The Defense of Syracuse by Archimedes.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From Book VIII of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#PLUTARCH">Plutarch</a></span>&mdash;(Born about 46 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, died in 125.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#DEMOSTHENES_AND_CICERO_COMPARED">Demosthenes and Cicero Compared.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Lives." Translated by Sir Thomas North)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_190">190</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_ASSASSINATION_OF_CAESAR">The Assassination of C&aelig;sar.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Lives." Translated by North)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_197">197</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#CLEOPATRAS_BARGE">Cleopatra's Barge.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by North)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_207">207</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">IV</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_DEATH_OF_ANTONY_AND_CLEOPATRA">The Death of Antony and Cleopatra.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by North)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#EPICTETUS">Epictetus</a></span>&mdash;(Born about the middle of the first century.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#OF_FREEDOM">Of Freedom.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth Higginson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_223">223</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#OF_FRIENDSHIP">Of Friendship.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Discourses." Translated by Higginson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_229">229</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#THE_PHILOSOPHER_AND_THE_CROWD">The Philosopher and the Crowd.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Discourses." Translated by Higginson)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_235">235</a></td></tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><span class="smcap"><a href="#LUCIAN">Lucian</a></span>&mdash;(Born about 120 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, died about 200.)</td>
+  <td></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">I</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#A_DESCENT_TO_THE_UNKNOWN">A Descent to the Unknown.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From "Menippus." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_237">237</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">II</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#AMONG_THE_PHILOSOPHERS">Among the Philosophers.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Fisher: A Resurrection Piece." Translated by H. W. and F.</td></tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>G. Fowler)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_243">243</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tocch">III</td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td><a href="#OF_LIARS_AND_LYING">Of Liars and Lying.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr><td></td>
+  <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  <td>(From the "Liar." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler)</td><td class="tocpg"><a href="#Page_253">253</a></td></tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="GREECE" id="GREECE"></a>GREECE</h2>
+
+<h4>484 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>&mdash;200 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span></h4>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="HERODOTUS" id="HERODOTUS"></a>HERODOTUS</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born in Asia Minor, probably in 484 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>; died in Italy,
+probably in 424; commonly called the "Father of History";
+assisted in the expulsion of the tyrant Lygdamis from
+Halicarnassus; traveled in Persia, Egypt, and Greece; lived
+afterward in Samos and Athens, settling in Thurii, Italy,
+about 444 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>; his history of the Persian invasion of
+Greece, extending to 479 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, was first printed in Greek by
+Aldus Manutius in 1502, but a Latin version had appeared in
+1474.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="SOLONS_WORDS_OF_WISDOM_TO_CROESUS" id="SOLONS_WORDS_OF_WISDOM_TO_CROESUS"></a>SOLON'S WORDS OF WISDOM TO CR&OElig;SUS<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></h3>
+<p>When all these conquests had been added to the Lydian empire, and the
+prosperity of Sardis<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> was now at its height, there came thither, one
+after another, all the sages of Greece living at the time, and among
+them Solon, the Athenian. He was on his travels, having left Athens to
+be absent ten years, under the pretense of wishing <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>to see the world,
+but really to avoid being forced to repeal any of the laws which at
+the request of the Athenians he had made for them. Without his
+sanction the Athenians could not repeal them, as they had bound
+themselves under a heavy curse to be governed for ten years by the
+laws which should be imposed on them by Solon.</p>
+
+<p>On this account, as well as to see the world, Solon set out upon his
+travels, in the course of which he went to Egypt to the court of
+Amasis,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and also paid a visit to Cr&oelig;sus at Sardis. Cr&oelig;sus
+received him as his guest, and lodged him in the royal palace. On the
+third or fourth day after, he bade his servants conduct Solon over his
+treasuries and show him all their greatness and magnificence. When he
+had seen them all, and so far as time allowed inspected them,
+Cr&oelig;sus addrest this question to him: "Stranger of Athens, we have
+heard much of thy wisdom and of thy travels through many lands, from
+love of knowledge and a wish to see the world. I am curious <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>therefore
+to inquire of thee, whom of all the men that thou hast seen thou
+deemest the most happy?"</p>
+
+<p>This he asked because he thought himself the happiest of mortals; but
+Solon answered him without flattery, according to his true sentiments,
+"Tellus of Athens, sire." Full of astonishment at what he had heard
+Cr&oelig;sus demanded sharply, "And wherefore dost thou deem Tellus
+happiest?" To this the other replied: "First, because his country was
+flourishing in his days, and he himself had sons both beautiful and
+good, and he lived to see children born to each of them, and these
+children all grew up; and further, because after a life spent in what
+our people look upon as comfort, his end was surpassingly glorious. In
+a battle between the Athenians and their neighbors near Eleusis, he
+came to the assistance of his countrymen, routed the foe, and died
+upon the field most gallantly. The Athenians gave him a public funeral
+on the spot where he fell, and paid him the highest honors."</p>
+
+<p>Thus did Solon admonish Cr&oelig;sus by the example of Tellus,
+enumerating the manifold particulars of his happiness. When he had
+ended, Cr&oelig;sus inquired a second time, who after Tellus seemed to
+him the happiest, expecting that at any rate he would be given the
+second place. "Cleobis and Bito," Solon answered: "they were of Argive
+race; their fortune was enough for their wants, and they were besides
+endowed with so much bodily strength that they had both gained prizes
+at the games. Also, this tale is told of them: There was a great
+festival in honor of the goddess Juno at Argos, to which their mother<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
+must needs be taken in a car. Now, the oxen did not come home from the
+field in time; so the youths, fearful of being too late, put the yoke
+on their own necks, and themselves drew the car in which their mother
+rode. Five and forty furlongs did they draw her, and stopt before the
+temple. This deed of theirs was witnessed by the whole assembly of
+worshipers, and then their life closed in the best possible way.
+Herein, too, God showed forth most evidently how much better a thing
+for man death is than life. For the Argive men stood thick around the
+car and extolled the vast strength of the youths; and the Argive women
+extolled the mother who was blest with such a pair of sons; and the
+mother herself, overjoyed at the deed and at the praises it had won,
+standing straight before the image, besought the goddess to bestow on
+Cleobis and Bito, the sons who had so mightily honored her, the
+highest blessing to which mortals can attain. Her prayer ended, they
+offered sacrifice and partook of the holy banquet, after which the two
+youths fell asleep in the temple. They never woke again, but so passed
+from the earth. The Argives, looking on them as among the best of men,
+caused statues of them to be made, which they gave to the shrine at
+Delphi."</p>
+
+<p>When Solon had thus assigned these youths the second place Cr&oelig;sus
+broke in angrily, "What, stranger of Athens! is my happiness then so
+utterly set at naught by thee that thou dost not even put me on a
+level with private men?"</p>
+
+<p>"O Cr&oelig;sus," replied the other, "thou askedst a question concerning
+the condition of man, of one who knows that the Power above us is
+full<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> of jealousy, and fond of troubling our lot. A long life gives
+one to witness much, and experience much oneself, that one would not
+choose. Seventy years I regard as the limit of the life of man. In
+these seventy years are contained, without reckoning intercalary
+months, twenty-five thousand and two hundred days. Add an intercalary
+month to every other year, that the seasons may come round at the
+right time, and there will be, besides the seventy years, thirty-five
+such months, making an addition of one thousand and fifty days. The
+whole number of the days contained in the seventy years will thus be
+twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, whereof not one but will
+produce events unlike the rest. Hence man is wholly accident.</p>
+
+<p>"For thyself, O Cr&oelig;sus, I see that thou art wonderfully rich, and
+art the lord of many nations; but with respect to that whereon thou
+questionest me, I have no answer to give, until I hear that thou hast
+closed thy life happily. For assuredly he who possesses great store of
+riches is no nearer happiness than he who has what suffices for his
+daily needs, unless it so hap that luck attend upon him, and so he
+continue in the enjoyment of all his good things to the end of life.
+For many of the wealthiest men have been unfavored of fortune, and
+many whose means were moderate have had excellent luck. Men of the
+former class excel those of the latter but in two respects; these last
+excel the former in many. The wealthy man is better able to content
+his desires, and to bear up against a sudden buffet of calamity. The
+other has less ability to withstand these evils (from which,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> however,
+his good luck keeps him clear), but he enjoys all these following
+blessings: he is whole of limb, a stranger to disease, free from
+misfortune, happy in his children, and comely to look upon.</p>
+
+<p>"If in addition to all this he ends his life well, he is of a truth
+the man of whom thou art in search, the man who may rightly be termed
+happy. Call him, however, until he die, not happy but fortunate.
+Scarcely indeed can any man unite all these advantages: as there is no
+country which contains within it all that it needs, but each while it
+possesses some things lacks others, and the best country is that which
+contains the most, so no single human being is complete in every
+respect&mdash;something is always lacking. He who unites the greatest
+number of advantages, and retaining them to the day of his death, then
+dies peaceably&mdash;that man alone, sire, is in my judgment entitled to
+bear the name of 'happy.' But in every matter it behooves us to mark
+well the end: for oftentimes God gives men a gleam of happiness, and
+then plunges them into ruin."</p>
+
+<p>Such was the speech which Solon addrest to Cr&oelig;sus, a speech which
+brought him neither largess nor honor. The king with much indifference
+saw Solon depart, since the former thought that a man must be an
+arrant fool who made no account of present good, but bade men always
+wait and mark the end.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Herodotus, at a certain period in his life, came under
+the influence of Pericles and his contemporaries, but it is clear from
+his writings that he received from Attic thought and style little
+definite inspiration. J. P. Mahaffy has likened him to Goldsmith in
+his aloofness from his environment. Often ridiculed by his friends for
+simplicity, Goldsmith far exceeded his clever critics in directness
+and pathos, and thus gained a place in literature which contemporaries
+never dreamed would be his. The narrative of Herodotus, adds Mahaffy,
+gives us more information about the state of the ancient nations and
+their culture than all other Greek historians put together. His
+purpose, as Herodotus himself declares, was to narrate the great
+conflict between the Greeks and barbarians, in order that the causes
+might be known and glorious deeds might not perish. Readers are
+imprest by the perfect ease and mastery with which a great variety of
+subjects are dealt with, his story "advancing with epic grandeur to
+its close." Mahaffy pronounces Herodotus an Ionic story-writer, who
+never became an Attic one&mdash;the chief master of Ionic, as Thucydides
+was of Attic prose.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> From Book I of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. Cr&oelig;sus reigned from 560 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> to 546. The visit of Solon
+was made some time before 559.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The capital of Lydia, in Asia Minor, and a flourishing
+city in the time of Cr&oelig;sus. It was several times destroyed, the
+last time by Tamerlane. Its site is now a village.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Amasis came to the Egyptian throne in 569 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and
+reigned 44 years.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+<h3><a name="BABYLON_AND_ITS_CAPTURE_BY_CYRUS" id="BABYLON_AND_ITS_CAPTURE_BY_CYRUS"></a>BABYLON AND ITS CAPTURE BY CYRUS<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></h3>
+<h4>(538 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>Assyria contains many large cities; but of these Babylon, to which,
+after the destruction of Nineveh, the seat of government was removed,
+is by far the most renowned and the most strongly fortified. Babylon
+is situated in an extensive plain. Each side of the city, which forms
+a square, measures one hundred and twenty stadia (about fourteen
+miles), making the entire circuit of the city four hundred and eighty
+stadia&mdash;such is the magnitude of this city Babylon! and in
+magnificence also it surpassed every city of which we have any
+knowledge. It is surrounded by a trench, deep, wide, and full of
+water. Within this is a wall, the width of which is fifty royal
+cubits, and its height two hundred cubits.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The royal cubit exceeds
+the common measure by three fingers' breadth.</p>
+
+<p>It is proper I should say in what manner the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>earth removed from the
+trench was disposed of, and how the wall was constructed. The earth,
+as fast as it was removed from the trench, was converted into bricks
+and baked in furnaces: when thus prepared, melted bitumen was used
+instead of mortar; and between every thirtieth course of bricks there
+was inserted a layer of reeds. The sides of the trench were first
+lined with brickwork, and then the wall raised in the manner
+described. On the upper edges of the wall, and opposite to one
+another, were constructed turrets; between these turrets a space was
+left wide enough for a chariot and four horses to pass and turn. In
+the walls were one hundred gates, all of brass, with posts and upper
+lintels of the same. Eight days' journey from Babylon is a city named
+Is, near which runs a small river of the same name, discharging itself
+into the Euphrates; this river brings down with its waters clots of
+bitumen in large quantities. From this source was derived the bitumen
+used in cementing the walls of Babylon.</p>
+
+<p>Such are the fortifications of Babylon. The city is divided into two
+portions by the river Euphrates, which runs through the midst of it.
+This river rises in Armenia, and throughout its course is wide, deep,
+and swift; it empties itself into the Red sea.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Each of the city
+walls is extended to the river, where it makes an angle, and, with a
+coating of burnt bricks, lines the sides of the river. The city is
+filled with houses of three or four stories, forming streets in
+straight lines, and running parallel with one another, the cross
+streets opening upon the river <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>through as many smaller brazen gates,
+placed in the breastwork of the river walls. Within the principal wall
+just mentioned is a second, not much inferior to the first in
+strength, tho less in width.</p>
+
+<p>In the center of each portion of the city is an enclosed space&mdash;the
+one occupied by the royal palace, a building of vast extent and great
+strength; in the other stands the temple of Jupiter Belus, with its
+brazen gates, remaining in my time: it is a square structure; each
+side measures two stadia. Within the enclosure is erected a solid
+tower, measuring a stadium both in width and depth; upon this tower is
+raised another, and then another, and another, making eight in all.
+The ascent is by a path which is formed on the outside of the towers;
+midway in the ascent is a resting-place, furnished with easy chairs,
+in which those who ascend repose themselves. On the summit of the
+topmost tower stands a large temple; and in this temple is a great
+couch, handsomely fitted up; and near it stands a golden table: no
+statue whatever is erected in the temple, nor does any man ever pass
+the night there; but a woman only, chosen from the people by the god,
+as the Chaldeans, who are the priests of the temple affirm. The same
+persons say&mdash;tho I give no credit to the story&mdash;that the god himself
+comes to the temple and reposes on the bed, in like manner as at
+Thebes in Egypt, where also, in the temple of Jupiter, a woman passes
+the night. A similar custom is observed at Pataris, in Lycia, where
+there is at times an oracle, on which occasions the priestess is shut
+up by night in the temple.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Within the precincts of the temple at Babylon there is a smaller
+sacred edifice on the ground, containing an immense golden statue of
+Jupiter in a sitting posture: around the statue are large tables,
+which, with the steps and throne, are all of gold, and, as the
+Chaldeans affirm, contain eight hundred talents of gold. Without this
+edifice is a golden altar; there is also another altar of great size,
+on which are offered full-grown animals: upon the golden altar it is
+not lawful to offer sacrifices except sucklings. Once in every year,
+when the festival of this god is celebrated, the Chaldeans burn upon
+the greater altar a thousand talents of frankincense. There was also,
+not long since, in this sacred enclosure a statue of solid gold,
+twelve cubits in height; at least so the Chaldeans affirm: I did not
+myself see it. This figure Darius Hystaspes would fain have taken, but
+dared not execute his wishes; however, his son Xerxes not only took
+it, but put to death the priests who endeavored to prevent its
+removal. Such was the magnificence of this temple, which contained
+also many private offerings.</p>
+
+<p>Of this Babylon there were several monarchs&mdash;as I shall mention in my
+history of the Assyrians&mdash;who adorned the city and its temples. Among
+these, two young women must be mentioned. The former, named
+Semiramis,<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> reigned five generations before the latter. This queen
+raised an embankment worthy of admiration through the plain to confine
+the river, which heretofore often spread over the level like a lake.
+The latter of these <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>two queens, named Nitocris,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> excelled the
+former in intelligence: she left monuments, some of which I must
+describe. Seeing the Medes already possest of extensive empire, and
+restlessly extending their power, by taking city after city, among
+which was Nineveh, she resolved in good time to secure herself against
+them in the best manner possible. In the first place, therefore, as
+the river Euphrates ran in a straight course through the city, she
+formed excavations at a distance above it, by which means its course
+became so tortuous that it three times passed a certain town of
+Assyria, called Ardericca; travelers from our sea,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> in descending
+the Euphrates toward Babylon, three times arrive at that town in the
+course of three days. She also raised both banks of the river to an
+amazing height and thickness. At some distance above Babylon, and near
+the river, she dug a reservoir in the marsh, of such depth as to drain
+it. The width of this excavation was such as to make its circuit four
+hundred and twenty stadia. The earth removed from it was taken to
+raise the banks of the river; this done, she brought stones, with
+which the sides of the lake were lined. Both these works&mdash;the
+diverting of the river and the reservoir&mdash;were formed with the
+intention of rendering the current less rapid by its many windings,
+which broke its force, and at the same time made the navigation more
+circuitous; so that <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>those who descended toward Babylon by water might
+have to make a long circuit around the lake. These works were
+effective on that side which was exposed to the inroads of the Medes,
+and where the distance between her dominions and theirs was the least;
+for she wished to cut off all communication with them, and to keep
+them in ignorance of her movements.</p>
+
+<p>Thus did this princess raise from the depths a fortification, within
+which she was included. The city being divided into two portions by
+the river in former times, whoever wished to pass from one to the
+other was obliged to take a boat, which manifestly was a great
+inconvenience. This defect she supplied. When she had dug the lake in
+the marsh, she availed herself of the occasion to construct another
+monument also, by which her fame will be perpetuated. She caused
+stones of great magnitude to be hewn, and when they were ready, the
+lake being empty, she turned the waters of the Euphrates into it;
+which, as it filled, left the old channel dry. Then she lined both
+sides of the river and the descent from the gates with burnt bricks,
+in like manner as the city walls; and with the stones already
+mentioned she constructed, as near the middle of the city as possible,
+a bridge, binding the stones together with iron and lead. During the
+day, planks of wood were extended from pier to pier, so as to form a
+pathway; these were withdrawn at night, to prevent the people from
+passing over to plunder one another. This bridge was, as we have said,
+formed by withdrawing the water of the Euphrates into the artificial
+lake; when completed, the river was restored to its ancient chan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>nel;
+the propriety of this mode of proceeding then become apparent, by
+means of which the citizens obtained the accommodation of a bridge.</p>
+
+<p>The same queen also executed the following machination: she
+constructed for herself a tomb, aloft upon a gate in one of the most
+frequented ways of the city; upon the sepulcher she engraved this
+inscription: "If any one of my successors, the kings of Babylon, shall
+lack money, let him open the sepulcher, and take what treasures he
+pleases. But let him beware of opening it from any other cause than
+necessity; for in such a case it shall not turn to his advantage."
+This sepulcher remained undisturbed till Darius ascended the throne.
+To this king it seemed a grievance both that this gate should remain
+useless, and that the wealth deposited in it, and which invited
+research, should not be appropriated. The gate was not used, because
+no one could pass through it without having a dead body over his head.
+He therefore opened the tomb, in which he found&mdash;of treasures indeed
+nothing, but the corpse, and an inscription to this effect: "If thou
+hadst not been insatiably eager for riches, and greedy of filthy
+lucre, thou wouldst not have opened the depository of the dead." So
+much for this queen and the reports that have been handed down
+concerning her.</p>
+
+<p>It was against the son of this woman that Cyrus made war; he was named
+(like his father) Labynetus, and reigned over the Assyrians. When the
+Great King<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> goes out to battle, he is attended by ample provisions
+and cattle drawn from the home stock; and even water from the
+Choaspian <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>spring at Susa,<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> of which alone the king drinks, is
+carried about for his use; for he can taste no other stream. This
+Choaspian water, after having been boiled, is put into vases of
+silver, which are transported in four-wheeled wagons drawn by mules,
+following him wherever he goes.</p>
+
+<p>Cyrus advancing toward Babylon arrived at the river Gyndes, which,
+rising in the Matienian hills and running through the country of the
+Dardanians (or Darnians), empties itself into the Tigris; and this
+river, passing by the city Opis, discharges its waters into the Red
+Sea.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> When Cyrus attempted to pass this river Gyndes, which could
+only be done by boats, one of the white horses called sacred, full of
+mettle, plunged into the stream and endeavored to reach the opposite
+bank; but, being submerged in the current, it was carried away. Cyrus,
+enraged at the river for this injury, threatened to reduce it so low
+that in future women should ford it with ease, not wetting their
+knees. Having uttered this threat, he delayed the progress of his army
+toward Babylon, and, dividing his forces into two bodies, measured out
+one hundred and eighty channels to be cut from both banks of the
+river, thus diverting the Gyndes on all sides. He enjoined upon his
+army the work of digging these trenches, and by their numbers they
+completed it; but the whole summer was spent there in the labor.</p>
+
+<p>Cyrus having in this manner punished the river Gyndes, by distributing
+its waters into three hundred and sixty trenches, as soon as the next
+spring <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>appeared, advanced toward Babylon. The Babylonians, coming out
+in battle-array, waited his approach; when he drew nigh to the city
+they engaged him, but, being defeated, retired within the walls. Some
+time before, well knowing the restless intentions of Cyrus, and seeing
+him attack one nation after another, they had brought into the city an
+abundance of corn for many years. They therefore disregarded the
+siege. But Cyrus, beset with difficulties, saw a long time pass away
+without his making any progress toward the accomplishment of his
+object.</p>
+
+<p>At length, either at the suggestion of some one else or from a thought
+of his own, he resorted to the following means: He disposed the whole
+of his army, by placing one part above the city, where the river
+enters it, and another part below, where it makes its exit, commanding
+them as soon as they should perceive the river to be sufficiently
+shallow to enter by that way. This order being given, he himself went
+off with the inferior troops of the army. Arriving at the lake, he did
+what had been done before by the queen of Babylon in the marsh; for,
+by making a trench from the river to the empty reservoir, he diverted
+the water from the ancient channel, till it so far subsided as to
+become fordable.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as this happened, the Persians who had been appointed for this
+purpose entered Babylon by the bed of the river, the water of which
+was little more than knee-deep. If the Babylonians had been before
+apprized of the intentions of Cyrus, or if they had learned at the
+moment what he was doing, they would not have suffered the Persians to
+enter the city, nor would the Babylonians have perished so
+shamefully; for if they had closed all the gates by the river's side,
+and ascended the walls which ran along it, they might have taken the
+Persians as in a net. But the Persians came upon their opponents quite
+unexpectedly; and from the great extent of the city&mdash;as it has been
+affirmed by some of the inhabitants&mdash;those who dwelt in the outskirts
+of the city were made prisoners before the people in the center of
+Babylon knew that the place was taken. But, as it happened, they were
+celebrating a festival, and were dancing and feasting when they
+learned what had happened. Thus was Babylon the first time taken.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> From Book I of the "History." Translated by Isaac Taylor.
+Cyrus, after capturing Babylon, did not destroy it; it was Darius
+Hystaspes who razed its walls and towers. Darius Hystaspes was the
+father of that Darius who succeeded to the Persian throne after the
+failure of male heirs to Cyrus. Xerxes carried further the work of
+destruction at Babylon. Its permanent decay was accelerated still more
+by the founding, in its neighborhood, of Seleucia in 300 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> In the
+time of Pliny it had become a dismal and silent place.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Equivalents in English feet for these measurements have
+been estimated as eighty-five feet for the width and three hundred and
+thirty-five feet for the height.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Now called the Persian Gulf.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Semiramis is regarded by modern antiquarians as a
+fabulous personage. By some of them she has been identified with the
+goddess Astarte.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Antiquarians have great doubts as to the identity of this
+queen. By some she is thought to have been the wife of Nebuchadnezzar,
+who began to reign in 604 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and the mother or grandmother of
+Belshazzar, the last of the kings of Babylon.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> That is, from the sea which encircled Greece.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Herodotus means by this the King of Persia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Susa was the capital of Susiana, a country lying at the
+head of the Persian Gulf.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Here again for Red Sea we must read Persian Gulf.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span></p>
+<h2>III</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_PYRAMID_OF_CHEOPS" id="THE_PYRAMID_OF_CHEOPS"></a>THE PYRAMID OF CHEOPS<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Till the death of Rhampsinitus, the priests said, Egypt was
+excellently governed, and flourished greatly; but after him Cheops
+succeeded to the throne, and plunged into all manner of wickedness. He
+closed the temples and forbade the Egyptians to offer sacrifice,
+compelling them instead to labor, one and all, in his service. Some
+were required to drag blocks of stone down to the Nile from the
+quarries in the Arabian range of hills; others received the blocks
+after they had been conveyed in boats across the river, and drew them
+to the range of hills called the Libyan. A <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>hundred thousand men
+labored constantly, and were relieved every three months by a fresh
+lot. It took ten years' oppression of the people to make the causeway
+for the conveyance of the stones, a work not much inferior, in my
+judgment, to the pyramid itself. This causeway is five furlongs in
+length, ten fathoms wide, and in height, at the highest part, eight
+fathoms. It is built of polished stone, and is covered with carvings
+of animals. To make it took ten years, as I said&mdash;or rather to make
+the causeway, the works on the mound where the pyramid stands, and the
+underground chambers, which Cheops intended as vaults for his own use;
+these last were built on a sort of island, surrounded by water
+introduced from the Nile by a canal. The pyramid itself was twenty
+years in building. It is a square, eight hundred feet each way, and
+the height the game, built entirely of polished stone, fitted together
+with the utmost care. The stones of which it is composed are none of
+them less than thirty feet in length.</p>
+
+<p>The pyramid was built in steps, battlement-wise, as it is called, or,
+according to others, altar-wise. After laying the stones for the base,
+they raised the remaining stones to their places by means of machines
+formed of short wooden planks. The first machine raised them from the
+ground to the top of the first step. On this there was another
+machine, which received the stone upon its arrival, and conveyed it to
+the second step, whence a third machine advanced it still higher.
+Either they had as many machines as there were steps in the pyramid or
+possibly they had but a single machine, which, being easily moved,
+was transferred from tier to tier as the stone rose&mdash;both accounts are
+given, and therefore I mention both. The upper portion of the pyramid
+was finished first, then the middle, and finally the part which was
+lowest and nearest the ground. There is an inscription in Egyptian
+characters on the pyramid which records the quantity of radishes,
+onions, and garlic consumed by the laborers who constructed it; and I
+perfectly well remember that the interpreter who read the writing to
+me said that the money expended in this way was 1,600 talents of
+silver. If this then is a true record, what a vast sum must have been
+spent on the iron tools used in the work, and on the feeding and
+clothing of the laborers, considering the length of time the work
+lasted, which has already been stated, and the additional time&mdash;no
+small space, I imagine&mdash;which must have been occupied by the quarrying
+of the stones, their conveyance, and the formation of the underground
+apartments!</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> From Book II of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. The Pyramid of Cheops was built about 3,500 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> Cheops,
+according to Herodotus, reigned fifty years.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span></p>
+<h2>IV</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_STORY_OF_PERIANDERS_SON" id="THE_STORY_OF_PERIANDERS_SON"></a>THE STORY OF PERIANDER'S SON<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></h3>
+
+<p>After Periander had put to death his wife Melissa, it chanced that on
+his first affliction a second followed of a different kind. His wife
+had borne him two sons, and one of them had <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>now reached the age of
+seventeen, the other of eighteen years, when their mother's father,
+Procles, tyrant of Epidaurus,<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> asked them to his court. They went,
+and Procles treated them with much kindness, as was natural,
+considering they were his own daughter's children. At length, when the
+time for parting came, Procles as he was sending them on their way
+said, "Know you now, my children, who it was that caused your mother's
+death?" The elder son took no account of this speech, but the younger,
+whose name was Lycophron, was sorely troubled at it&mdash;so much so that
+when he got back to Corinth, looking upon his father as his mother's
+murderer, he would neither speak to him nor answer when spoken to nor
+utter a word in reply to all his father's questionings. So Periander,
+at last growing furious at such behavior, banished his son from his
+house.</p>
+
+<p>The younger son gone, he turned to the elder and asked him what it was
+that their grandfather had said to them. Then the son related in how
+kind and friendly a fashion the grandfather had received them; but,
+not having taken any notice of the speech which Procles had uttered at
+parting, he quite forgot to mention it. Periander insisted that it was
+not possible this should be all&mdash;their grandfather must have given
+them some hint or other&mdash;and he went on pressing his son till at last
+he remembered the parting speech and told it. Periander, after he had
+turned the whole matter over in his thoughts and felt unwilling to
+give way at all, sent a messenger to the persons who had opened their
+houses to his outcast <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>son and forbade them to harbor him. Then the
+boy, when he had been driven from one friend, sought refuge with
+another, but was forced from shelter to shelter by the threats of his
+father, who menaced all those that took him in, and commanded them to
+shut their doors against him. Still, as fast as he was forced to leave
+one house he went to another, and was received by the inmates; for his
+acquaintances, altho in no small alarm, yet gave him shelter, as he
+was Periander's son.</p>
+
+<p>At last Periander made proclamation that whoever harbored his son, or
+even spoke to him, should forfeit a certain sum of money to Apollo. On
+hearing this no one any longer liked to take him in, or even to hold
+converse with him, and he himself did not think it right to seek to do
+what was forbidden; so, abiding by his resolve, he made his lodging in
+the public porticoes. When four days had passed in this way,
+Periander, seeing how wretched his son was, that he neither washed nor
+took any food, felt moved with compassion toward him; wherefore,
+foregoing his anger, he approached the lad, and said, "Which is
+better, oh, my son, to fare as now thou farest or to receive my crown
+and all the good things that I possess, on the one condition of
+submitting thyself to thy father? See, now, tho my own child, and lord
+of this wealthy Corinth, thou hast brought thyself to a beggar's life,
+because thou must resist and treat with anger him whom it least
+behooves thee to oppose. If there has been a calamity, and thou
+bearest me ill will on that account, bethink thee that I too feel it,
+and am the greater sufferer, inasmuch<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> as it was by me that the deed
+was done. For thyself, now that thou knowest how much better a thing
+it is to be envied than pitied, and how dangerous it is to indulge
+anger against parents and superiors, come back with me to thy home."
+With such words as these did Periander chide his son; but the latter
+made no reply except to remind his father that he was indebted to the
+god in the penalty for coming and holding converse with him. Then
+Periander knew there was no cure for the youth's malady, nor means of
+overcoming it; so he prepared a ship and sent him away out of his
+sight to Corcyra,<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> which island at that time belonged to him. As
+for Procles, Periander, regarding him as the true author of all his
+present troubles, went to war with him as soon as his son was gone,
+and not only made himself master of his kingdom, Epidaurus, but also
+took Procles himself, and carried him into captivity.</p>
+
+<p>As time went on, and Periander came to be old, he found himself no
+longer equal to the oversight and management of affairs. Seeing
+therefore in his elder son no manner of ability, but knowing him to be
+dull and blockish, he sent to Corcyra and recalled Lycophron to take
+the kingdom. Lycophron, however, did not even deign to ask the bearer
+of this message a question. But Periander's heart was set upon the
+youth, so he sent again to him, this time by his own daughter, the
+sister of Lycophron, who would, he thought, have more power to
+persuade him than any other person. Then the daughter, when she <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>had
+reached Corcyra, spoke thus with her brother: "Dost thou wish the
+kingdom, brother, to pass into strange hands, and our father's wealth
+to be made a prey rather than thyself return to enjoy it? Come back
+home with me, and cease to punish thyself. It is scant gain, this
+obstinacy. Why seek to cure evil by evil? Mercy, remember, is by many
+set above justice. Many, also while pushing their mother's claims have
+forfeited their father's fortune. Power is a slippery thing&mdash;it has
+many suitors; and he is old and stricken in years&mdash;let not thy own
+inheritance go to another."</p>
+
+<p>Thus did the sister, who had been tutored by Periander what to say,
+urge all the arguments most likely to have weight with her brother.
+He, however, made answer that so long as he knew his father to be
+still alive, he would never go back to Corinth. When the sister
+brought Periander this reply, he sent to his son a third time by a
+herald, and said he would come himself to Corcyra, and let his son
+take his place at Corinth, as heir to his kingdom. To these terms
+Lycophron agreed; and Periander was making ready to pass into Corcyra
+and his son to return to Corinth, when the Corcyreans, being informed
+of what was taking place, to keep Periander away, put the young man to
+death. For this reason it was that Periander took vengeance on the
+Corcyreans.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> From Book III of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. Periander was tyrant of Corinth, succeeding to power about
+625 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> He is believed to have reigned forty years.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> A city on the coast of Argolis, one of the states of
+southern Greece.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Now known as Corfu, an island lying off the western
+coast of Greece, adjacent to Epirus.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="THUCYDIDES" id="THUCYDIDES"></a>THUCYDIDES</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born in Athens about 471 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>; died about 401; celebrated as
+a historian; claimed blood relationship with Miltiades and
+Cimon; possest an ample fortune; in 424 commanded an
+expedition against Brasidas, but failing in it went into
+exile, returning to Athens twenty years later; did not live
+to finish his "History of the Peloponnesian War," the
+narrative ending seven years before the war closed; the
+Greek text first printed by Aldus at Venice in 1502.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p></div>
+
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_ATHENIANS_AND_SPARTANS_CONTRASTED" id="THE_ATHENIANS_AND_SPARTANS_CONTRASTED"></a>THE ATHENIANS AND SPARTANS CONTRASTED<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Such were the causes of ill feeling which at this time existed between
+the Athenians and Peloponnesians;<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> the Corinthians complaining that
+the Athenians were blockading their colony of Potid&aelig;a, which was
+occupied by a Corinthian and Peloponnesian garrison; the Athenians
+rejoining that the Peloponnesians had excited to revolt a state which
+was an ally and tributary of theirs, and that they had now openly
+joined the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>Potid&aelig;ans, and were fighting on their side. The
+Peloponnesian war, however, had not yet broken out; the peace still
+continued; for thus far the Corinthians had acted alone.</p>
+
+<p>But now, seeing Potid&aelig;a<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> besieged, they bestirred themselves in
+earnest. Corinthian troops were shut up within the walls, and they
+were afraid of losing the town; so without delay they invited the
+allies to meet at Sparta. There they inveighed against the Athenians,
+whom they affirmed to have broken the treaty and to have wronged the
+Peloponnesians.... The Megarians alleged, among other grounds of
+complaint, that they were excluded from all harbors within the
+Athenian dominion and from the Athenian market, contrary to the
+treaty. The Corinthians waited until the other allies had <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>stirred up
+the Laced&aelig;monians; at length they came forward, and, last of all,
+spoke as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"The spirit of trust, Laced&aelig;monians, which animates your own political
+and social life makes you distrust others who, like ourselves, have
+something unpleasant to say, and this temper of mind, tho favorable to
+moderation, too often leaves you in ignorance of what is going on
+outside your own country. Time after time we have warned you of the
+mischief which the Athenians would do to us, but instead of taking our
+words to heart, you chose to suspect that we spoke only from
+interested motives. And this is the reason why you have brought the
+allies to Sparta, too late, not before but after the injury has been
+inflicted, and when they are smarting under the sense of it. Which of
+them all has a better right to speak than ourselves, who have the
+heaviest accusations to make, outraged as we are by the Athenians, and
+neglected by you? If the crimes which they are committing against
+Hellas were being done in a corner, then you might be ignorant, and we
+should have to inform you of them; but now, what need of many words?
+Some of us, as you see, have been already enslaved; they are at this
+moment intriguing against others, notably against allies of ours; and
+long ago they had made all their preparations in expectation of war.
+Else why did they seduce from her allegiance Corcyra, which they still
+hold in defiance of us, and why are they blockading Potid&aelig;a, the
+latter a most advantageous post for the command of the Thracian
+peninsula, the former a great naval power which might have assisted
+the Peloponnesians?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"And the blame of all this rests on you; for you originally allowed
+them to fortify their city after the Persian war, and afterward to
+build their Long Walls;<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> and to this hour you have gone on
+defrauding of liberty their unfortunate subjects, and are now
+beginning to take it away from your own allies. For the true enslaver
+of a people is he who can put an end to their slavery, but has no care
+about it; and all the more, if he be reputed the champion of liberty
+in Hellas. And so we have met at last, but with what difficulty! and
+even now we have no definite object. By this time we ought to have
+been considering, not whether we are wronged, but how we are to be
+revenged. The aggressor is not now threatening, but advancing; he has
+made up his mind, while we are resolved about nothing. And we know too
+well how by slow degrees and with stealthy steps the Athenians
+encroach upon their neighbors. While they think that you are too dull
+to observe them, they are more careful; but, when they know that you
+wilfully overlook their aggressions, they will strike you and not
+spare. Of all Hellenes, Laced&aelig;monians, you are the only people who
+never do anything; on the approach of an enemy, you are content to
+defend yourselves against him, not by acts, but by intentions, and
+seek to overthrow him, not in the infancy but in the fulness of his
+strength. How <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>came you to be considered safe? That reputation of
+yours was never justified by facts. We all know that the Persian made
+his way from the ends of the earth against Peloponnesus before you
+encountered him in a worthy manner; and now you are blind to the
+doings of the Athenians, who are not at a distance, as he was, but
+close at hand. Instead of attacking your enemy, you wait to be
+attacked, and take the chances of a struggle which has been deferred
+until his power is doubled. And you know that the barbarian miscarried
+chiefly through his own errors, and that we have oftener been
+delivered from these very Athenians by blunders of their own than by
+any aid from you. Some have already been ruined by the hopes which you
+inspired in them; for so entirely did they trust you that they took no
+precautions themselves. These things we say in no accusing or hostile
+spirit&mdash;let that be understood&mdash;but by way of expostulation. For men
+expostulate with erring friends; they bring accusations against
+enemies who have done them a wrong.</p>
+
+<p>"And surely we have a right to find fault with our neighbors if any
+one ever had. There are important interests at stake to which, as far
+as we can see, you are insensible. And you have never considered what
+manner of men are these Athenians with whom you will have to fight,
+and how utterly unlike yourselves. They are revolutionary, equally
+quick in the conception and in the execution of every new plan; while
+you are conservative&mdash;careful only to keep what you have, originating
+nothing, and not acting even when action is most necessary. They are
+bold beyond<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> their strength; they run risks which prudence would
+condemn; and in the midst of misfortune they are full of hope. Whereas
+it is your nature, tho strong, to act feebly; when your plans are most
+prudent, to distrust them; and when calamities come upon you, to think
+that you will never be delivered from them. They are impetuous, and
+you are dilatory; they are always abroad, and you are always at home.
+For they hope to gain something by leaving their homes; but you are
+afraid that any new enterprise may imperil what you have already. When
+conquerors, they pursue their victory to the utmost; when defeated,
+they fall back the least. Their bodies they devote to their country as
+tho they belonged to other men; their true self is in their mind,
+which is most truly their own when employed in her service. When they
+do not carry out an intention which they have formed, they seem to
+have sustained a personal bereavement; when an enterprise succeeds,
+they have gained a mere instalment of what is to come; but if they
+fail, they at once conceive new hopes and so fill up the void. With
+them alone to hope is to have, for they lose not a moment in the
+execution of an idea. This is the lifelong task, full of danger and
+toil, which they are always imposing upon themselves. None enjoy their
+good things less, because they are always seeking for more. To do
+their duty is their only holiday, and they deem the quiet of inaction
+to be as disagreeable as the most tiresome business. If a man should
+say to them, in a word, that they were born neither to have peace
+themselves nor to allow peace to other men, he would simply speak the
+truth.</p>
+
+<p>"In the face of such an enemy, Laced&aelig;monians,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span> you persist in doing
+nothing. You do not see that peace is best secured by those who use
+their strength justly, but whose attitude shows that they have no
+intention of submitting to wrong. Justice with you seems to consist in
+giving no annoyance to others and in defending yourselves only against
+positive injury. But this policy would hardly be successful, even if
+your neighbors were like yourselves; and in the present case, as we
+pointed out just now, your ways compared with theirs are
+old-fashioned. And, as in the arts, so also in politics, the new must
+always prevail over the old. In settled times the traditions of
+government should be observed; but when circumstances are changing and
+men are compelled to meet them, much originality is required.</p>
+
+<p>"The Athenians have had a wider experience, and therefore the
+administration of their state has improved faster than yours. But here
+let your procrastination end; send an army at once into Attica and
+assist your allies, especially the Potid&aelig;ans, to whom your word is
+pledged. Do not allow friends and kindred to fall into the hands of
+their worst enemies, or drive us in despair to seek the alliance of
+others; in taking such a course we should be doing wrong either before
+the gods who are witnesses of our oaths or before men whose eyes are
+upon us. For the true breakers of treaties are not only those who,
+when forsaken, turn to others, but those who forsake allies whom they
+have sworn to defend. We will remain your friends if you choose to
+bestir yourselves; for we should be guilty of an impiety if we
+deserted you without cause; and we shall not easily find allies
+equally congenial to us. Take heed then;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> you have inherited from your
+fathers the leadership of Peloponnesus; see that her greatness suffers
+no diminution at your hands."</p>
+
+<p>Thus spake the Corinthians. Now there happened to be staying at
+Laced&aelig;mon an Athenian embassy which had come on other business, and
+when the envoys heard what the Corinthians had said, they felt bound
+to go before the Laced&aelig;monian assembly, not with the views of
+answering the accusations brought against them by the cities, but they
+wanted to put before the Laced&aelig;monians the whole question, and make
+them understand that they should take time to deliberate and not be
+rash. They desired also to set forth the greatness of their city,
+reminding the elder men of what they knew, and informing the younger
+of what lay beyond their experience. They thought that their words
+would sway the Laced&aelig;monians in the direction of peace. So they came
+and said that, if they might be allowed, they too would like to
+address the people. The Laced&aelig;monians invited them to come forward,
+and they spoke as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"We were not sent here to argue with your allies, but on a special
+mission; observing, however, that no small outcry has arisen against
+us, we have come forward, not to answer the accusations which they
+bring (for you are not judges before whom either we or they have to
+plead), but to prevent you from lending too ready an ear to their bad
+advice and so deciding wrongly about a very serious question. We
+propose also, in reply to the wider charges which are raised against
+us, to show that what we have acquired we hold rightfully.</p>
+
+<p>"Of the ancient deeds handed down by tradition and which no eye of any
+one who hears us<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> ever saw, why should we speak? But of the Persian
+war, and other events which you yourselves remember, speak we must,
+altho we have brought them forward so often that the repetition of
+them is disagreeable to us. When we faced those perils we did so for
+the common benefit; in the solid good you shared, and of the glory,
+whatever good there may be in that, we would not be wholly deprived.
+Our words are not designed to deprecate hostility, but to set forth in
+evidence the character of the city with which, unless you are very
+careful, you will soon be involved in war. We tell you that we, first
+and alone, dared to engage with the barbarian at Marathon,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> and
+that, when he came again, being too weak to defend ourselves by land,
+we and our whole people embarked on shipboard and shared with the
+other Hellenes in the victory of Salamis.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Thereby he was prevented
+from sailing to the Peloponnesus and ravaging city after city; for
+against so mighty a fleet how could you have helped one another? He
+himself is the best witness of our words; for when he was once
+defeated at sea, he felt that his power was gone and quickly retreated
+with the greater part of his army.</p>
+
+<p>"The event proved undeniably that the fate of Hellas depended on her
+navy. And the three chief elements of success were contributed by us;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>namely, the greatest number of ships, the ablest general, the most
+devoted patriotism. The ships in all numbered four hundred, and of
+these, our own contingent amounted to nearly two-thirds. To the
+influence of Themistocles, our general, it was chiefly due that we
+fought in the strait, which was confessedly our salvation; and for
+this service you yourselves honored him above any stranger who ever
+visited you. Thirdly, we displayed the most extraordinary courage and
+devotion; there was no one to help us by land; for up to our frontier
+those who lay in the enemy's path were already slaves; so we
+determined to leave our city and sacrifice our homes. Even in that
+extremity we did not choose to desert the cause of the allies who
+still resisted, and by dispersing ourselves to become useless to them;
+but we embarked and fought, taking no offense at your failure to
+assist us sooner. We maintain then that we rendered you a service at
+least as great as you rendered us. The cities from which you came to
+help us were still inhabited and you might hope to return to them;
+your concern was for yourselves and not for us; at any rate, you
+remained at a distance while we had anything to lose. But we went
+forth from a city which was no more, and fought for one of which there
+was small hope; and yet we saved ourselves, and bore our part in
+saving you. If, in order to preserve our land, like other states, we
+had gone over to the Persians at first, or afterward had not ventured
+to embark because our ruin was already complete, it would have been
+useless for you with your weak navy to fight at sea, but everything
+would have gone quietly just as the Persian desired.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"Considering, Laced&aelig;monians, the energy and sagacity which we then
+displayed, do we deserve to be so bitterly hated by the other Hellenes
+merely because we have an empire? That empire was not acquired by
+force; but you would not stay and make an end of the barbarian, and
+the allies came of their own accord and asked us to be their leaders.
+The subsequent development of our power was originally forced upon us
+by circumstances; fear was our first motive; afterward ambition, and
+then interest stept in. And when we had incurred the hatred of most of
+our allies, when some of them had already revolted and been
+subjugated, and you were no longer the friends to us which you once
+had been, but suspicious and ill-disposed, how could we without great
+risk relax our hold? For the cities as fast as they fell away from us
+would have gone over to you. And no man is to be reproached who seizes
+every possible advantage when the danger is so great.</p>
+
+<p>"At all events, Laced&aelig;monians, we may retort that you, in the exercise
+of your supremacy, manage the cities of Peloponnesus to suit your own
+views, and that if you, and not we, had persevered in the command of
+the allies long enough to be hated, you would have been quite as
+intolerable to them as we are, and would have been compelled, for the
+sake of your own safety, to rule with a strong hand. An empire was
+offered to us: can you wonder that, acting as human nature always
+will, we accepted it, and refused to give it up again, constrained by
+three all powerful motives, ambition, fear, interest? We are not the
+first who have aspired to rule; the world has ever held that the
+weaker must be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> kept down by the stronger. And we think that we are
+worthy of power; and there was a time when you thought so too; but now
+when you mean expediency you talk about justice. Did justice ever
+deter any one from taking by force whatever he could? Men who indulge
+the natural ambition of empire deserve credit if they are in any
+degree more careful of justice than they need be. How moderate we are
+would speedily appear if others took our place; indeed, our very
+moderation, which should be our glory, has been unjustly converted
+into a reproach.</p>
+
+<p>"For because in our suits with our allies, regulated by treaty, we do
+not even stand upon our rights, but have instituted the practise of
+deciding them at Athens and by Athenian law, we are supposed to be
+litigious. None of our opponents observes why others, who exercise
+dominion elsewhere and are less moderate than we are in their dealings
+with their subjects, escape this reproach. Why is it? Because men who
+practise violence have no longer any need of law. But we are in the
+habit of meeting our allies on terms of equality, and, therefore, if
+through some legal decision of ours, or exercise of our imperial
+power, contrary to their own ideas of right, they suffer ever so
+little, they are not grateful for our moderation in leaving them so
+much, but are far more offended at their trifling loss than if we had
+from the first plundered them in the face of day, laying aside all
+thought of law. For then they would themselves have admitted that the
+weaker must give way to the stronger. Mankind resents injustice more
+than violence, because the one seems to be an unfair advantage taken
+by an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> equal, the other is the irresistible force of a superior. They
+were patient under the yoke of the Persian, who inflicted on them far
+more grievous wrongs; but now our dominion is odious in their eyes.
+And no wonder: the ruler of the day is always detested by his
+subjects. And should your empire supplant ours, may not you lose the
+good-will which you owe to the fear of us? Lose it you certainly will,
+if you mean again to exhibit the temper of which you gave a specimen
+when, for a short time, you led the confederacy against the Persian.
+For the institutions under which you live are incompatible with those
+of foreign states; and further, when any of you goes abroad, he
+respects neither these nor any other Hellenic laws.</p>
+
+<p>"Do not then be hasty in deciding a question which is serious; and do
+not, by listening to the misrepresentations and complaints of others,
+bring trouble upon yourselves. Realize, while there is time, the
+inscrutable nature of war; and how when protracted it generally ends
+in becoming a mere matter of chance, over which neither of us can have
+any control, the event being equally unknown and equally hazardous to
+both. The misfortune is that in their hurry to go to war, men begin
+with blows, and when a reverse comes upon them, then have recourse to
+words. But neither you nor we have as yet committed this mistake; and
+therefore while both of us can still choose the prudent part, we tell
+you not to break the peace or violate your oaths. Let our differences
+be determined by arbitration, according to the treaty. If you refuse,
+we call to witness the gods by whom you have sworn that you are the
+authors of the war; and we will do our best to strike in return."</p>
+
+<p>When the Laced&aelig;monians had heard the charges brought by the allies
+against the Athenians, and their rejoinder, they ordered everybody but
+themselves to withdraw, and deliberated alone. The majority were
+agreed that there was now a clear case against the Athenians, and that
+they must fight at once.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Jowett says Thucydides "stands absolutely alone among
+historians, not only of Hellas, but of the world, in his impartiality
+and love of truth." Macaulay's enthusiasm for him is well known.
+Mahaffy says his work was intended to be a military history, compiled
+from original documents and from personal observations made by himself
+and other eye-witnesses. "There can not be the smallest doubt," adds
+Mahaffy, "that, in the hands of Thucydides, the art of writing history
+made an extraordinary stride and attained a perfection which no
+subsequent Hellenic, and few modern writers have attained." He is
+praised for the "lofty dignity" which he imparts to every subject. His
+temper is so solemn and severe as to be "strangely un-Attic." Among
+his great and enduring merits is the fact that he has "taught us to
+know more of Greek interpolitical life than all other Greek writers
+put together." No historian has been greater than he, not only in
+dignity of language, but in calmness of judgment, in intellectual
+force, and in breadth and acuteness of observation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> From Book I of the "History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> The Peloponnesians were the people of the peninsula
+which forms the southern part of Greece, and which is now known as
+Morea. In ancient times this territory was called the Peloponnesus.
+Its people comprized the inhabitants of several political domains
+called Achaia, Sicyonia, Corinthia, Argolis, Arcadia, Laconia,
+Messenia, and Elis. Laconia was otherwise, and quite anciently, known
+as Laced&aelig;mon, its capital being the city of Sparta.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Potid&aelig;a, the modern Pinaka, had revolted from Athens in
+432 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, but did not capitulate until the end of the second year of
+the Peloponnesian war. It was a rich and flourishing town, originally
+Dorian, but colonized later from Corinth. During one of the Eastern
+invasions of Greece, it fell into Persian hands.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> These walls connected Athens with its port, the Pir&aelig;us,
+and were each about five miles long. They ran parallel and were
+separated from each other by about 500 feet of space. This intervening
+land was used for a carriage road, on either side of which were
+houses. Thus was formed a continuous walled street from Athens to the
+sea, so that communication in case of war was made secure.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> The battle of Marathon was fought in September, 490. It
+ended the attempts of Darius to subdue Greece.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> The battle of Salamis took place in September, 480, and
+was fought in waters lying between the Pir&aelig;us and the island of
+Salamis. Themistocles commanded the Greeks. The Persian ships were
+practically annihilated. Byron's lines on this battle, in his poem
+"The Isles of Greece," will be recalled.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_PLAGUE_AT_ATHENS" id="THE_PLAGUE_AT_ATHENS"></a>THE PLAGUE AT ATHENS<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></h3>
+<h4>(430&mdash;425 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>They [the enemy] had not been there [in Attica] many days when the
+plague broke out at Athens for the first time. A similar disorder is
+said to have previously smitten many places, particularly Lemnos;<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>
+but there is no record of such a pestilence occurring elsewhere, or of
+so great a destruction of human life. For a while <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>physicians, in
+ignorance of the nature of the disease, sought to apply remedies; but
+it was in vain, and they themselves were among the first victims,
+because they oftenest came into contact with it. No human art was of
+any avail, and as to supplications in temples, inquiries of oracles,
+and the like, they were utterly useless, and at last men were
+overpowered by the calamity and gave up all remedies.</p>
+
+<p>The disease is said to have begun south of Egypt in Ethiopia; thence
+it descended into Egypt and Libya, and after spreading over the
+greater part of the Persian empire, suddenly fell upon Athens. It
+first attacked the inhabitants of the Pir&aelig;us, and it was supposed that
+the Peloponnesians had poisoned the cisterns, no conduits having as
+yet been made there. It afterward reached the upper city, and then the
+mortality became far greater. As to its probable origin or the causes
+which might or could have produced such a disturbance of nature, every
+man, whether a physician or not, will give his own opinion. But I
+shall describe its actual course, and the symptoms by which any one
+who knows them beforehand <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>may recognize the disorder should it ever
+reappear. For I was myself attacked, and witnessed the sufferings of
+others.</p>
+
+<p>The season was admitted to have been remarkably free from ordinary
+sickness; and if anybody was already ill of any other disease, it was
+absorbed in this. Many who were in perfect health, all in a moment,
+and without any apparent reason, were seized with violent heats in the
+head and with redness and inflammation of the eyes. Internally the
+throat and the tongue were quickly suffused with blood, and the breath
+became unnatural and fetid. There followed sneezing and hoarseness; in
+a short time the disorder, accompanied by a violent cough, reached the
+chest; then fastening lower down, it would move the stomach and bring
+on all the vomits of bile to which physicians have ever given names;
+and they were very distressing. An ineffectual retching producing
+violent convulsions attacked most of the sufferers; some as soon as
+the previous symptoms had abated, others not until long afterward. The
+body externally was not so very hot to the touch, nor yet pale; it was
+of a livid color inclining to red, and breaking out in pustules and
+ulcers. But the internal fever was intense; the sufferers could not
+bear to have on them even the finest linen garment; they insisted on
+being naked, and there was nothing which they longed for more eagerly
+than to throw themselves into cold water. And many of those who had no
+one to look after them actually plunged into the cisterns, for they
+were tormented by unceasing thirst, which was not in the least
+assuaged whether they drank little or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> much. They could not sleep; a
+restlessness which was intolerable never left them.</p>
+
+<p>While the disease was at its height the body, instead of wasting away,
+held out amid these sufferings in a marvelous manner, and either they
+died on the seventh or ninth day, not of weakness, for their strength
+was not exhausted, but of internal fever, which was the end of most;
+or, if they survived, then the disease descended into the bowels and
+there produced violent ulcerations; severe diarrhea at the same time
+set in, and at a later stage caused exhaustion, which finally with few
+exceptions carried them off. For the disorder, which had originally
+settled in the head, passed gradually through the whole body, and, if
+a person got over the worst, would often seize the extremities and
+leave its mark, attacking the privy parts and the fingers and the
+toes; and some escaped with the loss of these, some with the loss of
+their eyes. Some, again, had no sooner recovered than they were seized
+with a forgetfulness of all things and knew neither themselves nor
+their friends.</p>
+
+<p>The malady took a form not to be described, and the fury with which it
+fastened upon each sufferer was too much for human nature to endure.
+There was one circumstance in particular which distinguished it from
+ordinary diseases. The birds and animals, which feed on human flesh,
+altho so many bodies were lying unburied, either never went near them
+or died if they touched them. This was proved by a remarkable
+disappearance of the birds of prey, which were not to be seen either
+about the bodies or anywhere else; while in the case of the dogs the
+fact<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span> was even more obvious, because they live with man.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the general nature of the disease; I omit many strange
+peculiarities which characterized individual cases. None of the
+ordinary sicknesses attacked any one while it lasted, or, if they did,
+they ended in the plague. Some of the sufferers died from want of
+care, others equally who were receiving the greatest attention. No
+single remedy could be deemed a specific; for that which did good to
+one did harm to another. No constitution was of itself strong enough
+to resist or weak enough to escape the attacks; the disease carried
+off all alike and defied every mode of treatment. Most appalling was
+the despondency which seized upon any one who felt himself sickening;
+for he instantly abandoned his mind to despair and, instead of holding
+out, absolutely threw away his chance of life. Appalling too was the
+rapidity with which men caught the infection, dying like sheep if they
+attended on one another, and this was the principal cause of
+mortality. When they were afraid to visit one another, the sufferers
+died in their solitude, so that many houses were empty because there
+had been no one left to take care of the sick; or if they ventured
+they perished, especially those who aspired to heroism. For they went
+to see their friends without thought of themselves and were ashamed to
+leave them, even at a time when the very relatives of the dying were
+at last growing weary and ceased to make lamentations, overwhelmed by
+the vastness of the calamity. But whatever instances there may have
+been of such devotion, more often the sick and the dying were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> tended
+by the pitying care of those who had recovered, because they knew the
+course of the disease and were themselves free from apprehension. For
+no one was ever attacked a second time, or not with a fatal result.
+All men congratulated them; and they themselves, in the excess of
+their joy at the moment, had an innocent fancy that they could not die
+of any other sickness.</p>
+
+<p>The crowding of the people out of the country into the city aggravated
+the misery, and the newly arrived suffered most. For, having no houses
+of their own, but inhabiting, in the height of summer, stifling huts,
+the mortality among them was dreadful, and they perished in wild
+disorder. The dead lay as they had died, one upon another, while
+others hardly alive wallowed in the streets and crawled about every
+fountain craving for water. The temples in which they lodged were full
+of the corpses of those who had died in them; for the violence of the
+calamity was such that men, not knowing where to turn, grew reckless
+of all law, human and divine. The customs which had hitherto been
+observed at funerals were universally violated, and they buried their
+dead each one as best he could. Many, having no proper appliances,
+because the deaths in their household had been so frequent, made no
+scruple of using the burial-place of others. When one man had raised a
+funeral pile, others would come, and throwing on their dead first, set
+fire to it; or when some other corpse was already burning, before they
+could be stopt would throw their own dead upon it and depart.</p>
+
+<p>There were other and worse forms of lawless<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>ness which the plague
+introduced at Athens. Men who had hitherto concealed their indulgence
+in pleasure now grew bolder. For, seeing the sudden change&mdash;how the
+rich died in a moment, and those who had nothing immediately inherited
+their property&mdash;they reflected that life and riches were alike
+transitory, and they resolved to enjoy themselves while they could,
+and to think only of pleasure. Who would be willing to sacrifice
+himself to the law of honor when he knew not whether he would ever
+live to be held in honor? The pleasure of the moment and any sort of
+thing which conduced to it took the place both of honor and of
+expediency. No fear of God or law of man deterred a criminal. Those
+who saw all perishing alike thought that the worship or neglect of the
+gods made no difference. For offenses against human law no punishment
+was to be feared; no one would live long enough to be called to
+account. Already a far heavier sentence had been passed and was
+hanging over a man's head; before that feeling, why should he not take
+a little pleasure?</p>
+
+<p>Such was the grievous calamity which now afflicted the Athenians;
+within the walls their people were dying, and without, their country
+was being ravaged. In their troubles they naturally called to mind a
+verse which the elder men among them declared to have been current
+long ago:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"A Dorian war will come and a plague with it."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> The Peloponnesian war broke out in 431 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and lasted
+until 404. Its result was the abasement of Athens and the elevation of
+Sparta to supreme power in Greece. When it began, Athens with her
+allies included all the coast cities of Asia Minor as far south as
+Lycia, the cities bordering on the Thracian and Chalcidian shores, and
+nearly all the islands of the &AElig;gean Sea. Sparta at the same time was
+leader in a confederacy of independent states, among which were nearly
+all the Peloponnesian states, besides some of those in northern
+Greece, those of Magna Gr&aelig;cia and Sicily. Athens was strong in her
+navy, which comprized 300 galleys, while the Spartan strength lay in
+her land forces. The treasury of Athens was full, that of Sparta weak.
+After the war, the walls of Athens were demolished and she was
+deprived of her foreign possessions. The government set over her was
+an oligarchy of thirty persons, known in history as the thirty
+tyrants. These men soon made their harsh rule so intolerable that
+within sixteen months after Athens surrendered to Sparta they were
+deposed and democratic rule was restored to the Athenians.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> From Book II of the "History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> One of the larger islands of the &AElig;gean Sea, its area
+being about one hundred and eighty square miles.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span></p>
+<h2>III</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_SAILING_OF_THE_ATHENIAN_FLEET_FOR_SICILY" id="THE_SAILING_OF_THE_ATHENIAN_FLEET_FOR_SICILY"></a>THE SAILING OF THE ATHENIAN FLEET FOR SICILY<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></h3>
+<h4>(413 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>About the middle of summer the expedition started for Sicily. Orders
+had been previously given to most of the allies, to the corn-ships,
+the smaller craft, and generally to the vessels in attendance on the
+armament that they should muster at Corcyra, whence the whole fleet
+was to strike across the Ionian Gulf to the promontory of Iapygia.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>
+Early in the morning of the day appointed for their departure, the
+Athenians and such of their allies as had already joined them went
+down to the Pir&aelig;us and began to man the ships. The entire population
+of Athens accompanied them, citizens and strangers alike. The citizens
+came to take farewell, one of an acquaintance another of a kinsman,
+another of a son; the crowd as they passed along were full of hope and
+full of tears; hope of conquering Sicily, tears because they doubted
+whether they would ever see their friends again, when they thought of
+the long voyage on which they were sending them. At the moment of
+parting, the danger was nearer; and terrors which had never <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>occurred
+to them when they were voting the expedition now entered into their
+souls. Nevertheless their spirits revived at the sight of the armament
+in all its strength and of the abundant provision which they had made.
+The strangers and the rest of the multitude came out of curiosity,
+desiring to witness an enterprise of which the greatness exceeded
+belief.</p>
+
+<p>No armament so magnificent or costly had ever been sent out by any
+single Hellenic power, tho in mere number of ships and hoplites that
+which sailed to Epidaurus under Pericles and afterward under Hagnon to
+Potid&aelig;a was not inferior. For that expedition consisted of a hundred
+Athenian and fifty Chian and Lesbian triremes, conveying four thousand
+hoplites, all Athenian citizens, three hundred cavalry, and a
+multitude of allied troops. Still the voyage was short and the
+equipments were poor, whereas this expedition was intended to be long
+absent, and was thoroughly provided both for sea and land service,
+wherever its presence might be required.</p>
+
+<p>On the fleet the greatest pains and expense had been lavished by the
+trierarchs and the state. The public treasury gave a drachma a day to
+each sailor, and furnished empty hulls for sixty swift sailing
+vessels, and for forty transports carrying hoplites. All these were
+manned with the best crews which could be obtained. The trierarchs,
+besides the pay given by the state, added somewhat more out of their
+own means to the wages of the upper ranks of rowers and of the petty
+officers. The figureheads and other fittings provided by the
+trierarchs were of the most costly description. Every one strove to
+the utmost that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> his own ship might excel both in beauty and
+swiftness. The infantry had been well selected and the lists carefully
+made up. There was the keenest rivalry among the soldiers in the
+matter of arms and personal equipment.</p>
+
+<p>And while at home the Athenians were thus competing with one another
+in the performance of their several duties, to the rest of Hellas the
+expedition seemed to be a grand display of their power and greatness,
+rather than a preparation for war. If any one had reckoned up the
+whole expenditure (1) of the state, (2) of individual soldiers and
+others, including in the first not only what the city had already laid
+out, but what was entrusted to the generals, and in the second what
+either at the time or afterward private persons spent upon their
+outfit, or the trierarchs upon their ships, the provision for the long
+voyage which every one may be supposed to have carried with him over
+and above his public pay, and what soldiers or traders may have taken
+for purposes of exchange, he would have found that altogether an
+immense sum amounting to many talents was withdrawn from the city. Men
+were quite amazed at the boldness of the scheme and the magnificence
+of the spectacle, which were everywhere spoken of, no less than at the
+great disproportion of the force when compared with that of the enemy
+against whom it was intended. Never had a greater expedition been sent
+to a foreign land; never was there an enterprise in which the hope of
+future success seemed to be better justified by actual power.</p>
+
+<p>When the ships were manned and everything required for the voyage had
+been placed on board,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> silence was proclaimed by the sound of the
+trumpet, and all with one voice before setting sail offered up the
+customary prayers; these were recited, not in each ship, but by a
+single herald, the whole fleet accompanying him. On every deck both
+officers and men, mingling wine in bowls, made libations from vessels
+of gold and silver. The multitude of citizens and other well-wishers
+who were looking on from the land joined in the prayer. The crews
+raised the p&aelig;an, and when the libations were completed, put to sea.
+After sailing out for some distance in single file, the ships raced
+with one another as far as &AElig;gina;<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> thence they hastened onward to
+Corcyra, where the allies who formed the rest of the army were
+assembling.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile reports of the expedition were coming in to Syracuse from
+many quarters, but for a long time nobody gave credit to them. At
+length an assembly was held. Even then different opinions were
+exprest, some affirming and others denying that the expedition was
+coming. At last Hermocrates,<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> the son of Hermon, believing that he
+had certain information, came forward, and warned the Syracusans....</p>
+
+<p>Great was the contention which his words aroused among the Syracusan
+people, some asserting that the Athenians would never come, and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>that
+he was not speaking truth, others asking, "And if they should come,
+what harm could they do to us nearly so great as we could do to them?"
+while others were quite contemptuous, and made a jest of the whole
+matter. A few only believed Hermocrates and realized the danger. At
+last Athenagoras, the popular leader, who had at that time the
+greatest influence with the multitude, came forward and spoke....</p>
+
+<p>The Athenians and their allies were by this time collected at Corcyra.
+There the generals began by holding a final review of the ships, and
+disposed them in the order in which they were to anchor at their
+stations. The fleet was divided into three squadrons, and one of them
+assigned by lot to each of the three generals, in order to avoid any
+difficulties which might occur, if they sailed together, in finding
+water, anchorage, and provisions where they touched; they thought also
+that the presence of a general in each division would promote good
+order and discipline throughout the fleet. They then sent before them
+to Italy and Sicily three ships, which had orders to find out what
+cities in those regions would receive them, and to meet them again on
+their way, that they might know before they put in.</p>
+
+<p>At length the great armament proceeded to cross from Corcyra to
+Sicily. It consisted of a hundred and thirty-four triremes in all,
+besides two Rhodian vessels of fifty oars. Of these a hundred were
+Athenian, sixty being swift vessels, and the remaining forty
+transports; the rest of the fleet was furnished by the Chians and
+other allies. The hoplites numbered in all five thousand one hundred,
+of whom fifteen hundred were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> Athenians taken from the roll, and seven
+hundred who served as marines were of the fourth and lowest class of
+Athenian citizens. The remainder of the hoplites were furnished by the
+allies, mostly by the subject states; but five hundred came from
+Argos, besides two hundred and fifty Mantinean and other mercenaries.
+The archers were in all four hundred and eighty, of whom eighty were
+Cretans. There were seven hundred Rhodian slingers, a hundred and
+twenty light-armed Megarians who were exiles, and one horse transport
+which conveyed thirty horsemen and horses.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the forces with which the first expedition crossed the sea.
+For the transport of provisions thirty merchant-ships, which also
+conveyed bakers, masons, carpenters, and tools such as are required in
+sieges, were included in the armament. It was likewise attended by a
+hundred small vessels; these as well as the merchant-vessels, were
+prest into the service. Other merchant-vessels and lesser craft in
+great numbers followed of their own accord for purposes of trade. The
+whole fleet now struck across the Ionian Sea from Corcyra. They
+arrived at the promontory of Iapygia and at Tarentum,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> each ship
+taking its own course, and passed along the coast of Italy. The
+Italian cities did not admit them within their walls, or open a market
+to them, but allowed them water and anchorage; Tarentum and Locri<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
+refused even these. At length they <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>reached Rhegium,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> the extreme
+point of Italy, where the fleet reunited. As they were not received
+within the walls, they encamped outside the city, at the temple of
+Artemis; there they were provided by the inhabitants with a market,
+and drawing up their ships on shore they took a rest. They held a
+conference with the Rhegians, and prest them, being Chalcidians
+themselves, to aid their Chalcidian kinsmen the Leontines. But the
+Rhegians replied that they would be neutral, and would only act in
+accordance with the decision of all the Italian Greeks. The Athenian
+commanders now began to consider how they could best commence
+operations in Sicily. Meanwhile they were expecting the ships which
+had gone on and were to meet them from Egesta;<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> for they wished to
+know whether the Egest&aelig;ans really had the money of which the
+messengers had brought information to Athens.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> From Book VI of "The History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett. At the time of the sailing of this
+fleet the war had been in progress sixteen years. Syracuse, a Greek
+colony, founded from Corinth, had now become an ally of Sparta against
+Athens.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Iapygia lies in what is now Apulia, southern Italy. It
+is the extreme southern point of the "heel" of the "boot."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> An island in the Saronic Gulf, lying immediately south
+of Attica; in an artistic and historical sense, one of the most
+celebrated of Greek islands.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> One of the three generals of Syracuse entrusted with the
+defense of the city. His character was "one of the brightest and
+purest" in the history of that place, says a writer in Smith's
+"Dictionary." His daughter married the tyrant Dionysius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> The modern Taranto, in southern Italy, in the gulf of
+that name.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> The city of Locri lay near Gerace, a town in the
+extremity of the "toe" of the "boot." It was allied with Syracuse in
+the fourth century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> The modern Reggio, which lies opposite Messina, and
+which, like Messina, was destroyed in the earthquake of 1908.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Also written Segesta, a city in northwestern Sicily, six
+miles from the coast and about twenty-five miles west of Palermo. The
+modern city of Aleamo stands near its site. Segesta traced its
+foundation to fugitives from Troy. Among its notable ruins is a Greek
+temple in the Doric order, which is one of the finest that have
+survived to our time.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span></p>
+<h2>IV</h2>
+<h3><a name="COMPLETION_OF_THE_ATHENIAN_DEFEAT_AT_SYRACUSE" id="COMPLETION_OF_THE_ATHENIAN_DEFEAT_AT_SYRACUSE"></a>COMPLETION OF THE ATHENIAN DEFEAT AT SYRACUSE<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></h3>
+<h4>(413 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>The Syracusans and the allies naturally thought that the struggle
+would be brought to a glorious end if, after having defeated the
+Athenian fleet, they took captive the whole of their great armament,
+and did not allow them to escape either by sea or land. So they at
+once began to close the mouth of the Great Harbor, which was about a
+mile wide, by means of triremes, merchant-vessels, and small boats,
+placed broadside, which they moored there. They made every preparation
+also for a naval engagement, should the Athenians be willing to hazard
+another; and all their thoughts were on a grand scale.</p>
+
+<p>The Athenians, seeing the closing of the harbor and inferring the
+intentions of the enemy, proceeded to hold a council. The generals and
+officers <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>met and considered the difficulties of their position. The
+most pressing was the want of food. For they had already sent to
+Catana,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> when they intended to depart, and stopt the supplies; and
+they could get no more unless they recovered the command of the sea.
+They resolved therefore to quit their lines on the higher ground and
+to cut off by a cross-wall a space close to their ships, no greater
+than was absolutely required for their baggage and for their sick;
+after leaving a guard there, they meant to put on board every other
+man, and to launch all their ships, whether fit for service or not;
+they would then fight a decisive battle, and, if they conquered, go to
+Catana; but if not, they would burn their ships, and retreat by land
+in good order, taking the nearest way to some friendly country,
+barbarian or Hellenic.</p>
+
+<p>This design they proceeded to execute, and, withdrawing quietly from
+the upper walls, manned their whole fleet, compelling every man of any
+age at all suitable for service to embark. The entire number of the
+ships which they manned was about a hundred and ten. They put on board
+numerous archers and javelin-men, Acarnanians,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> and other
+foreigners, and made such preparations for action as the nature of the
+plan imposed upon them by their necessities allowed. When all was
+nearly ready, Nicias,<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> perceiving that the soldiers were deprest by
+their severe defeat at sea, which was no new experience to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>them,
+while at the same time the want of provisions made them impatient to
+risk a battle with the least possible delay, called his men together
+and before they engaged exhorted them....</p>
+
+<p>Nicias gave orders to man the ships. Gylippus<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> and the Syracusans
+could see clearly enough from the preparations which the Athenians
+were making that they were going to fight. But they had also previous
+notice, and had been told of the iron grapnels; and they took
+precautions against this as against all the other devices of the
+Athenians. They covered the prows of their vessels with hides,
+extending a good way along the upper part of their sides, so that the
+grapnels might slip and find no hold. When all was ready, Gylippus and
+the other generals exhorted their men....</p>
+
+<p>When Gylippus and the other Syracusan generals had, like Nicias,
+encouraged their troops, perceiving the Athenians to be manning their
+ships, they presently did the same. Nicias, overwhelmed by the
+situation, and seeing how great and how near the peril was (for the
+ships were on the very point of rowing out), feeling too, as men do on
+the eve of a great struggle, that all which he had done was nothing,
+and that he had not said half enough, again addrest the trierarchs,
+and calling each of them by his father's name, and his own name, and
+the name of his tribe, he entreated those who had made any reputation
+for themselves not to be false to it, and those whose ancestors were
+eminent not to tarnish their hereditary fame. He reminded them that
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>they were the inhabitants of the freest country in the world, and how
+in Athens there was no interference with the daily life of any man. He
+spoke to them of their wives and children and their fathers' gods, as
+men will at such a time; for then they do not care whether their
+common-place phrases seem to be out of date or not, but loudly
+reiterate the old appeals, believing that they may be of some service
+at the awful moment. When he thought that he had exhorted them, not
+enough, but as much as the scanty time allowed, he retired, and led
+the land-forces to the shore, extending the line as far as he could,
+so that they might be of the greatest use in encouraging the
+combatants on board ship. Demosthenes,<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Menander, and Euthydemus,
+who had gone on board the Athenian fleet to take command, now quitted
+their own station, and proceeded straight to the closed mouth of the
+harbor, intending to force their way to the open sea where a passage
+was still left.</p>
+
+<p>The Syracusans and their allies had already put out with nearly the
+same number of ships as before. A detachment of them guarded the
+entrance of the harbor; the remainder were disposed all round it in
+such a manner that they might fall on the Athenians from every side at
+once, and that their land-forces might at the same time be able to
+cooperate whenever the ships retreated to the shore. Sicanus and
+Agatharchus commanded the Syracusan fleet, each of them a wing; Pythen
+and the Corinthians occupied the center.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When the Athenians approached the closed mouth of the harbor, the
+violence of their onset overpowered the ships which were stationed
+there; they then attempted to loosen the fastenings. Whereupon from
+all sides the Syracusans and their allies came bearing down upon them,
+and the conflict was no longer confined to the entrance, but extended
+throughout the harbor. No previous engagement had been so fierce and
+obstinate. Great was the eagerness with which the rowers on both sides
+rushed upon their enemies whenever the word of command was given; and
+keen was the contest between the pilots as they maneuvered one against
+another. The marines too were full of anxiety that, when ship struck
+ship, the service on deck should not fall short of the rest; every one
+in the place assigned to him was eager to be foremost among his
+fellows. Many vessels meeting&mdash;and never did so many fight in so small
+a space, for the two fleets together amounted to nearly two
+hundred&mdash;they were seldom able to strike in the regular manner,
+because they had no opportunity of first retiring or breaking the
+line; they generally fouled one another as ship dashed against ship in
+the hurry of flight or pursuit. All the time that another vessel was
+bearing down, the men on deck poured showers of javelins and arrows
+and stones upon the enemy; and when the two closed, the marines fought
+hand to hand, and endeavored to board. In many places, owing to the
+want of room, they who had struck another found that they were struck
+themselves; often two or even more vessels were unavoidably entangled
+about one, and the pilots had to make plans of attack<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> and defense,
+not against one adversary only, but against several coming from
+different sides.</p>
+
+<p>The crash of so many ships dashing against one another took away the
+wits of the sailors, and made it impossible to hear the boatswains,
+whose voices in both fleets rose high, as they gave directions to the
+rowers, or cheered them on in the excitement of the struggle. On the
+Athenians' side they were shouting to their men that they must force a
+passage and seize the opportunity now or never of returning in safety
+to their native land. To the Syracusans and their allies was
+represented the glory of preventing the escape of their enemies, and
+of a victory by which every man would exalt the honor of his own city.
+The commanders, too, when they saw any ship backing water without
+necessity, would call the captain by his name, and ask, of the
+Athenians, whether they were retreating because they expected to be
+more at home upon the land of their bitterest foes than upon that sea
+which had been their own so long; on the Syracusan side, whether, when
+they knew perfectly well that the Athenians were only eager to find
+some means of flight, they would themselves fly from the fugitives.</p>
+
+<p>While the naval engagement hung in the balance, the two armies on
+shore had great trial and conflict of soul. The Sicilian soldier was
+animated by the hope of increasing the glory which he had already won,
+while the invader was tormented by the fear that his fortunes might
+sink lower still. The last chance of the Athenians lay in their ships,
+and their anxiety was dreadful. The fortune of the battle varied; and
+it was not possible<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span> that the spectators on the shore should all
+receive the same impression of it. Being quite close and having
+different points of view, they would some of them see their own ships
+victorious; their courage would then revive, and they would earnestly
+call upon the gods not to take from them their hope of deliverance.
+But others, who saw their ships worsted, cried and shrieked aloud, and
+were by the sight alone more utterly unnerved than the defeated
+combatants themselves. Others again who had fixt their gaze on some
+part of the struggle which was undecided, were in a state of
+excitement still more terrible; they kept swaying their bodies to and
+fro in an agony of hope and fear as the stubborn conflict went on and
+on; for at every instant they were all but saved or all but lost. And
+while the strife hung in the balance, you might hear in the Athenian
+army at once lamentation, shouting, cries of victory or defeat, and
+all the various sounds which are wrung from a great host in extremity
+of danger. Not less agonizing were the feelings of those on board.</p>
+
+<p>At length the Syracusans and their allies, after a protracted
+struggle, put the Athenians to flight, and triumphantly bearing down
+upon them, and encouraging one another with loud cries and
+exhortations, drove them to the land. Then that part of the navy which
+had not been taken in the deep water fell back in confusion to the
+shore, and the crews rushed out of the ships into the camp. And the
+land-forces, no longer now divided in feeling, but uttering one
+universal groan of intolerable anguish ran, some of them to save the
+ships, others to defend what remained<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> of the wall; but the greater
+number began to look to themselves and to their own safety. Never had
+there been a greater panic in an Athenian army than at that moment.
+They now suffered what they had done to others at Pylos. For at
+Pylos<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> the Laced&aelig;monians, when they saw their ships destroyed, knew
+that their friends who had crossed over into the island of
+Sphacteria<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> were lost with them. And so now the Athenians, after
+the rout of their fleet, knew that they had no hope of saving
+themselves by land unless events took some extraordinary turn.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, after a fierce battle and great destruction of ships and men on
+both sides, the Syracusans and their allies gained the victory. They
+gathered up the wrecks and bodies of the dead, and sailing back to the
+city, erected a trophy. The Athenians, overwhelmed by their misery,
+never so much as thought of recovering their wrecks or of asking leave
+to collect their dead. Their intention was to retreat that very
+night....</p>
+
+<p>On the third day after the sea-fight, when Nicias and Demosthenes
+thought that their preparations were complete, the army began to move.
+They were in a dreadful condition; not only was there the great fact
+that they had lost their whole fleet, and instead of their expected
+triumph had brought the utmost peril upon Athens as well as upon
+themselves, but also the sights which presented <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>themselves as they
+quitted the camp were painful to every eye and mind. The dead were
+unburied, and when any one saw the body of a friend lying on the
+ground he was smitten with sorrow and dread, while the sick or wounded
+who still survived but had to be left were even a greater trial to the
+living, and more to be pitied than those who were gone. Their prayers
+and lamentations drove their companions to distraction; they would beg
+that they might be taken with them, and call by name any friend or
+relative whom they saw passing; they would hang upon their departing
+comrades and follow as far as they could, and when their limbs and
+strength failed them and they dropt behind, many were the imprecations
+and cries which they uttered. So that the whole army was in tears, and
+such was their despair that they could hardly make up their minds to
+stir altho they were leaving an enemy's country, having suffered
+calamities too great for tears already, and dreading miseries yet
+greater in the unknown future.</p>
+
+<p>There was also a general feeling of shame and self-reproach&mdash;indeed
+they seemed, not like an army, but like a fugitive population of a
+city captured after a siege, and of a great city too. For the whole
+multitude who were marching together numbered not less than forty
+thousand. Each of them took with him anything he could carry which was
+likely to be of use. Even the heavy-armed and cavalry, contrary to
+their practise when under arms, conveyed about their persons their own
+food, some because they had no attendants, others because they could
+not trust them; for they had long been deserting, and most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> of them
+had gone off all at once. Nor was the food which they carried
+sufficient, for the supplies of the camp had failed. Their disgrace
+and the universality of the misery, altho there might be some
+consolation in the very community of suffering, was nevertheless at
+that moment hard to bear, especially when they remembered from what
+pomp and splendor they had fallen into their present low estate. Never
+had a Hellenic army experienced such a reverse. They had come
+intending to enslave others, and they were going away in fear that
+they would be themselves enslaved. Instead of the prayers and hymns
+with which they had put to sea, they were now departing amid appeals
+to heaven of another sort. They were no longer sailors but landsmen,
+depending, not upon their fleet but upon their infantry. Yet in face
+of the great danger which still threatened them all these things
+appeared endurable....</p>
+
+<p>When daylight broke and the Syracusans and their allies saw that the
+Athenians had departed, most of them thought that Gylippus had let
+them go on purpose, and were very angry with him. They easily found
+the line of their retreat, and quickly following came up with them
+about the time of the midday meal. The troops of Demosthenes were
+last; they were marching slowly and in disorder, not having recovered
+from the panic of the previous night, when they were overtaken by the
+Syracusans, who immediately fell upon them and fought. Separated as
+they were from the others, they were easily hemmed in by the Syracusan
+cavalry and driven into a narrow space. The division of Nicias was as
+much as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> six miles in advance, for he marched faster, thinking that
+their safety depended at such a time, not in remaining and fighting,
+if they could avoid it, but in retreating as quickly as they could,
+and resisting only when they were positively compelled.</p>
+
+<p>Demosthenes, on the other hand, who had been more incessantly harassed
+throughout the retreat, because marching last, was first attacked by
+the enemy; now, when he saw the Syracusans pursuing him, instead of
+pressing onward, had ranged his army in order of battle. Thus
+lingering he was surrounded, and he and the Athenians under his
+command were in the greatest danger and confusion. For they were
+crusht into a walled enclosure, having a road on both sides and
+planted thickly with olive-trees, and missiles were hurled at them
+from all points. The Syracusans naturally preferred this mode of
+attack to a regular engagement. For to risk themselves against
+desperate men would have been only playing into the hands of the
+Athenians. Moreover, every one was sparing of his life; their good
+fortune was already assured, and they did not wish to fall in the hour
+of victory. Even by this irregular mode of fighting they thought that
+they could overpower and capture the Athenians.</p>
+
+<p>And so when they had gone on all day assailing them with missiles from
+every quarter, and saw that they were quite worn out with their wounds
+and all their other sufferings, Gylippus and the Syracusans made a
+proclamation, first of all to the islanders, that any of them who
+pleased might come over to them and have their freedom. But only a few
+cities accepted the offer. At<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> length an agreement was made for the
+entire force under Demosthenes. Their arms were to be surrendered but
+no one was to suffer death, either from violence or from imprisonment,
+or from want of the bare means of life. So they all surrendered, being
+in number six thousand, and gave up what money they had. This they
+threw into the hollows of shields and filled four. The captives were
+at once taken to the city. On the same day Nicias and his division
+reached the river Erineus, which he crossed, and halted his army on a
+rising ground.</p>
+
+<p>On the following day, he was overtaken by the Syracusans, who told him
+that Demosthenes had surrendered, and bade him do the same. He, not
+believing them, procured a truce while he sent a horseman to go and
+see. Upon the return of the horseman bringing assurance of the fact,
+he sent a herald to Gylippus and the Syracusans, saying that he would
+agree, on behalf of the Athenian state, to pay the expenses which the
+Syracusans had incurred in the war, on condition that they should let
+his army go; until the money was paid he would give Athenian citizens
+as hostages, a man for a talent. Gylippus and the Syracusans would not
+accept these proposals, but attacked and surrounded this division of
+the army as well as the other, and hurled missiles at them from every
+side until the evening. They too were grievously in want of food and
+necessaries. Nevertheless they meant to wait for the dead of the night
+and then to proceed. They were just resuming their arms, when the
+Syracusans discovered them and raised the p&aelig;an. The Athenians,
+perceiving that they were detected, laid<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span> down their arms again, with
+the exception of about three hundred men who broke through the enemy's
+guard, and made their escape in the darkness as best they could.</p>
+
+<p>When the day dawned Nicias led forward his army, and the Syracusans
+and the allies again assailed them on every side, hurling javelins and
+other missiles at them. The Athenians hurried on to the river
+Assinarus. They hoped to gain a little relief if they forded the
+river, for the mass of horsemen and other troops overwhelmed and
+crusht them; and they were worn out by fatigue and thirst. But no
+sooner did they reach the water than they lost all order and rushed
+in; every man was trying to cross first, and, the enemy pressing upon
+them at the same time, the passage of the river became hopeless. Being
+compelled to keep close together they fell one upon another, and
+trampled each other under foot; some at once perished, pierced by
+their own spears; others got entangled in the baggage and were carried
+down the stream. The Syracusans stood upon the further bank of the
+river, which was steep, and hurled missiles from above on the
+Athenians, who were huddled together in the deep bed of the stream and
+for the most part were drinking greedily. The Peloponnesians came down
+the bank and slaughtered them, falling chiefly upon those who were in
+the river. Whereupon the water at once became foul but was drunk all
+the same, altho muddy and dyed with blood, and the crowd fought for
+it.</p>
+
+<p>At last, when the dead bodies were lying in heaps upon one another in
+the water and the army was utterly undone, some perishing in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
+river, and any one who escaped being cut off by the cavalry, Nicias
+surrendered to Gylippus, in whom he had more confidence than in the
+Syracusans. He entreated him and the Laced&aelig;monians to do what they
+pleased with himself, but not to go on killing the men. So Gylippus
+gave the word to make prisoners. Thereupon the survivors, not
+including, however, a large number whom the soldiers concealed, were
+brought in alive. As for the three hundred who had broken through the
+guard in the night, the Syracusans sent in pursuit and seized them.
+The total of the public prisoners when collected was not great; for
+many were appropriated by the soldiers, and the whole of Sicily was
+full of them, they not having capitulated like the troops under
+Demosthenes. A large number also perished; the slaughter at the river
+being very great, quite as great as any which took place in the
+Sicilian war; and not a few had fallen in the frequent attacks which
+were made upon the Athenians during the march. Still many escaped,
+some at the time, others ran away after an interval of slavery, and
+all these found refuge at Catana.</p>
+
+<p>The Syracusans and their allies collected their forces and returned
+with the spoil, and as many prisoners as they could take with them,
+into the city. The captive Athenians and allies they deposited in the
+quarries, which they thought would be the safest place of confinement.
+Nicias and Demosthenes they put to the sword, altho against the will
+of Gylippus. For Gylippus thought that to carry home with him to
+Laced&aelig;mon the generals of the enemy, over and above all his other
+successes, would be a brilliant triumph. One of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> them, Demosthenes,
+happened to be the greatest foe, and the other the greatest friend of
+the Laced&aelig;monians, both in the same matter of Pylos and Sphacteria....</p>
+
+<p>Those who were imprisoned in the quarries were at the beginning of
+their captivity harshly treated by the Syracusans. There were great
+numbers of them, and they were crowded in a deep and narrow place. At
+first the sun by day was scorching and suffocating, for they had no
+roof over their heads, while the autumn nights were cold, and the
+extremes of temperature engendered violent disorders. Being cramped
+for room, they had to do everything on the same spot. The corpses of
+those who had died from their wounds, exposure to the weather, and the
+like lay heaped one upon another. The smells were intolerable; and the
+prisoners were at the same time afflicted by hunger and thirst. During
+eight months they were allowed only about half a pint of water and a
+pint of food a day.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> Every kind of misery which could befall man in
+such a place befell them. This was the condition of all the captives
+for about ten weeks. At length the Syracusans sold them, with the
+exception of the Athenians and of any Sicilian or Italian Greeks who
+had sided with them in the war. The whole number of the public
+prisoners is not accurately known, but they were not less than seven
+thousand.</p>
+
+<p>Of all the Hellenic actions which took place in this war, or indeed of
+all Hellenic actions which are on record, this was the greatest&mdash;the
+most glorious to the victors, the most ruinous to the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>vanquished; for
+they were utterly and at all points defeated, and their sufferings
+were prodigious. Fleet and army perished from the face of the earth;
+nothing was saved, and of the many who went forth few returned home.</p>
+
+<p>Thus ended the Sicilian expedition.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> From Book VII of the "History of the Peloponnesian War,"
+translated by Benjamin Jowett. "The noblest piece of tragedy in all
+written history," says John Morley of this book. Gray, the poet, in
+one of his letters, inquired, "Is it, or is it not, the finest thing
+you ever read in your life?" Macaulay, in a letter once wrote: "I do
+assure you that there is no prose composition in the world that I
+place so high as the Seventh book of Thucydides. Tacitus was a great
+man, but he was not up to the Sicilian expedition." Praise is given to
+this chapter by Mahaffy for "the sustained splendor of the narrative."
+Grote had profound admiration for the famous picture contained in the
+selection here given. He refers to its "condensed and burning phrases"
+as imparting an impression which modern historians have sought in vain
+to convey.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> The modern Catania, on the east coast of Sicily.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> The people of Acarnania, a province of Greece, lying on
+the Ionian Sea south of the Ambracian Gulf.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Commander of the Athenians.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> The Spartan general who had been sent to Syracuse by
+advice of Alcibiades after he went over to the enemy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Next under Nicias in command of the expedition. He died
+twenty-nine years before the birth of the orator of the same name.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Here occurred one of the most memorable events in the
+Peloponnesian war, the defense of Pylos under Demosthenes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> This island lies immediately south of Pylos. It is long
+and narrow and guards the Bay of Navarino, the largest harbor in
+Greece, which was the scene of a famous battle between the English,
+French, Turkish, and Russian fleets in 1827.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> This allowance of food was only about one-half the
+amount usually given to a slave.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="XENOPHON" id="XENOPHON"></a>XENOPHON</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born in Athens about 430 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>; died after 357; celebrated as
+historian and essayist, being a disciple of Socrates; joined
+the expedition of Cyrus the Younger in 401, and after the
+battle of Cunaxa became the chief leader of ten thousand
+Greeks in their march to the Black Sea, the story being
+chronicled in his famous "Anabasis"; fought on the Spartan
+side in the battle of Coronea; banished from Athens, he
+settled at Scillus in Eleia; spent his last years in
+Corinth; among his writings besides the "Anabasis" are the
+"Hellenica," "Cycrop&aelig;dia," "Memorabilia of Socrates," and
+essays on hunting and horsemanship.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_CHARACTER_OF_CYRUS_THE_YOUNGER" id="THE_CHARACTER_OF_CYRUS_THE_YOUNGER"></a>THE CHARACTER OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Thus then died Cyrus, a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the
+Elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed
+by all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. In the first
+place, while he was yet with his brother and the other youths, he was
+a boy, and when he was receiving his education thought to surpass them
+all in everything. For <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>without exception the sons of the Persian
+nobles are educated at the gates of the king;<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> where they may learn
+many a lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing
+disgraceful. In this place the boys see some honored by the king, and
+others disgraced, and hear of them; so that in their very childhood
+they learn to govern and to obey.</p>
+
+<p>Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modesty
+among those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to his
+elders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next
+he was noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in a
+superior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning and
+most assiduous in practising the warlike exercises of archery and
+hurling the javelin. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fond of
+the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. On
+one occasion he did not shrink from a she bear that attacked him;
+however, in grappling with her, he was dragged from his horse, and
+received some wounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but
+at last killed her. The person who first came to his assistance he
+made a happy man in the eyes of many.</p>
+
+<p>When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and Great
+Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all the
+troops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>he soon
+showed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave a
+promise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word.
+Accordingly, the states that were committed to his charge, as well as
+individuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had
+been his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty
+with him, he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. When,
+therefore, he waged war against Tissaphernes,<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> all the cities, of
+their own accord, chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to
+Tissaphernes, except the Milesians; but they feared Cyrus, because he
+would not abandon the cause of the exiles; for he both showed by his
+deeds, and declared in words, that he would never desert them, since
+he had once become a friend to them, not even tho they should grow
+still fewer in number, and be in a worse condition than they were.</p>
+
+<p>Whenever any one did Cyrus a kindness or an injury, he showed himself
+anxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention a
+wish of his, that he "desired to live long enough to outdo both those
+who had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital
+that he should make." Accordingly, to him alone of the men of our days
+were so great a number of people desirous of committing the disposal
+of their property, their cities, and their own person.</p>
+
+<p>Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered the
+criminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men
+inflicted punishment <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>most unsparingly; and there were often to be
+seen, along the most frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or
+hands, or eyes; so that in Cyrus' dominions it was possible for any
+one, Greek or barbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear
+whithersoever he pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his
+convenience.</p>
+
+<p>To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paid
+distinguished honor. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians;
+and, marching in person into these countries, he made those whom he
+saw voluntarily hazarding their lives in his service governors over
+the territory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in
+other ways, so that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of
+men, while the cowardly were deemed fit only to be their slaves. There
+were, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposed
+themselves to danger wherever they thought that Cyrus would become
+aware of their exertions.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to display
+that virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those who
+sought to profit by injustice. Accordingly, while in many other
+respects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewise
+possest an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money that
+generals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his
+service, but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well
+would be more profitable than any amount of monthly pay. Besides, if
+any one executed his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered
+his diligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
+the best-qualified officers were said to be ready to assist him.</p>
+
+<p>If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regard
+to justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, and
+securing income from it, he would never take anything from such a
+person, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so that
+men labored with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, and
+made no concealment from Cyrus of what each possest; for he did not
+appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavor to
+bring into use the wealth of those who concealed it.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well disposed to him, and
+considered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might
+wish to accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most
+successful in attaching them to him. For, on the very same account on
+which he thought that he himself had need of friends&mdash;namely, that he
+might have cooperators in his undertakings&mdash;did he endeavor to prove
+an efficient assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of
+them desirous of effecting.</p>
+
+<p>He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any other
+single individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributing
+among his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to what
+he perceived each most needed. Whatever presents any one sent him of
+articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accouterment or
+merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark that
+he could not decorate his own person with them all, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span> that he
+thought friends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could
+have. That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great
+benefits is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but
+that he should surpass his friends in kind attentions and an anxious
+desire to oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration.
+Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavor,
+he would send half-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with
+a message to this effect, "Cyrus has not for some time met with
+pleasanter wine than this; and he has therefore sent some of it to
+you, and begs you will drink it to-day, with those whom you love
+best." He would often, too, send geese partly eaten and the halves of
+loaves, and other such things, desiring the bearer to say, in
+presenting them, "Cyrus has been delighted with these, and therefore
+wishes you also to taste of them."</p>
+
+<p>Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having many
+attendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some,
+he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender
+to the horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry
+his friends. Whenever he rode out and many were likely to see him, he
+would call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with
+them, that he might show whom he held in honor; so that, from what I
+have heard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater
+number of persons, either Greeks or barbarians. Of this fact the
+following is a proof: that no one deserted to the king from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span> Cyrus,
+tho only a subject (except that Orontes<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> attempted to do so; but he
+soon found the person whom he believed faithful to him more a friend
+to Cyrus than to himself), while many came over to Cyrus from the
+king, after they had become enemies to each other, and these, too, men
+who were greatly beloved by the king; for they felt persuaded that if
+they proved themselves brave soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain
+from him more adequate rewards for their services than from the king.</p>
+
+<p>What occurred also at the time of his death is a great proof as well
+that he himself was a man of merit as that he could accurately
+distinguish such as were trustworthy, well disposed, and constant to
+their attachment. For when he was killed, all his friends and the
+partakers of his table who were with him fell fighting in his defense
+except Ari&aelig;us, who had been posted in command of the cavalry on the
+left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he
+took to flight, with all the troops which he had under his command.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson. Cyrus
+the Younger, son of Darius Nothus, with the help of 10,000 Greeks,
+sought to conquer his brother Artaxerxes, but was defeated and killed
+in the battle of Cunaxa in 401 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> The elder Cyrus, called the
+"Great," founder of the Persian Empire, died in 529 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> It is the
+retreat of the 10,000 Greeks that Xenophon chronicles in the
+"Anabasis."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> By this is meant at the palace of the king, tho not
+literally within the palace. Among the ancient Persians, as to-day
+among the Turks at Constantinople, the king's palace was called "the
+Porte."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> A Persian satrap who took part in the battle of Cunaxa.
+He became chief ruler of Western Asia, but was overthrown by the
+Greeks in 395 and put to death.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> A Persian of royal blood, one of the officers of Cyrus
+the Younger, several times in revolt against him, and finally
+condemned.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+
+<h3><a name="THE_GREEK_ARMY_IN_THE_SNOWS_OF_ARMENIA" id="THE_GREEK_ARMY_IN_THE_SNOWS_OF_ARMENIA"></a>THE GREEK ARMY IN THE SNOWS OF ARMENIA<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></h3>
+<h4>(400 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as
+possible, before the enemy's force should be reassembled, and get
+possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore,
+they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides;
+and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had
+intended to attack them, they encamped. Hence they proceeded three
+days' journey, through a desert tract of country, a distance of
+fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being
+wet higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to
+be far off.</p>
+
+<p>Hence they advanced three days' march, through much snow and a level
+plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day's march was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>extremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces,
+completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. One of the
+augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the
+wind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered, when the vehemence of
+the wind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the
+snow was a fathom; so that many of the baggage-cattle and slaves
+perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. They continued to burn
+fires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the
+place of encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood;
+those therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would
+not admit the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of
+the corn or other provisions that they had brought. Thus they shared
+with one another what they respectively had. In the places where the
+fires were made, as the snow melted, there were formed large pits that
+reached to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity to
+measure the depth of the snow.</p>
+
+<p>Hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day, and
+many of the men contracted the bulimia. Xenophon, who commanded in the
+rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen down with it,
+knew not what disease it was. But as one of those acquainted with it
+told him that they were evidently affected with bulimia, and that they
+would get up if they had something to eat, he went round among the
+baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, he gave it out, and
+sent such as were able to run to distribute it among those diseased,
+who, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span> soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued their march. As
+they proceeded, Cheirisophus<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> came, just as it grew dark, to a
+village, and found a spring in front of the rampart, some women and
+girls belonging to the place fetching water. The women asked them who
+they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian language, that
+they were people going from the king to the satrap. They replied that
+he was not there, but about a parasang off.</p>
+
+<p>However, as it was late, they went with the water-carriers within the
+rampart to the head man of the village; and here Cheirisophus, and as
+many of the troops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such
+as were unable to get to the end of the journey spent the night on the
+way without food or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on
+that occasion. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves
+into a body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle
+that were unable to proceed, fighting with one another for the
+possession of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their
+sight from the effects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified by
+the cold, were left behind. It was found to be a relief to the eyes
+against the snow if the soldiers kept something black before them on
+the march, and to the feet, if they kept constantly in motion, and
+allowed themselves no rest, and if they took off their shoes in the
+night; but as to such as slept with their shoes on, the straps worked
+into their feet, and the soles were frozen about them; for when their
+old shoes had failed <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the
+men themselves from the newly skinned oxen.</p>
+
+<p>From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left
+behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the
+snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted;
+and it had, in fact, melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain,
+which was sending up a vapor in a woody hollow close at hand. Turning
+aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. Xenophon,
+who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to
+prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling
+them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected and pursuing
+them in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to
+kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. He then thought it
+the best course to strike terror, if possible, into the enemy that
+were behind, lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was
+now dark, and the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarreling
+about the booty that they had taken, when such of the rear-guard as
+were not disabled started up, and rushed toward them, while the tired
+men, shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against
+their shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves into the
+hollow amid the snow, and no one of them afterward made himself heard
+from any quarter.</p>
+
+<p>Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party would
+come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but before
+they had gone four stadia they found other soldiers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> resting by the
+way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed over
+them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army was
+not moving forward. Xenophon, going past them, and sending on some of
+the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what it was that
+hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army was in
+that manner taking rest. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing
+such a guard as they could, took up quarters there without fire or
+supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of his men to the
+sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to proceed.</p>
+
+<p>At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from the
+villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men were rejoiced
+to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp, while they
+themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia,
+found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus was quartered.
+When they came together, it was thought safe enough to lodge the
+troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordingly remained
+where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the several
+villages that they had in sight, went to their respective quarters
+with their men.</p>
+
+<p>Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence, and,
+taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the
+village which Xenophon had been allotted, surprized all the villagers
+and their head man in their houses, together with seventeen colts that
+were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span> man's daughter, who
+had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunt
+hares, and was not found in any of the villages. Their houses were
+under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious
+below; there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the
+people descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows,
+and fowls, with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within
+the walls.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> There were also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables,
+and barley-wine, in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in it
+even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some
+larger and some smaller, without joints; and these, when any one was
+thirsty, he was to take in his mouth and suck. The liquor is very
+strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to
+those accustomed to it.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson. The
+"Anabasis" has made Xenophon perhaps the most prominent figure of
+ancient classical literature, largely because every schoolboy who
+studies Greek knows at least this book. It stands in that sense to
+Greek literature as C&aelig;sar's "Commentaries" stands to Latin. The book
+has further value, not only as authentic history, but for the curious
+details it gives of the manners and customs of savage tribes living
+along the shores of the Euxine, and of those which prevailed at the
+Persian court and elsewhere in the Persian state.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> A Spartan general who, at the instance of Xenophon, had
+been appointed to lead the van of the retreating Greek army.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> W. T. Ainsworth, who has made a geographical commentary
+on Xenophon's "Anabasis," says: "This description of a village on the
+Armenian uplands applies itself to many that I visited." Houses on
+exposed elevations he found to be still semisubterranean. Whatever
+might be the kind of cottage used, domestic animals "participated with
+the family in the warmth and protection thereof."</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>III</h2>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="THE_BATTLE_OF_LEUCTRA" id="THE_BATTLE_OF_LEUCTRA"></a>THE BATTLE OF LEUCTRA<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></h3>
+<h4>(371 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>For the battle everything was adverse on the side of the
+Laced&aelig;monians, while to the enemy everything was rendered favorable by
+fortune. It was after dinner that the last council of war was held by
+Cleombrotus; and, as the officers had drunk a little at noon, it was
+said that the wine in some degree inspired them. And as, when both
+sides were fully armed, and it was now evident that a battle would
+take place, the people who had provisions for sale, with some of the
+baggage-carriers and others who were unwilling to fight, were
+proceeding first of all to quit the camp of the B&oelig;otians, the
+mercenaries under Hiero the Phocian peltasts, and the Heraclean and
+Phliasian cavalry, making a circuit, fell upon them as they were going
+off, turned them back, and pursued them to the B&oelig;otian camp; so
+that they made the army of the B&oelig;otians larger and more numerous
+than before.</p>
+
+<p>Besides, as there was a plain between the armies, the Laced&aelig;monians
+drew up their cavalry before their main body and the Thebans drew up
+theirs over against them; but the cavalry of the Thebans had been
+exercised in wars <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>with the Orchomenians and Thespians, while that of
+the Laced&aelig;monians was at that time in a very inefficient condition;
+for the richest men maintained the horses, and, when notice of an
+expedition was given, the men appointed came to ride them, and each
+taking his horse, and whatever arms were given him, proceeded at once
+to the field; and thus the weakest and least spirited of all the men
+were mounted on horseback. Such was the cavalry on either side. Of the
+foot, it was said that the Laced&aelig;monians advanced with each enomoty
+drawn up three deep, this arrangement making them not more than twelve
+deep in all. The Theban infantry, in close array, were not less than
+fifty deep, considering that if they could defeat the body of the
+enemy posted around the king, the rest of the army would be an easy
+conquest.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as Cleombrotus began to lead forward against the enemy, and
+even before the troops about him were aware that he was putting them
+in motion, the cavalry had already engaged, and those of the
+Laced&aelig;monians were at once defeated, who, as they fled, fell in among
+their own heavy-armed infantry, on which the troops of the Thebans
+were also pressing. But that the troops round Cleombrotus had at first
+the advantage in the contest, any one may be convinced by certain
+proof; for they would not have been able to take him and carry him off
+alive unless those who fought in front of him had been at that time
+victorious. When, however, Deimon the polemarch, Sphodrias, one of the
+attendants at the royal tent, and Cleonymus, his son, were killed, and
+the horse-guard, those who are called sup<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>porters of the polemarch,
+and the rest, being overpowered by the mass of the enemy, were forced
+to fall back, the Laced&aelig;monians on the left, seeing the right wing
+thus repulsed, also gave way; yet, tho many were killed, and they were
+quite defeated, they were able, when they had repassed the trench
+which was in front of the camp, to form themselves under arms in the
+place from which they had set out. Their camp was nevertheless not on
+level ground, but rather somewhat on an acclivity.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the Laced&aelig;monians, at the time, who thought their disaster an
+insupportable disgrace, exclaimed that they ought to prevent the enemy
+from erecting a trophy, and endeavor to recover the dead, not by
+making a truce, but by fighting another battle. However, the
+polemarchs, seeing that of the Laced&aelig;monians in all nearly a thousand
+had lost their lives; and that of the Spartans, who were in the field
+to the number of about seven hundred, about four hundred had fallen;
+and observing, also, that all the auxiliaries were too dispirited to
+renew the combat, and some of them not even concerned at what had
+happened, called a council of the chief officers, and deliberated what
+course they ought to pursue; and as all were of opinion that "they
+ought to fetch off the dead by truce," they accordingly despatched a
+herald to treat respecting a truce. The Thebans soon afterward erected
+a trophy, and gave up the dead under truce.</p>
+
+<p>After these occurrences, the messenger who was sent with the news of
+the calamity to Laced&aelig;mon arrived there on the last day of the
+gymnop&aelig;di&aelig; and after the chorus of men had made their entry. The
+ephors, when they heard of the calamity, were greatly concerned, as, I
+think, they naturally must have been; yet they did not order that
+chorus to withdraw, but allowed them to finish the entertainment. They
+then sent the names of the dead to their several relatives, and gave
+notice to the women to make no lamentations, but to bear their
+affliction in silence. The day after, a person might have seen those
+whose relatives had died appearing in public with looks of
+cheerfulness and joy; however, of those whose relatives were said to
+be alive, he would have seen but few, and those going about with
+gloomy and dejected countenances.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> From Book VI of the "Hellenica." At Leuctra, which lies
+near Thebes in B&oelig;tia, Epaminondas commanding the B&oelig;otians,
+overwhelmed the Spartans under Cleombrotus. From this event dates the
+decline of Sparta.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>IV</h2>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_ARMY_OF_THE_SPARTANS" id="OF_THE_ARMY_OF_THE_SPARTANS"></a>OF THE ARMY OF THE SPARTANS<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></h3>
+
+<p>The regulations which I have mentioned are beneficial alike in peace
+and in war; but if any one wishes to learn what the lawgiver contrived
+better than other legislators with reference to military proceedings,
+he may attend to the following particulars:</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, then, the ephors give the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>cavalry and infantry
+public notice of the years during which they must join the army, as
+well as the artizans; for the Laced&aelig;monians provide themselves in the
+field with an abundance of all those things which people use in a
+city; and of whatever instruments an army may require in common,
+orders are given to bring some on wagons and others on beasts of
+burden, as by this arrangement anything left behind is least likely to
+escape notice.</p>
+
+<p>For engagements in the field he made the following arrangements: He
+ordered that each soldier should have a purple robe and a brazen
+shield; for he thought that such a dress had least resemblance to that
+of women, and was excellently adapted for the field of battle, as it
+is soonest made splendid, and is longest in growing soiled. He
+permitted also those above the age of puberty to let their hair grow,
+as he thought that they thus appeared taller, more manly, and more
+terrible in the eyes of the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>When they were thus equipped, he divided them into six mor&aelig; of cavalry
+and heavy-armed infantry. Each of these mor&aelig; of the citizens has one
+polemarch, four centurions, eight captains of fifty, and sixteen
+enomotarchs. The men of these mor&aelig; are sometimes, according to the
+command issued, formed in enomoti&aelig;, sometimes by threes, sometimes by
+sixes. As to what most people imagine, that the arrangement of the
+Laced&aelig;monians under arms is extremely complex, they conceive the exact
+contrary to what is the fact; for in the Laced&aelig;monian order the
+officers are placed in the front ranks, and each rank is in a
+condition to perform everything which it is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span> necessary for it to
+perform. So easy is it to understand this arrangement that no one who
+can distinguish one man from another would fail of learning it; for it
+is assigned to some to lead, and enjoined on others to follow.
+Shiftings of place, by which the companies are extended or deepened,
+are ordered by the word of the enomotarch, as by a herald; and in
+these there is nothing in the least difficult to learn.</p>
+
+<p>But how it is possible for men in this arrangement, even if they are
+thrown into confusion, to fight with an enemy presenting themselves on
+any quarter alike, it is not so easy to understand, except for those
+who have been brought up under the institution of Lycurgus. The
+Laced&aelig;monians do with the greatest ease what appears extremely
+difficult to other men that are even accustomed to arms. For when they
+march in column, one enomotia follows in the rear of another; and if,
+when they are in this order, a body of the enemy shows itself in
+front, orders are given to each enomotarch to bring up his enomotia to
+the front on the left; and this movement is made throughout the whole
+army, until it presents itself in full array against the enemy. But if
+again, while they are in this order, the enemy should show themselves
+in the rear, each rank performs the evolution, that the strongest may
+always be presented to the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>But when the commander is on the left, they do not in that case
+consider themselves in a worse condition, but sometimes even in a
+better; for if an enemy should attempt to encompass them, he would
+come round, not on the defenseless, but on the armed side. If on any
+occasion, again, it should appear advantageous, for any particular
+object, that the commander should occupy the right wing, they wheel
+the troop toward the wing, and maneuver the main body until the
+commander is on the right, and the rear becomes the left. But if,
+again, the body of the enemy appear on the right, marching in column,
+they do nothing else but turn each century round, like a ship, so as
+to front the enemy; and thus the century which was in the rear comes
+to the right. But if the enemy approach on the left, they do not allow
+them to come near, but repulse them, or turn their centuries round to
+face the enemy; and thus again the century that was in the rear takes
+its place on the left.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> From the treatise on "The Government of Laced&aelig;mon."
+Translated by J. S. Watson. This work is believed to be the earliest
+extant specimen of Attic prose. Mahaffy describes it as "one of the
+most interesting and instructive documents of the age, very remarkable
+for its Machiavellian tone, in its calm ignoring of the right and
+wrong of the case as irrelevant."</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>V</h2>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="HOW_TO_CHOOSE_AND_MANAGE_SADDLE-HORSES" id="HOW_TO_CHOOSE_AND_MANAGE_SADDLE-HORSES"></a>HOW TO CHOOSE AND MANAGE SADDLE-HORSES<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></h3>
+
+<p>When a person would buy a horse that has been already ridden, we shall
+subjoin some admonitions which he ought to bear in mind, if he would
+not be cheated in his purchase. In the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>first place, then, let it not
+escape his notice what the <i>age</i> is; for a horse that has no longer
+the marks in his teeth neither delights the buyer with hope nor is so
+easy to be exchanged.</p>
+
+<p>It is also necessary to see how he takes the rider on his back;<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>
+for many horses reluctantly receive on them anything which it is plain
+to them that they can not receive without being compelled to work. It
+must likewise be observed whether, when he is mounted, he wishes to
+separate himself from other horses, or whether, if he be ridden near
+horses standing by, he carries off his rider toward them. There are
+some horses too that, from bad training, run off from the place of
+exercise to their stalls at home.</p>
+
+<p>As for horses whose jaws are not alike, that sort of riding which is
+called the <i>pede</i> exposes them, and, still more, a change in the
+direction in which they are ridden; for many horses will not attempt
+to run away with their riders unless a hard jaw, and their course
+directed homeward, concur to stimulate them. We ought to ascertain,
+also, whether the horse, being put to his speed, is readily pulled up,
+and whether he submits to be turned about.</p>
+
+<p>It is good for a purchaser not to be too ignorant, moreover, whether a
+horse is equally willing to obey when he is roused with a blow; for a
+servant and an army, if disobedient, are useless, but a disobedient
+horse is not only useless, but often plays the traitor.</p>
+
+<p>However, when we take upon ourselves to purchase a warhorse, we must
+make trial of him in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>all things in which war will make trial of him;
+and these are leaping across ditches, springing over walls, jumping on
+to mounds, and jumping down from them; and we must try him in riding
+up and down steep places, and along them; for all such efforts show
+his spirit, whether it is bold and whether his body is sound. Yet we
+must not at once reject a horse that does not accomplish all these
+feats perfectly; for many fail, not from being unable, but from want
+of training; and if they are taught, and used, and exercised in such
+performances, they will execute them all well, provided they are sound
+in other respects, and not wanting in spirit.</p>
+
+<p>We must, however, be cautious of having anything to do with horses
+that are naturally shy; for horses that are excessively timorous will
+not only not allow the rider on their back to harm the enemy, but will
+often take him by surprize, and expose him to great danger. We must
+also learn whether the horse has anything of vice either toward other
+horses or toward men, and whether he is averse to being handled; for
+all such defects are troublesome to his owner.</p>
+
+<p>As to any reluctance to being bridled and mounted, and other tricks, a
+person will much sooner discover them if, when the horse has been
+thoroughly exercised, he attempt to do to him what he did before he
+began to ride him; since horses that, after having been exercised, are
+ready to submit to exercise again give sufficient proofs of a
+mettlesome spirit.</p>
+
+<p>To sum up all in a few words, whatever horse has good feet, is
+mild-tempered, sufficiently swift, is willing and able to endure
+fatigue, and is in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> highest degree obedient will probably give
+least trouble to his rider, and contribute most to his safety in
+military occupations. But horses that from sluggishness require a
+great deal of driving or, from excess of mettle, much coaxing and
+care, afford plenty of employment to the rider, as well as much
+apprehension in time of danger....</p>
+
+<p>We shall now show how a man may groom a horse with least danger to
+himself and most benefit to the animal. If, when he cleans him, he
+look the same way as the horse, there is danger that he may be struck
+in the face with his knee or his hoof. But if he look in the opposite
+direction to the horse when he cleans him, keeping himself out of the
+reach of his leg, and rubs gradually down by the shoulder, he will
+thus receive no injury, and may clean the frog of the horse's foot by
+turning up the hoof. In like manner let him clean the hind legs.</p>
+
+<p>But whoever is employed about a horse ought to know that to do these
+things, and everything else that he has to do, he must come as little
+as possible near the face and the tail; for if a horse be inclined to
+be vicious, he has in both these parts the advantage of the man. But a
+person who approaches him at the side may manage the horse with least
+danger to himself, and with most power over the beast.</p>
+
+<p>When we have to lead a horse, we do not approve of the practise of
+leading from behind, for these reasons: that the person leading the
+horse is thus least able to keep on his guard against him, and the
+horse has most liberty to do what he pleases. To the mode, again, of
+conducting him with a long rein, to teach him to go forward and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> take
+the lead, we object for the following reasons: that the horse can do
+mischief on whichever side he pleases, and that, by turning himself
+round, he can set himself opposite his leader. When there are a number
+of horses together, too, how, if they are thus led, can they be
+prevented from annoying one another? But a horse that is accustomed to
+be led at the side will be least in a condition to molest either other
+horses or men, and will be readiest at hand for his rider whenever he
+may require to mount in haste.</p>
+
+<p>That the groom may put on the bridle properly, let him first approach
+the horse on the left side, and then throwing the reins over the
+horse's head, let him suffer them to rest on the point of the
+shoulder; and next let him take the headpiece in his right hand, and
+apply the bit with his left. If the horse take the bit into his mouth,
+the man has nothing to do but to put on the headpiece; but if the
+horse will not open his mouth, the man must hold the bit to his teeth,
+and insert the middle finger of his left hand between the horse's
+bars; for most horses, when this is done, open their mouths; should
+the horse, however, not even then receive the bit, let him press the
+lip against the dog-tooth or tusk, and there are very few horses that,
+on feeling this, will not admit it....</p>
+
+<p>But never to approach a horse in a fit of anger is the one great
+precept and maxim of conduct in regard to the treatment of a horse;
+for anger is destitute of forethought, and consequently often does
+that of which the agent must necessarily repent.</p>
+
+<p>When a horse is shy of any object, and re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>luctant to approach it, the
+rider must try to make him feel that there is nothing terrible in it,
+especially to a horse of spirit; but if he can not succeed, the rider
+must himself touch that which appears so alarming, and lead the horse
+up gently to it. As to those who force horses forward with blows in
+such a case they merely inspire the animals with greater terror; for
+they imagine when they suffer any pain at such a time, that what they
+look upon with alarm is in some way the cause of it.</p>
+
+<p>When the groom brings the horse to the rider, we have no objection
+that he should know how to make the horse stoop, so that it may be
+easy to mount him; yet we think every rider ought to take care to be
+able to mount even if the horse does not bend to him; for sometimes a
+different horse will present himself, and the same horse will not
+always be equally obedient....</p>
+
+<p>When he has taken his seat, whether on the horse's bare back or on the
+cloth, we do not like that he should sit as if he were on a
+carriage-seat, but as if he were standing upright with his legs
+somewhat apart, for thus he will cling more firmly to the horse with
+his thighs, and keeping himself erect, he will be able to throw a
+javelin, or to strike a blow on horseback, if it be necessary, with
+greater force.</p>
+
+<p>But it is necessary to allow the leg, as well as the foot, to hang
+loose from the knee; for if a rider keep his leg stiff, and strike it
+against anything, it may be broken; but if the leg hang easy, and
+anything strikes against it, it will yield, and yet not move the thigh
+from its position.</p>
+
+<p>A rider should also accustom himself to keep<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> the parts of his body
+above the hips as flexible as possible; for he will by this means be
+better able to exert himself, and if any person should drag or push
+him, he will be less likely to be thrown off.</p>
+
+<p>Let it be observed, that when he is seated on the horse's back, he
+must first teach the horse to stand quiet, until he has drawn up his
+mantle, if necessary, and adjusted the reins, and taken hold of his
+lance in such a way as it may most conveniently be carried. Then let
+him keep his left arm close to his side; for in such an attitude a
+rider appears most graceful and his hand has the greatest power.</p>
+
+<p>As to reins, we approve of such as are equally balanced, and not weak,
+or slippery, or too thick, so that the hand which holds them may be
+able also to hold the spear when it is necessary.</p>
+
+<p>When the rider gives the signal to the horse to start, let him begin
+to advance at a walking pace, as this pace is least likely to disturb
+the horse. Let him hold the reins, if the horse be inclined to hold
+down his head, rather high, but if he be more disposed to carry it
+erect, let him keep them lower, for thus he will best set off the
+horse's figure. After a little, if he trot at his natural pace, he
+will find his limbs become pliant without inconvenience, and will come
+with the greatest readiness to obey the whip. Since too it is the most
+approved practise to set off toward the left side, the horse will most
+readily start on that side, if, when he lifts, as he is trotting, the
+right foot, the rider then give him the signal to gallop. For, being
+then about to raise the left foot, he will thus start with that foot;
+and just at the moment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> that the rider turns him to the left, he will
+make the first spring in his gallop; for a horse, when he is turned to
+the right, naturally leads off with the right foot, and when turned to
+the left, with the left foot.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> From the treatise, "On Horsemanship." Translated by J.
+S. Watson. Mahaffy says this treatise on the horse "shows an insight
+into the character of horses which would do credit to a modern book."
+Most readers of the treatise who are familiar with horses have
+remarked how true it all is of the horse as we know him to-day. One
+commentator has remarked that the book reads as if it might have been
+written by some educated man professionally attached to racing
+stables.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> The ancients did not use the stirrup; nor did they have
+a saddle in the modern sense of the word.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="PLATO" id="PLATO"></a>PLATO</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born in &AElig;gina of aristocratic parents about 427 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>; died
+in Athens in 347; originally called Aristocles and surnamed
+Plato because of his broad shoulders; a disciple of Socrates
+and a teacher of Aristotle; was the founder of the Academic
+school; in his youth a successful gymnast, soldier, and
+poet; traveled in Egypt, Sicily, and Magna Gr&aelig;cia; arrested
+in Syracuse by Dionysius, the tyrant, and sold as a slave in
+&AElig;gina, where he was released and returned to Athens;
+revisited Syracuse in 367 and 361; lived afterward in Athens
+until his death, which occurred at a marriage feast.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p></div>
+
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_IMAGE_OF_THE_CAVE" id="THE_IMAGE_OF_THE_CAVE"></a>THE IMAGE OF THE CAVE<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></h3>
+
+<p>After this, I said, imagine the enlightenment or ignorance of our
+nature in a figure. Behold: human beings living in a sort of
+underground den, which has a mouth open toward the light and reaching
+all across the den; they have been here from their childhood, and have
+their legs and necks chained so that they can not move, and can see
+only before them; for the chains are arranged in such a manner as to
+prevent them from turning round their heads. At a distance above and
+behind them the light of a fire is blazing, and between the fire and
+the prisoners there is a raised way; and you will see, if you look, a
+low wall built <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>along the way, like the screen which
+marionette-players have before them, over which they show the puppets.</p>
+
+<p>I see, he<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> said.</p>
+
+<p>And do you see, I said, men passing along the wall carrying vessels,
+which appear over the wall; also figures of men and animals, made of
+wood and stone and various materials; and some of the passengers, as
+you would expect, are talking, and some of them are silent?</p>
+
+<p>That is a strange image, he said, and they are strange prisoners.</p>
+
+<p>Like ourselves, I replied; and they see only their own shadows, or the
+shadows of one another, which the fire throws on the opposite wall of
+the cave.</p>
+
+<p>True, he said; how could they see anything but the shadows if they
+were never allowed to move their heads?</p>
+
+<p>And of the objects which are being carried in like manner they would
+see only the shadows.</p>
+
+<p>Yes, he said.</p>
+
+<p>And if they were able to talk to one another, would they not suppose
+that they were naming what was actually before them.</p>
+
+<p>Very true.</p>
+
+<p>And suppose further that the prison had an echo which came from the
+other side, would they not be sure to fancy that the voice which they
+heard was that of a passing shadow?</p>
+
+<p>No question, he replied.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no question, I said, that the truth would be to them just
+nothing but the shadows of the images.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>That is certain.</p>
+
+<p>And now look again, and see how they are released and cured of their
+folly. At first, when any one of them is liberated and compelled
+suddenly to go up and turn his neck round and walk and look at the
+light, he will suffer sharp pains; the glare will distress him, and he
+will be unable to see the realities of which in his former state he
+had seen the shadows; and then imagine some one saying to him that
+what he saw before was an illusion, but that now he is approaching
+real being and has a truer sight and vision of more real things&mdash;what
+will be his reply? And you may further imagine that his instructor is
+pointing to the objects as they pass and requiring him to name
+them&mdash;will he not be in a difficulty? Will he not fancy that the
+shadows which he formerly saw are truer than the objects which are now
+shown to him?</p>
+
+<p>Far truer.</p>
+
+<p>And if he is compelled to look at the light, will he not have a pain
+in his eyes which will make him turn away to take refuge in the
+objects of vision which he can see, and which he will conceive to be
+clearer than the things which are now being shown to him?</p>
+
+<p>True, he said.</p>
+
+<p>And suppose, once more, that he is reluctantly dragged up a steep and
+rugged ascent, and held fast and forced into the presence of the sun
+himself, do you not think that he will be pained and irritated, and
+when he approaches the light he will have his eyes dazzled, and will
+not be able to see any of the realities which are now affirmed to be
+the truth?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Not all in a moment, he said.</p>
+
+<p>He will require to get accustomed to the sight of the upper world. And
+first he will see the shadows best, next the reflections of men and
+other objects in the water, and then the objects themselves; next he
+will gaze upon the light of the moon and the stars; and he will see
+the sky and the stars by night better than the sun, or the light of
+the sun, by day.</p>
+
+<p>Certainly.</p>
+
+<p>And at last he will be able to see the sun, and not mere reflections
+of him in the water, but he will see him as he is in his own proper
+place, and not in another; and he will contemplate his nature.</p>
+
+<p>Certainly.</p>
+
+<p>And after this, he will reason that the sun is he who gives the
+seasons and the years, and is the guardian of all that is in the
+visible world, and in a certain way the cause of all things which he
+and his fellows have been accustomed to behold....</p>
+
+<p>No question, he said.</p>
+
+<p>This allegory, I said, you may now append to the previous argument;
+the prison is the world of sight, the light of the fire is the sun,
+the ascent and vision of the things above you may truly regard as the
+upward progress of the soul into the intellectual world; that is my
+poor belief, to which, at your desire, I have given expression.
+Whether I am right or not God only knows; but, whether true or false,
+my opinion is that in the world of knowledge the idea of good appears
+last of all, and is seen only with an effort; and, when seen, is
+inferred also to be the universal author<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> of all things beautiful and
+right, parent of light and the lord of light in his world, and the
+source of truth and reason in the other; this is the first great cause
+which he who would act rationally either in public or private life
+must behold.</p>
+
+<p>I agree, he said, as far as I am able to understand you.</p>
+
+<p>I should like to have your agreement in another matter I said. For I
+would not have you marvel that those who attain to this beatific
+vision are unwilling to descend to human affairs; but their souls are
+ever hastening into the upper world in which they desire to dwell; and
+this is very natural, if our allegory may be trusted.</p>
+
+<p>Certainly, that is quite natural.</p>
+
+<p>And is there anything surprizing in one who passes from divine
+contemplation to human things, misbehaving himself in a ridiculous
+manner; if, while his eyes are blinking and before he has become
+accustomed to the darkness visible, he is compelled to fight in courts
+of law, or in other places, about the images or shadows of images of
+justice, and is endeavoring to meet the conceptions of those who have
+never yet seen the absolute justice?</p>
+
+<p>There is nothing surprizing in that, he replied.</p>
+
+<p>Any one who has common sense will remember that the bewilderments of
+the eyes are of two kinds, and arise from two causes, either from
+coming out of the light or from going into the light, which is true of
+the mind's eye, quite as much as of the bodily eye; and he who
+remembers this when he sees the soul of any one whose vision is
+perplexed and weak will not be too ready to laugh; he will first ask
+whether that soul has come<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> out of the brighter life, and is unable to
+see because unaccustomed to the dark, or having turned from darkness
+to the day is dazzled by excess of light. And then he will count the
+one happy in his condition and state of being, and he will pity the
+other; or, if he have a mind to laugh at the soul which comes from
+below into the light there will be more reason in this than in the
+laugh which greets the other from the den.</p>
+
+<p>That, he said, is a very just remark.</p>
+
+<p>But if this is true, then certain professors of education must be
+mistaken in saying that they can put a knowledge into the soul which
+was not there before, like giving eyes to the blind.</p>
+
+<p>Yes, that is what they say, he replied.</p>
+
+<p>Whereas, I said, our argument shows that the power is already in the
+soul; and that as the eye can not turn from darkness to light without
+the whole body, so too, when the eye of the soul is turned round, the
+whole soul must be turned from the world of generation into that of
+being, and become able to endure the sight of being and of the
+brightest and best of being&mdash;that is to say, of the good.</p>
+
+<p>Very true.</p>
+
+<p>And this is conversion; and the art will be how to accomplish this as
+easily and completely as possible; not implanting eyes, for they exist
+already, but giving them a right direction, which they have not.</p>
+
+<p>Yes, he said, that may be assumed.</p>
+
+<p>And hence while the other qualities seem to be akin to the body, being
+infused by habit and exercise and not originally innate, the virtue of
+wisdom is part of a divine essence, and has a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span> power which is
+everlasting, and by this conversion is rendered useful and profitable,
+and is also capable of becoming hurtful and useless. Did you never
+observe the narrow intelligence flashing from the keen eye of a clever
+rogue&mdash;how eager he is, how clearly his paltry soul sees the way to
+his end; he is the reverse of blind, but his keen sight is taken into
+the service of evil, and he is dangerous in proportion to his
+intelligence?</p>
+
+<p>Very true, he said.</p>
+
+<p>But what if there had been a circumcision of such natures in the days
+of their youth; and they had been severed from the leaden weights, as
+I may call them, with which they are born into the world, which lead
+on to sensual pleasures, such as those of eating and drinking, and
+drag them down and turn the vision of their souls about the things
+that are below&mdash;if, I say, these natures had been released from these
+tendencies and turned round to the truth, the very same faculty in
+these very same persons would have seen the other as keenly as they
+now see that on which the eye is fixt.</p>
+
+<p>That is very likely.</p>
+
+<p>Yes, I said; and there is another thing which is likely, or rather a
+necessary inference from what has proceeded, that neither the
+uneducated and uninformed of the truth, nor yet those who never make
+an end of their education, will be able ministers of state; not the
+former, because they have no single aim of duty which is the rule of
+their actions, private as well as public; nor the latter, because they
+will not act at all except upon compulsion, fancying that they are
+already in the islands of the blest.</p>
+
+<p>Very true, he replied.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Then, I said, the business of us who are the founders of the state
+will be to compel the best minds to attain that knowledge which has
+been already declared by us to be the greatest of all&mdash;to that
+eminence they must ascend and arrive at the good, and when they have
+ascended and seen enough we must not allow them to do as they do now.</p>
+
+<p>What do you mean?</p>
+
+<p>I mean that they remain in the upper world; but this must not be
+allowed; they must be made to descend again among the prisoners in the
+den, and partake of their labors and honors, whether they are worth
+having or not.</p>
+
+<p>But is not this unjust? he said; ought we to give them an inferior
+life, when they might have a superior one?</p>
+
+<p>You have again forgotten, my friend, I said, the intention of the
+legislator; he did not aim at making any one class in the state happy
+above the rest; the happiness was to be in the whole state, and he
+held the citizens together by persuasion and necessity, making them
+benefactors of one another; to this end he created them, not that they
+should please themselves, but they were to be his instruments in
+binding up the state.</p>
+
+<p>True, he said, I had forgotten that.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Plato is one of the very few Greek authors none of whose
+work has been lost. He shares this good fortune with Xenophon. Of the
+dialog Plato was practically, if not actually, the originator, and the
+form has survived to our day.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> From "The Republic." Translated by Benjamin Jowett. In
+this famous work Plato describes an ideal commonwealth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> The speaker here is Glaucon, Plato's brother.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>II</h2>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="GOOD_AND_EVIL" id="GOOD_AND_EVIL"></a>GOOD AND EVIL<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></h3>
+
+<p>I suppose that you are satisfied at having a life of pleasure which is
+without pain. And if you are satisfied, and if you are unable to show
+any good or evil which does not end in pleasure and pain, hear the
+consequences: If this is true, then I say that the argument is absurd
+which affirms that a man often does evil knowingly when he might
+abstain, because he is seduced and amazed by pleasure; or again, when
+you say that a man knowingly refuses to do what is good because he is
+overcome at the moment by pleasure. Now that this is ridiculous will
+be evident if we only give up the use of various names, such as
+pleasant and painful and good and evil. As there are two things, let
+us call them by two names&mdash;first, good and evil, and then pleasant and
+painful. Assuming this, let us go on to say that a man does evil
+knowing that he does evil. But some one will ask, Why? Because he is
+overcome, is the first answer. And by what is he overcome? the
+inquirer will proceed to ask. And we shall not be able to reply, by
+pleasure, for the name of pleasure has been exchanged for that of
+good.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In our answer, then, we shall say only that he is overcome. By what?
+he will reiterate. By the good, we shall have to reply; indeed, we
+shall. Nay, but our questioner will rejoin with a laugh, if he be one
+of the swaggering sort, that is too ridiculous, that a man should do
+what he knows to be evil when he ought not, because he is overcome by
+good. Is that, he will ask, because the good was worthy or not worthy
+of conquering the evil? And in answer to that we shall clearly reply,
+because it was not worthy; for if it had been worthy, then he who, as
+we say, was overcome by pleasure, would not have been wrong. But how,
+he will reply, can the good be unworthy of the evil, or the evil of
+the good? Is not the real explanation that they are out of proportion
+to each other, either as greater and smaller, or more and fewer? This
+we can not deny. And when you speak of being overcome, what do you
+mean, he will say, but that you choose the greater evil in exchange
+for the lesser good? This being the case, let us now substitute the
+names of pleasure and pain, and say, not as before, that a man does
+what is evil knowingly, but that he does what is painful knowingly,
+and because he is overcome by pleasure, which is unworthy to overcome.
+And what measure is there of the relations of pleasure to pain other
+than excess and defect, which means that they become greater and
+smaller, and more and fewer, and differ in degree? For if any one
+says, Yes, Socrates, but immediate pleasure differs widely from future
+pleasure and pain, to which I should reply: And do they differ in any
+other way except by reason of pleasure and pain? There can be no other
+measure of them. And do<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> you, like a skilful weigher, put into the
+balance the pleasures and the pains, near and distant, and weigh them,
+and then say which outweighs the other? If you weigh pleasures against
+pleasures, you of course take the more and greater; or if you weigh
+pains against pains, you take the fewer and the less; or if pleasures
+against pains, then you choose that course of action in which the
+painful is exceeded by the pleasant, whether the distant by the near
+or the near by the distant; and you avoid that course of action in
+which the pleasant is exceeded by the painful. Would you not admit, my
+friends, that this is true? I am confident that they can not deny
+this.</p>
+
+<p>He agreed with me.</p>
+
+<p>Well then, I shall say, if you admit that, be so good as to answer me
+a question: Do not the same magnitudes appear larger to your sight
+when near, and smaller when at a distance. They will acknowledge that.
+And the same holds of thickness and number; also sounds which are in
+themselves equal are greater when near and lesser when at a distance.
+They will grant that also. Now supposing that happiness consisted in
+making and taking large things, what would be the saving principle of
+human life? Would the art of measuring be the saving principle or
+would the power of appearance? Is not the latter that deceiving art
+which makes us wander up and down and take the things at one time of
+which we repent at another, both in our actions and in our choice of
+things great and small? But the art of measurement is that which would
+do away with the effect of appearances, and, showing the truth, would
+fain teach the soul at last to find rest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span> in the truth, and would thus
+save our life. Would not mankind generally acknowledge that the art
+which accomplishes this is the art of measurement?</p>
+
+<p>Yes, he said, the art of measurement.</p>
+
+<p>Suppose, again, the salvation of human life to depend on the choice of
+odd and even, and on the knowledge of when men ought to choose the
+greater or less, either in reference to themselves or to each other
+whether near or at a distance; what would be the saving principles of
+our lives? Would not knowledge?&mdash;a knowledge of measuring, when the
+question is one of excess and defect, and a knowledge of number, when
+the question is of odd and even? The world will acknowledge that, will
+they not?</p>
+
+<p>Protagoras admitted that they would.</p>
+
+<p>Well then, I say to them, my friends, seeing that the salvation of
+human life has been found to consist in the right choice of pleasures
+and pains&mdash;in the choice of the more and the fewer, and the greater
+and the less, and the nearer and remoter&mdash;must not this measuring be a
+consideration of excess and defect and equality in relation to one
+another?</p>
+
+<p>That is undeniably true.</p>
+
+<p>And this, as possessing measure, must undeniably also be an art and
+science?</p>
+
+<p>They will agree to that....</p>
+
+<p>Then you agree, I said, that the pleasant is the good, and the painful
+evil. And here I would beg my friend Prodicus not to introduce his
+distinction of names, whether he is disposed to say pleasurable,
+delightful, joyful. However and in whatever way he rejoices to name
+them, I will ask<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span> you, most excellent Prodicus, to answer this in my
+sense.</p>
+
+<p>Prodicus laughed and assented, as did the others.</p>
+
+<p>Then, my friends, I said, what do you say to this? Are not all actions
+the tendency of which is to make life painless and pleasant honorable
+and useful? The honorable work is also useful and good.</p>
+
+<p>This was admitted.</p>
+
+<p>Then, I said, if the pleasant is the good, nobody does anything under
+the idea or conviction that some other thing would be better and is
+also attainable when he might do the better. And this inferiority of a
+man to himself is merely ignorance, as the superiority of a man to
+himself is wisdom.</p>
+
+<p>They all assented.</p>
+
+<p>And does not ignorance consist in having a false opinion and being
+deceived about important matters?</p>
+
+<p>To that they unanimously assented also.</p>
+
+<p>Then, I said, no man voluntarily pursues evil or that which he thinks
+to be evil. To prefer evil to good is not in human nature; and when a
+man is compelled to choose one of two evils, no one will choose the
+greater when he might have the less.</p>
+
+<p>We all agreed to every word of this.</p>
+
+<p>Well, I said, there is a certain thing called fear or terror; and
+here, Prodicus, I should particularly like to know whether you would
+agree with me in defining this fear or terror as expectation of evil.</p>
+
+<p>Protagoras and Hippias agreed, but Prodicus said that this was fear
+and not terror.</p>
+
+<p>Never mind about that, Prodicus, I said; but let me ask whether, if
+our former assertions are true, a man will pursue that which he fears
+when he need not? Would not this be in contradiction to the admission
+which has been already made, that he thinks the things which he fears
+to be evil? And no one will pursue or voluntarily accept that which he
+thinks to be evil.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> From the "Protagoras," translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Protagoras, from whom this dialog gets its name, was one of the Greek
+sophists, born about 481 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and exiled from Athens on a charge of
+atheism, his work entitled "On the Gods" being publicly burned. In the
+dialog, which took place in the house of Calias, a wealthy Athenian
+gentleman, besides Protagoras there were present other sophists,
+including Hippias, Prodicus, Hippocrates, Alcibiades, and Critias.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>III</h2>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="SOCRATES_IN_PRAISE_OF_LOVE" id="SOCRATES_IN_PRAISE_OF_LOVE"></a>SOCRATES IN PRAISE OF LOVE<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></h3>
+
+<p>And now I will take my leave of you, and rehearse the tale of love
+which I heard once upon a time from Diotima,<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> of Mantinea, who was
+a wise woman in this and many other branches of knowledge. She was the
+same who deferred the plague of Athens ten years by a sacrifice, and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>was my instructress in the art of love. In the attempt that I am
+about to make, I shall pursue Agathon's method, and begin with his
+admissions, which are nearly if not quite the same as I made to the
+wise woman when she questioned me; this will be the easiest way, and I
+shall take both parts myself as well as I can. For, like Agathon, she
+spoke first of the being and nature of Love, and then of his works.
+And I said to her, in nearly the same words which he used to me, that
+Love was a mighty god, and likewise fair; and she proved to me as I
+proved to him that, in my way of speaking about him, Love was neither
+fair nor good. "What do you mean, Diotima," I said; "is love then evil
+and foul?" "Hush," she cried; "is that to be deemed foul which is not
+fair?" "Certainly," I said. "And is that which is not wise ignorant?
+Do you not see that there is a mean between wisdom and ignorance?"
+"And what is this?" I said. "Right opinion," she replied, "which, as
+you know, being incapable of giving a reason, is not knowledge (for
+how could knowledge be devoid of reason? nor, again, ignorance, for
+neither can ignorance attain the truth), but is clearly something
+which is a mean between ignorance and wisdom." "Quite true," I
+replied. "Do not then insist," she said, "that what is not fair is of
+necessity foul or what is not good is evil, or infer that because Love
+is not fair and good he is therefore foul and evil; for he is in mean
+between them." "Well," I said, "Love is surely admitted by all to be a
+great god." "By those who know or by those who don't know?" "By all."
+"And how, Socrates," she said with a smile, "can Love be acknowledged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
+to be a great god by those who say that he is not a god at all?" "And
+who are they?" I said. "You and I are two of them," she replied. "How
+can that be?" I said. "That is very intelligible," she replied, "as
+you yourself would acknowledge that the gods are happy and fair&mdash;of
+course you would&mdash;would you dare to say that any god was not?"
+"Certainly not," I replied. "And you mean by the happy those who are
+the possessors of things good or fair?" "Yes." "And you admitted that
+Love, because he was in want, desires those good and fair things of
+which he is in want?" "Yes, I admitted that." "But how can he be a god
+who has no share in the good or the fair?" "That is not to be
+supposed." "Then you see that you also deny the deity of Love."</p>
+
+<p>"What then is Love?" I asked. "Is he mortal?" "No." "What then?" "As
+in the former instance, he is neither mortal nor immortal, but in a
+mean between them." "What is he then, Diotima?" "He is a great spirit,
+and like all that is spiritual he is intermediate between the divine
+and the mortal." "And what is the nature of this spiritual power?" I
+said. "This is the power," she said, "which interprets and conveys to
+the gods the prayers and sacrifices of men, and to men the commands
+and rewards of the gods; and this power spans the chasm which divides
+them, and in this all is bound together, and through this the arts of
+the prophet and the priest, their sacrifices and mysteries and charms,
+and all prophecy and incantation, find their way. For God mingles not
+with man; and through this power all the intercourse and speech of God
+with man, whether awake or asleep, is carried on.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> The wisdom which
+understands this is spiritual; all other wisdom, such as that of arts
+or handicrafts, is mean and vulgar. Now these spirits or intermediate
+powers are many and divine, and one of them is Love." "And who," I
+said, "was his father, and who his mother?" "The tale," she said,
+"will take time; nevertheless I will tell you. On the birthday of
+Aphrodite there was a feast of the gods, at which the god Poros or
+Plenty, who is the son of Metis or Discretion, was one of the guests.
+When the feast was over, Penia or Poverty, as the manner was, came
+about the doors to beg. Now Plenty, who was the worse for Nectar
+(there was no wine in those days), came into the garden of Zeus and
+fell into a heavy sleep; and Poverty, considering her own straitened
+circumstances, plotted to have him for a husband, and accordingly she
+lay down at his side and conceived Love, who partly because he is
+naturally a lover of the beautiful, and because Aphrodite is herself
+beautiful, and also because he was born on Aphrodite's birthday is her
+follower and attendant. And as his parentage is, so also are his
+fortunes.</p>
+
+<p>"In the first place, he is always poor, and anything but tender and
+fair, as the many imagine him; and he is hard-featured and squalid,
+and has no shoes nor a house to dwell in; on the bare earth exposed he
+lies under the open heaven, in the streets, or at the doors of houses,
+taking his rest; and like his mother, he is always in distress. Like
+his father too, whom he also partly resembles, he is always plotting
+against the fair and the good; he is bold, enterprising, strong, a
+hunter of men, always at some intrigue or other,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> keen in the pursuit
+of wisdom, and never wanting resources; a philosopher at all times,
+terrible as an enchanter, sorcerer, sophist; for as he is neither
+mortal nor immortal, he is alive and flourishing at one moment when he
+is in plenty, and dead at another moment, and again alive by reason of
+his father's nature. But that which is always flowing in is always
+flowing out, and so he is never in want and never in wealth, and he is
+also in a mean between ignorance and knowledge. The truth of the
+matter is just this: No god is a philosopher or seeker after wisdom,
+for he is wise already; nor does any one else who is wise seek after
+wisdom. Neither do the ignorant seek after wisdom. For herein is the
+evil of ignorance, that he who is neither good nor wise is
+nevertheless satisfied; he feels no want, and has therefore no
+desire." "But who then, Diotima," I said, "are the lovers of wisdom,
+if they are neither the wise nor the foolish?" "A child may answer
+that question," she replied; "they are those who, like Love, are in a
+mean between the two. For wisdom is a most beautiful thing, and Love
+is of the beautiful; and therefore Love is also a philosopher or lover
+of wisdom, and being a lover of wisdom is in a mean between the wise
+and the ignorant. And this again is a quality which Love inherits from
+his parents; for his father is wealthy and wise, and his mother poor
+and foolish. Such, my dear Socrates, is the nature of the spirit Love.
+The error in your conception of him was very natural, and as I imagine
+from what you say, has arisen out of a confusion of love and the
+beloved&mdash;this made you think that love was all beautiful. For the
+beloved is the truly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> beautiful, delicate, and perfect and blest; but
+the principle of love is of another nature, and is such as I have
+described."</p>
+
+<p>I said, "O thou strange woman, thou sayest well, and now, assuming
+Love to be such as you say, what is the use of him?" "That, Socrates,"
+she replied, "I will proceed to unfold; of his nature and birth I have
+already spoken, and you acknowledge that Love is of the beautiful. But
+some one will say, 'Of the beautiful in what, Socrates and
+Diotima?'&mdash;or rather let us put the question more clearly, and ask,
+When a man loves the beautiful, what does he love?" I answered her,
+"That the beautiful may be his." "Still," she said, "the answer
+suggests a further question, which is this, What is given by the
+possession of beauty?" "That," I replied, "is a question to which I
+have no answer ready." "Then," she said, "let me put the word 'good'
+in the place of the beautiful, and repeat the question, What does he
+who loves the good desire?" "The possession of the good," I said. "And
+what does he gain who possesses the good?" "Happiness," I replied;
+"there is no difficulty in answering that." "Yes," she said, "the
+happy are made happy by the acquisition of good things. Nor is there
+any need to ask why a man desires happiness; the answer is already
+final." "That is true," I said. "And is this wish and this desire
+common to all? and do all men always desire their own good, or only
+some men?&mdash;what think you?" "All men," I replied; "the desire is
+common to all." "But all men, Socrates," she rejoined, "are not said
+to love, but only some of them; and you say that all men are always
+loving<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span> the same things." "I myself wonder," I said, "why that is."
+"There is nothing to wonder at," she replied; "the reason is that one
+part of love is separated off and receives the name of the whole, but
+the other parts have other names." "Give an example," I said. She
+answered me as follows: "There is poetry, which, as you know, is
+complex and manifold. And all creation or passage of non-being into
+being is poetry or making, and the processes of all art are creative,
+and the masters of arts are all poets." "Very true." "Still," she
+said, "you know that they are not called poets, but have other names;
+the generic term 'poetry' is confined to that specific art which is
+separated off from the rest of poetry, and is concerned with music and
+meter; and this is what is called poetry, and they who possess this
+kind of poetry are called poets."</p>
+
+<p>"Very true," I said. "And the same holds of love. For you may say
+generally that all desire of good and happiness is due to the great
+and subtle power of Love; but those who, having their affections set
+upon him, are yet diverted into the paths of money-making or gymnastic
+philosophy are not called lovers&mdash;the name of the genus is reserved
+for those whose devotion takes one form only&mdash;they alone are said to
+love, or to be lovers." "In that," I said, "I am of opinion that you
+are right." "Yes," she said, "and you hear people say that lovers are
+seeking for the half of themselves; but I say that they are seeking
+neither for the half nor for the whole, unless the half or the whole
+be also a good. And they will cut off their own hands and feet and
+cast them away if they are evil; for they love them not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> because they
+are their own, but because they are good, and dislike them not because
+they are another's, but because they are evil. There is nothing which
+men love but the good. Do you think that there is?" "Indeed," I
+answered, "I should say not." "Then," she said, "the conclusion of the
+whole matter is that men love the good." "Yes," I said. "To which may
+be added that they love the possession of the good?" "Yes, that may be
+added." "And not only the possession, but the everlasting possession
+of the good?" "That may be added too." "Then love," she said, "may be
+described generally as the love of the everlasting possession of the
+good?" "That is most true," I said.</p>
+
+<p>"Then if this be the nature of love, can you tell me further," she
+said, "what is the manner of the pursuit? What are they doing who show
+all this eagerness and heat which is called love? Answer me that."
+"Nay, Diotima," I said, "if I had known I should not have wondered at
+your wisdom or have come to you to learn." "Well," she said, "I will
+teach you: love is only birth in beauty, whether of body or soul."
+"The oracle requires an explanation," I said; "I don't understand
+you." "I will make my meaning clearer," she replied. "I mean to say
+that which all men are bringing to the birth of their bodies and their
+souls. There is a certain age at which human nature is desirous of
+procreation; and this procreation must be in beauty and not in
+deformity; and this is the mystery of man and woman, which is a divine
+thing, for conception and generation are a principle of immortality in
+the mortal creature. And in the inharmonical they can never be. But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
+the deformed is always inharmonical with the divine, and the beautiful
+harmonious. Beauty, then, is the destiny or goddess of parturition who
+presides a birth, and therefore, when approaching beauty the
+conceiving power is propitious, and diffuse, and benign, and begets
+and bears fruit; on the appearance of foulness she frowns and
+contracts in pain, and is averted and morose, and shrinks up, and not
+without a pang refrains from conception. And this is the reason why,
+when the hour of conception arrives, and the teeming nature is full,
+there is such a flutter and ecstasy about beauty whose approach is the
+alleviation of pain. For love, Socrates, is not, as you imagine, the
+love of the beautiful only." "What then?" "The love of generation and
+birth in beauty." "Yes," I said. "Yes, indeed," she replied. "But why
+of birth?" I said. "Because to the mortal, birth is a sort of eternity
+and immortality," she replied; "and as has been already admitted, all
+men will necessarily desire immortality together with good if love is
+of the everlasting possession of the good."</p>
+
+<p>All this she taught me at various times when she spoke of love. And on
+another occasion she said to me: "What is the reason, Socrates, of
+this love, and the attendant desire? See you not how all animals,
+birds as well as beasts, in their desire of procreation, are in agony
+when they take the infection of love; this begins with the desire of
+union, to which is added the care of offspring, in behalf of whom the
+weakest are ready to battle against the strongest even to the
+uttermost, and to die for them, and will let themselves be tormented
+with hunger or suffer anything in order<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> to maintain their
+offspring.... Marvel not then at the love which all men have of their
+offspring; for that universal love and interest are for the sake of
+immortality."</p>
+
+<p>When I heard this, I was astonished and said, "Is this really true, O
+thou wise Diotima?" And she answered with all the authority of a
+sophist: "Of that, Socrates, you may be assured; think only of the
+ambition of men, and you will marvel at their senselessness unless you
+consider how they are stirred by the love of an immortality of fame.
+They are ready to run risks greater far than they would have run for
+their children, and to spend money and undergo any amount of toil, and
+even to die for the sake of leaving behind them a name which shall be
+eternal. Do you imagine that Alcestis<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> would have died on behalf of
+Admetus, or Achilles after Patroclus, or your own Codrus in order to
+preserve the kingdom for his sons, if they had not imagined that the
+memory of their virtues, which is still retained among us, would be
+immortal? Nay," she said, "for I am persuaded that all men do all
+things for the sake of the glorious fame of immortal virtue, and the
+better they are the more they desire this; for they are ravished with
+the desire of the immortal.</p>
+
+<p>"Men whose bodies only are creative betake themselves to women and
+beget children&mdash;this is the character of their love; their offspring,
+as they hope, will preserve their memory and give them the blessedness
+and immortality which they desire in the future. But creative
+souls&mdash;for there are men who are more creative in their <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>souls than in
+their bodies&mdash;conceive that which is proper for the soul to conceive
+or retain. And what are these conceptions?&mdash;wisdom and virtue in
+general. And such creators are all poets and other artists who may be
+said to have invention. But the greatest and fairest sort of wisdom by
+far is that which is concerned with the ordering of states and
+families, and which is called temperance and justice. And he who in
+youth has the seed of these implanted in him and is himself inspired,
+when he comes to maturity desires to beget and generate offspring. And
+he wanders about seeking beauty that he may beget offspring&mdash;for in
+deformity he will beget nothing&mdash;and embraces the beautiful rather
+than the deformed; and when he finds a fair and noble and
+well-nurtured soul, and there is union of the two in one person, he
+gladly embraces it, and to such a soul he is full of fair speech about
+virtue and the nature and pursuits of a good man; and he tries to
+educate it; and at the touch and presence of the beautiful he brings
+forth the beautiful which he conceived long before, and the beautiful
+is ever present with him and in his memory even when absent, and in
+company they tend that which he brings forth, and they are bound
+together by a far nearer tie and have a closer friendship than those
+who beget mortal children, for the children who are their common
+offspring are fairer and more immortal. Who, when he thinks of Homer
+and Hesiod<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> and other great <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>poets, would not rather emulate them
+in the creation of children such as theirs, which have preserved their
+memory and given them everlasting glory? Or who would not have such
+children as Lycurgus<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> left behind to be the saviors, not only of
+Laced&aelig;mon, but of Hellas, as one may say? There is Solon, too, who is
+the revered father of Athenian laws; and many others there are in
+various places, both among Hellenes and barbarians. They all have done
+many noble works, and have been the parents of virtue of every kind,
+and in honor of their children many temples have been raised, which
+were never raised in honor of the mortal children of any one.</p>
+
+<p>"These are the lesser mysteries of love, into which even you,
+Socrates, may enter; to the greater and more hidden ones which are the
+crown of these, and to which, if you pursue them in a right spirit,
+they will lead, I know not whether you will be able to attain. But I
+will do my utmost to inform you, and do you follow if you can. For he
+who would proceed rightly in this matter should begin in youth to turn
+to beautiful forms; and first, if his instructor guide him rightly, he
+should learn to love one such form only&mdash;out of that he should create
+fair thoughts; and soon he will find himself perceive that the beauty
+of one form is truly related to the beauty of another; and then if
+beauty in general is his pursuit, how foolish would he be not to
+recognize that the beauty in every form is one and the same! And when
+he perceives this he will abate <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>his violent love of the one, which he
+will despise and deem a small thing, and will become a lover of all
+beautiful forms; this will lead him on to consider that the beauty of
+the mind is more honorable than the beauty of the outward form. So
+that if a virtuous soul have but a little comeliness, he will be
+content to love and tend it, and will search out and bring to the
+birth thoughts which may improve the young, until his beloved is
+compelled to contemplate and see the beauty of institutions and laws,
+and understand that all is of one kindred, and that personal beauty is
+only a trifle; and after laws and institutions he will lead him on to
+the sciences, that he may see their beauty, being not like a servant
+in love with the beauty of one youth or man or institution, himself a
+slave mean and calculating, but looking at the abundance of beauty and
+drawing toward the sea of beauty, and creating and beholding many fair
+and noble thoughts and notions in boundless love of wisdom, until at
+length he grows and waxes strong, and at last the vision is revealed
+to him of a single science, which is the science of beauty
+everywhere...."</p>
+
+<p>Such, Ph&aelig;drus<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>&mdash;and I speak not only to you, but to all men&mdash;were
+the words of Diotima; and I am persuaded of their truth. And being
+persuaded of them, I try to persuade others that in the attainment of
+this end human nature will not easily find a better helper than Love.
+And, therefore, also, I say that every man ought to honor him as I
+myself honor him, and walk in his ways, and exhort others to do the
+same, even as I praise the power and spirit of Love according to the
+measure of my ability now and ever.</p>
+
+<p>The words which I have spoken, you, Ph&aelig;drus, may call an encomium of
+Love or anything else which you please.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> From "The Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Mahaffy ranks this work "as greater and more brilliant" than the
+"Ph&aelig;do." Being intensely Greek, it has, however, seemed alien, if not
+offensive, to many modern readers. Scholars have valued it highly as a
+vivid picture of the manners of the most refined society of Athens. It
+has sometimes been called "The Banquet." Under that name, the poet
+Shelley made a translation. The banquet described took place in the
+house of the tragic poet Agathon. Agathon was born about 477 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, of
+a rich and eminent Athenian family. He was remarkable for personal
+accomplishments rather than for high literary genius. He is believed
+to have died at the age of forty-seven.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Diotima, a priestess, reputed to have been a
+Pythagorean, but some writers have doubted her existence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> The wife of Admetus, a Thessalian king, who sacrificed
+her life in order to save that of her husband.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Hesiod, whose home was in B&oelig;otia, is thought to have
+lived about three centuries after Homer; that is, about 800 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> He
+was a shepherd in his youth, and began to write verses while tending
+his flocks.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Lived probably in the ninth century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and the
+traditional author of the laws by which Sparta was governed for
+several centuries.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> An Athenian, son of Pythocles, and friend of Plato, but
+of whom nothing more is known.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>IV</h2>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="THE_PRAISE_OF_SOCRATES_BY_ALCIBIADES" id="THE_PRAISE_OF_SOCRATES_BY_ALCIBIADES"></a>THE PRAISE OF SOCRATES BY ALCIBIADES<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></h3>
+
+<p>When Socrates had done speaking, the company applauded, and
+Aristophanes<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> was beginning to say something in answer to the
+allusion which Socrates had made to his own speech, when suddenly
+there was a great knocking at the door of the house, as of revelers,
+and the sound of a flute-girl was heard. Agathon told the attendants
+to go and see who were the intruders. "If they are friends of ours,"
+he said, "invite them in, but if not say that the drinking is over." A
+little while afterward they heard the voice of Alcibiades resounding
+in the court; he was in a great <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>state of intoxication, and kept
+roaring and shouting: "Where is Agathon? Lead me to Agathon," and at
+length, supported by the flute-girl and some of his companions, he
+found his way to them. "Hail, friends," he said, appearing at the door
+crowned with a massive garland of ivy and wall-flowers, and having his
+head flowing with ribbons. "Will you have a very drunken man as a
+companion of your revels? Or shall I crown Agathon, as was my
+intention in coming, and go my way? For I was unable to come
+yesterday, and therefore I come to-day, carrying on my head three
+ribbons, that taking them from my own head I may crown the head of
+this fairest and wisest of men, as I may be allowed to call him. Will
+you laugh at me because I am drunk? Yet I know very well that I am
+speaking the truth, altho you may laugh. But first tell me whether I
+shall come in on the understanding that I am drunk. Will you drink
+with me or not?"</p>
+
+<p>The company were vociferous in begging that he should take his place
+among them, and Agathon specially invited him. Thereupon he was led in
+by the people who were with him; and as he was being led he took the
+crown and ribbons from his head, intending to crown Agathon, and had
+them before his eyes; this prevented him from seeing Socrates, who
+made way for him, and Alcibiades took the vacant place between Agathon
+and Socrates, and in taking the place he embraced Agathon and crowned
+him. "Take off his sandals," said Agathon, "and let him make a third
+on the same couch."</p>
+
+<p>"By all means; but who makes the third partner in our revels?" said
+Alcibiades, turning round<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> and starting up as he caught sight of
+Socrates. "By Heracles," he said, "what is this? Here is Socrates
+always lying in wait for me, and always, as his way is, coming out at
+all sorts of unexpected places; and now, what have you to say for
+yourself, and why are you lying here, where I perceive that you have
+contrived to find a place, not by a professor or lover of jokes, like
+Aristophanes, but by the fairest of the company?"</p>
+
+<p>Socrates turned to Agathon and said: "I must ask you to protect me,
+Agathon; for this passion of his has grown quite a serious matter.
+Since I became his admirer I have never been allowed to speak to any
+other fair one, or so much as to look at them. If I do he goes wild
+with envy and jealousy, and not only abuses me, but can hardly keep
+his hands off me, and at this moment he may do me some harm. Please
+see to this, and either reconcile me to him or, if he attempt
+violence, protect me, as I am in bodily fear of his mad and passionate
+attempts."</p>
+
+<p>"There can never be reconciliation between you and me," said
+Alcibiades; "but for the present I will defer your chastisement. And I
+must beg you, Agathon, to give me back some of the ribbons that I may
+crown the marvelous head of this universal despot. I would not have
+him complain of me for crowning you, and neglecting him, who in
+conversation is the conqueror of all mankind; and this not once only,
+as you were the day before yesterday, but always." Then taking some of
+the ribbons, he crowned Socrates, and again reclined. When he had lain
+down again, he said: "You seem, my friends, to be sober, which is a
+thing not to be endured; you must drink for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span> that was the agreement
+which I made with you&mdash;and I elect myself master of the feast until
+you are quite drunk. Let me have a large goblet, Agathon, or rather,"
+he said, addressing the attendant, "bring me that wine-cooler." The
+wine-cooler which caught his eye was a vessel holding more than two
+quarts; this he filled and emptied, and bade the attendant fill it
+again for Socrates. "Observe, my friends," said Alcibiades, "that my
+ingenious device will have no effect on Socrates, for he can drink any
+quantity of wine and not be at all nearer being drunk." Socrates drank
+the cup which the attendant filled for him....</p>
+
+<p>"I shall praise Socrates in a figure which will appear to him to be a
+caricature, and yet I do not mean to laugh at him, but only to speak
+the truth. I say, then, that he is exactly like the masks of Silenus,
+which may be seen sitting in the statuaries' shops, having pipes and
+flutes in their mouths; and they are made to open in the middle, and
+there are images of gods inside them. I say also that he is like
+Marsyas the satyr. You will not deny this, Socrates, that your face is
+like that of a satyr. Aye, and there is a resemblance in other points
+too. For example, you are a bully&mdash;that I am in a position to prove by
+the evidence of witnesses if you will not confess. And are you not a
+flute-player? That you are, and a far more wonderful performer than
+Marsyas. For he indeed with instruments charmed the souls of men by
+the power of his breath, as the performers of his music do still; for
+the melodies of Olympus are derived from the teaching of Marsyas, and
+these, whether they are played by a great master or by a miserable
+flute-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>girl, have a power which no others have; they alone possess the
+soul and reveal the wants of those who have need of gods and
+mysteries, because they are inspired.</p>
+
+<p>"But you produce the same effect with the voice only, and do not
+require the flute; that is the difference between you and him. When we
+hear any other speaker, even a very good one, his words produce
+absolutely no effect upon us in comparison, whereas the very fragments
+of you and your words, even at second-hand, and however imperfectly
+repeated, amaze and possess the souls of every man, woman, and child
+who comes within hearing of them. And if I were not afraid that you
+think me drunk, I would have sworn to as well as spoken of the
+influence which they have always and still have over me. For my heart
+leaps within me more than that of any Corybantian<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> reveler, and my
+eyes rain tears when I hear him. And I observe that many others are
+affected in the same way. I have heard Pericles and other great
+orators, but tho I thought that they spoke well, I never had any
+similar feeling; my soul was not stirred by them, nor was I angry at
+the thought of my own slavish state. But this Marsyas has often
+brought me to such a pass that I have felt as if I could hardly endure
+the life which I am leading (this, Socrates, you admit); and I am
+conscious that if I did not shut my ears against him, and fly from the
+voice of the siren, he would detain me until I grew old sitting at his
+feet. For he makes me <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>confess that I ought not to live as I do,
+neglecting the wants of my own soul, and busying myself with the
+concerns of the Athenians; therefore I hold my ears and tear myself
+away from him. And he is the only person who ever made me ashamed,
+which you might think not to be in my nature, and there is no one else
+who does the same. For I know that I can not answer him or say that I
+ought not to do as he bids, but when I leave his presence the love of
+popularity gets the better of me. And therefore I run away and fly
+from him, and when I see him I am ashamed of what I have confest to
+him. And many a time I wish that he were dead, and yet I know that I
+should be much more sorry than glad if he were to die; so that I am at
+my wit's end.</p>
+
+<p>"And this is what I and many others have suffered from the
+flute-playing of this satyr. Yet hear me once more while I show you
+how exact the image is, and how marvelous his power. For I am sure
+that none of you know him; but I know him and will describe him, as I
+have begun. See you how fond he is of the fair? He is always with them
+and is always being smitten by them, and then again he knows nothing
+and is ignorant of all things&mdash;that is the appearance which he puts
+on. Is he not like a Silenus in this? Yes, surely; that is, his outer
+mask, which is the carved head of the Silenus; but when he is opened,
+what temperance there is, as I may say to you, O my companions in
+drink, residing within. Know you that beauty and wealth and honor, at
+which the many wonder, are of no account with him, and are utterly
+despised by him; he regards not at all the persons who are gifted with
+them;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span> mankind are nothing to him; all his life is spent in mocking
+and flouting at them. But when I opened him, and looked within at his
+serious purpose, I saw in him divine and golden images of such
+fascinating beauty that I was ready to do in a moment whatever
+Socrates commanded (they may have escaped the observation of others,
+but I saw them). Now I thought that he was seriously enamored of my
+beauty, and this appeared to be a grand opportunity of hearing him
+tell what he knew, for I had a wonderful opinion of the attractions of
+my youth.</p>
+
+<p>"In the prosecution of this design, when I next went to him, I sent
+away the attendant who usually accompanied me (I will confess the
+whole truth, and beg you to listen; and if I speak falsely, do you,
+Socrates, expose the falsehood). Well, he and I were alone together,
+and I thought that when there was nobody with us, I should hear him
+speak the language of love as lovers do, and I was delighted. Not a
+word; he conversed as usual, and spent the day with me and then went
+away. Afterward I challenged him to the palestra; and he wrestled and
+closed with me several times alone; I fancied that I might succeed in
+this way. Not a bit; there was no use in that. Lastly, as I had failed
+hitherto, I thought that I must use stronger measures and attack him
+boldly, as I had begun, and not give him up until I saw how the matter
+stood. So I invited him to supper, just as if he were a fair youth,
+and I a designing lover. He was not easily persuaded to come; he did,
+however, after a while, accept the invitation, and when he came the
+first time, he wanted to go away at once as soon as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span> supper was over,
+and I had not the face to detain him....</p>
+
+<p>"And yet I could not help wondering at his natural temperance and
+self-restraint and courage. I never could have thought that I should
+have met with a man like him in wisdom and endurance. Neither could I
+be angry with him or renounce his company any more than I could hope
+to win him. For I well knew that if Ajax could not be wounded by
+steel, much less he by money; and I had failed in my only chance of
+captivating him. So I wandered about and was at my wit's end; no one
+was ever more hopelessly enslaved by another. All this, as I should
+explain, happened before he and I went on the expedition to Potid&aelig;a;
+there we messed together, and I had the opportunity of observing his
+extraordinary power of sustaining fatigue and going without food when
+our supplies were intercepted at any place, as will happen with an
+army. In the faculty of endurance he was superior not only to me but
+to everybody else; there was no one to be compared to him. Yet at a
+festival he was the only person who had any real powers of enjoyment,
+and tho not willing to drink, he could if compelled beat us all at
+that, and the most wonderful thing of all was that no human being had
+ever seen Socrates drunk; and that, if I am not mistaken, will soon be
+tested. His endurance of cold was also surprizing. There was a severe
+frost, for the winter in that region is really tremendous, and
+everybody else either remained indoors, or if they went out had on no
+end of clothing, and were well shod, and had their feet swathed in
+felt and fleeces; in the midst of this,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span> Socrates, with his bare feet
+on the ice, and in his ordinary dress, marched better than any of the
+other soldiers who had their shoes on, and they looked daggers at him
+because he seemed to despise them.</p>
+
+<p>"I have told you one tale, and now I must tell you another, which is
+worth hearing, of the doings and sufferings of this enduring man while
+he was on the expedition. One morning he was thinking about something
+which he could not resolve; and he would not give up, but continued
+thinking from early dawn until noon&mdash;there he stood fixt in thought;
+and at noon attention was drawn to him, and the rumor ran through the
+wondering crowd that Socrates had been standing and thinking about
+something ever since the break of day. At last, in the evening after
+supper, some Ionians out of curiosity (I should explain that this was
+not in the winter but in summer) brought out their mats and slept in
+the open air that they might watch him and see whether he would stand
+all night. There he stood all night as well as all day and the
+following morning; and with the return of light he offered up a prayer
+to the sun, and went his way. I will also tell, if you please&mdash;and
+indeed I am bound to tell&mdash;of his courage in battle; for who but he
+saved my life? Now this was the engagement in which I received the
+prize for valor; for I was wounded and he would not leave me, but he
+rescued me and my arms; and he ought to have received the prize of
+valor which the generals wanted to confer on me partly on account of
+my rank, and I told them so (this Socrates will not impeach or deny),
+but he was more eager than the generals that I and not he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span> should have
+the prize. There was another occasion on which he was very noticeable;
+this was in the flight of the army after the battle of Delium, and I
+had a better opportunity of seeing him than at Potid&aelig;a, as I was
+myself on horseback, and therefore comparatively out of danger. He and
+Laches were retreating as the troops were in flight, and I met them
+and told them not to be discouraged, and promised to remain with them;
+and there you might see him, Aristophanes, as you describe, just as he
+is in the streets of Athens, stalking like a pelican, and rolling his
+eyes, calmly contemplating enemies as well as friends, and making very
+intelligible to anybody, even from a distance, that whoever attacks
+him will be likely to meet with a stout resistance; and in this way he
+and his companion escaped&mdash;for these are the sort of persons who are
+never touched in war; they pursue only those who are running away
+headlong. I particularly observed how superior he was to Laches in
+presence of mind.</p>
+
+<p>"Many are the wonders of Socrates which I might narrate in his praise;
+most of his ways might perhaps be paralleled in others, but the most
+astonishing thing of all is his absolute unlikeness to any other human
+being that is or ever has been. You may imagine Brasidas and others to
+have been like Achilles; or you may imagine Nestor and Antenor to have
+been like Pericles; and the same may be said of other famous men, but
+of this strange being you will never be able to find any likeness,
+however remote, either among men who now are or who ever have been,
+except that which I have already suggested of Silenus and the satyrs;
+and this is an allegory not only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span> of himself, but also of his words.
+For, altho I forgot to mention this before, his words are ridiculous
+when you first hear them; he clothes himself in language that is as
+the skin of the wanton satyr&mdash;for his talk is of pack-asses and smiths
+and cobblers and curriers, and he is always repeating the same things
+in the same words, so that an ignorant man who did not know him might
+feel disposed to laugh at him; but he, who pierces the mask and sees
+what is within will find that they are the only words which have a
+meaning in them, and also the most divine, abounding in fair examples
+of virtue, and of the largest discourse, or rather extending to the
+whole duty of a good and honorable man.</p>
+
+<p>"This, friends, is my praise of Socrates. I have added my blame of him
+for his ill treatment of me; and he has ill treated not only me, but
+Charmides,<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> the son of Glaucon, and Euthydemus,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> the son of
+Diocles, and many others in the same way&mdash;beginning as their lover, he
+has ended by making them pay their addresses to him. Wherefore I say
+to you, Agathon, 'Be not deceived by him; learn from me and take
+warning, and don't be a fool and learn by experience,' as the proverb
+says."</p>
+
+<p>When Alcibiades had done speaking, there was a laugh at his plainness
+of speech, as he seemed to be still in love with Socrates. "You are
+sober, Alcibiades," said Socrates, "or you would never have gone about
+to hide the purpose of your <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>satyr's praises, for all this long story
+is only an ingenious circumlocution, the point of which comes in by
+the way at the end; you want to get up a quarrel between me and
+Agathon, and your notion is that I ought to love you and nobody else,
+and that you and you only ought to love Agathon. But the plot of this
+satyric or Selinic drama has been detected, and you must not allow
+him, Agathon, to set us at variance."</p>
+
+<p>"I believe you are right," said Agathon, "and I am disposed to think
+that his intention in placing himself between you and me was only to
+divide us; but he shall gain nothing by that move, as I will go and
+lie in the couch next to you."</p>
+
+<p>"Yes, yes," replied Socrates, "by all means come here and lie on the
+couch below me."</p>
+
+<p>"Alas," said Alcibiades, "how am I fooled by this man! He is
+determined to get the better of me at every turn. I do beseech you,
+allow Agathon to lie between us."</p>
+
+<p>"Impossible," said Socrates, "as you praised me, and I ought to praise
+my neighbor on the right, he will be out of order in praising me again
+when he ought rather to be praised by me, and I must entreat you to
+consent to this, and not be jealous, for I have a great desire to
+praise the youth."</p>
+
+<p>"Ha! ha!" cried Agathon; "I will rise instantly, that I may be praised
+by Socrates."</p>
+
+<p>"The usual way," said Alcibiades; "where Socrates is, no one else has
+any chance with the fair, and now how readily has he invented a
+specious reason for attracting Agathon to himself!"</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> From "The Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+This picture of Socrates is declared by Mahaffy to be the most
+wonderful of all pictures of him, inasmuch as it shows him "in all his
+ugliness, his fascination, his deep sympathy, his iron courage, his
+unassailable chastity." Mahaffy's enthusiasm has been shared by many
+writers and readers in all generations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> The famous comic poet and dramatist, author of the
+"Frogs," "Clouds," "Birds," and many other works, of which only eleven
+are now extant; born about 451 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died not later than 380.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> The Corybantes were priests of the Phrygian goddess
+Rhea, worship of whom was exprest in dances, which often took the
+character of orgies.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Charmides was an uncle of Plato, noted for moderation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Euthydemus was a name given by Plato to one of his
+dialogs, in which virtue and the teaching of virtue are the themes.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>V</h2>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="THE_REFUSAL_OF_SOCRATES_TO_ESCAPE_FROM_PRISON" id="THE_REFUSAL_OF_SOCRATES_TO_ESCAPE_FROM_PRISON"></a>THE REFUSAL OF SOCRATES TO ESCAPE FROM PRISON<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></h3>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: There are persons who at no great cost are willing to save
+you and bring you out of prison; and as for the informers, you may
+observe that they are far from being exorbitant in their demands; a
+little money will satisfy them. My means, which, as I am sure, are
+ample, are at your service, and if you have a scruple about spending
+all mine, here are strangers who will give you the use of others; and
+one of them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a sum of money for this
+very purpose; and Cebes and many others are willing to spend their
+money too. I say, therefore, do not on that account hesitate about
+making your escape, and do not say, as you did in court, that you will
+have difficulty in knowing what to do with yourself if you escape. For
+men will love you in other places to which you may go, and not in
+Athens only; there are friends of mine in Thessaly, if you like to go
+to them, who will value and protect you, and no Thessalians will give
+you any trouble.</p>
+
+<p>Nor can I think that you are justified, Socrates, in betraying your
+own life when you might be saved; this is playing into the hands of
+your enemies and destroyers; and moreover I should <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>say that you were
+betraying your children; for you might bring them up and educate them;
+instead of which you go away and leave them, and they will have to
+take their chance; and if they do not meet with the usual fate of
+orphans, there will be small thanks to you. No man should bring
+children into the world who is unwilling to persevere to the end in
+their nurture and education. But you are choosing the easier part, as
+I think, not the better and manlier, which would rather have become
+one who professes virtue in all his actions, like yourself. And indeed
+I am ashamed not only of you, but of us who are your friends, when I
+reflect that this entire business of yours will be attributed to our
+want of courage. The trial need never have come on, or might have been
+brought to another issue; and the end of all, which is the crowning
+absurdity, will seem to have been permitted by us, through cowardice
+and baseness, who might have saved you, as you might have saved
+yourself, if we had been good for anything (for there was no
+difficulty in escaping); and we did not see how disgraceful, Socrates,
+and also miserable all this will be to us as well as you. Make your
+mind up then, or rather have your mind already made up, for the time
+of deliberation is over, and there is only one thing to be done, which
+must be done, if at all, this very night, and which any delay will
+render all but impossible; I beseech you therefore, Socrates, to be
+persuaded by me, and to do as I say....</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: From these premises I proceed to argue the question
+whether I ought or ought not to try and escape without the consent of
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span> Athenians; and if I am clearly right in escaping, then I will
+make the attempt; but if not, I will abstain. The other considerations
+which you mention, of money and loss of character and the duty of
+educating children, are, as I fear, only the doctrines of the
+multitude, who would be as ready to call people to life if they were
+able as they are to put them to death&mdash;and with as little reason. But
+now, since the argument has thus far prevailed, the only question
+which remains to be considered is whether we shall do rightly either
+in escaping or in suffering others to aid in our escape and paying
+them in money and thanks, or whether we shall not do rightly; and if
+the latter, then death or any other calamity which may ensue on my
+remaining here must not be allowed to enter into the calculation.</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: I think that you are right, Socrates; how then shall we
+proceed?</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Let us consider the matter together, and do you either
+refute me if you can, and I will be convinced, or else cease, my dear
+friend, from repeating to me that I ought to escape against the wishes
+of the Athenians; for I am extremely desirous to be persuaded by you,
+but not against my own better judgment. And now please to consider my
+first position, and do your best to answer me.</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: I will do my best....</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Again, Crito, may we do evil?</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: Surely not, Socrates.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: And what of doing evil in return for evil, which is the
+morality of the many; is that just or not?</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: Not just.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: For doing evil to another is the same as injuring him?</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: Very true.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Then we ought not to retaliate or render evil for evil to
+any one, whatever evil we may have suffered from him. But I would have
+you consider, Crito, whether you really mean what you are saying. For
+this opinion has never been held, and never will be held, by any
+considerable number of persons; and those who are agreed and those who
+are not agreed upon this point have no common ground, and can only
+despise one another when they see how widely they differ. Tell me,
+then, whether you agree with and assent to my first principle, that
+neither injury nor retaliation nor warding off evil by evil is ever
+right. And shall that be the premise of our argument? Or do you
+decline and dissent from this? For this has been of old and is still
+my opinion; but, if you are of another opinion, let me hear what you
+have to say. If, however, you remain of the same mind, I will proceed.</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: You may proceed, for I have not changed my mind.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Then I will proceed to the next step, which may be put in
+the form of a question: Ought a man to do what he admits to be right
+or ought he to betray the right?</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: He ought to do what he thinks right.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: But if this is true, what is the application? In leaving
+the prison against the will of the Athenians, do I wrong any? or
+rather do I not wrong those whom I ought least to wrong? Do I not
+desert the principles which were acknowledged by us to be just? What
+do you say?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: I can not tell, Socrates; for I do not know.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Then consider the matter in this way: Imagine that I am
+about to play truant (you may call the proceeding by any name which
+you like), and the laws and the government come and interrogate me:
+"Tell us, Socrates," they say; "what are you about? Are you going by
+an act of yours to overturn us&mdash;the laws and the whole state, as far
+as in you lies? Do you imagine that a state can subsist and not be
+overthrown in which the decisions of law have no power, but are set
+aside and overthrown by individuals?" What will be our answer, Crito,
+to these and the like words? Any one, and especially a clever
+rhetorician, will have a good deal to urge about the evil of setting
+aside the law which requires a sentence to be carried out; and we
+might reply, "Yes; but the state has injured us and given an unjust
+sentence." Suppose I say that?</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: Very good, Socrates.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: "And was that our agreement with you?" the law would say;
+"or were you to abide by the sentence of the state?" And if I were to
+express astonishment at their saying this, the law would probably add:
+"Answer, Socrates, instead of opening your eyes; you are in the habit
+of asking and answering questions. Tell us what complaint you have to
+make against us which justifies you in attempting to destroy us and
+the state? In the first place, did we not bring you into existence?
+Your father married your mother by our aid and begot you. Say whether
+you have any objection to urge against those of us who regulate
+marriage?" None, I should reply. "Or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span> against those of us who regulate
+the system of nurture and education of children in which you were
+trained? Were not the laws, which have the charge of this, right in
+commanding your father to train you in music and gymnastic?" Right, I
+should say. "Well then, since you were brought into the world and
+nurtured and educated by us, can you deny, in the first place, that
+you are our child and slave, as your fathers were before you? And if
+this is true, you are not on equal terms with us; nor can you think
+that you have a right to do to us what we are doing to you. Would you
+have any right to strike or revile or do any other evil to a father or
+to your master, if you had one, when you have been struck or reviled
+by him, or received some other evil at his hands? You would not say
+this? And because we think right to destroy you, do you think that you
+have any right to destroy us in return, and your country as far as in
+you lies? And will you, O professor of true virtue, say that you are
+justified in this? Has a philosopher like you failed to discover that
+our country is more to be valued and higher and holier far than mother
+or father or any master, and more to be regarded in the eyes of the
+gods and of men of understanding; also to be soothed, and gently and
+reverently entreated when angry, even more than a father, and if not
+persuaded, obeyed? And when we are punished by her, whether with
+imprisonment or stripes, the punishment is to be endured in silence;
+and if she lead us to wounds or death in battle, thither we follow as
+is right; neither may any one yield or retreat or leave his rank, but
+whether in battle, or in a court of law,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span> or in any other place, he
+must do what his city and his country order him, or he must change
+their view of what is just; and if he may do no violence to his father
+or mother, much less may he do violence to his country." What answer
+shall we make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak truly, or do they not?</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: I think that they do.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Then the laws will say: "Consider, Socrates, if this is
+true, that in your present attempt you are going to do us wrong. For,
+after having brought you into the world, and nurtured and educated
+you, and given you and every other citizen a share in every good that
+we had to give, we further proclaim and give the right to every
+Athenian that if he does not like us when he has come of age and has
+seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he may go where
+he pleases and take his goods with him; and none of our laws will
+forbid him or interfere with him. Any of you who does not like us and
+the city, and who wants to go to a colony or to any other city, may go
+where he likes and take his goods with him. But he who has experience
+of the manner in which we order justice and administer the state, and
+still remains, has entered into an implied contract that he will do as
+we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we maintain, thrice
+wrong; first, because in disobeying us he is disobeying his parents;
+secondly, because we are the authors of his education; thirdly,
+because he had made an agreement with us that he will duly obey our
+commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces us that our commands
+are wrong; and we do not rudely impose them, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span> give him the
+alternative of obeying or convincing us; that is what we offer, and he
+does neither. These are the sort of accusations to which, as we were
+saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you accomplish your
+intentions; you above all other Athenians." Suppose I ask, why is
+this? They will justly retort upon me that I above all other men have
+acknowledged the agreement. "There is clear proof," they will say,
+"Socrates, that we and the city were not displeasing to you. Of all
+Athenians you have been the most constant resident in the city, which,
+as you never leave, you may be supposed to love. For you never went
+out of the city either to see the games, except once when you went to
+the Isthmus, or to any other place unless when you were on military
+service; nor did you travel as other men do. Nor have you any
+curiosity to know other states or their laws; your affections did not
+go beyond us and our state; we were your special favorites, and you
+acquiesced in our government of you; and this is the state in which
+you begot your children, which is a proof of your satisfaction.
+Moreover, you might, if you had liked, have fixt the penalty at
+banishment in the course of the trial&mdash;the state which refuses to let
+you go now would have let you go then. But you pretended that you
+preferred death to exile, and that you were not grieved at death. And
+now you have forgotten these fine sentiments, and pay no respect to us
+the laws, of which you are the destroyer, and are doing what only a
+miserable slave would do, running away and turning your back upon the
+compacts and agreements which you made as a citizen. And first of all
+answer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span> this very question: Are we right in saying that you agreed to
+be governed according to us in deed, and not in word only? Is that
+true or not?" How shall we answer that, Crito? Must we not agree?</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: There is no help, Socrates.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Then will they not say: "You, Socrates, are breaking the
+covenants and agreements which you made with us at your leisure, not
+in any haste or under any compulsion or deception, but having had
+seventy years to think of them, during which time you were at liberty
+to leave the city, if we were not to your mind, or if our covenants
+appeared to you to be unfair. You had your choice, and might have gone
+either to Laced&aelig;mon or Crete, which you often praise for their good
+government, or to some other Hellenic or foreign state. Whereas you,
+above all other Athenians, seemed to be so fond of the state, or, in
+other words, of us her laws (for who would like a state that has no
+laws?), that you never stirred out of her; the halt, the blind, the
+maimed were not more stationary in her than you were. And now you run
+away and forsake your agreements. Not so, Socrates, if you will take
+our choice; do not make yourself ridiculous by escaping out of the
+city.</p>
+
+<p>"For just consider, if you transgress and err in this sort of way,
+what good will you do either to yourself or to your friends? That your
+friends will be driven into exile and deprived of citizenship, or will
+lose their property, is tolerably certain; and you yourself if you fly
+to one of the neighboring cities, as, for example, Thebes or Megara,
+both of which are well-governed cities,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span> will come to them as an
+enemy, Socrates, and their government will be against you, and all
+patriotic citizens will cast an evil eye upon you as a subverter of
+the laws, and you will confirm in the minds of the judges the justice
+of their own condemnation of you. For he who is a corrupter of the
+laws is more than likely to be a corrupter of the young and foolish
+portion of mankind. Will you then flee from well-ordered cities and
+virtuous men? and is existence worth having on these terms?...</p>
+
+<p>"Listen, then, Socrates, to us who have brought you up. Think not of
+life and children first, and of justice afterward, but of justice
+first, that you may be justified before the princes of the world
+below. For neither will you nor any that belong to you be happier or
+holier or juster in this life, or happier in another, if you do as
+Crito bids. Now you depart in innocence, a sufferer and not a doer of
+evil; a victim, not of the laws, but of men. But if you go forth,
+returning evil for evil, and injury for injury, breaking the covenants
+and agreements which you have made with us, and wronging those whom
+you ought least to wrong&mdash;that is to say, yourself, your friends, your
+country, and us&mdash;we shall be angry with you while you live, and our
+brethren, the laws in the world below, will receive you as an enemy;
+for they will know that you have done your best to destroy us. Listen,
+then, to us and not to Crito."</p>
+
+<p>This is the voice which I seem to hear murmuring in my ears, like the
+sound of the flute in the ears of the mystic; that voice, I say, is
+humming in my ears, and prevents me from hearing any other. And I know
+that anything more which you may say will be vain. Yet speak, if you
+have anything to say.</p>
+
+<p><i>Crito</i>: I have nothing to say, Socrates.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates</i>: Then let me follow the intimations of the will of God.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> From the "Crito," translated by Benjamin Jowett. Crito
+was an influential and well-to-do citizen of Athens and a friend of
+Socrates; but nothing more definite about him is known.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span></p>
+<h2>VI</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_DEATH_OF_SOCRATES" id="THE_DEATH_OF_SOCRATES"></a>THE DEATH OF SOCRATES<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></h3>
+
+<p>"Me, already, as the tragic poet would say, the voice of fate calls.
+Soon I must drink the poison; and I think that I had better repair to
+the bath first, in order that the women may not have the trouble of
+washing my body after I am dead."</p>
+
+<p>When he had done speaking, Crito said: "And have you any commands for
+us, Socrates&mdash;anything to say about your children or any other matter
+in which we can serve you?"</p>
+
+<p>"Nothing particular," he said; "only, as I have always told you, I
+would have you to look to yourselves; that is a service which you may
+always be doing to me and mine as well as to yourselves. And you need
+not make professions; for if you take no thought for yourselves, and
+walk not according to the precepts which I have given you, not now for
+the first time, the warmth of your professions will be of no avail."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"We will do our best," said Crito. "But in what way would you have us
+bury you?"</p>
+
+<p>"In any way that you like; only you must get hold of me, and take care
+that I do not walk away from you." Then he turned to us, and added
+with a smile: "I can not make Crito believe that I am the same
+Socrates who has been talking and conducting the argument; he fancies
+that I am the other Socrates whom he will soon see a dead body&mdash;and he
+asks, How shall he bury me? And tho I have spoken many words in the
+endeavor to show that when I have drunk the poison I shall leave you
+and go to the joys of the blest&mdash;these words of mine, with which I
+comforted you and myself, have had, as I perceive, no effect upon
+Crito. And therefore I want you to be surety for me now, as he was
+surety for me at the trial: but let the promise be of another sort;
+for he was my surety to the judges that I would remain, but you must
+be my surety to him that I shall not remain, but go away and depart;
+and then he will suffer less at my death, and not be grieved when he
+sees my body being burned or buried. I would not have him sorrow at my
+hard lot, or say at the burial, 'Thus we lay out Socrates,' or, 'Thus
+we follow him to the grave or bury him'; for false words are not only
+evil in themselves, but they infect the soul with evil. Be of good
+cheer then, my dear Crito, and say that you are burying my body only,
+and do with that as is usual, and as you think best."</p>
+
+<p>When he had spoken these words, he arose and told us to wait until he
+went into the bath-chamber with Crito; and we waited, talking and
+thinking of the subject of discourse, and also of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span> greatness of
+our sorrow: he was like a father of whom we were being bereaved, and
+we were about to pass the rest of our lives as orphans. When he had
+taken the bath, his children were brought to him&mdash;(he had two young
+sons and an elder one); and the women of his family also came, and he
+talked to them and gave them a few directions in the presence of
+Crito; and he then dismissed them and returned to us.</p>
+
+<p>Now the hour of sunset was near, for a good deal of time had passed
+while he was within. When he came out, he sat down with us again after
+his bath, but not much was said. Soon the jailer, who was the servant
+of the eleven, entered and stood by him, saying: "To you, Socrates,
+whom I know to be the noblest and gentlest and best of all who ever
+came to this place, I will not impute the angry feelings of other men,
+who rage and swear at me when, in obedience to the authorities, I bid
+them drink the poison&mdash;indeed, I am sure that you will not be angry
+with me; for others, as you are aware, and not I, are the guilty
+cause. And so fare you well, and try to bear lightly what must needs
+be; you know my errand." Then bursting into tears, he went out.</p>
+
+<p>Socrates looked at him and said, "I return your good wishes, and will
+do as you bid." Then turning to us, he said, "How charming the man is;
+since I have been in prison he has always been coming to see me, and
+at times he would talk to me, and was as good as could be, and now see
+how generously he sorrows for me. But we must do as he says, Crito;
+let the cup be brought if the poison is prepared; if not, let the
+attendant prepare some."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"Yet," said Crito, "the sun is still upon the hilltops, and I know
+that many a one has taken the draft late; and after the announcement
+had been made to him, he has eaten and drunk, and enjoyed the society
+of his beloved; do not hasten then; there is still time."</p>
+
+<p>Socrates said: "Yes, Crito, and they of whom you speak are right in
+doing thus, for they think that they will gain by the delay; but I am
+right in not doing thus, for I do not think that I should gain
+anything by drinking the poison a little later; I should be sparing
+and saving a life which is already gone; I could only laugh at myself
+for this. Please then to do as I say, and not to refuse me."</p>
+
+<p>Crito made a sign to the servant, who was standing by; and he went
+out, and after being absent for some time returned with the jailer
+carrying the cup of poison. Socrates said: "You, my good friend, who
+are experienced in these matters, shall give me the directions how I
+am to proceed." The man answered: "You have only to walk about until
+your legs are heavy, and then to lie down, and the poison will act."
+At the same time he handed the cup to Socrates, who in the easiest and
+gentlest manner, without the least fear or change of color or feature,
+looking at the man with all his eyes, Echecrates,<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> as his manner
+was, took the cup and said: "What do you say about making a libation
+out of this cup to any god? May I or not?" The man answered: "We only
+prepare, Socrates, just so much as we deem <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>enough." "I understand,"
+he said; "yet I may and must ask the gods to prosper my journey from
+this to that other world&mdash;even so&mdash;and so be it according to my
+prayer." Then holding the cup to his lips, quite readily and
+cheerfully he drank off the poison. And hitherto most of us had been
+able to control our sorrow; but now when we saw him drinking, and saw
+too that he had finished the draft, we could no longer forbear, and in
+spite of myself my own tears were flowing fast; so that I covered my
+face and wept over myself, for certainly I was not weeping over him,
+but at the thought of my own calamity in having lost such a friend.
+Nor was I the first, for Crito, when he found himself unable to
+restrain his tears, had got up and moved away, and I followed; and at
+that moment, Apollodorus, who had been weeping all the time, broke out
+into a loud and passionate cry which made cowards of us all. Socrates
+alone retained his calmness: "What is this strange outcry?" he said.
+"I sent away the women mainly in order that they might not offend in
+this way, for I have heard that a man should die in peace. Be quiet
+then, and have patience." When we heard that, we were ashamed, and
+refrained our tears; and he walked about until, as he said, his legs
+began to fail, and then he lay on his back, according to the
+directions, and the man who gave him the poison now and then looked at
+his feet and legs; and after a while he prest his foot hard and asked
+him if he could feel; and he said, "No"; and then his leg, and so
+upward and upward, and showed us that he was cold and stiff. And he
+felt them himself, and said: "When the poison reaches the heart, that
+will be the end."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span> He was beginning to grow cold about the groin, when
+he uncovered his face, for he had covered himself up, and said (they
+were his last words)&mdash;"Crito, I owe a cock to Asclepius; will you
+remember to pay the debt?" "The debt shall be paid," said Crito; "is
+there anything else?" There was no answer to this question; but in a
+minute or two a movement was heard, and the attendants uncovered him;
+his eyes were set, and Crito closed his eyes and mouth.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend, whom I may truly call the
+wisest, and justest, and best of all the men whom I have ever known.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> From the "Ph&aelig;do." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Probably the "Ph&aelig;do" is, of all Plato's writings, the most famous. Its
+importance is ascribed by Mahaffy not only to what is said of
+immortality, in passages which have "fascinated the thoughtful men of
+all ages," but to the touching story of the last hours of Socrates.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Echecrates seems to have been the Locrian philosopher to
+whom Plato is believed to have gone for some of his early
+instruction.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="ARISTOTLE" id="ARISTOTLE"></a>ARISTOTLE</h2>
+
+
+<p>Born in Stagira in 384 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>; died at Chalcis in Eub&oelig;a in 322; the
+most famous of Greek philosophers; went to Athens in his eighteenth
+year as a pupil of Plato and remained there for twenty years; in 343
+went to the Court of Macedon, where he undertook the education of
+Alexander the Great, then thirteen years old; in 335 returned to
+Athens and produced the greater part of his writings; afterward forced
+to flee from Athens to Chalcis during an uprising against the
+Macedonians; his numerous writings deal with all branches of science
+known to his times; the first edition of the Greek text, that of Aldus
+Manutius, published in 1495-98.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>
+
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="WHAT_THINGS_ARE_PLEASANT" id="WHAT_THINGS_ARE_PLEASANT"></a>WHAT THINGS ARE PLEASANT<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Let it be laid down by us, that pleasure is a certain motion of the
+soul, and a settlement of it, at once rapid and perceptible, into its
+own proper nature; and that pain is the contrary. If then pleasure be
+a thing of this nature, it is plain that whatever is productive of the
+disposition I <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>have described is pleasant; while everything of a
+nature to destroy it, or produce a disposition the opposite to it, is
+painful.</p>
+
+<p>Generally speaking, therefore, it is necessary, both that the being in
+progress toward a state conformable to nature should be pleasant; and
+that, in the highest degree, when those feelings, whose original is
+conformable to it, shall have recovered that their nature; and habits,
+because that which is habitual becomes by that time natural, as it
+were; for, in a certain way, custom is like nature, because the idea
+of frequency is proximate to that of always; now nature belongs to the
+idea of always, custom to that of often. What is not compulsory, also,
+is pleasant; for compulsion is contrary to nature. Wherefore acts of
+necessity are painful; and it has been truly remarked, "Every act of
+necessity is in its nature painful." It must be also that a state of
+sedulous attention, anxiety, the having the mind on the stretch, are
+painful, for they all are acts of necessity, and constrained, unless
+they have become habitual; but it is custom which, under such
+circumstances, renders them pleasant. The contraries of these must
+also be pleasant; wherefore, relaxation of mind, leisure,
+listlessness, amusements, and intervals of rest, rank in the class of
+things pleasant; for none of these has anything to do with necessity.
+Everything of which there is an innate appetite, is pleasant; for
+appetite is a desire of what is pleasant.</p>
+
+<p>Now, of appetites, some are irrational, others attended by reason. I
+call all those irrational which men desire, not from any conception
+which they form: of this kind are all which are said to exist<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
+naturally, as those of the body; thirst or hunger, for instance, in
+the case of sustenance; and the appetite of sustenance in every kind.
+And the appetites connected with objects of taste, and of lust, and,
+in fact, objects of touch generally; the appetite of fragrant odors,
+too, as connected with smelling, and hearing, and sight. Appetites
+attended by reason are all those whatsoever which men exercise from a
+persuasion: for many things there are which they desire to behold, and
+possess, on hearsay and persuasion. Now, as the being pleased stands
+in the perception of a certain affection, and as imagination is a kind
+of faint perception, there will attend on him who exercises either
+memory or hope a kind of imagination of that which is the object of
+his memory or hope; but if so, it is plain that they who exercise
+memory or hope, certainly feel pleasure, since they have also a
+perception. So that everything pleasant consists either in the
+perception of present objects, or in the remembrance of those which
+have already been, or in the hope of such as are yet to be; for men
+exercise perception on present, memory on past, and hope on future
+objects. Now the objects of memory are pleasant, not only such as at
+the moment while present were pleasant, but some even which were not
+pleasant, should their consequence subsequently be honorable and good;
+and hence this saying, "But it is indeed pleasant for a man, when
+preserved, to remember his toils"; and this, "For after his
+sufferings, a man who has suffered much, and much achieved, is
+gladdened at the recollection." But the reason of this is, that to be
+exempt from evil is pleasant. And all objects are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span> pleasant in hope,
+which appear by their presence either to delight or benefit in a great
+degree; or to benefit, without giving pain. In a word, whatever
+objects by their presence delight us, do so, generally speaking, as we
+hope for, or remember them. On which account, too, the feeling of
+anger is pleasant; just as Homer has remarked of anger in his poem,
+"That which with sweetness far greater than distilling honey as it
+drops"; for there is no one who feels anger where the object seems
+impracticable to his revenge; nor with those far their superiors in
+power do men feel anger at all, or if they do, it is in a less degree.</p>
+
+<p>There is also a kind of pleasure consequent on most appetites; for
+either in the recollection that they have enjoyed them, or in the hope
+that they shall enjoy them, men are affected and delighted by a
+certain pleasure: thus men possest by fevers feel delight, amid their
+thirst, as well at the remembrance how they used to drink, as at the
+hope of drinking yet again. Lovers, too, feel delight in conversing,
+writing, and composing something, ever about the object beloved;
+because, in all those energies, they have a perception, as it were, of
+the object they love. And this is in all cases a criterion of the
+commencement of love, when persons feel pleasure not only in the
+presence of the object, but are enamored also of it when absent, on
+memory; wherefore, even when pain arises at absence, nay in the midst
+of mourning, and the very dirge of death, there yet arises within us a
+certain pleasure. For the pain is felt because the object is not
+present; but the pleasure consists in remembering and seeing, as it
+were,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span> both the person, and what he used to do, and the kind of
+character of which he was. Whence has it been said, and with
+probability enough, "Thus spake he, and excited within them all a
+desire of lamentation." Also the avenging oneself is pleasant; for the
+getting of that is pleasant, the failing to get which is painful: now
+the angry do feel pain in an excessive degree if they be not avenged;
+but in the hope of revenge they take pleasure.</p>
+
+<p>Again, to overcome is pleasant, not to the ambitious only, but even to
+all; for there arises an imagination of superiority, for which all,
+either in a faint or more violent degree, have an appetite. But since
+to overcome is pleasant, it must follow, of course, that amusements
+where there is field for rivalry, as those of music and disputations,
+are pleasant; for it frequently occurs, in the course of these, that
+we overcome; also chess, ball, dice, and drafts.</p>
+
+<p>Again, it is the same with respect to amusements where a lively
+interest is taken; for, of these, some become pleasant as accustomed
+to them; others are pleasant at first; for instance, hunting and every
+kind of sporting; for where there is rivalry, there is also victory;
+on which principle the disputations of the bar and of the schools are
+pleasant to those who have become accustomed to them, and have
+abilities. Also honor and good character are most pleasant, by reason
+that an idea arises, that one is such as is the good man; and this in
+a greater degree should those people pronounce one such who he thinks
+speak truth: such are those immediately about one, rather than those
+who are more removed;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span> familiar friends, and acquaintances, and one's
+fellow citizens, rather than those who are at a distance; the present,
+rather than a future generation; a man of practical wisdom, rather
+than a mere ignoramus; many, than a few; for it is more likely that
+these I have mentioned will adhere to the truth, than that the
+opposite characters will: since one has no anxiety about the honor or
+the opinion of such as one greatly despises, children and animals, for
+instance, not at least for the sake of such opinion itself; but if one
+is anxious about it, then it is on account of something else.</p>
+
+<p>A friend, too, ranks among things pleasant; for the affection of love
+is pleasant; since there is no lover of wine who does not delight in
+wine: also the having affection felt toward one is pleasant; for there
+is in this case also an idea of one's being an excellent person, which
+all who have any sensibility to it are desirous of; now the having
+affection felt for you is the being beloved yourself, on your own
+account. Also the being held in admiration is pleasant, on the very
+account of being honored by it. Flattery and the flatterer are
+pleasant; since the flatterer is a seeming admirer and a seeming
+friend. To continue the same course of action is also pleasant; for
+what is habitual was laid down to be pleasant. To vary is also
+pleasant; for change is an approach to what is natural: for sameness
+produces an excess of a stated habit; whence it has been said, "In
+everything change is pleasant." For on this principle, whatever occurs
+at intervals of time is pleasant, whether persons or things; for it is
+a variation of present objects; and at the same time that which
+occurs merely at intervals possesses the merit of rarity. Also
+learning and admiration, generally speaking, are pleasant; for under
+admiration exists a desire [to learn], so that what is admired is
+desired; and in the act of learning there is a settlement into a state
+conformable to nature. To benefit and to be benefited are also of the
+number of pleasant things; for to be benefited is to get what people
+desire; but to benefit is to possess and abound; things, the both of
+which men desire. And because a tendency to beneficence is pleasant,
+it is also pleasant to a man to set his neighbor on his legs again,
+and to put a finish to that which was deficient in some particular.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_LIFE_MOST_DESIRABLE" id="THE_LIFE_MOST_DESIRABLE"></a>THE LIFE MOST DESIRABLE<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></h3>
+
+<p>He who proposes to make the fitting inquiry as to which form of
+government is the best, ought first to determine what manner of living
+is most eligible; for while this remains uncertain, it will also be
+equally uncertain what government is best. For, unless some unexpected
+accident interfere, it is probable that those who enjoy the best
+government will live best according to existing circumstances; he
+ought, therefore, first to come to some agreement as to the manner of
+life which, so to speak, is most desirable for all; and afterward,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>whether this life is the same or different in the individual and the
+member of a state.</p>
+
+<p>Deeming then that we have already sufficiently shown what sort of life
+is best, in our popular discourses on that subject, we must now make
+use of what we there said. Certainly no one ever called in question
+the propriety of one of the divisions; namely, that as there are three
+kinds of things good for man, which are, what is external, what
+belongs to the body, and to the soul, it is evident that all these
+must conspire to make men truly happy. For no one would say that a man
+was happy who had nothing of fortitude or temperance, justice or
+prudence, but was afraid of the flies that flew round him; or who
+would abstain from nothing, if he chanced to be desirous of meat or
+drink, or who would murder his dearest friend for a farthing; or, in
+like manner, one who was in every particular as wanting and misguided
+in his understanding as an infant or a maniac. These truths are so
+evident that all must agree to them, tho some may dispute about the
+quantity and the degree: for they may think, that a very little amount
+of virtue is sufficient for happiness; but as to riches, property,
+power, honor, and all such things, they endeavor to increase them
+without bounds. But to such we say, that it is easy to prove, from
+what experience teaches us concerning these cases, that it is not
+through these external goods that men acquire virtue, but through
+virtue that they acquire them. As to a happy life, whether it is to be
+found in pleasure or in virtue, or in both, certain it is that it
+belongs more frequently to those whose morals are most pure, and whose
+understandings are best<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span> cultivated, and who preserve moderation in
+the acquisition of external goods, than to those who possess a
+sufficiency of external good things, but are deficient in the rest.</p>
+
+<p>And that such is the case will be clearly seen by any one who views
+the matter with reflection. For whatsoever is external has its
+boundary, as a machine; and whatsoever is useful is such that its
+excess is either necessarily hurtful, or at best useless to the
+possessor. But every good quality of the soul, the higher it is in
+degree, becomes much the more useful, if it is permitted on this
+subject to adopt the word "useful" as well as "noble." It is also
+evident that the best disposition of each thing will follow in the
+same proportion of excess, as the things themselves, of which we allow
+they are accidents, differ from each other in value. So that if the
+soul is more noble than any outward possession, or than the body, both
+in itself and with respect to us, it must be admitted, of course, that
+the best disposition of each must follow the same analogy. Besides, it
+is for the sake of the soul that these things are desirable, and it is
+on this account that wise men should desire them, and not the soul for
+them.</p>
+
+<p>Let us therefore be well agreed that so much of happiness falls to the
+lot of every one as he possesses of virtue and wisdom, and in
+proportion as he acts according to their dictates; since for this we
+have the example of the God Himself, who is completely happy, not from
+any external good, but in Himself, and because He is such by nature.
+For good fortune is something of necessity different from happiness,
+as every external good of the soul is produced by chance or by
+fortune; but it is not from fortune that any one is just or wise.
+Hence it follows, as established by the same reasoning, that the state
+which is best, and acts best, will be happy: for no one can fare well
+who acts not well; nor can the actions either of man or city be
+praiseworthy without virtue and wisdom. For valor, justice and wisdom
+have in a state the same force and form as in individuals; and it is
+only as he shares in these virtues that each man is said to be just,
+wise, and prudent.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Aristotle has been recognized as a great name in the
+classic literature of Greece, but this, as Mahaffy points out, is
+rather as a critic than as a man of letters in the narrow sense of the
+word. Physically he was unattractive. In his day he was thought ugly.
+His features were small and his legs thin. A sitting portrait of him,
+now preserved in Rome, shows a refined and careworn, tho somewhat hard
+face, in which thought and perhaps bodily suffering have drawn deep
+furrows. His writings are said to have numbered about four hundred.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> From Book I of the "Rhetoric." Translated by Theodore
+Buckley.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> From Book VII of the "Politics." Translated by Edward
+Walford.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span></p>
+<h2>III</h2>
+<h3><a name="IDEAL_HUSBANDS_AND_WIVES" id="IDEAL_HUSBANDS_AND_WIVES"></a>IDEAL HUSBANDS AND WIVES<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></h3>
+
+<p>But as to man, the first object of his care should be respecting a
+wife; for the society which exists between the male and female is
+above all others natural. For it is laid down by us elsewhere, that
+nature aims at producing many such creatures as the several kinds of
+animals; but it is impossible for the female to accomplish this
+without the male, or the male without the female, so that the society
+between them exists of necessity. In all other animals indeed, this
+association is irrational, and exists only so far as they possess a
+natural instinct, and for the sake of procreation alone. But in the
+milder and more intelligent animals, this bond more nearly approaches
+perfection; for there seem to be in them <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>more signs of mutual
+assistance and good-will, and of cooperation with each other. But this
+is especially the case with man, because the male and female here
+cooperate not only for the sake of existence, but of living happily.
+And the procreation of children is a means not only of subserving
+nature, but also of solid benefit; for the labor which they expend
+during their season of vigor upon their helpless young is given back
+to them in the decay of age, from their children who are then in
+vigor.</p>
+
+<p>And at the same time, by this continual cycle, nature provides for the
+continuance of the race as a species, since she can not do so
+numerically. Thus divinely predisposed toward such a society is the
+nature of both the male and the female. For the sexes are at once
+divided, in that neither of them have powers adequate for all
+purposes, nay, in some respects even opposite to each other, tho they
+tend to the same end. For nature has made the one sex stronger and the
+other weaker, that the one by reason of fear may be more adapted to
+preserve property, while the other, by reason of its fortitude, may be
+disposed to repel assaults; and that the one may provide things
+abroad, while the other preserves them at home. And with respect to
+labor, the one is by nature capable of attending to domestic duties,
+but weak as to matters out-of-doors; the other is ill-adapted to works
+where repose is necessary, but able to perform those which demand
+exercise. And with respect to children, the bearing of them belongs to
+one sex, but the advantage of them is common to both; for the one has
+to rear them, and the other to educate them....<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>A good and perfect wife ought to be mistress of everything within the
+house, and to have the care of everything according to fixt laws;
+allowing no one to come in unbidden by her husband, and especially
+keeping on her guard against everything which can be noised abroad
+relating to a woman's dishonor. So that if any mischance has happened
+within doors, she alone ought to know about it; but when those who
+have come in have done anything wrong, the husband should bear the
+blame. And she should manage the expenses laid out upon such festivals
+as her husband has agreed with her in keeping, and make an outlay of
+clothes and other ornaments on a somewhat lesser scale than is
+encouraged by the laws of the state; considering that neither splendor
+of vestments, nor preeminence of beauty, nor the amount of gold,
+contributes so much to the commendation of a woman as good management
+in domestic affairs, and a noble and comely manner of life; since all
+such array of the soul is far more lovely, and has greater force (than
+anything besides), to provide herself and her children true ornament
+till old age.</p>
+
+<p>A wife therefore ought to inspire herself with confidence, and
+perpetually to be at the head of domestic affairs. For it is unseemly
+for a man to know all that goes on in the house; in all respects
+indeed she ought to be obedient to her husband, and not to busy
+herself about public affairs, nor to take part in matrimonial
+concerns. And when it is time to give his daughters in marriage, or to
+get wives for his sons, by all means in these respects she should obey
+her husband. And she ought to show herself a fellow counsellor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span> to her
+husband, so as to assent to what pleases him, remembering that it is
+less unseemly for a husband to take in hand domestic matters, than for
+a wife to busy herself in affairs out-of-doors. But the well-ordered
+wife will justly consider the behavior of her husband as a model of
+her own life, and a law to herself, invested with a divine sanction by
+means of the marriage tie and the community of life. For if she can
+persuade herself to bear her husband's ways patiently, she will most
+easily manage matters in the house; but if she can not, she will have
+greater difficulty. So that it will be seemly for her to show herself
+of one mind with her husband, and tractable, not only when her husband
+is in good luck and prosperity, but also when he is in misfortune; and
+when good fortune has failed him or sickness has laid hold of his
+bodily frame, or when he has been deprived of his senses, she ought
+gently and sympathetically to yield in any matter which is not base
+and unworthy; but if her husband has been ailing and made a mistake,
+she ought not to keep it on her mind, but to lay the blame on disease
+or ignorance....</p>
+
+<p>But the husband in his turn should find out certain laws to regulate
+his treatment of his wife, as one who entered the house of her husband
+to share his children and his life, and to leave him a progeny
+destined to bear the names of her husband's parents and her own. And
+what in the world could there be more holy than these ties? or what is
+there about which a man in his sound sense could strive more earnestly
+than to beget the children who shall hereafter nurse his declining
+years, from the best and most praiseworthy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span> of wives; for they are to
+be, as it were, the best and most pious preservers of their father and
+mother, and guardians of the entire family. For it is probable that
+they will turn out good, if they have been reared uprightly by their
+parents in the habitual practise of what is just and holy but if the
+contrary should be the case, they will suffer the loss themselves. For
+unless parents afford their children a fit pattern of life, they will
+leave them an obvious excuse to quote against themselves. And this is
+to be feared, that if they have not lived well, their sons will
+disregard them, and neglect them in their old age.</p>
+
+<p>On this account nothing is to be omitted which tends to the fit
+education of a bride, so that the children may be born of the best
+possible mother. For the husbandman neglects nothing so as to cast his
+seed upon the richest and best wrought ground, considering that it is
+from such a soil that he will hereafter reap the fairest fruits; and
+if any violence threatens, he fights against his enemy, and
+deliberately chooses to die rather than endure to see it ravaged; and
+such a disposition as this is praised by most persons. And as such is
+the care which is spent by us on the support of our bodies, what
+manner of men ought we to show ourselves on behalf of our children and
+of the mother that is to rear them? Ought we not most readily to
+strain every nerve? For in this way alone does the constitution of
+man's nature, which is mortal, attain to prosperity, and the prayers
+of parents all tend to this one end. And hence, whoever cares not for
+this is sure to be regardless of the gods.</p>
+
+<p>It was for the sake of the gods, then, who were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span> present to him when
+he offered the marriage sacrifice, that he not only took to himself a
+wife, but also (what is far more) gave himself over to his bride to
+honor her next to his own parents. But that which is most precious in
+the eyes of a prudent wife is to see her husband preserving himself
+entirely for her, thinking of no other woman in comparison with her,
+and regarding herself, above all other women, as peculiarly his own,
+and faithful toward him. For in proportion as a wife perceives that
+she is faithfully and justly cared for, so much the more will she
+exert her energies to show herself such. Whoever therefore is prudent
+will not fail to remember with how much honor it becomes him to
+requite his parents, his wife, and his children, in order that he may
+gain the name of one who is just and upright in distributing to each
+their due. For every one is indignant beyond measure at being deprived
+of that which belongs to himself in a peculiar manner; and there is no
+one who is content at being deprived of his own property, tho one were
+to give him plenty of his neighbor's goods. And in very truth nothing
+is so peculiarly the property of a wife as a chaste and hallowed
+intercourse.</p>
+
+<p>And hence it would not befit a prudent man to cast his seed wherever
+chance might take it, lest children should be born to him from a bad
+and base stock, on an equality with his legitimate sons; and by this
+the wife is robbed of her conjugal rights, the children are injured,
+and above all, the husband himself is enveloped in disgrace. He ought
+therefore to approach his wife with much self-restraint and decency,
+and to maintain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span> modesty in his words, and in his deeds a regard to
+what is lawful and honest, and in his intercourse he should be true
+and discreet. And to little errors, even tho they be voluntary, he
+ought to vouchsafe pardon; and if she has made any mistake through
+ignorance, he ought to advise her, and not to inspire her with fear,
+except such as is accompanied with reverence and respect. For such
+treatment would be more suited to mistresses at the hands of their
+gallants. Yet, nevertheless, justly to love her husband with reverence
+and respect, and to be loved in turn, is that which befits a wife of
+gentle birth, as to her intercourse with her own husband. For fear is
+of two kinds; the one kind is reverent and full of respect; such is
+that which good sons exhibit toward their parents, and well-ordered
+citizens toward those who rule them in a kindly spirit. But the other
+kind is attended by hatred and aversion: such is that which slaves
+feel toward their masters, and citizens toward unjust and lawless
+tyrants.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, the husband ought to choose the best course out of all
+that we have said above, and so to conciliate his wife to himself, and
+to make her trustworthy and well disposed, as that whether her husband
+be present or absent, she will be equally good, while he can turn his
+attention to public matters: so that even in his absence she may feel
+that no one is better, nor more suited to herself, nor more nearly
+bound to her, than her own husband: and that he may always direct his
+energies to the public good, and show from the very first that such is
+the case, even tho she may be very young and quite inexperienced in
+such matters. For if the husband should ever begin such a course of
+conduct as this, and show himself to be perfect master of himself, he
+would be the best guide of the entire course of his life, and he would
+teach his wife to adopt a similar mode of action.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> From Book I of the "Economics." Translated by Edward
+Walford.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span></p>
+<h2>IV</h2>
+<h3><a name="HAPPINESS_AS_AN_END_OF_HUMAN_ACTION" id="HAPPINESS_AS_AN_END_OF_HUMAN_ACTION"></a>HAPPINESS AS AN END OF HUMAN ACTION<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Since we have spoken of the virtues, of the different kinds of
+friendships, and of pleasures, it remains that we should discuss the
+subject of happiness in outline, since we assumed this to be the end
+of human actions. Therefore, if we recapitulate what has been said
+before, the argument will be more concise.</p>
+
+<p>We have said that it is not a habit; for if it were, it might exist in
+a man who slept throughout his life, living the life of a plant, and
+suffering the greatest misfortunes. If, then, this does not please us,
+but if we must rather bring it under a kind of energy, as was said
+before; and if, of energies, some are necessary and eligible for the
+sake of something else, others are eligible for their own sakes; it is
+plain that we must consider happiness as one of those which are
+eligible for their own sakes, and not one of those which are eligible
+for the sake of something else; <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>for happiness is in want of nothing,
+but is self-sufficient. Now those energies are eligible for their own
+sakes from which nothing more is sought for beyond the energy. But of
+this kind, actions done according to virtue seem to be: for the
+performance of honorable and good acts is among things eligible for
+their own sakes. And of amusements, those are eligible for their own
+sakes which are pleasant: for men do not choose these for the sake of
+anything else: for they are rather injured by them than benefited,
+since they neglect their persons and property. But the majority of
+those who are called happy fly to such pastimes as these; and,
+therefore, those who have a happy turn for such pastimes as these are
+in favor with tyrants; for they make themselves agreeable in those
+things which tyrants desire; and such are the men they want.</p>
+
+<p>These things are thought to belong to happiness, because those who are
+in power pass their leisure in them. But such men are perhaps no
+proof; for neither virtue nor intellect consists in having power, and
+from these two good energies proceed; nor if those, who have never
+tasted pure and liberal pleasure, fly to bodily pleasures, must we
+therefore think that these pleasures are more eligible; for children
+think those things which are esteemed by them the best. It is
+reasonable, therefore, to suppose, that as the things which appear
+honorable to children and men differ, so also those which appear so to
+the bad and the good will differ likewise, and therefore, as we have
+very often said, those things are honorable and pleasant which are so
+to the good man. But to every man that energy is most eligible<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span> which
+is according to his proper habit; and, therefore, to the good man,
+that is most eligible which is according to virtue.</p>
+
+<p>Consequently happiness does not consist in amusement; for it is absurd
+that the end should be amusement; and that men should toil and suffer
+inconvenience all their life long for the sake of amusement; for we
+choose everything, as we might say, for the sake of something else,
+except happiness; for that is an end. But to be serious and to labor
+for the sake of amusement appears foolish and very childish. But to
+amuse ourselves in order that we may be serious, as Anacharsis said,
+seems to be right: for amusement resembles relaxation. Relaxation,
+therefore, is not the end, for we have recourse to it for the sake of
+the energy. But the happy life seems to be according to virtue; and
+this is serious, and does not consist in amusement. We say also that
+serious things are better than those which are ridiculous and joined
+with amusement; and that the energy of the better part and of the
+better man is more serious; and the energy of the better man is at
+once superior, and more tending to happiness. Besides, any person
+whatever, even a slave, may enjoy bodily pleasures no less than the
+best man; but no one allows that a slave partakes of happiness except
+so far as that he partakes of life: for happiness does not consist in
+such modes of passing life, but in energies according to virtue, as
+has been said already.</p>
+
+<p>If happiness be an energy according to virtue, it is reasonable to
+suppose that it is according to the best virtue; and this must be the
+virtue of the best part of man. Whether, then, this best part<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span> be the
+intellect, or something else&mdash;which is thought naturally to bear rule
+and to govern, and to possess ideas upon honorable and divine
+subjects, or whether it is itself divine, or the most divine of any
+property which we possess; the energy of this part according to its
+proper virtue must be perfect happiness: and that this energy is
+contemplative has been stated. This also would seem to agree with what
+was said before, and with the truth: for this energy is the noblest;
+since the intellect is the noblest thing within us, and of subjects of
+knowledge, those are noblest with which the intellect is conversant.</p>
+
+<p>It is also most continuous; for we are better able to contemplate
+continuously than to do anything else continuously. We think also that
+pleasure must be united to happiness: but of all the energies
+according to virtue, that according to wisdom is confessedly the most
+pleasant: at any rate, wisdom seems to contain pleasures worthy of
+admiration, both in point of purity and stability: and it is
+reasonable to suppose that his mode of life should be pleasanter to
+those who know it than to those who are only seeking it. Again, that
+which is called self-sufficiency must be most concerned with
+contemplative happiness; for both the wise man and the just, and all
+others, need the necessaries of life; but supposing them to be
+sufficiently supplied with such goods, the just man requires persons
+toward whom and with whom he may act justly; and in like manner the
+temperate man, and the brave man, and so on with all the rest. But the
+wise man, if even by himself, is able to contemplate; and the more so
+the wiser he is; perhaps he will energize better, if he has
+co<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>operators, but nevertheless he is most self-sufficient. This would
+seem also to be the only energy which is loved for its own sake; for
+it has no result beyond the act of contemplation; but from the active
+energies, we gain more or less beyond the performance of the action.</p>
+
+<p>Happiness seems also to consist in leisure; for we are busy in order
+that we may have leisure; and we go to war in order that we may be at
+peace. Now the energies of the active virtues are exerted in political
+or military affairs; and the actions with respect to these are thought
+to allow of no leisure. Certainly military actions altogether exclude
+it; for no one chooses war, nor makes preparations for war for the
+sake of war; for a man would be thought perfectly defiled with blood,
+if he made his friends enemies in order that there might be battles
+and massacres. The energy of the statesman is also without leisure;
+and besides the actual administration of the state, the statesman
+seeks to gain power and honors, or at least happiness for himself and
+his fellow citizens, different from the happiness of the state, which
+we are in search of, clearly as being different.</p>
+
+<p>If, then, of all courses of action which are according to the virtues,
+those which have to do with politics and war excel in beauty and
+greatness; and these have no leisure, and aim at some end, and are not
+chosen for their own sakes; but the energy of the intellect is thought
+to be superior in intensity, because it is contemplative; and to aim
+at no end beyond itself, and to have a pleasure properly belonging to
+it; and if this increases the energy; and if self-sufficiency, and
+leisure,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span> and freedom from cares (as far as anything human can be
+free), and everything which is attributed to the happy man, evidently
+exist in this energy; then this must be the perfect happiness of man,
+when it attains the end of life complete; for nothing is incomplete of
+those things which belong to happiness.</p>
+
+<p>But such a life would be better than man could attain to; for he would
+live thus, not so far forth as he is man, but as there is in him
+something divine. But so far as this divine part surpasses the whole
+compound nature, so far does its energy surpass the energy which is
+according to all other virtue. If, then, the intellect be divine when
+compared with man, the life also, which is in obedience to that, will
+be divine when compared with human life. But a man ought not to
+entertain human thoughts, as some would advise, because he is human,
+nor mortal thoughts, because he is mortal: but as far as it is
+possible he should make himself immortal, and do everything with a
+view to living in accordance with the best principle in him; altho it
+be small in size, yet in power and value it is far more excellent than
+all. Besides, this would seem to be each man's "self," if it really is
+the ruling and the better part. It would be absurd, therefore, if a
+man were to choose not his own life, but the life of some other thing.
+And what was said before will apply now; for that which peculiarly
+belongs to each by nature is best and most pleasant to every one; and
+consequently to man, the life according to intellect is most pleasant,
+if intellect especially constitutes Man. This life, therefore, is the
+most happy.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> From Book X of the "Nicomachean Ethics." Translated by
+R. W. Browne.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="POLYBIUS" id="POLYBIUS"></a>POLYBIUS</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born in Megalopolis in Greece, in 204 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>; died about 125;
+celebrated as an historian; entered the service of the
+Ach&aelig;an League; taken to Rome about 169 as a political
+prisoner, becoming a friend of Scipio the younger; later
+engaged in settling the affairs of Achaia; went to Egypt in
+181 as an ambassador of the Ach&aelig;an League; of his history of
+Rome in forty books, five only have been preserved
+entire.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p></div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_BATTLE_OF_CANNAE" id="THE_BATTLE_OF_CANNAE"></a>THE BATTLE OF CANN&AElig;<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></h3>
+<h4>(216 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>When the news arrived at Rome that the two armies were face to face,
+and that skirmishes between advanced parties of both sides were daily
+taking place, the city was in a state of high excitement and
+uneasiness; the people dreading the result, owing to the disasters
+which had now <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>befallen them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing
+and anticipating in their imaginations what would happen if they were
+utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in
+everybody's mouth; and every temple and house was full of prodigies
+and miracles: in consequence of which the city was one scene of vows,
+sacrifices, supplicatory processions, and prayers. For the Romans in
+times of danger take extraordinary pains to appease gods and men, and
+look upon no ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or
+beneath their dignity.</p>
+
+<p>When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as the sun
+was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> got the army in motion from
+both the camps. Those from the larger camp he drew up in order of
+battle, as soon as he had got them across the river, and bringing up
+those of the smaller camp he placed them all in the same line,
+selecting the south as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he
+stationed on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them
+in the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together than
+usual, and making the depth of each maniple several times greater than
+its front. The cavalry of the allies he stationed on the left wing,
+and the light-armed troops he placed slightly in advance of the whole
+army, which amounted with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a
+little more than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought
+his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and stationed
+them in advance of his main body; <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>which he led out of their camp,
+and, getting them across the river at two spots, drew them up opposite
+the enemy. On his left wing, close to the river, he stationed the
+Iberian and Celtic horse opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them
+half the Libyan heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and
+Celtic foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right
+wing, the Numidian horse. Having now got them all into line, he
+advanced with the central companies of the Iberians and Celts; and so
+arranged the other companies next these in regular gradations that the
+whole line became crescent-shaped, diminishing in depth toward its
+extremities: his object being to have his Libyans as a reserve in the
+battle, and to commence the action with his Iberians and Celts.</p>
+
+<p>The armor of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal had armed them with a
+selection of the spoils taken in previous battles. The shield of the
+Iberians and Celts was about the same size, but their swords were
+quite different. For that of the Roman can thrust with as deadly
+effects as it can cut, while the Gallic sword can only cut, and that
+requires some room. And the companies coming alternately&mdash;the naked
+Celts, and the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with
+purple stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and
+terrifying. The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was ten
+thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty thousand,
+including the Celts. &AElig;milius<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> commanded on the Roman right, Gaius
+Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and Gn&aelig;us Servilius, the Consuls
+of the previous year, on the center. The left of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>the Carthaginians
+was commanded by Hasdrubal,<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> the right by Hanno,<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> the center by
+Hannibal in person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman
+line faced the south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian the
+north, the rays of the rising sun did not inconvenience either of
+them.</p>
+
+<p>The battle was begun by an engagement between the advanced guard of
+the two armies; and at first the affair between these light-armed
+troops was indecisive. But as soon as the Iberian and Celtic cavalry
+got at the Romans, the battle began in earnest, and in the true
+barbaric fashion: for there was none of the usual formal advance and
+retreat; but when they once got to close quarters, they grappled man
+to man, and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But when
+the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed
+most of their opponents on the ground&mdash;because the Romans all
+maintained the fight with spirit and determination&mdash;and began chasing
+the remainder along the river, slaying as they went and giving no
+quarter; then the legionaries took the place of the light-armed and
+closed with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic lines
+stood their ground and fought gallantly; but, presently overpowered by
+the weight of the heavy-armed lines, they gave way and retired to the
+rear, thus breaking up the crescent. The Roman maniples followed with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>spirit, and easily cut their way through the enemy's line; since the
+Celts had been drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had closed up
+from the wings toward the center and the point of danger. For the two
+wings did not come into action at the same time as the center: but the
+center was first engaged because the Gauls, having been stationed on
+the arc of the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long
+before the wings, the convex of the crescent being toward the enemy.
+The Romans, however, going in pursuit of these troops, and hastily
+closing in toward the center and the part of the enemy which was
+giving ground, advanced so far that the Libyan heavy-armed troops on
+either wing got on their flanks. Those on the right, facing to the
+left, charged from the right upon the Roman flank; while those who
+were on the left wing faced to the right, and, dressing by the left,
+charged their right flank, the exigency of the moment suggesting to
+them what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal had
+planned, that the Romans were caught between two hostile lines of
+Libyans&mdash;thanks to their impetuous pursuit of the Celts. Still they
+fought, tho no longer in line, yet singly or in maniples, which faced
+about to meet those who charged them on the flanks.</p>
+
+<p>Tho he had been from the first on the right wing, and had taken part
+in the cavalry engagement, Lucius &AElig;milius still survived. Determined
+to act up to his own exhortatory speech, and seeing that the decision
+of the battle rested mainly on the legionaries, riding up to the
+center of the line he led the charge himself, and personally grappled
+with the enemy, at the same time cheering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span> on and exhorting his
+soldiers to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same, for
+he too had taken his place on the center from the commencement. The
+Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the
+cavalry on the Roman left; and tho, from the peculiar nature of their
+mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they
+yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and
+charging them first on one side and then on another. But when
+Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came
+from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied
+cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.</p>
+
+<p>At that point Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill and
+discretion. Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers, and more
+effective and formidable to troops that had once been forced from
+their ground, he left the pursuit to them; while he himself hastened
+to the part of the field where the infantry were engaged, and brought
+his men up to support the Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions
+on the rear, and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron
+upon them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the
+Libyans, and dismayed and deprest those of the Romans. It was at this
+point that Lucius &AElig;milius fell, in the thick of the fight, covered
+with wounds: a man who did his duty to his country at the last hour of
+his life, as he had throughout its previous years, if any man ever
+did. As long as the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first
+in one direction and then in another to meet the assaults of the
+enemy,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span> they held out; but the outer files of the circle continually
+falling, and the circle becoming more and more contracted, they at
+last were all killed on the field; and among them Marcus Atilius and
+Gn&aelig;us Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, who had shown
+themselves brave men and worthy of Rome in the battle. While this
+struggle and carnage were going on, the Numidian horse were pursuing
+the fugitives, most of whom they cut down or hurled from their horses;
+but some few escaped into Venusia, among whom was Gaius Terentius, the
+Consul, who thus sought a flight, as disgraceful to himself, as his
+conduct in office had been disastrous to his country.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the end of the battle of Cann&aelig;,<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> in which both sides
+fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the conquered no less than
+the conquerors. This is proved by the fact that, out of six thousand
+horse, only seventy escaped with Gaius Terentius to Venusia, and about
+three hundred of the allied cavalry to various towns in the
+neighborhood. Of the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners in
+fair fight, but were not actually engaged in the battle: of those who
+were actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped to the
+towns of the surrounding district; all the rest died nobly, to the
+number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians being on this occasion,
+as on previous ones, mainly indebted for their victory to their
+superiority in cavalry: a lesson to posterity that in actual war it is
+better to have half the number of infantry, and the superiority in
+cavalry, than to engage your enemy with an equality in both. On the
+side of Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred
+Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse....</p>
+
+<p>The result of this battle, such as I have described it, had the
+consequences which both sides expected. For the Carthaginians by their
+victory were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole of the Italian
+coast which is called <i>Magna Gr&aelig;cia</i>. Thus the Tarentines immediately
+submitted; and the Arpani and some of the Campanian states invited
+Hannibal to come to them; and the rest were with one consent turning
+their eyes to the Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have
+high hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Polybius, who, as will be noted, belongs to a period two
+and a half centuries later than the greatest Greek
+historians&mdash;Herodotus, Thucydides and Xenophon&mdash;is classed by Mahaffy
+as "the soberest and most valuable" of those who wrote with masters as
+their models. While he has suffered from the fate of all imitators,
+his work is "of the highest value to the historian, as a long series
+of approving critics has amply shown." He has never been read as a
+stylist, "nor could he be said to form a part of the classical
+literature of Greece."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> From Book IV of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn S.
+Shuckburgh. In this battle Hannibal had about 50,000 men, and the
+Romans about 80,000.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Gaius Terentius Varro, who was then Consul and died
+later than 200 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Lucius &AElig;milius Paulus was then Consul.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Hannibal's brother, who, nine years later, crossed the
+Alps and was killed in battle by the Romans. It was a tradition in
+Rome that Hasdrubal's head, severed from his body, was sent to
+Hannibal.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> The younger brother of Hannibal, who in 200 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> was
+defeated by Scipio at Silpia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> The site of Cann&aelig; in Apulia, southern Italy, near the
+Adriatic shore, lies on the bank of the river Aufidus, now called the
+Ofanto.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+<h3><a name="HANNIBALS_ADVANCE_ON_ROME" id="HANNIBALS_ADVANCE_ON_ROME"></a>HANNIBAL'S ADVANCE ON ROME<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></h3>
+<h4>(211 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>When the news had arrived at Rome that Hannibal had encamped over
+against their lines, and was actually besieging their forces, there
+was a universal excitement and terror, from a feeling that the result
+of the impending battle would decide the whole war. Consequently, with
+one heart and soul, the citizens had all devoted <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>themselves to
+sending out reenforcements and making preparations for this struggle.
+On their part, the Capuans were encouraged by the receipt of
+Hannibal's letter, and by thus learning the object of the Carthaginian
+movement, to stand by their determination, and to await the issue of
+this new hope. At the end of the fifth day, therefore, after his
+arrival on the ground, Hannibal ordered his men to take their supper
+as usual, and leave their watch-fires burning; and started with such
+secrecy that none of the enemy knew what was happening. He took the
+road through Samnium, and marched at a great pace and without
+stopping, his skirmishers always keeping before him to reconnoiter and
+occupy all the posts along the route: and while those in Rome had
+their thoughts still wholly occupied with Capua,<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> and the campaign
+there, he crossed the Anio without being observed; and having arrived
+at a distance of not more than forty stades from Rome, there pitched
+his camp.</p>
+
+<p>On this being known at Rome, the utmost confusion and terror prevailed
+among the inhabitants&mdash;this movement of Hannibal's being as unexpected
+as it was sudden; for he had never been so close to the city before.
+At the same time their alarm was increased by the idea at once
+occurring to them that he would not have ventured so near if it were
+not that the armies at Capua were destroyed. Accordingly, the men at
+once went to line the walls, and the points of vantage in the defenses
+of the town; while the women went round to the temples of the gods and
+implored their protection, sweeping the pavements of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>temples with
+their hair: for this is their customary way of behaving when any
+serious danger comes upon their country. But just as Hannibal had
+encamped, and was intending to attempt the city itself next day, an
+extraordinary coincidence occurred which proved fortunate for the
+preservation of Rome.</p>
+
+<p>For Gn&aelig;us Fulvius and Publius Sulpicius, having already enrolled one
+consular army, had bound the men with the usual oath to appear at Rome
+armed on that very day; and were also engaged on that day in drawing
+out the lists and testing the men for the other army: whereby it so
+happened that a large number of men had been collected in Rome
+spontaneously in the very nick of time. These troops the Consuls
+boldly led outside the walls, and, entrenching themselves there,
+checked Hannibal's intended movement. For the Carthaginians were at
+first eager to advance, and were not altogether without hope that they
+would be able to take Rome itself by assault. But when they saw the
+enemy drawn up in order, and learned before long from a prisoner what
+had happened, they abandoned the idea of attacking the city, and began
+devastating the country-side instead, and setting fire to the houses.
+In these first raids they collected an innumerable amount of booty,
+for the field of plunder upon which they were entered was one into
+which no one had ever expected an enemy to set foot.</p>
+
+<p>But presently, when the Consuls ventured to encamp within ten stades
+of him, Hannibal broke up his quarters before daylight. He did so for
+three reasons: first, because he had collected an enormous booty;
+secondly, because he had given<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span> up all hope of taking Rome; and
+lastly, because he reckoned that the time had now come at which he
+expected, according to his original idea, that Appius would have
+learned the danger threatening Rome, and would have raised the siege
+of Capua, and come with his whole force to the relief of the city; or
+at any rate would hurry up with the greater part, leaving a detachment
+to carry on the siege. Publius had caused the bridges over the Anio to
+be broken down, and thus compelled Hannibal to get his army across by
+a ford; and he now attacked the Carthaginians as they were engaged in
+making the passage of the stream and caused them great distress. They
+were not able however to strike an important blow, owing to the number
+of Hannibal's cavalry, and the activity of the Numidians in every part
+of the field. But before retiring to their camp they wrested the
+greater part of the booty from them, and killed about three hundred
+men; and then, being convinced that the Carthaginians were beating a
+hasty retreat in a panic, they followed in their rear, keeping along
+the line of hills. At first Hannibal continued to march at a rapid
+pace, being anxious to meet the force which he expected; but at the
+end of the fifth day, being informed that Appius had not left the
+siege of Capua, he halted; and waiting for the enemy to come up, made
+an attack upon his camp before daylight, killed a large number of
+them, and drove the rest out of their camp. But when day broke, and he
+saw the Romans in a strong position upon a steep hill, to which they
+had retired, he decided not to continue his attack upon them; but
+marching through Daunia and Bruttium he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span> appeared at Rhegium so
+unexpectedly that he was within an ace of capturing the city, and did
+cut off all who were out in the country; and during this excursion
+captured a very large number of the Rhegini....</p>
+
+<p>Who could refrain from speaking in terms of admiration of this great
+man's strategic skill courage and ability when one looks to the length
+of time during which he displayed those qualities; and realizes to
+oneself the pitched battles, the skirmishes and sieges, the
+revolutions and counter-revolutions of states, the vicissitudes of
+fortune, and in fact the course of his design and its execution in its
+entirety? For sixteen continuous years Hannibal maintained the war
+with Rome in Italy without once releasing his army from service in the
+field, but keeping those vast numbers under control, like a good
+pilot, without any sign of disaffection toward himself or toward each
+other, tho he had troops in his service who, so far from being of the
+same tribe, were not even of the same race. He had Libyans, Iberians,
+Ligurians, Celts, Ph&oelig;nicians, Italians, Greeks, who had naturally
+nothing in common with each other, neither laws, nor customs, nor
+language. Yet the skill of the commander was such that these
+differences, so manifold and so wide, did not disturb the obedience to
+one word of command and to a single will. And yet circumstances were
+not by any means unvarying: for tho the breeze of fortune often set
+strongly in his favor, it as often also blew in exactly the opposite
+direction. There is therefore good ground for admiring Hannibal's
+display of ability in campaign; and there can be no fear in saying
+that, if he had reserved his attack upon the Romans until he had
+first subdued other parts of the world, there is not one of his
+projects which would have eluded his grasp. As it was, he began with
+those whom he should have attacked last, and accordingly began and
+ended his career with them.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> From Book IX of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn S.
+Shuckburgh.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Capua lies seventeen miles north of Naples.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span></p>
+<h2>III</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_DEFENSE_OF_SYRACUSE_BY_ARCHIMEDES" id="THE_DEFENSE_OF_SYRACUSE_BY_ARCHIMEDES"></a>THE DEFENSE OF SYRACUSE BY ARCHIMEDES<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></h3>
+<h4>(214-212 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>When Epicydes and Hippocrates had occupied Syracuse, and had alienated
+the rest of the citizens with themselves from the friendship of Rome,
+the Romans who had already been informed of the murder of Hieronymus,
+tyrant of Syracuse, appointed Appius Claudius as Pro-pr&aelig;tor to command
+a land force, while Marcus Claudius Marcellus<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> commanded the fleet.
+These officers took up a position not far from Syracuse, and
+determined to assault the town from the land at <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>Hexapylus, and by sea
+at what was called Stoa Scytice in Achradina, where the wall has its
+foundation close down to the sea. Having prepared their wicker
+pent-houses, and darts, and other siege material, they felt confident
+that, with so many hands employed, they would in five days get their
+works in such an advanced state as to give them the advantage over the
+enemy. But in this they did not take into account the abilities of
+Archimedes;<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> nor calculate on the truth that, in certain
+circumstances, the genius of one man is more effective that any
+numbers whatever. However they now learned it by experience. The city
+was strong from the fact of its encircling wall lying along a chain of
+hills with overhanging brows, the ascent of which was no easy task,
+even with no one to hinder it, except at certain definite points.
+Taking advantage of this, Archimedes had constructed such defenses
+both in the town, and at the places where an attack might be made by
+sea, that the garrison would have everything at hand which they might
+require at any moment, and be ready to meet without delay whatever the
+enemy might attempt against them.</p>
+
+<p>The attack was begun by Appius bringing his pent-houses, and scaling
+ladders, and attempting to fix the latter against that part of the
+wall which abuts on Hexapylus toward the east. At the same time Marcus
+Claudius Marcellus with sixty quinqueremes was making a descent upon
+Achradina. Each of these vessels were full of men armed with <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>bows and
+slings and javelins, with which to dislodge those who fought on the
+battlements. As well as these vessels he had eight quinqueremes in
+pairs. Each pair had had their oars removed, one on the larboard and
+the other on the starboard side, and then had been lasht together on
+the sides thus left bare. On these double vessels, rowed by the outer
+oars of each of the pair, they brought up under the walls some engines
+called "Sambuc&aelig;," the construction of which was as follows: A ladder
+was made four feet broad, and of a height to reach the top of the wall
+from the place where its foot had to rest; each side of the ladder was
+protected by a railing, and a covering or pent-house was added
+overhead. It was then placed so that its foot rested across the sides
+of the lasht-together vessels, which touched each other with its other
+extremity protruding a considerable way beyond the prows.</p>
+
+<p>On the tops of the mast pulleys were fixt with ropes: and when the
+engines were about to be used, men standing on the sterns of the
+vessels drew the ropes tied to the head of the ladder, while others
+standing on the prows assisted the raising of the machine and kept it
+steady with long poles. Having then brought the ships close in shore
+by using the outer oars of both vessels they tried to let the machine
+down upon the wall. At the head of the ladder was fixt a wooden stage
+secured on three sides by wicker-shields, upon which stood four men
+who fought and struggled with those who tried to prevent the Sambuca
+from being made to rest on the battlements. But when they have fixt it
+and so got above the level of the top of the wall, the four men
+unfasten<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span> the wicker-shields from either side of the stage and walk
+out upon the battlements or towers as the case may be; they are
+followed by their comrades coming up by the Sambuca, since the
+ladder's foot is safely secured with ropes and stands upon both the
+ships. This construction has got the name of "Sambuca," or "Harp," for
+the natural reason, that when it is raised the combination of the ship
+and ladder has very much the appearance of such an instrument.</p>
+
+<p>With such contrivances and preparations were the Romans intending to
+assault the towers. But Archimedes had constructed catapults to suit
+every range; and as the ships sailing up were still at a considerable
+distance, he so wounded the enemy with stones and darts, from the
+tighter wound and longer engines as to harass and perplex them to the
+last degree; and when these began to carry over their heads, he used
+smaller engines graduated according to the range required from time to
+time, and by this means caused so much confusion among them as to
+altogether check their advance and attack; and finally Marcellus was
+reduced in despair to bringing up his ships under cover of night. But
+when they had come close to land, and so too near to be hit by the
+catapults, they found that Archimedes had prepared another contrivance
+against the soldiers who fought from the decks. He had pierced the
+wall as high as a man's stature with numerous loop-holes, which, on
+the outside, were about as big as the palm of the hand. Inside the
+wall he stationed archers and cross-bows, or scorpions, and by the
+volleys discharged through these he made the marines useless. By these
+means he not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span> only baffled the enemy, whether at a distance or close
+at hand, but also killed the greater number of them. As often, too, as
+they tried to work their Sambuc&aelig;, he had engines ready all along the
+walls, not visible at other times, but which suddenly reared
+themselves above the wall from the inside, when the moment for their
+use had come, and stretched their beams far over the battlements, some
+of them carrying stones weighing as much as ten talents, and others
+great masses of lead. So whenever the Sambuc&aelig; were approaching, these
+beams swung round on their pivot the required distance, and by means
+of a rope running through a pulley dropt the stone, upon the Sambuc&aelig;,
+with the result that it not only smashed the machine itself to pieces,
+but put the ship also and all on board into the most serious danger.</p>
+
+<p>Other machines which he invented were directed against storming
+parties, who, advancing under the protection of pent-houses, were
+secured by them from being hurt by missiles shot through the walls.
+Against these he either shot stones big enough to drive the marines
+from the prow; or let down an iron hand swung on a chain, by which the
+man who guided the crane, having fastened on some part of the prow
+where he could get a hold, prest down the lever of the machine inside
+the wall; and when he had thus lifted the prow and made the vessel
+rest upright on its stern, he fastened the lever of his machine so
+that it could not be moved; and then suddenly slackened the hand and
+chain by means of a rope and pulley. The result was that many of the
+vessels heeled over and fell on their sides; some completely
+cap<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>sized; while the greater number, by their prows coming down
+suddenly from a height, dipt low in the sea, shipped a great quantity
+of water, and became a scene of the utmost confusion. Tho reduced
+almost to despair by these baffling inventions of Archimedes, and tho
+he saw that all his attempts were repulsed by the garrison with
+mockery on their part and loss to himself, Marcellus could not yet
+refrain from making a joke at his own expense, saying that "Archimedes
+was using his ships to ladle out the sea-water, but that his 'harps'
+not having been invited to the party were buffeted and turned out with
+disgrace." Such was the end of the attempt at storming Syracuse by
+sea.</p>
+
+<p>Nor was Appius Claudius more successful. He, too, was compelled by
+similar difficulties to desist from the attempt; for while his men
+were still at a considerable distance from the wall, they began
+falling by the stones and shots from the engines and catapults. The
+volleys of missiles, indeed, were extraordinarily rapid and sharp, for
+their construction had been provided for by all the liberality of a
+Hiero, and had been planned and engineered by the skill of an
+Archimedes. Moreover, when they did at length get near the walls, they
+were prevented from making an assault by the unceasing fire through
+the loop-holes, which I mentioned before; or if they tried to carry
+the place under cover of pent-houses, they were killed by the stones
+and beams let down upon their heads. The garrison also did them no
+little damage with those hands at the end of their engines; for they
+used to lift the men, armor, and all, into the air, and then throw
+them down. At last Ap<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>pius retired into the camp, and summoning the
+Tribunes to a council of war, decided to try every possible means of
+taking Syracuse except a storm. And this decision they carried out;
+for during the eight months of siege which followed, tho there was no
+stratagem or measure of daring which they did not attempt, they never
+again ventured to attempt a storm. So true it is that one man and one
+intellect, properly qualified for the particular undertaking, is a
+host in itself and of extraordinary efficacy. In this instance, at any
+rate, we find the Romans confident that their forces by land and sea
+would enable them to become masters of the town, if only one old man
+could be got rid of; while as long as he remained there, they did not
+venture even to think of making the attempt, at least by any method
+which made it possible for Archimedes to oppose them. They believed,
+however, that their best chance of reducing the garrison was by a
+failure of provisions sufficient for so large a number as were within
+the town; they therefore relied upon this hope, and with their ships
+tried to cut off their supplies by sea, and with their army by land.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> This paragraph is taken from Book XI.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> From Book VIII of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn
+S. Shuckburgh. Syracuse was now an ally of Carthage in the Punic war,
+but in the earlier Punic war had been an ally of Rome.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> A celebrated statesman and general, born before 268
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, died in 208; five times Consul; defeated the Gauls; defended
+Nola; captured Syracuse; commanded Apulia against Hannibal; killed in
+a skirmish at Venusia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> The celebrated geometrician, who discovered the
+principle of the lever, and after detecting an alloy uttered the
+famous exclamation "Eureka." He was killed at the siege of Syracuse.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="PLUTARCH" id="PLUTARCH"></a>PLUTARCH</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born in Ch&aelig;ronea in B&oelig;otia about 46 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>; died in 125;
+celebrated for his forty-six "Lives of Greeks and Romans,"
+and for works on philosophical and moral subjects; settled
+at Athens at the time of Nero's visit in 66, and traveled in
+Greece, Egypt and Italy; being in Rome during the reign of
+Vespasian; lived at Ch&aelig;ronea in the latter part of his life
+where he was elected archon.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p></div>
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="DEMOSTHENES_AND_CICERO_COMPARED" id="DEMOSTHENES_AND_CICERO_COMPARED"></a>DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO COMPARED<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Furthermore, leaving the comparison aside of the difference of their
+eloquence in their orations: methinks I may say thus much of them.
+That Demosthenes did wholly employ all his wit and learning (natural
+or artificial) unto the art of rhetoric, and that in force, and vertue
+of eloquence, he did excel all the orators in his time: and for
+gravity and magnificent style, all those also that only write for shew
+or ostentation: and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>for sharpness and art, all the sophisters and
+masters of rhetoric. And that Cicero was a man generally learned in
+all sciences, and that had studied divers books, as appeareth plainly
+by the sundry books of philosophy of his own making, written after the
+manner of the Academic philosophers. Furthermore, they may see in his
+orations he wrote in certain causes to serve him when he pleaded: that
+he sought occasions in his by-talk to shew men that he was excellently
+well learned. Furthermore, by their phrases a man may discern some
+spark of their manners and conditions. For Demosthenes' phrase hath no
+manner of fineness, jests, nor grace in it, but is altogether grave
+and harsh, and not only smelleth of the lamp, as Pytheas said when he
+mocked him, but sheweth a great drinker of water, extreme pains, and
+therewith also a sharp and sour nature.</p>
+
+<p>But Cicero oftentimes fell from pleasant taunts, unto plain
+scurrility: and turning all his pleadings of matters of importance, to
+sport and laughter, having a grace in it, many times he did forget the
+comeliness that became a man of his calling. As in his oration for
+C&aelig;lius, where he saith, It is no marvel if in so great abundance of
+wealth and fineness he give himself a little to take <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>his pleasure:
+and that it was a folly not to use pleasures lawful and tolerable,
+sith the famousest philosophers that ever were, did place the chief
+felicity of man, to be in pleasure. And it is reported also that
+Marcus Cato having accused Murena, Cicero being Consul, defended his
+cause, and in his oration pleasantly girded all the sect of the Stoic
+philosophers for Cato's sake, for the strange opinions they hold,
+which they call paradoxes: insomuch as he made all the people and
+judges also fall a-laughing a good. And Cato himself also smiling a
+little, said unto them that sat by him: What a laughing and mocking
+Consul have we, my lords? but letting that pass, it seemeth that
+Cicero was of a pleasant and merry nature: for his face shewed ever
+great life and mirth in it. Whereas in Demosthenes' countenance on the
+other side, they might discern a marvellous diligence and care, and a
+pensive man, never weary with pain: insomuch that his enemies, (as he
+reporteth himself) called him a perverse and froward man.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, in their writings is discerned, that the one speaketh
+modestly in his own praise, so as no man can justly be offended with
+him: and yet not always, but when necessity enforceth him for some
+matter of great importance, but otherwise very discreet and modest to
+speak of himself. Cicero in contrary manner, using too often
+repetition of one self thing in all his orations, shewed an extreme
+ambition of glory, when incessantly he cried out:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Let spear and shield give place to gown,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And give the tongue the laurel crown.<br /></span>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span></div></div>
+
+<p>Yea furthermore, he did not only praise his own acts and deeds, but
+the orations also which he had written or pleaded, as if he should
+have contended against Isocrates, or Anaximenes, a master that taught
+rhetoric, and not to go about to reform the people of Rome.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Which were both fierce and stout in arms,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And fit to work their enemies harms.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>For, as it is requisite for a governor of a commonwealth to seek
+authority by his eloquence: so, to cover the praise of his own
+glorious tongue, or as it were to beg it, that sheweth a base mind.
+And therefore in this point we must confess that Demosthenes is far
+graver, and of a nobler mind: who declared himself, That all his
+eloquence came only but by practice, the which also required the
+favour of his auditory: and further, he thought them fools and madmen
+(as indeed they be no less) that therefore would make any boast of
+themselves. In this they were both alike, that both of them had great
+credit and authority in their orations to the people, and for
+obtaining that they would propound: insomuch as captains, and they
+that had armies in their hands, stood in need of their eloquence. As
+Chares, Diopithes, and Leosthenes, they all were holpen of
+Demosthenes: and Pompey, and Octavius C&aelig;sar the young man, of Cicero:
+as C&aelig;sar himself confesseth in his commentaries he wrote unto Agrippa,
+and M&aelig;cenas. But nothing sheweth a man's nature and condition more,
+(as it is reported, and so is it true) that when one is in authority:
+for that bewrayeth his humour, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span> the affections of his mind, and
+layeth open all his secret vices in him.</p>
+
+<p>Demosthenes could never deliver any such proof of himself, because he
+never bare any office, nor was called forward. For he was not general
+of the army, which he himself had prepared against King Philip. Cicero
+on the other side being sent Treasurer into Sicily, and Pro-consul
+into Cilicia and Cappadocia,<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> in such a time as covetousness
+reigned most: (insomuch that the captains and governors whom they sent
+to govern their provinces, thinking it villainy and dastardliness to
+rob, did violently take things by force, at what time also to take
+bribes was reckoned no shame, but to handle it discreetly, he was the
+better thought of, and beloved for it) he shewed plainly that he
+regarded not money, and gave forth many proofs of his courtesy and
+goodness. Furthermore, Cicero being created Consul by name, but
+Dictator in deed, having absolute power and authority over all things
+to suppress the rebellion and conspirators of Catiline: he proved
+Plato's prophecy true, which was: That the cities are safe from
+danger, when the chief magistrates and governors (by some good divine
+fortune) do govern with wisdom and justice. Demosthenes was reproved
+for his corruption, and selling of his eloquence: because secretly he
+wrote one oration for Phormio, and another in the self same manner for
+Apollodorus, they being both adversaries. Further, he was defamed also
+for receiving money of the king of Persia, and therewithal condemned
+for the money which he had <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>taken of Harpalus. And though some
+peradventure would object, that the reports thereof (which are many)
+do lie: yet they cannot possibly deny this, that Demosthenes had no
+power to refrain from looking on the presents which divers kings did
+offer him, praying him to accept them in good part for their sakes:
+neither was that the part of a man that did take usury by traffick on
+the sea, the extremest yet of all other.</p>
+
+<p>In contrary manner (as we have said before) it is certain that Cicero
+being Treasurer, refused the gifts which the Sicilians offered him,
+there: and the presents also which the king of the Cappadocians
+offered him whilst he was Pro-consul in Cilicia, and those especially
+which his friends pressed upon him to take of them, being a great sum
+of money, when he went as a banished man out of Rome. Furthermore, the
+banishment of the one was infamous to him, because by judgement he was
+banished as a thief. The banishment of the other was for as honourable
+an act as ever he did, being banished for ridding his country of
+wicked men. And therefore of Demosthenes, there was no speech after he
+was gone: but for Cicero, all the Senate changed their apparel into
+black, and determined that they would pass no decree by their
+authority, before Cicero's banishment was revoked by the people.
+Indeed Cicero idly passed his time of banishment, and did nothing all
+the while he was in Macedon: and one of the chiefest acts that
+Demosthenes did, in all the time that he dealt in the affairs of the
+commonwealth, was in his banishment. For he went into every city, and
+did assist the ambassadors of the Grecians, and refused the
+ambassadors of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span> Macedonians. In the which he showed himself a
+better citizen, than either Themistocles, or Alcibiades, in their like
+fortune and exile. So when he was called home, and returned, he fell
+again to his old trade which he practiced before, and was ever against
+Antipater,<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> and the Macedonians. Where L&aelig;lius in open Senate
+sharply took up Cicero, for that he sat still and said nothing, when
+that Octavius C&aelig;sar the young man made petition against the law, that
+he might sue for the Consulship, and being so young, that he had never
+a hair on his face. And Brutus self also doth reprove Cicero in his
+letters, for that he had maintained and nourished a more grievous and
+greater tyranny, than that which they had put down. And last of all,
+me thinketh the death of Cicero most pitiful, to see an old man
+carried up and down, (with tender love of his servants) seeking all
+the ways that might be to fly death, which did not long prevent his
+natural course: and in the end, old as he was, to see his head so
+pitifully cut off. Whereas Demosthenes, though he yielded a little,
+entreating him that came to take him: yet for that he had prepared the
+poison long before, that he had kept it long, and also used it as he
+did, he cannot but be marvellously commended for it. For sith the god
+Neptune denied him the benefit of his sanctuary, he betook him to a
+greater, and that was death: whereby he saved himself out of the
+soldiers' hands of the tyrant, and also scorned the bloody cruelty of
+Antipater.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Plutarch is read for his matter, rather than for his
+style. In style as well as for the time in which he lived, he does not
+belong to the classical writers of Greece. For this reason he may be
+read in English almost as satisfactorily as in his own language. He is
+described by Mahaffy as a pure and elevating writer, full of precious
+information and lofty in his moral tone.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> From "The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans,
+Compared together by that Grave, Learned Philosopher and
+Historiographer Plutarch of Ch&aelig;ronea." Translated by Sir Thomas North.
+North was born about 1535, his translation being first published in
+1579. Written throughout in the best prose of the Elizabethan period,
+North's version will always have another and very special interest as
+the store house from which Shakespeare obtained his knowledge of
+antiquity. It has been asserted that to this book we really owe the
+existence of "Julius C&aelig;sar," "Coriolanus," and "Antony and Cleopatra."
+In "Coriolanus" whole speeches have been taken bodily from North,
+while in "Antony and Cleopatra" North's diction has been closely
+followed. North did not translate from the original Greek, but from an
+old French version by James Amyot, Bishop of Auxerre in the times of
+Henry II of England. The selections here given are printed with the
+original punctuation, etc., preserved as specimens of the style of the
+period.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> This and the province of Cilicia lay in the eastern part
+of Asia Minor.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Antipater was a general of Macedonia under Philip and
+Alexander the Great and became Regent in 334.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_ASSASSINATION_OF_CAESAR" id="THE_ASSASSINATION_OF_CAESAR"></a>THE ASSASSINATION OF C&AElig;SAR<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></h3>
+<h4>(44 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>)</h4>
+
+<p>But Brutus in many other things tasted of the benefit of C&aelig;sar's favor
+in anything he requested.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> For if he had listed, he might have been
+one of C&aelig;sar's chiefest friends, and of greater authority and credit
+about him. Howbeit Cassius' friends did dissuade him from it<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> (for
+Cassius and he were not yet reconciled together sithence their first
+contention and strife for the Pr&aelig;torship), and prayed him to beware of
+C&aelig;sar's sweet enticements, and to fly his tyrannical favors: the which
+they said C&aelig;sar gave him, not to honor his virtue, but to weaken his
+constant mind, framing it to the bent of his bow. Now C&aelig;sar on the
+other side did not trust him overmuch, nor was not without tales
+brought unto him against him: howbeit he feared his great mind,
+authority, and friends. Yet on the other side also, he trusted his
+good-nature, and fair conditions. For, intelligence being brought him
+one day, that Mark Antony and Dolabella did conspire against him: he
+answered, That these fat long-haired men made him not afraid, but the
+lean and whitely-faced fellows, meaning that, by Brutus and Cassius.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span></p><p>At another time also when one accused Brutus unto him, and bade him
+beware of him: What, said he again, clapping his hand on his breast:
+think ye that Brutus will not tarry till this body die? Meaning that
+none but Brutus after him was meet to have such power as he had. And
+surely, in my opinion, I am persuaded that Brutus might indeed have
+come to have been the chiefest man of Rome, if he could have contented
+himself for a time to have been next unto C&aelig;sar, and to have suffered
+his glory and authority which he had gotten by his great victories, to
+consume with time. But Cassius being a choleric man, and hating C&aelig;sar
+privately, more than he did the tyranny openly: he incensed Brutus
+against him....</p>
+
+<p>But for Brutus, his friends and countrymen, both by divers
+procurements, and sundry rumours of the city, and by many bills also,
+did openly call and procure him to do that he did. For, under the
+image of his ancestor Junius Brutus, that drave the kings out of
+Rome,<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> they wrote: Oh that it pleased the gods thou wert now alive,
+Brutus: and again, that thou wert here among us now. His tribunal (or
+chair) where he gave audience during the time he was Pr&aelig;tor, was full
+of such bills: Brutus, thou art asleep, and art not Brutus indeed....</p>
+
+<p>Therefore Cassius considering this matter with himself, did first of
+all speak to Brutus, since they grew strange together for the suit
+they had for the Pr&aelig;torship. So when he was reconciled to him again,
+and that they had embraced one <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>another: Cassius asked him, If he were
+determined to be in the Senate-house, the first day of the month of
+March, because he heard say that C&aelig;sar's friends should move the
+council that day, that C&aelig;sar should be called king by the Senate.
+Brutus answered him, He would not be there. But if we be sent for said
+Cassius: how then? For myself then said Brutus, I mean not to hold my
+peace, but to withstand it, and rather die than lose my liberty.
+Cassius being bold, and taking hold of this word: Why, quoth he, what
+Roman is he alive that will suffer thee to die for the liberty? What,
+knowest thou not that thou art Brutus? Thinkest thou that they be
+cobblers, tapsters, or suchlike base mechanical people, that write
+these bills and scrolls which are found daily in thy Pr&aelig;tor's chair,
+and not the noblest men and best citizens that do it? No, be thou well
+assured, that of other Pr&aelig;tors they look for gifts, common
+distributions amongst the people, and for common plays, and to see
+fencers fight at the sharp, to show the people pastime, but at thy
+hands, they specially require (as a due debt unto them) the taking
+away of the tyranny, being fully bent to suffer any extremity for thy
+sake, so that thou wilt show thyself to be the man thou art taken for,
+and that they hope thou art. Thereupon he kissed Brutus, and embraced
+him. And so each taking leave of other, they went both to speak with
+the friends about it....</p>
+
+<p>Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his sake all the noblest,
+valiantest, and most courageous men of Rome did venture their lives,
+weighing with himself the greatness of the danger, when he was out of
+his house, he did so frame and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span> fashion his countenance and looks,
+that no man could discern he had anything to trouble his mind. But
+when night came that he was in his own house, then he was cleaned
+changed. For, either care did wake him against his will when he could
+have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep
+thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that
+might happen, that his wife lying by him, found that there was some
+marvellous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont to be
+in that taking, and that he could not well determine with himself.</p>
+
+<p>His wife Porcia<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> (as we have told you before) was the daughter of
+Cato, whom Brutus married being his cousin, not a maiden, but a young
+widow after the death of her first husband Bibulus, by whom she had
+also a young son called Bibulus, who afterwards wrote a book of the
+acts and gests of Brutus, extant at this present day. This young lady
+being excellently well seen in philosophy, loving her husband well,
+and being of a noble courage, as she was also wise; because she would
+not ask her husband what he ailed before she had made some proof by
+herself, she took a little razor such as barbers occupy to pare men's
+nails, and causing her maids and women to go out of her chamber, gave
+herself a great gash withal in her thigh, that she was straight all of
+a gore-blood, and incontinently after, a vehement fever took her, by
+reason of the pain of her wound.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Then perceiving her husband was marvellously out of quiet, and that he
+could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of all, she spake in
+this sort unto him, "I being, O Brutus," (said she) "the daughter of
+Cato, was married unto thee, not to be thy bedfellow and companion in
+bed and at board only, like a harlot, but to be partaker also with
+thee, of thy good and evil fortune. Now for thyself, I can find no
+cause of fault in thee touching our match, but for my part, how may I
+show my duty towards thee, and how much I would do for thy sake, if I
+cannot constantly bear a secret mischance or grief with thee, that
+requireth secrecy and fidelity? I confess, that a woman's wit commonly
+is too weak to keep a secret safely: but yet, Brutus, good education,
+and the company of virtuous men, have some power to reform the defect
+of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit, moreover, that I am
+the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did
+not trust to any of these things before, until that now I have found
+by experience, that no pain nor grief whatsoever can overcome me."
+With those words she showed him her wound on her thigh, and told him
+what she had done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear what she
+said unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought the
+gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise to so good
+pass, that he might be found a husband worthy of so noble a wife as
+Porcia, so he then did comfort her the best he could....</p>
+
+<p>So when this day was come, Brutus went out of his house with a dagger
+by his side under his long gown, that nobody saw nor knew, but his
+wife only.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span> The other conspirators were all assembled at Cassius'
+house, to bring his son into the market-place, who on that day did put
+on the man's gown, called <i>toga virilis</i>, and from thence they came
+all in a troop together unto Pompey's porch, looking that C&aelig;sar would
+straight come thither. But here is to be noted, the wonderful assured
+constancy of these conspirators, in so dangerous and weighty an
+enterprise as they had undertaken. For many of them being Pr&aelig;tors, by
+reason of their office, whose duty is to minister justice to
+everybody: they did not only with great quietness and courtesy hear
+them that spake unto them, or that plead matters before them, and gave
+them attentive ear, as if they had had no other matter in their heads:
+but moreover, they gave just sentence, and carefully despatched the
+causes before them. So there was one among them, who being condemned
+in a certain sum of money, refused to pay it, and cried out that he
+did appeal unto C&aelig;sar. Then Brutus casting his eyes upon the
+conspirators said, C&aelig;sar shall not let me to see the law executed.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding this, by chance there fell out many misfortunes unto
+them, which was enough to have marred the enterprise. The first and
+chiefest was, C&aelig;sar's long tarrying, who came very late to the Senate:
+for because the signs of the sacrifices appeared unlucky, his wife
+Calpurnia<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> kept him at home, and the soothsayers bade him beware
+he went not abroad. The second cause was, when one came unto Casca
+being a conspirator, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>and taking him by the hand, said unto him: O
+Casca, thou keepest it close from me, but Brutus hath told me all.
+Casca being amazed at it, the other went on with his tale, and said:
+Why, how now, how cometh it to pass thou art thus rich, that thou dost
+sue to be &AElig;dile? Thus Casca being deceived by the other's doubtful
+words, he told them it was a thousand to one, he blabbed not out all
+the conspiracy. Another Senator called Popilius L&aelig;nas, after he had
+saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do: he
+rounded softly in their ears, and told them, I pray the gods you may
+go through with that you have taken in hand, but withal, despatch I
+read you, for your enterprise is bewrayed. When he had said, he
+presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their
+conspiracy would out.</p>
+
+<p>Now in the meantime, there came one of Brutus' men post-haste unto
+him, and told him his wife was a-dying. For Porcia being very careful
+and pensive for that which was to come, and being too weak to away
+with so great and inward grief of mind: she could hardly keep within,
+but was frightened with every little noise and cry she heard, as those
+that art taken and possessed with the fury of the Bacchants, asking
+every man that came from the market-place, what Brutus did, and still
+sent messenger after messenger, to know what news. At length C&aelig;sar's
+coming being prolonged as you have heard, Porcia's weakness was not
+able to hold out any longer, and thereupon she suddenly swooned, that
+she had no leisure to go to her chamber, but was taken in the midst of
+her house, where her speech and senses failed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span> her. Howbeit she soon
+came to her self again, and so was laid in her bed, and tended by her
+women. When Brutus heard these news, it grieved him, as it is to be
+presupposed: yet he left not off the care of his country and
+commonwealth, neither went home to his house for any news he heard.</p>
+
+<p>Now, it was reported that C&aelig;sar was coming in his litter: for he
+determined not to stay in the Senate all that day (because he was
+afraid of the unlucky signs of the sacrifices) but to adjourn matters
+of importance unto the next session and council holden, feigning
+himself not to be well at ease. When C&aelig;sar came out of his litter:
+Popilius L&aelig;nas, that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and
+had prayed the gods they might bring this enterprise to pass: went
+unto C&aelig;sar, and kept him a long time with a talk. C&aelig;sar gave good ear
+unto him. Wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not
+hearing what he said to C&aelig;sar, but conjecturing by that he had told
+them a little before, that his talk was none other but the very
+discovery of their conspiracy: they were afraid every man of them, and
+one looking in another's face, it was easy to see that they all were
+of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them till they were
+apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their
+own hands. And when Cassius and certain others clapped their hands on
+their swords under their gowns to draw them: Brutus marking the
+countenance and gesture of L&aelig;nas, and considering that he did use
+himself rather like an humble and earnest suitor, than like an
+accuser: he said nothing to his companion (because there were many<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
+amongst them that were not of the conspiracy) but with a pleasant
+countenance encouraged Cassius. And immediately after, L&aelig;nas went from
+C&aelig;sar, and kissed his hand: which shewed plainly that it was for some
+matter concerning himself, that he had held him so long in talk. Now
+all the Senators being entered first into this place or chapter-house
+where the council should be kept, all the other conspirators straight
+stood about C&aelig;sar's chair, as if they had had something to have said
+unto him. And some say, that Cassius casting his eyes upon Pompey's
+image, made his prayer unto it, as if it had been alive. Trebonius on
+the other side, drew Mark Antony aside, as he came into the house
+where the Senate sat, and held him with a long talk without.</p>
+
+<p>When C&aelig;sar was come into the house, all the Senate rose to honour him
+at his coming in. So when he was set, the conspirators flocked about
+him, and amongst them they presented one Metellus Cimber, who made
+humble suit for the calling home again of his brother that was
+banished. They all made as though they were intercessors for him, and
+took him by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. C&aelig;sar at the
+first simply refused their kindness and entreaties: but afterwards,
+perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from
+him. Then Cimber with both his hands plucked C&aelig;sar's gown over his
+shoulders, and Casca that stood behind him, drew his dagger first, and
+struck C&aelig;sar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. C&aelig;sar
+feeling himself hurt, took him straight by the hand he held his dagger
+in, and cried out in Latin: O traitor, Casca, what doest thou? Casca<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
+on the other side cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him.
+So divers running on a heap together to fly upon C&aelig;sar, he looking
+about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a sword drawn in his hand
+ready to strike at him: then he let Casca's hand go, and casting his
+gown over his face, suffered every man to strike at him that would.</p>
+
+<p>Then the conspirators thronging one upon another because every man was
+desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting
+upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus caught
+a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murthering of him,
+and all the rest also were every man of them bloodied. C&aelig;sar being
+slain in this manner, Brutus standing in the midst of the house, would
+have spoken, and stayed the other Senators that were not of the
+conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done this fact.
+But they as men both affrayed and amazed, fled one upon another's neck
+in haste to get out at the door, and no man followed them. For it was
+set down, and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but
+C&aelig;sar only, and should entreat all the rest to defend their liberty.</p>
+
+<p>All the conspirators, but Brutus, determining upon this matter,
+thought it good also to kill Mark Antony,<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> because he was a wicked
+man, and that in nature favoured tyranny: besides also, for that he
+was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long
+time amongst them: and specially having a mind bent to great
+enterprises, he was also of great authority at that time, being Consul
+with C&aelig;sar. But Brutus would not agree to it. First, for that he said
+it was not honest: secondly, because he told them there was hope of
+change in him. For he did not mistrust, but that Mark Antony being a
+noble-minded and courageous man (when he should know that C&aelig;sar was
+dead) would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having
+them an example unto him, to follow their courage and virtue. So
+Brutus by this means saved Mark Antony's life, who at that present
+time disguised himself, and stole away. But Brutus and his consorts,
+having their swords bloody in their hands, went straight to the
+Capitol, persuading the Romans, as they went, to take their liberty
+again.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> From the "Life of Julius C&aelig;sar." Translated by North.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Marcus Junius Brutus had originally been an adherent of
+Pompey, but after the battle at Pharsalia in 48 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, went over to
+C&aelig;sar, and in 46 became governor of Cisalpine Gaul.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Gaius Cassius Longinus, general and politician, had won
+distinction in the Parthian war of 53-51 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Lucius Junius Brutus under whose leadership the Tarquins
+were expelled and the republic established in 510 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Brutus first married Claudia, daughter of Appius
+Claudius, who was Consul in 54 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> It was probably in 55 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>,
+after Cato's death, that he put away Claudia (for which he was much
+blamed), and married Porcia, daughter of Cato. Portia was the widow of
+Bibulus, a colleague of C&aelig;sar in the Consulship of 59 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Daughter of Calpurnius Piso C&aelig;sonius and married to
+C&aelig;sar in 59 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> She was his second wife, Pompeia, a relative of
+Pompey the Great, being the first.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Mark Antony was then about forty-four years old. He had
+commanded the left wing of C&aelig;sar at Pharsalia and became Consul in
+44.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span></p>
+<h2>III</h2>
+<h3><a name="CLEOPATRAS_BARGE" id="CLEOPATRAS_BARGE"></a>CLEOPATRA'S BARGE<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Mark Antony being thus inclined, the last and extremest mischief of
+all other (to wit, the love of Cleopatra) lighted on him, who did
+waken and stir up many vices yet hidden in him, and were never seen to
+any: and if any spark of goodness or hope of rising were left him,
+Cleopatra quenched it straight, and made it worse than before. The
+manner how he fell in love with her was this. Antony going to make war
+with the Parthians, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>sent to command Cleopatra to appear personally
+before him, when he came into Cilicia, to answer unto such accusations
+as were laid against her, being this: that she had aided Cassius and
+Brutus in their war against him. The messenger sent unto Cleopatra to
+make this summons unto her, was called Dellius: who when he had
+thoroughly considered her beauty, the excellent grace and sweetness of
+her tongue, he nothing mistrusted that Antony would do any hurt to so
+noble a lady, but rather assured himself, that within few days she
+should be in great favour with him. Thereupon he did her great honour,
+and persuaded her to come into Cilicia, as honourably furnished as she
+could possible, and bade her not to be afraid at all of Antony, for he
+was a more courteous lord, than any one that she had ever seen.</p>
+
+<p>Cleopatra on the other side believing Dellius' words, and guessing by
+the former access and credit she had with Julius C&aelig;sar, and Cneius
+Pompey (the son of Pompey the Great) only for her beauty: she began to
+have good hope that she might more easily win Antony. For C&aelig;sar and
+Pompey knew her when she was but a young thing, and knew not then what
+the world meant: but now she went to Mark Antony at the age when a
+woman's beauty is at the prime, and she also of best judgement. So,
+she furnished herself with a world of gifts, store of gold and silver,
+and of riches and other sumptuous ornaments, as is credible enough she
+might bring from so great a house, and from so wealthy and rich a
+realm as Egypt was. But yet she carried nothing with her wherein she
+trusted more than in her self, and in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span> the charms and enchantment of
+her passing beauty and grace.</p>
+
+<p>Therefore when she was sent unto by divers letters, both from Antony
+himself, and also from his friends, she made so light of it and mocked
+Antony so much, that she disdained to set forward otherwise, but to
+take her barge in the river of Cydnus, the poop whereof was of gold,
+the sails of purple, and the oars of silver, which kept stroke in
+rowing after the sound of the music of flutes, howboys, citherns,
+viols, and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge.
+And now for the person of her self: she was laid under a pavilion of
+cloth of gold of tissue, apparelled and attired like the goddess
+Venus, commonly drawn in picture: and hard by her, on either hand of
+her, pretty fair boys apparelled as painters do set forth god Cupid,
+with little fans in their hands, with the which they fanned wind upon
+her. Her ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of them were
+apparelled like the nymphs nereids (which are the mermaids of the
+waters) and like the Graces, some steering the helm, others tending
+the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there came a
+wonderful passing sweet savour of perfumes, that perfumed the wharf's
+side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people. Some of them
+followed the barge all alongst the river-side: others also ran out of
+the city to see her coming in. So that in the end, there ran such
+multitudes of people one after another to see her, that Antony was
+left post alone in the market-place, in his imperial seat to give
+audience: and there went a rumour in the people's mouths, that the
+goddess Venus was come to play<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span> with the god Bacchus, for the general
+good of all Asia.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> When Cleopatra landed, Antony sent to invite
+her to supper to him. But she sent him word again, he should do better
+rather to come and sup with her. Antony therefore to shew himself
+courteous unto her at her arrival, was contented to obey her, and went
+to supper to her: where he found such passing sumptuous fare, that no
+tongue can express it.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by Sir
+Thomas North.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> The following description of Cleopatra's barge, taken
+from Shakespeare's "Antony and Cleopatra," when compared with the
+foregoing paragraph, will illustrate to the reader the closeness with
+which Shakespeare followed North:</p>
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Burn'd on the water. The poop was beaten gold;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Purple the sails, and so perfumed that<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The winds were love-sick with them. The oars were silver,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The water which they beat to follow faster,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">It beggar'd all description: she did lie<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">In her pavilion&mdash;cloth-of-gold of tissue&mdash;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">O'er-picturing that Venus where we see<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The fancy outwork nature. On each side her<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling Cupids,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">With diverse colour'd fans, whose wind did seem<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And what they undid did.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Her gentlewomen, like the Nereides,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">So many mermaids, tended her i' the eyes,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And made their bends adornings. At the helm<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">A seeming mermaid steers; the silken tackle<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Swell with the touches of those flower-soft hands,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">That yarely frame the office. From the barge<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">A strange invisible perfume hits the sense<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Of the adjacent wharfs. The city cast<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Her people out upon her; and Antony<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Enthron'd i' the market-place, did sit alone,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Whistling to the air, which, but for vacancy,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Had gone to gaze on Cleopatra too<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And made a gap in nature."<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+</div></div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span></p>
+<h2>IV</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_DEATH_OF_ANTONY_AND_CLEOPATRA" id="THE_DEATH_OF_ANTONY_AND_CLEOPATRA"></a>THE DEATH OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></h3>
+
+<p>When Mark Antony saw that his men did forsake him, and yielded unto
+C&aelig;sar,<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> and that his footmen were broken and overthrown: he then
+fled into the city, crying out that Cleopatra had betrayed him unto
+them, with whom he had made war for her sake. Then she being afraid of
+his fury, fled into the tomb which she had caused to be made, and
+there locked the doors unto her, and shut all the springs of the locks
+with great bolts, and in the meantime sent unto Antony to tell him
+that she was dead. Antony believing it, said unto himself: What dost
+thou look for further, Antony, sith spiteful fortune had taken from
+thee the only joy thou hadst, for whom thou yet reservedst thy life?
+when he had said these words, he went into a chamber and unarmed
+himself, and being naked said thus: O Cleopatra, it grieveth me not
+that I have lost thy company, for I will not be long from thee: but I
+am sorry, that having been so great a captain and emperor, I am indeed
+condemned to be judged of less courage and noble mind, than a woman.</p>
+
+<p>Now he had a man of his called Eros, whom he loved and trusted much,
+and whom he had long before caused to swear unto him, that he should
+kill him when he did command him: and then he <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>willed him to keep his
+promise. His man drawing his sword, lift it up as though he had meant
+to have stricken his master: but turning his head at one side he
+thrust his sword into himself, and fell down dead at his master's
+foot. Then said Antony, O noble Eros, I thank thee for this, and it is
+valiantly done of thee, to shew me what I should do to my self, which
+thou couldst not do for me. Therewithal he took his sword, and thrust
+it into his belly, and so fell down upon a little bed. The wound he
+had killed him not presently, for the blood stinted a little when he
+was laid: and when he came somewhat to himself again, he prayed them
+that were about him to despatch him. But they all fled out of the
+chamber, and left him crying out and tormenting himself: until at last
+there came a secretary unto him called Diomedes, who was commanded to
+bring him unto the tomb or monument where Cleopatra was.</p>
+
+<p>When he heard that she was alive, he very earnestly prayed his men to
+carry his body thither, and so he was carried in his men's arms into
+the entry of the monument. Notwithstanding, Cleopatra would not open
+the gates, but came to the high windows, and cast out certain chains
+and ropes, in the which Antony was trussed: and Cleopatra her own
+self, with two women only, which she had suffered to come with her
+into these monuments, triced Antony up. They that were present to
+behold it, said they never saw so pitiful a sight. For, they plucked
+up poor Antony all bloody as he was, and drawing on with pangs of
+death, who holding up his hands to Cleopatra raised up himself as well
+as he could. It was a hard thing for these women to do, to lift him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
+up: but Cleopatra stooping down with her head, putting to all her
+strength to her uttermost power, did lift him up with much ado, and
+never let go her hold, with the help of the women beneath that bade
+her be of good courage, and were as sorry to see her labour so, as she
+her self.</p>
+
+<p>So when she had gotten him in after that sort, and laid him on a bed:
+she rent her garments upon him, clapping her breast, and scratching
+her face and stomach. Then she dried up his blood that had berayed his
+face, and called him her lord, her husband, and emperor, forgetting
+her own misery and calamity, for the pity and compassion she took of
+him. Antony made her cease her lamenting, and called for wine, either
+because he was athirst, or else for that he thought thereby to hasten
+his death. When he had drunk, he earnestly prayed her, and persuaded
+her, that she would seek to save her life, if she could possible,
+without reproach and dishonour: and that chiefly she should trust
+Proculeius above any man else about C&aelig;sar. And as for himself, that
+she should not lament nor sorrow for the miserable change of his
+fortune at the end of his days: but rather that she should think him
+the more fortunate, for the former triumphs and honours he had
+received, considering that while he lived he was the noblest and
+greatest prince of the world, and that now he was overcome, not
+cowardly, but valiantly, a Roman by another Roman.</p>
+
+<p>As Antony gave the last gasp, Proculeius came that was sent from
+C&aelig;sar. For after Antony had thrust his sword in himself, as they
+carried him into the tombs and monuments of Cleopatra, one of his
+guard called Dercet&aelig;us, took his sword<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span> with the which he had stricken
+himself, and hid it: then he secretly stole away, and brought Octavius
+C&aelig;sar the first news of his death, and shewed him his sword that was
+bloodied. C&aelig;sar hearing these news, straight withdrew himself into a
+secret place of his tent, and there burst out with tears, lamenting
+his hard and miserable fortune, that had been his friend and
+brother-in-law,<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> his equal in the empire, and companion with him
+in sundry great exploits and battels. Then he called for all his
+friends, and shewed them the letters Antony had written to him, and
+his answers also sent him again, during their quarrel and strife: and
+how fiercely and proudly the other answered him, to all just and
+reasonable matters he wrote unto him.</p>
+
+<p>After this, he sent Proculeius, and commanded him to do what he could
+possible to get Cleopatra alive, fearing lest otherwise all the
+treasure would be lost: and furthermore, he thought that if he could
+take Cleopatra, and bring her alive to Rome, she would marvellously
+beautify and set out his triumph. But Cleopatra would never put her
+self into Proculeius' hands, although they spake together. For
+Proculeius came to the gates that were very thick and strong, and
+surely barred, but yet there were some crannies through the which her
+voice might be heard, and so they without understood, that Cleopatra
+demanded the kingdom of Egypt for her sons: and that Proculeius
+answered her, That she should be of good cheer, and not be affrayed to
+refer all unto C&aelig;sar. After he had viewed the place very well, he came
+and reported her answer unto C&aelig;sar. Who <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>immediately sent Gallus to
+speak once again with her, and bade him purposely hold her with talk,
+whilst Proculeius did set up a ladder against that high window, by the
+which Antony was triced up, and came down into the monument with two
+of his men hard by the gate, where Cleopatra stood to hear what Gallus
+said unto her.</p>
+
+<p>One of her women which was shut in her monuments with her, saw
+Proculeius by chance as he came down, and shrieked out: O poor
+Cleopatra, thou art taken. Then when she saw Proculeius behind her as
+she came from the gate, she thought to have stabbed her self in with a
+short dagger she wore of purpose by her side. But Proculeius came
+suddenly upon her, and taking her by both the hands, said unto her:
+Cleopatra, first thou shalt do thy self great wrong, and secondly unto
+C&aelig;sar: to deprive him of the occasion and opportunity, openly to shew
+his bounty and mercy, and to give his enemies cause to accuse the most
+courteous and noble prince that ever was, and to appeach him, as
+though he were a cruel and merciless man, that were not to be trusted.
+So even as he spake the word, he took her dagger from her, and shook
+her clothes for fear of any poison hidden about her. Afterwards C&aelig;sar
+sent one of his enfranchised men called Epaphroditus, whom he
+straightly charged to look well unto her, and to beware in any case
+that she made not her self away: and for the rest, to use her with all
+the courtesy possible.</p>
+
+<p>And for himself, he in the meantime entered the city of Alexandria,
+and as he went, talked with the philosopher Arrius, and held him by
+the hand, to the end that his countrymen should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span> reverence him the
+more, because they saw C&aelig;sar so highly esteem and honour him. Then he
+went into the shew-place of exercises, and so up to his chair of state
+which was prepared for him of a great height: and there according to
+his commandment, all the people of Alexandria were assembled, who
+quaking for fear, fell down on their knees before him, and craved
+mercy. C&aelig;sar bade them all stand up, and told them openly that he
+forgave the people, and pardoned the felonies and offences they had
+committed against him in this war. First, for the founder sake of the
+same city, which was Alexander the Great: secondly, for the beauty of
+the city, which he much esteemed and wondered at: thirdly, for the
+love he bare unto his very friend Arrius. Thus did C&aelig;sar honour
+Arrius, who craved pardon for himself and many others, and especially
+for Philostratus, the eloquentest man of all the sophisters and
+orators of his time, for present and sudden speech: howbeit he falsely
+named himself an academic philosopher. Therefore, C&aelig;sar that hated his
+nature and conditions, would not hear his suit. Thereupon he let his
+grey beard grow long, and followed Arrius step by step in a long
+mourning gown, still buzzing in his ears this Greek verse:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">A wise man if that he be wise indeed,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">May by a wise man have the better speed.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>C&aelig;sar understanding this, not for the desire he had to deliver
+Philostratus of his fear, as to rid Arrius of malice and envy that
+might have fallen out against him: he pardoned him.</p>
+
+<p>Now touching Antony's sons, Antyllus, his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span> eldest son by Fulvia was
+slain, because his schoolmaster Theodorus did betray him unto the
+soldiers, who strake off his head. And the villain took a precious
+stone of great value from his neck, the which he did sew in his
+girdle, and afterwards denied that he had it: but it was found about
+him, and so C&aelig;sar trussed him up for it. For Cleopatra's children,
+they were very honourably kept, with their governors and train that
+waited on them. But for C&aelig;sarion, who was said to be Julius C&aelig;sar's
+son:<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> his mother Cleopatra had sent him unto the Indians through
+Ethiopia, with a great sum of money. But one of his governors also
+called Rhodon, even such another as Theodorus, persuaded him to return
+into his country, and told him that C&aelig;sar sent for him to give him his
+mother's kingdom. So, as C&aelig;sar was determining with himself what he
+should do, Arrius said unto him:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Too many C&aelig;sars is not good.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Alluding unto a certain verse of Homer that saith:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Too many lords doth not well.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Therefore C&aelig;sar did put C&aelig;sarion to death, after the death of his
+mother Cleopatra. Many princes, great kings and captains did crave
+Antony's body <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>of Octavius C&aelig;sar, to give him honourable burial: but
+C&aelig;sar would never take it from Cleopatra, who did sumptuously and
+royally bury him with her own hands, whom C&aelig;sar suffered to take as
+much as she would to bestow upon his funerals.</p>
+
+<p>Now was she altogether overcome with sorrow and passion of mind, for
+she had knocked her breast so pitifully, that she had martyred it, and
+in divers places had raised ulcers and inflammations, so that she fell
+into a fever withal: whereof she was very glad, hoping thereby to have
+good colour to abstain from meat, and that so she might have died
+easily without any trouble. She had a physician called Olympus, whom
+she made privy of her intent, to the end he should help her rid her
+out of her life: as Olympus writeth himself, who wrote a book of all
+these things. But C&aelig;sar mistrusted the matter, by many conjectures he
+had, and therefore did put her in fear, and threatened her to put her
+children to shameful death. With these threats, Cleopatra for fear
+yielded straight, as she would have yielded unto strokes: and
+afterwards suffered her self to be cured and dieted as they listed.</p>
+
+<p>Shortly after, C&aelig;sar came himself in person to see her, and to comfort
+her. Cleopatra being laid upon a little low bed in poor state, when
+she saw C&aelig;sar come into her chamber, she suddenly rose up, naked in
+her smock, and fell down at his feet marvellously disfigured: both for
+that she had plucked her hair from her head, as also for that she had
+martyred all her face with her nails, and besides, her voice was small
+and trembling, her eyes sunk into her head with continual blubbering
+and moreover, they might see the most part of her<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span> stomach torn in
+sunder. To be short, her body was not much better than her mind: yet
+her good grace and comeliness, and the force of her beauty was not
+altogether defaced. But notwithstanding this ugly and pitiful state of
+hers, yet she shewed her self within, by her outward looks and
+countenance.</p>
+
+<p>When C&aelig;sar had made her lie down again, and sat by her bedside:
+Cleopatra began to clear and excuse her self for that she had done,
+laying all to the fear she had of Antony; C&aelig;sar, in contrary manner,
+reproved her in every point. Then she suddenly altered her speech, and
+prayed him to pardon her, as though she were affrayed to die, and
+desirous to live. At length, she gave him a brief and memorial of all
+the ready money and treasure she had. But by chance there stood
+Seleucus by, one of her treasurers, who to seem a good servant, came
+straight to C&aelig;sar to disprove Cleopatra, that she had had not set in
+all, but kept many things back of purpose. Cleopatra was in such a
+rage with him, that she flew upon him, and took him by the hair of the
+head, and boxed him well-favouredly. C&aelig;sar fell a-laughing and parted
+the fray. Alas, said she, O C&aelig;sar: is not this a great shame and
+reproach, that thou having vouchsafed to take the pains to come unto
+me, and has done me this honour, poor wretch, and caitiff creature,
+brought into this pitiful and miserable state: and that mine own
+servants should come now to accuse me, though it may be I have
+reserved some jewels and trifles meet for women, but not for me (poor
+soul) to set out my self withal, but meaning to give some pretty
+presents and gifts unto Octavia and Livia,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span> that they making means and
+intercessions for me to thee, thou mightest yet extend thy favour and
+mercy upon me? C&aelig;sar was glad to hear her say so, persuading himself
+thereby that she had yet a desire to save her life. So he made her
+answer, That he did not only give her that to dispose of at her
+pleasure, which she had kept back, but further promised to use her
+more honourably and bountifully that she would think for: and so he
+took his leave of her, supposing he had deceived her, but indeed he
+was deceived himself.</p>
+
+<p>There was a young gentleman Cornelius Dolabella,<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> that was of
+C&aelig;sar's very great familiars, and besides did bear no evil will unto
+Cleopatra. He sent her word secretly as she had requested him, that
+C&aelig;sar determined to take his journey through Syria, and that within
+three days he would send her away before with her children. When this
+was told Cleopatra, she requested C&aelig;sar that it would please him to
+suffer her to offer the last oblations of the dead, unto the soul of
+Antony. This being granted her, she was carried to the place where his
+tomb was, and there falling down on her knees, embracing the tomb with
+her women, the tears running down her cheeks, she began to speak in
+this sort:</p>
+
+<p>"O my dearn lord Antony, not long sithence I buried thee here, being a
+freewoman: and now I offer unto thee the funeral springlings and
+oblations, being a captive and prisoner, and yet I am forbidden and
+kept from tearing and murdering this captive body of mine with blows,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>which they carefully guard and keep, only to triumph of thee: look
+therefore henceforth for no other honours, offerings, nor sacrifices
+from me, for these are the last which Cleopatra can give thee, sith
+now they carry her away. Whilst we lived together, nothing could sever
+our companies: but now at our death, I fear me they will make us
+change our countries. For as thou being a Roman, has been buried in
+Egypt: even so wretched creature I, an Egyptian, shall be buried in
+Italy, which shall be all the good that I have received by thy
+country. If therefore the gods where thou art now have any power and
+authority, sith our gods here have forsaken us: suffer not thy true
+friend and lover to be carried away alive, that in me, they triumph of
+thee: but receive me with thee, and let me be buried in one self tomb
+with thee. For though my griefs and miseries be infinite, yet none
+hath grieved me more, nor that I could less bear withal: than this
+small time, which I have been driven to live alone without thee."</p>
+
+<p>Then having ended these doleful plaints, and crowned the tomb with
+garlands and sundry nosegays, and marvellous lovingly embraced the
+same: she commanded they should prepare her bath, and when she had
+bathed and washed her self, she fell to her meat, and was sumptuously
+served. Now whilst she was at dinner, there came a countryman, and
+brought her a basket. The soldiers that warded at the gate, asked him
+straight what he had in his basket. He opened the basket, and took out
+the leaves that covered the figs, and shewed them that they were figs
+he brought. They all of them marvelled to see so goodly figs. The
+countryman laughed to hear them, and bade them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span> take some if they
+would. They believed he told them truly, and so bade him carry them
+in. After Cleopatra had dined, she sent a certain table written and
+sealed unto C&aelig;sar, and commanded them all to go out of the tombs where
+she was, but the two women, then she shut the doors to her. C&aelig;sar when
+he received this table, and began to read her lamentation and
+petition, requesting him that he would let her be buried with Antony,
+found straight what she meant, and thought to have gone thither
+himself: howbeit he sent one before in all haste that might be, to see
+what it was.</p>
+
+<p>Her death was very sodain. For those whom C&aelig;sar sent unto her ran
+thither in all haste possible, and found the soldiers standing at the
+gate, mistrusting nothing, nor understanding of her death. But when
+they had opened the doors, they found Cleopatra stark dead, laid upon
+a bed of gold, attired and arrayed in her royal robes, and one of her
+two women, which was called Iras, dead at her feet: and her other
+woman called Charmion half-dead, and trembling, trimming the diadem
+which Cleopatra wore upon her head. One of the soldiers seeing her,
+angrily said unto her: Is that well done Charmion? Very well said she
+again, and meet for a princess descended from the race of so many
+noble kings. She said no more, but fell down dead hard by the bed.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by Sir
+Thomas North.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> That is Octavius, afterward the Emperor Augustus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Antony's mother was Julia, sister of Julius C&aelig;sar; his
+wife was Octavia, sister of Octavius, the Emperor Augustus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> C&aelig;sarion was born in 47 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and is believed to have
+gone to Rome with his mother Cleopatra in the following year. It has
+been pointed out that there could be no reason for putting C&aelig;sarion to
+death as a possible competitor with Octavius at Rome, for tho Octavius
+was only the nephew of Julius C&aelig;sar, C&aelig;sarion, his son, was not a
+Roman citizen. Inasmuch, however, as it was the object of Octavius to
+retain Egypt, C&aelig;sarion might have been an obstacle to him there.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> A son of the elder Dolabella by his first marriage.
+Dolabella the elder married Cicero's daughter Tullia, and became one
+of C&aelig;sar's murderers.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="EPICTETUS" id="EPICTETUS"></a>EPICTETUS</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born, about the middle of the first century, <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, in
+Hierapolis, Phrygia; originally a slave, but became a
+freedman of Epaphroditus, a favorite of the emperor Nero; a
+pupil of Musonius Rufus; taught philosophy at Rome; banished
+with other philosophers by Domitian and settled in
+Nicopolis, Epirus, where he taught philosophy, his doctrines
+being compiled by his pupil Arrian, the historian; he wrote
+nothing himself.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="OF_FREEDOM" id="OF_FREEDOM"></a>OF FREEDOM<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></h3>
+<p>He is free who lives as he likes; who is not subject to compulsion, to
+restraint, or to violence; whose pursuits are unhindered, his desires
+successful, his aversions unincurred. Who, then, would wish to lead a
+wrong course of life? "No one." Who would live deceived, erring,
+unjust, dissolute, discontented, dejected? "No one." No wicked man,
+then, lives as he likes; therefore no such man is free. And who would
+live in sorrow, fear, envy, pity, with disappointed desires and
+unavailing aversions? "No one." Do we then find <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>any of the wicked
+exempt from these evils? "Not one." Consequently, then, they are not
+free.</p>
+
+<p>If some person who has been twice Consul should hear this, he will
+forgive you, provided you add, "but you are wise, and this has no
+reference to you." But if you tell him the truth, that, in point of
+slavery, he does not necessarily differ from those who have been
+thrice sold, what but chastisement can you expect? "For how," he says,
+"am I a slave? My father was free, my mother free. Besides, I am a
+senator, too, and the friend of C&aelig;sar, and have been twice Consul, and
+have myself many slaves." In the first place, most worthy sir, perhaps
+your father too was a slave of the same kind; and your mother, and
+your grandfather, and all your series of ancestors. But even were they
+ever so free, what is that to you? For what if they were of a
+generous, you of a mean spirit; they brave, and you a coward; they
+sober, and you dissolute?</p>
+
+<p>"But what," he says, "has this to do with my being a slave?" Is it no
+part of slavery to act against your will, under compulsion, and
+lamenting? "Be it so. But who can compel me but the master of all,
+C&aelig;sar?" By your own confession, then, you have one master; and let not
+his being, as you say, master of all, give you any comfort; for then
+you are merely a slave in a large family. Thus the Nicopolitans, too,
+frequently cry out, "By the genius of C&aelig;sar we are free!"</p>
+
+<p>For the present, however, if you please, we will let C&aelig;sar alone. But
+tell me this. Have you never been in love with any one, either of a
+servile or liberal condition? "Why, what has that to do with being
+slave or free?" Were you never<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span> commanded anything by your mistress
+that you did not choose? Have you never flattered your fair slave?
+Have you never kissed her feet? And yet if you were commanded to kiss
+C&aelig;sar's feet, you would think it an outrage and an excess of tyranny.
+What else is this than slavery? Have you never gone out by night where
+you did not desire? Have you never spent more than you chose? Have you
+not sometimes uttered your words with sighs and groans? Have you never
+borne to be reviled and shut out-of-doors? But if you are ashamed to
+confess your own follies, see what Thrasonides says and does; who,
+after having fought more battles perhaps than you, went out by night,
+when [his slave] Geta would not dare to go; nay, had he been compelled
+to do it, would have gone bewailing and lamenting the bitterness of
+servitude. And what says he afterward? "A contemptible girl has
+enslaved me, whom no enemy ever enslaved." Wretch! to be the slave of
+a girl and a contemptible girl too! Why, then, do you still call
+yourself free? Why do you boast your military expeditions? Then he
+calls for a sword, and is angry with the person who, out of kindness,
+denies it; and sends presents to her who hates him; and begs, and
+weeps, and then again is elated on every little success. But what
+elation? Is he raised above desire or fear?</p>
+
+<p>Consider what is our idea of freedom in animals. Some keep tame lions,
+and feed them and even lead them about; and who will say that any such
+lion is free? Nay, does he not live the more slavishly the more he
+lives at ease? And who that had sense and reason would wish to be one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
+of those lions? Again, how much will caged birds suffer in trying to
+escape? Nay, some of them starve themselves rather than undergo such a
+life; others are saved only with difficulty and in a pining condition;
+and the moment they find any opening, out they go. Such a desire have
+they for their natural freedom, and to be at their own disposal, and
+unrestrained. "And what harm can this confinement do you?" "What say
+you? I was born to fly where I please, to live in the open air, to
+sing when I please. You deprive me of all this, and then ask what harm
+I suffer?"</p>
+
+<p>Hence we will allow those only to be free who will not endure
+captivity, but, so soon as they are taken, die and escape. Thus
+Diogenes somewhere says that the only way to freedom is to die with
+ease. And he writes to the Persian king, "You can no more enslave the
+Athenians than you can fish." "How? Can I not get possession of them?"
+"If you do," said he, "they will leave you and be gone like fish. For
+catch a fish, and it dies. And if the Athenians, too, die as soon as
+you have caught them, of what use are your warlike preparations?" This
+is the voice of a free man who had examined the matter in earnest,
+and, as it might be expected, found it all out. But if you seek it
+where it is not, what wonder if you never find it?</p>
+
+<p>A slave wishes to be immediately set free. Think you it is because he
+is desirous to pay his fee [of manumission] to the officer? No, but
+because he fancies that, for want of acquiring his freedom, he has
+hitherto lived under restraint and unprosperously. "If I am once set
+free," he says, "it is all prosperity; I care for no one; I can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span> speak
+to all as being their equal and on a level with them. I go where I
+will, I come when and how I will." He is at last made free, and
+presently having nowhere to eat he seeks whom he may flatter, with
+whom he may sup. He then either submits to the basest and most
+infamous degradation, and if he can obtain admission to some great
+man's table, falls into a slavery much worse than the former; or
+perhaps, if the ignorant fellow should grow rich, he dotes upon some
+girl, laments, and is unhappy, and wishes for slavery again. "For what
+harm did it do me? Another clothed me, another shod me, another fed
+me, another took care of me when I was sick. It was but in a few
+things, by way of return, I used to serve him. But now, miserable
+wretch! what do I suffer, in being a slave to many, instead of one!
+Yet, if I can be promoted to equestrian rank, I shall live in the
+utmost prosperity and happiness." In order to obtain this, he first
+deservedly suffers; and as soon as he has obtained it, it is all the
+same again. "But then," he says, "if I do but get a military command,
+I shall be delivered from all my troubles." He gets a military
+command. He suffers as much as the vilest rogue of a slave; and,
+nevertheless, he asks for a second command and a third; and when he
+has put the finishing touch, and is made a senator, then he is a slave
+indeed. When he comes into the public assembly, it is then that he
+undergoes his finest and most splendid slavery.</p>
+
+<p>[It is needful] not to be foolish, but to learn what Socrates taught,
+the nature of things; and not rashly to apply general principles to
+par<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>ticulars. For the cause of all human evils is the not being able
+to apply general principles to special cases. But different people
+have different grounds of complaint; one, for instance, that he is
+sick. That is not the trouble; it is in his principles. Another, that
+he is poor; another, that he has a harsh father and mother; another,
+that he is not in the good graces of C&aelig;sar. This is nothing else but
+not understanding how to apply our principles. For who has not an idea
+of evil, that it is hurtful; that it is to be avoided; that it is by
+all means to be prudently guarded against? One principle does not
+contradict another, except when it comes to be applied. What, then, is
+this evil&mdash;thus hurtful and to be avoided? "Not to be the friend of
+C&aelig;sar," says some one. He is gone; he has failed in applying his
+principles; he is embarrassed; he seeks what is nothing to the
+purpose. For if he comes to be C&aelig;sar's friend, he is still no nearer
+to what he sought. For what is it that every man seeks? To be secure,
+to be happy, to do what he pleases without restraint and without
+compulsion. When he becomes the friend of C&aelig;sar, then does he cease to
+be restrained; to be compelled? Is he secure? Is he happy? Whom shall
+we ask? Whom can we better credit than this very man who has been his
+friend? Come forth and tell us whether you sleep more quietly now than
+before you were the friend of C&aelig;sar. You presently hear him cry,
+"Leave off, for Heaven's sake! and do not insult me. You know not the
+miseries I suffer; there is no sleep for me; but one comes and says
+that C&aelig;sar is already awake; another, that he is just going out. Then
+follow perturbations, then cares." Well, and when did you use to sup
+the more pleasantly&mdash;formerly, or now? Hear what he says about this
+too. When he is not invited, he is distracted; and if he is, he sups
+like a slave with his master, solicitous all the while not to say or
+do anything foolish. And what think you? Is he afraid of being whipt
+like a slave! No such easy penalty. No; but rather, as becomes so
+great a man, C&aelig;sar's friend, of losing his head. And when did you
+bathe the more quietly; when did you perform your exercises the more
+at your leisure; in short, which life would you rather wish to
+live&mdash;your present, or the former? I could swear there is no one so
+stupid and insensible as not to deplore his miseries, in proportion as
+he is the more the friend of C&aelig;sar.</p>
+
+<p>Since, then, neither they who are called kings nor the friends of
+kings live as they like, who, then, after all, is free?...</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1865 and 1890, by Little, Brown &amp; Co. Epictetus
+has been valued not alone as an exposition of the Stoic philosophy,
+but as a specimen of Greek of the later or Silver Age. Marcus
+Aurelius, who in a later generation wrote in Greek himself, is said to
+have ranked Epictetus with Socrates as a teacher. Origen, the early
+Christian father, asserted that his writings had been of more value to
+the world's morals than those of Plato.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+<h3><a name="OF_FRIENDSHIP" id="OF_FRIENDSHIP"></a>OF FRIENDSHIP<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></h3>
+
+<p>To whatever objects a person devotes his attention, these objects he
+probably loves. Do men ever devote their attention, then, to [what
+they think] evils? By no means. Or even to things indifferent? No, nor
+this. It remains, then, that good must be the sole object of their
+attention; and if of their attention, of their love too. Whoever,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>therefore, understands good, is capable likewise of love; and he who
+can not distinguish good from evil, and things indifferent from both,
+how is it possible that he can love? The wise person alone, then, is
+capable of loving.</p>
+
+<p>"How so? I am not this wise person, yet I love my child."</p>
+
+<p>I protest it surprizes me that you should, in the first place, confess
+yourself unwise. For in what are you deficient? Have not you the use
+of your senses? Do you not distinguish the semblances of things? Do
+you not provide such food and clothing and habitation as are suitable
+to you? Why then do you confess that you want wisdom? In truth,
+because you are often struck and disconcerted by semblances, and their
+speciousness gets the better of you; and hence you sometimes suppose
+the very same things to be good, then evil, and lastly, neither; and,
+in a word, you grieve, you fear, you envy, you are disconcerted, you
+change. Is it from this that you confess yourself unwise? And are you
+not changeable too in love? Riches, pleasure, in short, the very same
+things, you sometimes esteem good, and at other times evil. And do you
+not esteem the same persons too alternately as good and bad, at one
+time treating them with kindness, at another with enmity; at one time
+commending, and at another time censuring them?</p>
+
+<p>"Yes. This too is the case with me."</p>
+
+<p>Well, then; can he who is deceived in another be his friend, think
+you?</p>
+
+<p>"No, surely."</p>
+
+<p>Or does he who loves him with a changeable affection bear him genuine
+good-will?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"Nor he, neither."</p>
+
+<p>Or he who now vilifies, then admires him?</p>
+
+<p>"Nor he."</p>
+
+<p>Do you not often see little dogs caressing and playing with each
+other, so that you would say nothing could be more friendly? But to
+learn what this friendship is, throw a bit of meat between them, and
+you will see. Do you too throw a bit of an estate betwixt you and your
+son, and you will see that he will quickly wish you under ground, and
+you him; and then you, no doubt, on the other hand will exclaim, What
+a son have I brought up! He would bury me alive! Throw in a pretty
+girl, and the old fellow and the young one will both fall in love with
+her; or let fame or danger intervene, the words of the father of
+Admetus will be yours:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"You love to see the light. Doth not your father?<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">You fain would still behold it. Would not he?"<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Do you suppose that he did not love his own child when it was little;
+that he was not in agonies when it had a fever, and often wished to
+undergo that fever in its stead? But, after all, when the trial comes
+home, you see what expressions he uses. Were not Eteocles and
+Polynices born of the same mother and of the same father? Were they
+not brought up, and did they not live and eat and sleep, together? Did
+not they kiss and fondle each other? So that any one, who saw them,
+would have laughed at all the paradoxes which philosophers utter about
+love. And yet when a kingdom, like a bit of meat, was thrown betwixt
+them, see what they say<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>&mdash;</p>
+
+<p><i>Polynices.</i> Where wilt thou stand before the towers?</p>
+
+<p><i>Eteocles.</i> Why askest thou this of me?</p>
+
+<p><i>Polynices.</i> I will oppose myself to thee, to slay thee.</p>
+
+<p><i>Eteocles.</i> Me too the desire of this seizes.</p>
+
+<p>Such are the prayers they offer. Be not therefore deceived. No living
+being is held by anything so strongly as by its own needs. Whatever
+therefore appears a hindrance to these, be it brother or father or
+child or mistress or friend, is hated, abhorred, execrated; for by
+nature it loves nothing like its own needs. This motive is father and
+brother and family and country and God. Whenever, therefore, the gods
+seem to hinder this, we vilify even them, and throw down their
+statues, and burn their temples; as Alexander ordered the temple of
+&AElig;sculapius to be burnt, because he had lost the man he loved.</p>
+
+<p>When, therefore, any one identifies his interest with those of
+sanctity, virtue, country, parents, and friends, all these are
+secured; but whenever he places his interest in anything else than
+friends, country, family and justice, then these all give way, borne
+down by the weight of self-interest. For wherever I and mine are
+placed, thither must every living being gravitate. If in body, that
+will sway us; if in our own will, that; if in externals, these. If,
+therefore, I rest my personality in the will, then only shall I be a
+friend, a son, or a father, such as I ought. For in that case it will
+be for my interest to preserve the faithful, the modest, the patient,
+the abstinent, the beneficent character; to keep the relations of life
+inviolate. But if I place my personality in one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span> thing, and virtue in
+another, the doctrine of Epicurus will stand its ground, that virtue
+is nothing, or mere opinion.</p>
+
+<p>From this ignorance it was that the Athenians and Laced&aelig;monians
+quarreled with each other, and the Thebans with both; the Persian king
+with Greece, and the Macedonians with both; and now the Romans with
+the Getes.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> And in still remoter times the Trojan war arose from
+the same cause. Alexander [Paris] was the guest of Menelaus; and
+whoever had seen the mutual proofs of good-will that passed between
+them would never have believed that they were not friends. But a
+tempting bait, a pretty woman, was thrown in between them; and thence
+came war. At present, therefore, when you see that dear brothers have,
+in appearance, but one soul, do not immediately pronounce upon their
+love; not tho they should swear it, and affirm it was impossible to
+live asunder. For the governing faculty of a bad man is faithless,
+unsettled, undiscriminating, successively vanquished by different
+semblances. But inquire, not as others do, whether they were born of
+the same parents, and brought up together, and under the same
+preceptor; but this thing only, in what they place their interest&mdash;in
+externals or in their own wills. If in externals, you can no more
+pronounce them friends, than you can call them faithful, or constant,
+or brave, or free; nay, nor even truly men, if you are wise. For it is
+no principle of humanity that makes them bite and vilify each other,
+and take possession of public assemblies, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>as wild beasts do of
+solitudes and mountains; and convert courts of justice into dens of
+robbers; that prompts them to be intemperate, adulterers, seducers; or
+leads them into other offenses that men commit against each other&mdash;all
+from that one single error, by which they risk themselves and their
+own concerns on things uncontrollable by will.</p>
+
+<p>But if you hear that these men in reality suppose good to be placed
+only in the will, and in a right use of things as they appear, no
+longer take the trouble of inquiring if they are father and son, or
+old companions and acquaintances; but boldly pronounce that they are
+friends, and also that they are faithful and just. For where else can
+friendship be met, but joined with fidelity and modesty, and the
+intercommunication of virtue alone?</p>
+
+<p>"Well; but such a one paid me the utmost regard for so long a time,
+and did he not love me?"</p>
+
+<p>How can you tell, foolish man, if that regard be any other than he
+pays to his shoes, or his horse, when he cleans them? And how do you
+know but that when you cease to be a necessary utensil, he may throw
+you away, like a broken stool?</p>
+
+<p>"Well; but it is my wife, and we have lived together many years."</p>
+
+<p>And how many did Eriphyle live with Amphiaraus, and was the mother of
+children not a few? But a bauble came between them. What was this
+bauble? A false conviction concerning certain things. This turned her
+into a savage animal; this cut asunder all love, and suffered neither
+the wife nor the mother to continue such.</p>
+
+<p>Whoever, therefore, among you studies either to be or to gain a
+friend, let him cut up all false convictions by the root, hate them,
+drive them utterly out of his soul. Thus, in the first place, he will
+be secure from inward reproaches and contests, from vacillation and
+self-torment. Then, with respect to others, to every like-minded
+person he will be without disguise; to such as are unlike he will be
+patient, mild, gentle, and ready to forgive them, as failing in points
+of the greatest importance; but severe to none, being fully convinced
+of Plato's doctrine, that the soul is never willingly deprived of
+truth. Without all this, you may, in many respects, live as friends
+do; and drink and lodge and travel together, and even be born of the
+same parents; and so may serpents too; but neither they nor you can
+ever be really friends, while your accustomed principles remain brutal
+and execrable.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1890, by Little, Brown &amp; Co.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> The Getes were a Thracian people who dwelt north of the
+Danube, at one time in what is now Bulgaria, and at another in what is
+Bessarabia.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span></p>
+<h2>III</h2>
+<h3><a name="THE_PHILOSOPHER_AND_THE_CROWD" id="THE_PHILOSOPHER_AND_THE_CROWD"></a>THE PHILOSOPHER AND THE CROWD<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></h3>
+
+<p>The first difference between one of the crowd and a philosopher is
+this: the one says, "I am undone on the account of my child, my
+brother, my father"; but the other, if ever he be obliged to say, "I
+am undone!" reflects, and adds, "on account of myself." For the Will
+can not be <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>restrained or hurt by anything to which the Will does not
+extend, but only by itself. If, therefore, we always would incline
+this way, and whenever we are unsuccessful, would lay the fault on
+ourselves, and remember that there is no cause of perturbation and
+inconstancy but wrong principles, I pledge myself to you that we
+should make some proficiency. But we set out in a very different way
+from the very beginning. In infancy, for example, if we happen to
+stumble, our nurse does not chide us, but beats the stone. Why, what
+harm has the stone done? Was it to move out of its place for the folly
+of your child? Again, if we do not find something to eat when we come
+out of the bath, our tutor does not try to moderate our appetite, but
+beats the cook. Why, did we appoint you tutor of the cook, man? No;
+but of our child. It is he whom you are to correct and improve. By
+these means even when we are grown up, we appear children. For an
+unmusical person is a child in music; an illiterate person, a child in
+learning; and an untaught one, a child in life.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1890, by Little, Brown &amp; Co.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="LUCIAN" id="LUCIAN"></a>LUCIAN</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Born at Samosata, Syria, about 120 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>; died about 200;
+apprenticed to his maternal uncle, who was a sculptor, but
+ran away in dislike of the art; becoming interested in the
+Rhetoricians, began to write himself; his works, as
+collected in English, comprize four volumes, among them
+"Dialogues of the Gods," "Dialogues of the Dead," "Zeus, the
+Tragedian," "The Ferryboat," and "Toxaris."<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p></div>
+
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>I</h2>
+<h3><a name="A_DESCENT_TO_THE_UNKNOWN" id="A_DESCENT_TO_THE_UNKNOWN"></a>A DESCENT TO THE UNKNOWN<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></h3>
+
+<p>Dawn was approaching when we went down to the river to embark; he had
+provided a boat, victims, hydromel, and all necessaries for our mystic
+enterprise. We put all aboard, and then, Troubled at heart, with
+welling tears, we went. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>For some distance we floated down stream,
+until we entered the marshy lake in which the Euphrates disappears.
+Beyond this we came to a desolate, wooded, sunless spot; there we
+landed, Mithrobarzanes leading the way, and proceeded to dig a pit,
+slay our sheep, and sprinkle their blood round the edge. Meanwhile the
+Mage, with a lighted torch in his hand, abandoning his customary
+whisper, shouted at the top of his voice an invocation to all spirits,
+particularly the P&oelig;n&aelig; and Erinyes,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Hecate's dark might, and dread Persephone,<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>with a string of other names, outlandish, unintelligible, and
+polysyllabic.</p>
+
+<p>As he ended, there was a great commotion, earth was burst open by the
+incantation, the barking of Cerberus was heard far off, and all was
+overcast and lowering:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Quaked in his dark abyss the King of Shades;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>for almost all was now unveiled to us, the lake, and Phlegethon, and
+the abode of Pluto. Undeterred, we made our way down the chasm, and
+came upon Rhadamanthus half dead with fear. Cerberus barked and looked
+like getting up; but I quickly touched my lyre, and the first note
+sufficed to lull him. Reaching the lake, we nearly missed our passage
+for that time, the ferry-boat being already full; there was incessant
+lamentation, and all the passengers had wounds upon them; mangled
+legs, mangled heads, mangled everything; no doubt there was a war
+going on. Nevertheless, when good Charon saw the lion's<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span> skin, taking
+me for Heracles, he made room, was delighted to give me a passage, and
+showed us our direction when we got off.</p>
+
+<p>We were now in darkness; so Mithrobarzanes led the way, and I followed
+holding on to him, until we reached a great meadow of asphodel, where
+the shades of the dead, with their thin voices, came flitting round
+us. Working gradually on, we reached the court of Minos; he was
+sitting on a high throne, with the P&oelig;n&aelig;, Avengers, and Erinyes
+standing at the sides. From another direction was being brought a long
+row of persons chained together; I heard that they were adulterers,
+procurers, publicans, sycophants, informers, and all the filth that
+pollutes the stream of life. Separate from them came the rich and
+usurers, pale, pot-bellied, and gouty, each with a hundredweight of
+spiked collar upon him. There we stood looking at the proceedings and
+listening to the pleas they put in; their accusers were orators of a
+strange and novel species.</p>
+
+<p>We left the court at last, and came to the place of punishment. Many a
+piteous sight and sound was there&mdash;cracking of whips, shrieks of the
+burning, rack and gibbet and wheel; Chimera tearing, Cerberus
+devouring; all tortured together, kings and slaves, governors and
+paupers, rich and beggars, and all repenting their sins. A few of
+them, the lately dead, we recognized. These would turn away and shrink
+from observation; or if they met our eyes, it would be with a slavish
+cringing glance&mdash;how different from the arrogance and contempt that
+had marked them in life! The poor were allowed half-time in their
+tortures, respite and punishment alternating. Those with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span> whom legend
+is so busy I saw with my eyes&mdash;Ixion,<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Sisyphus, the Phrygian
+Tantalus in all his misery, and the giant Tityus&mdash;how vast, his bulk
+covering a whole field!</p>
+
+<p>Leaving these, we entered the Acherusian plain, and there found the
+demigods, men and women both, and the common dead, dwelling in their
+nations and tribes, some of them ancient and moldering "strengthless
+heads," as Homer has it, others fresh, with substance yet in them,
+Egyptians chiefly, these&mdash;so long last their embalming drugs. But to
+know one from another was no easy task; all men are so like when the
+bones are bared; yet with pains and long scrutiny we could make them
+out. They lay pell-mell in undistinguished heaps, with none of their
+earthly beauties left. With all those anatomies piled together as like
+as could be, eyes glaring ghastly and vacant, teeth gleaming bare, I
+knew not how to tell Thersites<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> from Nireus the beauty, beggar
+Irus from the Ph&aelig;acian king, or cook Pyrrhias from Agamemnon's self.
+Their ancient marks were gone, and their bones alike&mdash;uncertain,
+unlabeled, indistinguishable.</p>
+
+<p>When I saw all this, the life of man came before <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>me under the
+likeness of a great pageant, arranged and marshaled by Chance, who
+distributed infinitely varied costumes to the performers. She would
+take one and array him like a king, with tiara, body-guard, and crown
+complete; another she drest like a slave; one was adorned with beauty,
+another got up as a ridiculous hunchback: there must be all kinds in
+the show. Often before the procession was over she made individuals
+exchange characters; they could not be allowed to keep the same to the
+end; Cr&oelig;sus must double parts and appear as slave and captive;
+M&aelig;andrius, starting as slave, would take over Polycrates'<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
+despotism, and be allowed to keep his new clothes for a little while.
+And when the procession is done, every one disrobes, gives up his
+character with his body, and appears, as he originally was, just like
+his neighbor. Some, when Chance comes round collecting the properties,
+are silly enough to sulk and protest, as tho they were being robbed of
+their own instead of only returning loans. You know the kind of thing
+on the stage&mdash;tragic actors shifting as the play requires from Creon
+to Priam, from Priam to Agamemnon; the same man, very likely, whom you
+saw just now in all the majesty of Cecrops or Erechtheus, treads the
+boards next as a slave, because the author tells him to. The play
+over, each of them throws off his gold-spangled robe and his mask,
+descends from the buskin's height, and moves a mean ordinary creature;
+his name is not now Agamemnon son of Atreus, or Creon son of
+Men&oelig;ceus, but Polus son of Charicles of Sunium, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>or Satyrus son of
+Theogiton of Marathon. Such is the condition of mankind, or so that
+sight presented it to me.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philip.</i> Now, if a man occupies a costly towering sepulcher, or
+leaves monuments, statues, inscriptions behind him on earth, does not
+this place him in a class above the common dead?</p>
+
+<p><i>Menippus.</i> Nonsense, my good man; if you had looked on Mausolus<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>
+himself&mdash;the Carian so famous for his tomb&mdash;I assure you, you would
+never have stopt laughing; he was a miserable unconsidered unit among
+the general mass of the dead, flung aside in a dusty hole, with no
+profit of his sepulcher but its extra weight upon him. No, friend,
+when &AElig;acus gives a man his allowance of space&mdash;and it never exceeds a
+foot's breadth, he must be content to pack himself into its limits.
+You might have laughed still more if you had beheld the kings and
+governors of earth begging in Hades, selling salt fish for a living,
+it might be, or giving elementary lessons, insulted by any one who met
+them, and cuffed like the most worthless of slaves. When I saw Philip
+of Macedon,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> I could not contain myself; some one showed him to me
+cobbling old shoes for money in a corner. Many others were to be seen
+begging&mdash;people like Xerxes, Darius, or Polycrates.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philip.</i> These royal downfalls are extraordinary&mdash;almost incredible.
+But what of Socrates, Diogenes, and such wise men?</p>
+
+<p><i>Menippus.</i> Socrates still goes about proving everybody wrong, the
+same as ever; Palamedes, Odysseus, Nestor, and a few other
+conversational shades, keep him company. His legs, by the way, were
+still puffy and swollen from the poison. Good Diogenes pitches close
+to Sardanapalus, Midas, and other specimens of magnificence. The sound
+of their lamentations and better-day memories keeps him in laughter
+and spirits; he is generally stretched on his back roaring out a noisy
+song which drowns lamentations; it annoys them, and they are looking
+out for a new pitch where he may not molest them.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Lucian lived under four Roman emperors and possibly
+five,&mdash;Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Commodus and
+Pertinax. The Fowlers, whose translation is used in these specimens,
+regard Lucian as "a linguistic miracle," stating the case as follows:
+"A Syrian writes in Greek, and not in the Greek of his own time, but
+in that of five or six centuries before, and he does it, if not with
+absolute correctness, yet with the easy mastery that we expect from
+one in a million of those who write in their mother tongue and takes
+place as an immortal classic. The miracle may be repeated; an
+English-educated Hindu may produce masterpieces of Elizabethan English
+that will rank him with Bacon and Ben Jonson; but it will surprize us
+when it does happen."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> From "Menippus: A Necromantic Experiment." Translated
+by H. W. and F. G. Fowler. Menippus was a Cynic philosopher,
+originally a slave, born in Syria. He lived about 60 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and wrote
+much, but all his works have been lost.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Ixion, of whom the familiar legend is that he was
+punished in the lower world by being chained to an ever-revolving
+wheel, was King of the Lapith&aelig;. Sisyphus, whose punishment was to roll
+a stone up a hill and then see it roll back again, being condemned
+perpetually to attempt rolling it completely to the top, belonged to a
+period anterior to Homer, and was the founder of Corinth. Homer
+describes him as the craftiest of men. Tantalus, one of the kings of
+Lydia, was condemned to stand in water, but whenever he sought to
+quench his thirst the water retreated from him.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Thersites is represented as the most insolent and
+hateful of the Greeks who went to Troy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Polycrates was tyrant of Samos from 536 to 522 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>,
+but was put to death.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Mausolus was King of Caria, a country lying on the
+&AElig;gean Sea in Asia Minor. Its chief town was Helicarnassus. Mausolus
+died about 353 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> His sister-wife, Artemisia, erected above his
+body the famous tomb named after him the Mausoleum, which was one of
+the "seven wonders of the world."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> The father of Alexander the Great, and the king against
+whom several of the orations of Demosthenes were delivered.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span></p>
+<h2>II</h2>
+<h3><a name="AMONG_THE_PHILOSOPHERS" id="AMONG_THE_PHILOSOPHERS"></a>AMONG THE PHILOSOPHERS<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></h3>
+
+<p><i>Socrates.</i> Stone the miscreant; stone him with many stones; clod him
+with clods; pot him with pots; let the culprit feel your sticks; leave
+him no way out. At him, Plato! come, Chrysippus, let him have it!
+Shoulder to shoulder, close the ranks;</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Let wallet succor wallet, staff aid staff!<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>We are all parties in this war; not one of us but he has assailed.
+You, Diogenes, now if ever is the time for that stick of yours; stand
+firm, all <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>of you. Let him reap the fruits of his revilings. What,
+Epicurus, Aristippus, tired already? 'tis too soon; ye sages,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Be men; resume that erstwhile furious wrath.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Aristotle, one more sprint. There! the brute is caught; we have you,
+villain. You shall soon know a little more about the characters you
+have assailed. Now, what shall we do with him? it must be rather an
+elaborate execution, to meet all our claims upon him; he owes a
+separate death to every one of us.</p>
+
+<p><i>First Philosopher.</i> Impale him, say I.</p>
+
+<p><i>Second Philosopher.</i> Yes, but scourge him first.</p>
+
+<p><i>Third Philosopher.</i> Tear out his eyes.</p>
+
+<p><i>Fourth Philosopher.</i> Ah, but first out with the offending tongue.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates.</i> What say you, Empedocles?</p>
+
+<p><i>Empedocles.</i> Oh, fling him into a crater; that will teach him to
+vilify his betters.</p>
+
+<p><i>Plato.</i> 'Twere best for him, Orpheus or Pentheus like, to</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Find death, dashed all to pieces on the rock;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>so each might have taken a piece home with him....</p>
+
+<p><i>Lucian.</i> Believe me, good gentlemen, I have been at much pains on
+your behalf; to slay me is to slay one who should rather be selected
+for commendation; a kindred spirit, a well-wisher, a man after your
+own heart, a promoter, if I may be bold to say it, of your pursuits.
+See to it that you catch not the tone of our latter-day philosophers,
+and be thankless, petulant and hard of heart, to him that deserves
+better of you.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><i>Plato.</i> Talk of a brazen front! So to abuse us is to oblige us. I
+believe you are under the delusion that you are really talking to
+slaves; after the insolent excesses of your tongue, do you propose to
+chop gratitude with us?</p>
+
+<p><i>Lucian.</i> How or when was I ever insolent to you? I have always been
+an admirer of philosophy, your panegyrist, and a student of the
+writings you left. All that comes from my pen is but what you give me;
+I deflower you, like a bee, for the behoof of mankind; and then there
+is praise and recognition; they know the flowers, whence and whose the
+honey was, and the manner of my gathering; their surface feeling is
+for my selective art, but deeper down it is for you and your meadow,
+where you put forth such bright blooms and myriad dyes, if one knows
+but how to sort and mix and match, that one be not in discord with
+another. Could he that had found you such have the heart to abuse
+these benefactors to whom his little fame was due? then he must be a
+Thamyris or Eurytus, defying the Muses who gave his gift of song, or
+challenging Apollo with the bow, forgetful from whom he had his
+marksmanship.</p>
+
+<p><i>Plato.</i> All this, good sir, is quite according to the principles of
+rhetoric; that is to say, it is clean contrary to the facts; your
+unscrupulousness is only emphasized by this adding of insult to
+injury; you confess that your arrows are from our quiver, and you use
+them against us; your one aim is to abuse us. This is our reward for
+showing you that meadow, letting you pluck freely, fill your bosom,
+and depart. For this alone you richly deserve death.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><i>Lucian.</i> There; your ears are partial; they are deaf to the right.
+Why, I would never have believed that personal feeling could affect a
+Plato, a Chrysippus,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> an Aristotle; with you, of all men, I
+thought there was dry light. But, dear sirs, do not condemn me
+unheard; give me trial first....</p>
+
+<p><i>Plato.</i> Pythagoras,<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> Socrates, what do you think? perhaps the
+man's appeal to law is not unreasonable.</p>
+
+<p><i>Socrates.</i> No; come along, form the court, fetch Philosophy, and see
+what he has to say for himself. To condemn unheard is a sadly crude
+proceeding, not for us; leave that to the hasty people with whom might
+is right. We shall give occasion to the enemy to blaspheme if we stone
+a man without a hearing, profest lovers of justice as we are. We shall
+have to keep quiet about Anytus and Meletus, my accusers, and the jury
+on that occasion, if we can not spare an hour to hear this fellow
+before he suffers.</p>
+
+<p><i>Plato.</i> Very true, Socrates. We will go and fetch Philosophy. The
+decision shall be hers, and we will accept it, whatever it is....</p>
+
+<p><i>Philosophy.</i> Well, well. Here we are at the appointed place. We will
+hold the trial in the forecourt of Athene Polias.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> Priestess,
+arrange our seats, while we salute the goddess.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span></p><p><i>Lucian.</i> Polias, come to my aid against these pretenders, mindful of
+the daily perjuries thou hearest from them. Their deeds too are
+revealed to thee alone, in virtue of thy charge. Thou hast now thine
+hour of vengeance. If thou see me in evil case, if blacks be more than
+whites, then cast thou thy vote and save me!</p>
+
+<p><i>Philosophy.</i> So. Now we are seated, ready to hear your words. Choose
+one of your number, the best accuser you may, make your charge, and
+bring your proofs. Were all to speak, there would be no end. And you,
+Parrhesiades, shall afterward make your defense....</p>
+
+<p><i>Parrhesiades.</i> Philosophy, Diogenes has been far indeed from
+exhausting his material; the greater part of it, and the more strongly
+exprest, he has passed by, for reasons best known to himself. I refer
+to statements of mine which I am as far from denying that I made as
+from having provided myself with any elaborate defense of them. Any of
+these that have been omitted by him, and not previously emphasized by
+myself, I propose now to quote; this will be the best way to show you
+who were the persons that I sold by auction and inveighed against as
+pretenders and impostors; please to concentrate your vigilance on the
+truth or falsehood of my descriptions. If what I say is injurious or
+severe, your censure will be more fairly directed at the perpetrators
+than at the discoverer of such iniquities. I had no sooner realized
+the odious practises which his profession imposes on an advocate&mdash;the
+deceit, falsehood, bluster, clamor, pushing, and all the long hateful
+list, than I fled as a matter of course from these, betook myself to
+your dear service,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span> Philosophy, and pleased myself with the thought of
+a remainder of life spent far from the tossing waves in a calm haven
+beneath your shadow.</p>
+
+<p>At my first peep into your realm, how could I but admire yourself and
+all these your disciples? There they were, legislating for the perfect
+life, holding out hands of help to those that would reach it,
+commending all that was fairest and best; fairest and best&mdash;but a man
+must keep straight on for it and never slip, must set his eyes
+unwaveringly on the laws that you have laid down, must tune and test
+his life thereby; and that, Zeus be my witness, there are few enough
+in these days of ours to do.</p>
+
+<p>So I saw how many were in love, not with Philosophy, but with the
+credit it brings; in the vulgar externals, so easy for any one to ape,
+they showed a striking resemblance to the real article, perfect in
+beard and walk and attire; but in life and conduct they belied their
+looks, read your lessons backwards, and degraded their profession.
+Then I was wroth; methought it was as tho some soft womanish actor on
+the tragic stage should give us Achilles or Theseus or Heracles
+himself; he can not stride nor speak out as a hero should, but minces
+along under his enormous mask; Helen or Polyxena would find him too
+realistically feminine to pass for them; and what shall an invincible
+Heracles say? Will he not swiftly pound man and mask together into
+nothingness with his club, for womanizing and disgracing him?</p>
+
+<p>Well, these people were about as fit to represent you, and the
+degradation of it all was too much for me. Apes daring to masquerade
+as heroes! emulators of the ass at Cyme! The Cymeans,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span> you know, had
+never seen ass or lion; so the ass came the lion over them, with the
+aid of a borrowed skin and his most awe-inspiring bray; however, a
+stranger who had often seen both brought the truth to light with a
+stick. But what most distrest me, Philosophy, was this: when one of
+these people was detected in rascality, impropriety, or immorality,
+every one put it down to philosophy, and to the particular philosopher
+whose name the delinquent took in vain without ever acting on his
+principles; the living rascal disgraced you, the long dead; for you
+were not there in the flesh to point the contrast; so, as it was clear
+enough that his life was vile and disgusting, your case was given away
+by association with his, and you had to share his disgrace.</p>
+
+<p>This spectacle, I say, was too much for me; I began exposing them, and
+distinguishing between them and you; and for this good work you now
+arraign me. So then, if I find one of the Initiated betraying and
+parodying the Mysteries of the two Goddesses, and if I protest and
+denounce him, the transgression will be mine? There is something wrong
+there; why, at the Games, if an actor who has to present Athene or
+Poseidon or Zeus plays his part badly, derogating from the divine
+dignity, the stewards have him whipt; well, the gods are not angry
+with them for having the officers whip the man who wears their mask
+and their attire; I imagine they approve of the punishment. To play a
+slave or a messenger badly is a trifling offense, but to represent
+Zeus or Heracles to the spectators in an unworthy manner&mdash;that is a
+crime and a sacrilege.</p>
+
+<p>I can indeed conceive nothing more extraor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>dinary than that so many of
+them should get themselves absolutely perfect in your words, and then
+live precisely as if the sole object of reading and studying them had
+been to reverse them in practise. All their professions of despising
+wealth and appearances, of admiring nothing but what is noble, of
+superiority to passion, of being proof against splendor, and
+associating with its owners only on equal terms&mdash;how fair and wise and
+laudable they all are! But they take pay for imparting them, they are
+abashed in presence of the rich, their lips water at sight of coin;
+they are dogs for temper, hares for cowardice, apes for imitativeness,
+asses for lust, cats for thievery, cocks for jealousy. They are a
+perfect laughingstock with their strivings after vile ends, their
+jostling of each other at rich men's doors, their attendance at
+crowded dinners, and their vulgar obsequiousness at table. They swill
+more than they should and would like to swill more than they do, they
+spoil the wine with unwelcome and untimely disquisitions, and they can
+not carry their liquor. The ordinary people who are present naturally
+flout them, and are revolted by the philosophy which breeds such
+brutes.</p>
+
+<p>What is so monstrous is that every man of them says he has no needs,
+proclaims aloud that wisdom is the only wealth, and directly afterward
+comes begging and makes a fuss if he is refused; it would hardly be
+stranger to see one in kingly attire, with tall tiara, crown, and all
+the attributes of royalty, asking his inferiors for a little something
+more. When they want to get something, we hear a great deal, to be
+sure, about community of goods&mdash;how wealth is a thing
+indifferent&mdash;and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span> what is gold and silver?&mdash;neither more nor less
+worth than pebbles on the beach. But when an old comrade and tried
+friend needs help and comes to them with his modest requirements, ah,
+then there is silence and searchings of heart, unlearning of tenets
+and flat renunciation of doctrines. All their fine talk of friendship,
+with Virtue and The Good, have vanished and flown, who knows whither?
+they were winged words in sad truth, empty fantoms, only meant for
+daily conversational use.</p>
+
+<p>These men are excellent friends so long as there is no gold or silver
+for them to dispute the possession of; exhibit but a copper or two,
+and peace is broken, truce void, armistice ended; their books are
+blank, their virtue fled, and they so many dogs; some one has flung a
+bone into the pack, and up they spring to bite each other and snarl at
+the one which has pounced successfully. There is a story of an
+Egyptian king who taught some apes the sword-dance; the imitative
+creatures very soon picked it up; and used to perform in purple robes
+and masks; for some time the show was a great success, till at last an
+ingenious spectator brought some nuts in with him and threw them down.
+The apes forgot their dancing at the sight, dropt their humanity,
+resumed their ape-hood, and, smashing masks and tearing dresses, had a
+free fight for the provender. Alas for the <i>corps de ballet</i> and the
+gravity of the audience!</p>
+
+<p>These people are just those apes; it is they that I reviled; and I
+shall never cease exposing and ridiculing them; but about you and your
+like&mdash;for there are, in spite of all, some true lovers of philosophy
+and keepers of your laws&mdash;about you<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span> or them may I never be mad enough
+to utter an injurious or rude word! Why, what could I find to say?
+what is there in your lives that lends itself to such treatment? but
+those pretenders deserve my detestation, as they have that of heaven.
+Why, tell me, all of you, what have such creatures to do with you? Is
+there a trace in their lives of kindred and affinity? Does oil mix
+with water? If they grow their beards and call themselves philosophers
+and look solemn, do these things make them like you? I could have
+contained myself if there had been any touch of plausibility in their
+acting; but the vulture is more like the nightingale than they like
+philosophers. And now I have pleaded my cause to the best of my
+ability. Truth, I rely upon you to confirm my words.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philosophy.</i> Parrhesiades, retire to a further distance. Well, and
+our verdict? How think you the man has spoken?</p>
+
+<p><i>Truth.</i> Ah, Philosophy, while he was speaking I was ready to sink
+through the ground; it was all so true. As I listened, I could
+identify every offender, and I was fitting caps all the time&mdash;this is
+so-and-so, that is the other man, all over. I tell you they were all
+as plain as in a picture&mdash;speaking likenesses not of their bodies
+only, but of their very souls.</p>
+
+<p><i>Temperance.</i> Yes, Truth, I could not help blushing at it.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philosophy.</i> What say you, gentlemen?</p>
+
+<p><i>Res.</i> Why, of course, that he is acquitted of the charge, and stands
+recorded as our friend and benefactor. Our case is just that of the
+Trojans, who entertained the tragic actor only to find him reciting
+their own calamities. Well, recite away, our tragedian, with these
+pests of ours for dramatis person&aelig;.</p>
+
+<p><i>Diogenes.</i> I too, Philosophy, give him my meed of praise; I withdraw
+my charges, and count him a worthy friend.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philosophy.</i> I congratulate you, Parrhesiades; you are unanimously
+acquitted, and are henceforth one of us.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> From the "Fisher: A Resurrection Piece." Translated by
+H. W. and F. G. Fowler.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Famous as a mathematician as well as philosopher; born
+in Samos about 582 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> He founded a famous school of philosophy at
+Crotona in Southern Italy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> After Zeno the most eminent of the Stoic philosophers;
+born in 280 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> The guardian of the city of Athens. A famous statue of
+Athenia Polias of the fifth century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> is preserved in the Villa
+Albani at Rome.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span></p>
+<h2>III</h2>
+<h3><a name="OF_LIARS_AND_LYING" id="OF_LIARS_AND_LYING"></a>OF LIARS AND LYING<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></h3>
+
+<p><i>Tychiades.</i> Philocles, what is it that makes most men so fond of a
+lie? Can you explain it? Their delight in romancing themselves is only
+equaled by the earnest attention with which they receive other
+people's efforts in the same direction.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philocles.</i> Why, in some cases there is no lack of motives for
+lying&mdash;motives of self-interest.</p>
+
+<p><i>Tychiades.</i> Ah, but that is neither here nor there. I am not speaking
+of men who lie with an object. There is some excuse for that: indeed,
+it is sometimes to their credit, when they deceive their country's
+enemies, for instance, or when mendacity is but the medicine to heal
+their sickness. Odysseus, seeking to preserve his life and bring his
+companions safe home, was a liar of that kind. The men I mean are
+innocent of any ulterior motive: they prefer a lie to truth, simply on
+its own merits; they like lying, it is their <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>favorite occupation;
+there is no necessity in the case. Now what good can they get out of
+it?</p>
+
+<p><i>Philocles.</i> Why, have you ever known any one with such a strong
+natural turn for lying?</p>
+
+<p><i>Tychiades.</i> Any number of them.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philocles.</i> Then I can only say they must be fools, if they really
+prefer evil to good.</p>
+
+<p><i>Tychiades.</i> Oh, that is not it. I could point you out plenty of men
+of first-rate ability, sensible enough in all other respects, who have
+somehow picked up this vice of romancing. It makes me quite angry:
+what satisfaction can there be to men of their good qualities in
+deceiving themselves and their neighbors? There are instances among
+the ancients with which you must be more familiar than I. Look at
+Herodotus, or Ctesias of Cnidus;<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> or, to go further back, take the
+poets&mdash;Homer himself: here are men of world-wide celebrity,
+perpetuating their mendacity in black and white; not content with
+deceiving their hearers, they must send their lies down to posterity,
+under the protection of the most admirable verse. Many a time I have
+blushed for them, as I read of the mutilation of Uranus, the fetters
+of Prometheus, the revolt of the giants, the torments of hell;
+enamored Zeus taking the shape of bull or swan; women turning into
+birds and bears; Pegasuses, Chim&aelig;ras, Gorgons, Cyclopes, and the rest
+of it; monstrous medley! fit only to charm the imaginations of
+children for whom Mormo and Lamia have still their terrors. However,
+poets, I suppose, will be poets. But when it <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>comes to national lies,
+when one finds whole cities bouncing collectively like one man, how is
+one to keep one's countenance? A Cretan will look you in the face, and
+tell you that yonder is Zeus' tomb. In Athens, you are informed that
+Erichthonius sprang out of the earth, and that the first Athenians
+grew up from the soil like so many cabbages; and this story assumes
+quite a sober aspect when compared with that of the Sparti, for whom
+the Thebans claim descent from a dragon's teeth. If you presume to
+doubt these stories, if you choose to exert your common sense, and
+leave Triptolemus' winged aerial car, and Pan's Marathonian exploits,
+and Orithyia's mishap, to the stronger digestions of a Cor&oelig;bus and
+a Margites, you are a fool and a blasphemer, for questioning such
+palpable truths. Such is the power of lies!</p>
+
+<p><i>Philocles.</i> I must say I think there is some excuse, Tychiades, both
+for your national liars and for the poets. The latter are quite right
+in throwing in a little mythology: it has a very pleasing effect, and
+is just the thing to secure the attention of their hearers. On the
+other hand, the Athenians and the Thebans and the rest are only trying
+to add to the luster of their respective cities. Take away the
+legendary treasures of Greece, and you condemn the whole race of
+ciceroni to starvation: sightseers do not want the truth; they would
+not take it at a gift. However, I surrender to your ridicule any one
+who has no such motive, and yet rejoices in lies.</p>
+
+<p><i>Tychiades.</i> Very well: now I have just been with the great Eucrates,
+who treated me to a whole string of old wives' tales. I came away in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
+the middle of it; he was too much for me altogether; Furies could not
+have driven me out more effectually than his marvel-working tongue.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philocles.</i> What, Eucrates, of all credible witnesses? That venerably
+bearded sexagenarian, with his philosophic leanings? I could never
+have believed that he would lend his countenance to other people's
+lies, much less that he was capable of such things himself.</p>
+
+<p><i>Tychiades.</i> My dear sir, you should have heard the stuff he told me;
+the way in which he vouched for the truth of it all too, solemnly
+staking the lives of his children on his veracity! I stared at him in
+amazement, not knowing what to make of it: one moment I thought he
+must be out of his mind; the next I concluded he had been a humbug all
+along, an ape in a lion's skin. Oh, it was monstrous....</p>
+
+<p>"When I was a young man," said he, "I passed some time in Egypt, my
+father having sent me to that country for my education. I took it into
+my head to sail up the Nile to Coptus, and thence pay a visit to the
+statue of Memnon,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> and hear the curious sound that proceeds from
+it at sunrise. In this respect, I was more fortunate than most people,
+who hear nothing but an indistinct voice: Memnon actually opened his
+lips, and delivered me an oracle in seven hexameters; it is foreign to
+my present purpose, or I would quote you the very lines."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> From "The Liar." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Ctesias who died after 398 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and wrote a history
+of Persia in twenty-four books and a treatise on India. Parts only of
+both are now extant.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> A legendary king of Ethiopia, who was slain at Troy by
+Achilles&mdash;a fable, says Rawlinson, which is "one of those in which it
+is difficult to determine any germs of truth." His name was given by
+the Greeks to one of the Colossi at Thebes in Egypt, from which, when
+touched by the rays of the rising sun, there was said to proceed a
+strange sound.</p></div>
+</div>
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
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+</body>
+</html>
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@@ -0,0 +1,8275 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Best of the World's Classics,
+Restricted to prose. Volume I (of X) - Greece, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Best of the World's Classics,  Restricted to prose. Volume I (of X) - Greece
+
+Author: Various
+
+Editor: Henry Cabot Lodge
+        Francis W.  Halsey
+
+Release Date: March 26, 2007 [EBook #20907]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WORLD'S CLASSICS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Joseph R. Hauser, Sankar Viswanathan, and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                  [Illustration: HENRY CABOT LODGE]
+
+
+                               THE BEST
+
+                               _of the_
+
+                           WORLD'S CLASSICS
+
+                         RESTRICTED TO PROSE
+
+
+
+                          HENRY CABOT LODGE
+
+                          _Editor-in-Chief_
+
+
+                          FRANCIS W. HALSEY
+
+                          _Associate Editor_
+
+
+                With an Introduction, Biographical and
+                       Explanatory Notes, etc.
+
+
+                            IN TEN VOLUMES
+
+
+
+                                Vol. I
+
+                                GREECE
+
+
+
+
+                       FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY
+
+                         NEW YORK AND LONDON
+
+
+
+                         COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY
+
+                       FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+The Best of the World's Classics
+
+VOL. I
+
+GREECE
+
+484 B.C.--200 A.D.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Ever since civilized man has had a literature he has apparently sought
+to make selections from it and thus put his favorite passages together
+in a compact and convenient form. Certain it is, at least, that to the
+Greeks, masters in all great arts, we owe this habit. They made such
+collections and named them, after their pleasant imaginative fashion,
+a gathering of flowers, or what we, borrowing their word, call an
+anthology. So to those austere souls who regard anthologies as a
+labor-saving contrivance for the benefit of persons who like a
+smattering of knowledge and are never really learned, we can at least
+plead in mitigation that we have high and ancient authority for the
+practise. In any event no amount of scholarly deprecation has been
+able to turn mankind or that portion of mankind which reads books from
+the agreeable habit of making volumes of selections and finding in
+them much pleasure, as well as improvement in taste and knowledge.
+With the spread of education and with the great increase of literature
+among all civilized nations, more especially since the invention of
+printing and its vast multiplication of books, the making of volumes
+of selections comprizing what is best in one's own or in many
+literatures is no longer a mere matter of taste or convenience as with
+the Greeks, but has become something little short of a necessity in
+this world of many workers, comparatively few scholars, and still
+fewer intelligent men of leisure. Anthologies have been multiplied
+like all other books, and in the main they have done much good and no
+harm. The man who thinks he is a scholar or highly educated because he
+is familiar with what is collected in a well-chosen anthology, of
+course, errs grievously. Such familiarity no more makes one a master
+of literature than a perusal of a dictionary makes the reader a master
+of style. But as the latter pursuit can hardly fail to enlarge a man's
+vocabulary, so the former adds to his knowledge, increases his stock
+of ideas, liberalizes his mind and opens to him new sources of
+enjoyment.
+
+The Greek habit was to bring together selections of verse, passages
+of especial merit, epigrams and short poems. In the main their example
+has been followed. From their days down to the "Elegant Extracts in
+Verse" of our grandmothers and grandfathers, and thence on to our own
+time with its admirable "Golden Treasury" and "Oxford Handbook of
+Verse," there has been no end to the making of poetical anthologies
+and apparently no diminution in the public appetite for them. Poetry
+indeed lends itself to selection. Much of the best poetry of the world
+is contained in short poems, complete in themselves, and capable of
+transference bodily to a volume of selections. There are very few
+poets of whose quality and genius a fair idea can not be given by a
+few judicious selections. A large body of noble and beautiful poetry,
+of verse which is "a joy forever," can also be given in a very small
+compass. And the mechanical attribute of size, it must be remembered,
+is very important in making a successful anthology, for an essential
+quality of a volume of selections is that it should be easily
+portable, that it should be a book which can be slipt into the pocket
+and readily carried about in any wanderings whether near or remote.
+An anthology which is stored in one or more huge and heavy volumes is
+practically valueless except to those who have neither books nor
+access to a public library, or who think that a stately tome printed
+on calendered paper and "profusely illustrated" is an ornament to a
+center-table in a parlor rarely used except on solemn or official
+occasions.
+
+I have mentioned these advantages of verse for the purposes of an
+anthology in order to show the difficulties which must be encountered
+in making a prose selection. Very little prose is in small parcels
+which can be transferred entire, and therefore with the very important
+attribute of completeness, to a volume of selections. From most of the
+great prose writers it is necessary to take extracts, and the chosen
+passage is broken off from what comes before and after. The fame of a
+great prose writer as a rule rests on a book, and really to know him
+the book must be read and not merely passages from it. Extracts give
+no very satisfactory idea of "Paradise Lost" or "The Divine Comedy,"
+and the same is true of extracts from a history or a novel. It is
+possible by spreading prose selections through a series of small
+volumes to overcome the mechanical difficulty and thus make the
+selections in form what they ought above all things to be--companions
+and not books of reference or table decorations. But the spiritual or
+literary problem is not so easily overcome. What prose to take and
+where to take it are by no means easy questions to solve. Yet they are
+well worth solving, so far as patient effort can do it, for in this
+period of easy printing it is desirable to put in convenient form
+before those who read examples of the masters which will draw us back
+from the perishing chatter of the moment to the literature which is
+the highest work of civilization and which is at once noble and
+lasting.
+
+Upon that theory this collection has been formed. It is an attempt to
+give examples from all periods and languages of Western civilization
+of what is best and most memorable in their prose literature. That the
+result is not a complete exhibition of the time and the literatures
+covered by the selections no one is better aware than the editors.
+Inexorable conditions of space make a certain degree of incompleteness
+inevitable when he who is gathering flowers traverses so vast a
+garden, and is obliged to confine the results of his labors within
+such narrow bounds. The editors are also fully conscious that, like
+all other similar collections, this one too will give rise to the
+familiar criticism and questionings as to why such a passage was
+omitted and such another inserted; why this writer was chosen and that
+other passed by. In literature we all have our favorites, and even the
+most catholic of us has also his dislikes if not his pet aversions. I
+will frankly confess that there are authors represented in these
+volumes whose writings I should avoid, just as there are certain towns
+and cities of the world to which, having once visited them, I would
+never willingly return, for the simple reason that I would not
+voluntarily subject myself to seeing or reading what I dislike or,
+which is worse, what bores and fatigues me. But no editor of an
+anthology must seek to impose upon others his own tastes and opinions.
+He must at the outset remember and never afterward forget that so far
+as possible his work must be free from the personal equation. He must
+recognize that some authors who may be mute or dull to him have a
+place in literature, past or present, sufficiently assured to entitle
+them to a place among selections which are intended above all things
+else to be representative.
+
+To those who wonder why some favorite bit of their own was omitted
+while something else for which they do not care at all has found a
+place I can only say that the editors, having supprest their own
+personal preferences, have proceeded on certain general principles
+which seem to be essential in making any selection either of verse or
+prose which shall possess broader and more enduring qualities than
+that of being a mere exhibition of the editor's personal taste. To
+illustrate my meaning: Emerson's "Parnassus" is extremely interesting
+as an exposition of the tastes and preferences of a remarkable man of
+great and original genius. As an anthology it is a failure, for it is
+of awkward size, is ill arranged and contains selections made without
+system, and which in many cases baffle all attempts to explain their
+appearance. On the other hand, Mr. Palgrave, neither a very remarkable
+man nor a great and original genius, gave us in the first "Golden
+Treasury" a collection which has no interest whatever as reflecting
+the tastes of the editor, but which is quite perfect in its kind.
+Barring the disproportionate amount of Wordsworth which includes some
+of his worst things--and which, be it said in passing, was due to Mr.
+Palgrave's giving way at that point to his personal enthusiasm--the
+"Golden Treasury" in form, in scope, and in arrangement, as well as in
+almost unerring taste, is the best model of what an anthology should
+be which is to be found in any language.
+
+Returning now to our questioner who misses some favorite and finds
+something else which he dislikes, the only answer, as I have just
+said, is that the collection is formed on certain general principles,
+as any similar collection of the sort must be. This series is called
+"The Best of the World's Classics," and "classics" is used not in the
+narrow and technical sense, but rather in that of Thoreau, who defined
+classics as "the noblest recorded thoughts of mankind." Therefore, the
+first principle of guidance in selection is to take examples of the
+great writings which have moved and influenced the thought of the
+world, and which have preeminently the quality of "high seriousness"
+as required by Aristotle. This test alone, however, would limit the
+selections too closely. Therefore the second principle of choice is to
+make selections from writers historically important either personally
+or by their writings. The third rule is to endeavor to give selections
+which shall be representative of the various literatures and the
+various periods through which, the collection ranges. Lastly, and this
+applies, of course, only to passages taken from the writers of England
+and the United States, the effort has been to give specimens of the
+masters of English prose, of that prose in its development and at its
+best, and to show, so far as may be, what can be accomplished with
+that great instrument, and what a fine style really is as exhibited in
+the best models. Everything contained in these volumes is there in
+obedience to one at least of these principles, many in obedience to
+more than one, some in conformity to all four.
+
+No one will become a scholar or a master of any of the great
+literatures here represented by reading this collection. Literature
+and scholarship are not to be had so cheaply as that. Yet is there
+much profit to be had from these little volumes. They contain many
+passages which merit Dr. Johnson's fine saying about books: "That they
+help us to enjoy life or teach us to endure it." To the man of
+letters, to the man of wide reading, they will at least serve to
+recall, when far from libraries and books, those authors who have been
+the delight and the instructors of a lifetime. They will bring at
+least the pleasures of memory and that keener pleasure which arises
+when we meet a poem or a passage of prose which we know as an old and
+well-loved friend, remote from home, upon some alien page.
+
+To that larger public whose lives are not spent among books and
+libraries, and for whose delectation such a collection as this is
+primarily intended, these volumes rightly read at odd times, in idle
+moments, in out-of-the-way places, on the ship or the train, offer
+much. They will bring the reader in contact with many of the greatest
+intellects of all time. They contain some of the noblest thoughts that
+have passed through the minds of our weak and erring race. There is no
+man who will not be the better, for the moment at least, by reading
+what Cicero says about old age, Seneca about death, and Socrates
+about love, to go no further for examples than to
+
+    "The glory that was Greece,
+    And the grandeur that was Rome."
+
+Moreover, the bowing acquaintance which can be formed here may easily
+offer attractions which will lead to a close and intimate friendship,
+with all that the word implies in the case of a great author or a
+great book. It seems to me, for example, as if no one who read here
+the too brief extracts from Erasmus or from Cervantes, to take at
+random two writers widely separated in thought, could fail to pursue
+the acquaintance thus begun, so potent are the sympathetic charm, the
+wit, the wisdom and the humor of both these great men. There is, at
+least, variety in these little volumes, and while many things in them
+may not appeal to us, they may to our neighbors. That which "is dumb
+to us may speak to him."
+
+Again, let it be noticed that there is much more than the "high
+seriousness" which is the test of the greatest prose as of the finest
+poetry. Humor and pathos, tragedy and comedy, all find their place and
+glimpses of the pageant of human history flit through the pages. It
+would seem as if it were impossible to read extracts from Thucydides
+and Tacitus and Gibbon and not long to go to their histories and learn
+all that could be said by such men about the life of man upon earth,
+about Athens and Rome and the rise and fall of empires. Selections are
+unsatisfying and the better they are the more unsatisfying they
+become. But this is in reality their great merit. They have much
+beauty in themselves, they awaken pleasant memories, they revive old
+delights, but, above all, if rightly read they open the gates to the
+illimitable gardens whence all the flowers which have here been
+gathered may be found blooming in radiance, unplucked and unbroken and
+rooted in their native soil.
+
+The most important part of the collection is that which gives
+selections from those writers whose native tongue is English. No
+translation even of prose can ever quite reproduce its original, and
+as a rule can not hope to equal it. There are many translations,
+notably the Elizabethan, which are extremely fine in themselves and
+memorable examples of English prose. Still they are not the original
+writings. Something escapes in the translation into another tongue,
+an impalpable something which can not be held or transmitted. The
+Bible stands alone, a great literary monument of the noblest and most
+beautiful English, which has formed English speech and become a part
+of the language as it is of the thought and emotion of the people who
+read "King James'" version in all parts of the globe. Yet we know that
+the version which the people, so fortunate in its possession, wisely
+and absolutely decline to give up in exchange for any revision is
+neither an accurate nor a faithful reproduction of its original.
+Therefore, putting aside the English Bible as wholly by itself, it may
+be safely said that the soul of a language and the beauties of style
+which it is capable of exhibiting can only be found and studied in the
+productions of writers who not only think in the language in which
+they write, but to whom that speech is native, the inalienable
+birthright and heritage of their race or country. In such writers we
+get not only the thought, the humor, or the pathos, all that can be
+transferred in a translation, but also the pleasure to the ear akin to
+music, the sense of form, the artistic gratification which form
+brings, all those attributes which are possible in the highest degree
+to those only to whom the language is native.
+
+For these reasons, as will be readily understood, in making selections
+from those writers whose native tongue is English, specimens have been
+given of all periods from the earliest time and occasionally of
+authors who would not otherwise find a place in such a collection, for
+the purpose of tracing in outline the development of English prose and
+the formation of an English style which, like all true and great
+styles, is peculiar to the language and can not be reproduced in any
+other. This is not the place, nor would it be feasible within any
+reasonable limits to narrate the history of English prose. But in
+these selections it is possible to follow its gradual advance from the
+first rude and crude attempts through the splendid irregularities of
+the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the establishment of a
+standard of style in the eighteenth and thence onward to the
+modifications and changes in that standard which extend to our own
+time.
+
+The purpose of this collection is not didactic. If it were it would be
+a school-book and not an anthology in the Greek sense, where the
+first principle was to seek what was of literary value, artistic in
+expression, and noble in thought. Yet the mere bringing together of
+examples of prose from the writings of the great masters of style can
+not but teach a lesson never more needed than now.
+
+I do not mean by this to suggest imitation of any writer. Nothing is
+more dangerous, especially when the style of the writer imitated is
+peculiar and strongly marked. That which is valuable and instructive
+is the opportunity given here for a study of fine English styles, and
+in this way to learn the capabilities of the language and the general
+principles which have governed the production of the best English
+prose. We have in the English language an unequaled richness of
+vocabulary far surpassing in extent that of any other tongue. It
+possesses a great literature and a body of poetry unrivaled in modern
+times. It is not only one of the strongest bonds of union in the
+United States, but it is the language in which our freedom was won and
+in which our history and our laws are written. It is our greatest
+heritage. To weaken, corrupt or deprave it would be a misfortune
+without parallel to our entire people. Yet we can not disguise from
+ourselves the fact that the fertility of the printing-press, the
+multiplication of cheap magazines, and the flood of printed words
+poured out daily in the newspapers all tend strongly in this
+direction. This is an era of haste and hurry stimulated by the great
+inventions which have changed human environment. Form and style in any
+art require time, and time seems the one thing we can neither spare
+nor wisely economize. Yet, in literature above all arts, to abandon
+form and style is inevitably destructive and entails misfortunes which
+can hardly be estimated, for loose, weak and vulgar writing is a sure
+precursor of loose, weak and vulgar thinking. If form of expression is
+cast aside, form in thought and in the presentation of thought is
+certain to follow. Against all this the fine English prose amply
+represented in these selections offers a silent and convincing protest
+to every one who will read it attentively.
+
+We can begin with the splendid prose of the age of Elizabeth and of
+the seventeenth century. It is irregular and untamed, but exuberant
+and brilliant, rich both in texture and substance. We find it at its
+height in the strange beauties of Sir Thomas Browne, in the noble
+pages of Milton, stiff with golden embroidery, as Macaulay says, and
+in the touching and beautiful simplicity of Bunyan's childlike
+sentences. Thence we pass to the eighteenth century, when English
+prose was freed from its involutions and irregularities and brought to
+uniformity and to a standard. The age of Anne gave to English prose
+balance, precision and settled form. There have been periods of
+greater originality, but the eighteenth century at least lived up to
+Pope's doctrine, set forth in the familiar line:
+
+    "What oft was thought but ne'er so well exprest."
+
+As there is no better period to turn to for instruction than the age
+of Anne, so, if we must choose a single writer there is no better
+master to be studied than Swift. There have been many great writers
+and many fine and beautiful styles since the days of the terrible Dean
+of St. Patrick's, from the imposing and finely balanced sentences of
+Gibbon to the subtle delicacy of Hawthorne and the careful finish of
+Robert Louis Stevenson. But in Swift better than in any one writer can
+we find the lessons which are so sorely needed now. He had in the
+highest degree force, clearness and concentration all combined with a
+marvelous simplicity. Swift's style may have lacked richness, but it
+never failed in taste. There is not a line of false fine-writing in
+all his books. Those are the qualities which are so needed now,
+simplicity and clearness and a scrupulous avoidance of that would-be
+fine writing which is not at all fine but merely vulgar and insincere.
+
+The writing in our newspapers is where reform is particularly needed.
+There are great journals here and there which maintain throughout a
+careful standard of good and sober English. Most of them, unhappily,
+are filled in the news columns at least with a strange jargon found
+nowhere else, spoken by no one and never used in daily life by those
+who every night furnish it to the compositors. It is happily
+compounded in about equal parts of turgid fine writing, vulgar
+jauntiness and indiscriminate slang.
+
+I can best show my meaning by example. A writer in a newspaper wished
+to state that a man who had once caused excitement by a book of
+temporary interest and who, after the days of his notoriety were over,
+lived a long and checkered career, had killed himself. This is the way
+he said it:
+
+     His life's work void of fruition and dissipated into
+     emptiness, his fondest hopes and ambitions crumbled and
+     scattered, shunned as a fanatic, and unable to longer wage
+     life's battle, Hinton Rowan Helper, at one time United
+     States consul general to Buenos Ayres, yesterday sought the
+     darkest egress from his woes and disappointments--a
+     suicide's death.
+
+     In an unpretentious lodging-house in Pennsylvania avenue,
+     near the Capitol, the man who as much, if not more than any
+     other agitator, is said to have blazed the way to the Civil
+     War, the writer who stirred this nation to its core by his
+     anti-slavery philippics, and the promoter with the most
+     gigantic railroad enterprise projected in the history of the
+     world, was found gript in the icy hand of death. The brain
+     which gave birth to his historic writings had willed the
+     stilling of the heart which for three-quarters of a century
+     had palpitated quick and high with roseate hopes.
+
+That passage, taken at hazard from a newspaper, is intended, I think,
+to be fine writing of an imposing and dramatic kind. Why could not
+the writer have written it, a little more carefully perhaps, but still
+in just the language which he would have used naturally in describing
+the event to his wife or friend? Simply stated, it would have been far
+more solemn and impressive than this turgid, insincere account with
+its large words, its forced note of tragedy and its split infinitive.
+Let me put beneath it another description of a death-bed:
+
+     The blood and spirits of Le Fevre, which were waxing cold
+     and slow, and were retreating to their last citadel, the
+     heart--rallied back,--the film forsook his eyes for a
+     moment,--he looked up wishfully into my Uncle Toby's
+     face,--then cast a look upon his boy,--and that ligament,
+     fine as it was,--was never broken.
+
+     Nature instantly ebbed again,--the film returned to its
+     place,--the pulse fluttered,--stopt,--went
+     on,--throbbed,--stopt again,--moved,--stopt,--shall I go on?
+     No.
+
+This famous passage is neither unintentional sentiment nor unaffected
+pathos. The art is apparent even in the punctuation. The writer meant
+to be touching and pathetic and to awaken emotions of tenderness and
+pity and he succeeded. The description is all he meant it to be. The
+extract from the newspaper arouses no emotion, unless it be
+resentment at its form and leaves us cold and unmoved. The other is
+touching and pitiful. Observe the manner in which Sterne obtains his
+effect, the perfect simplicity and good taste of every word, the
+reserve, the gentleness, the utter absence of any straining for
+effect. The one description died the day it appeared. The other has
+held its place for a century and a half. Are not the qualities which
+produced such a result worth striving for?
+
+Let me take another haphazard selection from a description of a young
+girl entitled as such to every one's kindness, courtesy and respect.
+In it occurs this sentence: "The college girl is grammatical in
+speech, but she has the jolliest, chummiest jargon of slang that ever
+rolled from under a pink tongue." That articulate sounds come from
+beneath the tongue is at least novel and few persons are fortunate
+enough to be able to talk with that portion of their mouths. But I
+have no desire to dwell either upon the anatomical peculiarities of
+the sentence or upon its abysmal vulgarity. It is supposed to be
+effective, it is what is appropriately called "breezy," it is a form
+of words which can be heard nowhere in the speech of men and women.
+Why should it be consigned to print? It is possible to describe a
+young girl attractively and effectively in much simpler fashion. Let
+me give an example, not a famous passage at all, from another writer:
+
+     She shocked no canon of taste; she was admirably in keeping
+     with herself, and never jarred against surrounding
+     circumstances. Her figure, to be sure--so small as to be
+     almost childlike and so elastic that motion seemed as easy
+     or easier to it than rest--would hardly have suited one's
+     idea of a countess. Neither did her face--with brown
+     ringlets on either side and a slightly piquant nose, and the
+     wholesome bloom, and the clear shade of tan, and the half
+     dozen freckles, friendly remembrancers of the April sun and
+     breeze--precisely give us the right to call her beautiful.
+     But there was both luster and depth in her eyes. She was
+     very pretty; as graceful as a bird and graceful much in the
+     same way; as pleasant about the house as a gleam of sunshine
+     falling on the floor through a shadow of twinkling leaves,
+     or as a ray of firelight that dances on the wall while
+     evening is drawing nigh.
+
+Contrast this with the newspaper sentence and the sensation is one of
+pain. Again I say, observe the method by which Hawthorne gets his
+effect, the simplicity of the language, the balance of the sentences,
+the reserve, the refinement, and the final imaginative touch in the
+charming comparison with which the passage ends.
+
+To blame the hard working men who write for the day which is passing
+over them because they do not write like Sterne and Hawthorne would be
+as absurd as it would be unjust. But they ought to recognize the
+qualities of fine English prose, they ought to remember that they can
+improve their readers by giving them good, simple English, pure and
+undefiled, and they ought not to debauch the public taste by vulgar
+fine writing and even more vulgar light writing. In short, they ought
+to write for the public as they would talk to their wives and children
+and friends; a little more formally and carefully perhaps, but in the
+same simple and direct fashion.
+
+For the prolific authors of the flood of stories, which every month
+bears on its broad bosom many tons of advertisements, no such
+allowance need be made. They are not compelled to furnish copy between
+daylight and dark. They need a course of study in English prose more
+than anyone else, and they would profit by the effort. As a class
+they seem to be like the young man in Du Maurier's picture, who, being
+asked if he had read Thackeray, replies, "No. I nevah read novels; I
+write them."
+
+In this age of quickening movement and restless haste it is, above all
+things, important to struggle against the well-nigh universal
+inclination to abandon all efforts for form and style. They are the
+great preservers of what is best in literature, the salt which ought
+never to lose its savor. Those who use English in public speech and
+public writing have a serious responsibility too generally forgotten
+and disregarded. I would fain call attention to it altho no single man
+can hope to effect much by any plea he can make in behalf of the use
+of good English, whether written or spoken. Yet no one, I think, can
+read the great masterpieces of English prose and not have both lesson
+and responsibility brought home to him. He would be insensible,
+indeed, if he did not feel after such reading that he was a sharer in
+a noble heritage which it behooved him to guard and cherish. If this
+series serves no other purpose, it will exhibit to those who read it
+some of the splendors and the beauties of English prose. It will at
+least open the gates of literature and perhaps lead its readers to
+authors they have not known before, or recall the words of writers who
+have entered into their lives and thoughts and thus make them more
+mindful of the ineffable value to them and their children of the great
+language which is at once their birthright and their inheritance.
+
+HENRY CABOT LODGE.
+
+_Washington, D. C., July 15, 1909._
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+VOL. I--GREECE
+
+
+INTRODUCTION. By Henry Cabot Lodge.
+
+
+HERODOTUS--(Born probably in 484 B.C., died probably in 424.)
+
+I         Solon's Words of Wisdom to Croesus.
+            (From Book I of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)
+
+II        Babylon and Its Capture by Cyrus.
+            (From Book I of the "History." Translated by Taylor)
+
+III       The Pyramid of Cheops.
+            (From Book II of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)
+
+IV        The Story of Periander's Son.
+            (From Book III of the "History." Translated by Rawlinson)
+
+
+THUCYDIDES--(Born about 471 B.C., died about 401.)
+
+I         The Athenians and Spartans Contrasted.
+            (From Book I of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by Benjamin
+             Jowett)
+
+II        The Plague at Athens.
+            (From Book II of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by
+             Benjamin Jowett)
+
+III       The Sailing of the Athenian Fleet for Sicily.
+            (From Book VI of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by
+             Benjamin Jowett)
+
+IV        Completion of the Athenian Defeat at Syracuse.
+            (From Book VII of the "Peloponnesian War." Translated by
+             Benjamin Jowett)
+
+
+XENOPHON--(Born about 430 B.C., died about 357.)
+
+I         The Character of Cyrus the Younger.
+            (From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson)
+
+II        The Greek Army in the Snows of Armenia.
+            (From the "Anabasis." Translated by Watson)
+
+III       The Battle of Leuctra.
+            (From Book VI of the "Hellenica." Translated by Watson)
+
+IV        Of the Army of the Spartans.
+            (From the treatise on "The Government of Lacedaemon."
+             Translated by Watson)
+
+V         How to Choose and Manage Saddle Horses.
+            (From the treatise on "Horsemanship." Translated by Watson)
+
+
+PLATO--(Born about 427 B.C., died in 347.)
+
+I         The Image of the Cave.
+            (From the "Republic." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+II        Good and Evil.
+            (From the "Protagoras." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+III       Socrates in Praise of Love.
+            (From the "Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+IV        The Praise of Socrates by Alcibiades.
+            (From the "Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+V         The Refusal of Socrates to Escape from Prison.
+            (From the "Crito." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+VI        The Death of Socrates.
+            (From the "Phaedo." Translated by Benjamin Jowett)
+
+
+ARISTOTLE--(Born in 384 B.C., died in 322.)
+
+I         What Things are Pleasant.
+            (From Book I of the "Rhetoric." Translated by Buckley)
+
+II        The Life Most Desirable.
+            (From Book VII of the "Politics." Translated by Walford)
+
+III       Ideal Husbands and Wives.
+            (From Book I of the "Economics." Translated by Walford)
+
+IV        Happiness as an End of Human Action.
+            (From Book X of the "Nicomachean Ethics." Translated by Browne)
+
+
+POLYBIUS--(Born in 204 B.C., died about 125.)
+
+I         The Battle of Cannae.
+            (From Book IV of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)
+
+II        Hannibal's Advance on Rome.
+            (From Book IX of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)
+
+III       The Defense of Syracuse by Archimedes.
+            (From Book VIII of the "Histories." Translated by Shuckburgh)
+
+
+PLUTARCH--(Born about 46 A.D., died in 125.)
+
+I         Demosthenes and Cicero Compared.
+            (From the "Lives." Translated by Sir Thomas North)
+
+II        The Assassination of Caesar.
+            (From the "Lives." Translated by North)
+
+III       Cleopatra's Barge.
+            (From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by North)
+
+IV        The Death of Antony and Cleopatra.
+            (From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by North)
+
+
+EPICTETUS--(Born about the middle of the first century.)
+
+I         Of Freedom.
+            (From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+             Higginson)
+
+II        Of Friendship.
+            (From the "Discourses." Translated by Higginson)
+
+III       The Philosopher and the Crowd.
+            (From the "Discourses." Translated by Higginson)
+
+
+LUCIAN--(Born about 120 A.D., died about 200.)
+
+I         A Descent to the Unknown.
+            (From "Menippus." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler)
+
+II        Among the Philosophers.
+            (From the "Fisher: A Resurrection Piece." Translated by
+             H. W. and F. G. Fowler)
+
+III       Of Liars and Lying.
+            (From the "Liar." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler)
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+GREECE
+
+484 B.C.--200 A.D.
+
+
+
+
+HERODOTUS
+
+     Born in Asia Minor, probably in 484 B.C.; died in Italy,
+     probably in 424; commonly called the "Father of History";
+     assisted in the expulsion of the tyrant Lygdamis from
+     Halicarnassus; traveled in Persia, Egypt, and Greece; lived
+     afterward in Samos and Athens, settling in Thurii, Italy,
+     about 444 B.C.; his history of the Persian invasion of
+     Greece, extending to 479 B.C., was first printed in Greek by
+     Aldus Manutius in 1502, but a Latin version had appeared in
+     1474.[1]
+
+I
+
+SOLON'S WORDS OF WISDOM TO CROESUS[2]
+
+
+When all these conquests had been added to the Lydian empire, and the
+prosperity of Sardis[3] was now at its height, there came thither, one
+after another, all the sages of Greece living at the time, and among
+them Solon, the Athenian. He was on his travels, having left Athens to
+be absent ten years, under the pretense of wishing to see the world,
+but really to avoid being forced to repeal any of the laws which at
+the request of the Athenians he had made for them. Without his
+sanction the Athenians could not repeal them, as they had bound
+themselves under a heavy curse to be governed for ten years by the
+laws which should be imposed on them by Solon.
+
+On this account, as well as to see the world, Solon set out upon his
+travels, in the course of which he went to Egypt to the court of
+Amasis,[4] and also paid a visit to Croesus at Sardis. Croesus
+received him as his guest, and lodged him in the royal palace. On the
+third or fourth day after, he bade his servants conduct Solon over his
+treasuries and show him all their greatness and magnificence. When he
+had seen them all, and so far as time allowed inspected them,
+Croesus addrest this question to him: "Stranger of Athens, we have
+heard much of thy wisdom and of thy travels through many lands, from
+love of knowledge and a wish to see the world. I am curious therefore
+to inquire of thee, whom of all the men that thou hast seen thou
+deemest the most happy?"
+
+This he asked because he thought himself the happiest of mortals; but
+Solon answered him without flattery, according to his true sentiments,
+"Tellus of Athens, sire." Full of astonishment at what he had heard
+Croesus demanded sharply, "And wherefore dost thou deem Tellus
+happiest?" To this the other replied: "First, because his country was
+flourishing in his days, and he himself had sons both beautiful and
+good, and he lived to see children born to each of them, and these
+children all grew up; and further, because after a life spent in what
+our people look upon as comfort, his end was surpassingly glorious. In
+a battle between the Athenians and their neighbors near Eleusis, he
+came to the assistance of his countrymen, routed the foe, and died
+upon the field most gallantly. The Athenians gave him a public funeral
+on the spot where he fell, and paid him the highest honors."
+
+Thus did Solon admonish Croesus by the example of Tellus,
+enumerating the manifold particulars of his happiness. When he had
+ended, Croesus inquired a second time, who after Tellus seemed to
+him the happiest, expecting that at any rate he would be given the
+second place. "Cleobis and Bito," Solon answered: "they were of Argive
+race; their fortune was enough for their wants, and they were besides
+endowed with so much bodily strength that they had both gained prizes
+at the games. Also, this tale is told of them: There was a great
+festival in honor of the goddess Juno at Argos, to which their mother
+must needs be taken in a car. Now, the oxen did not come home from the
+field in time; so the youths, fearful of being too late, put the yoke
+on their own necks, and themselves drew the car in which their mother
+rode. Five and forty furlongs did they draw her, and stopt before the
+temple. This deed of theirs was witnessed by the whole assembly of
+worshipers, and then their life closed in the best possible way.
+Herein, too, God showed forth most evidently how much better a thing
+for man death is than life. For the Argive men stood thick around the
+car and extolled the vast strength of the youths; and the Argive women
+extolled the mother who was blest with such a pair of sons; and the
+mother herself, overjoyed at the deed and at the praises it had won,
+standing straight before the image, besought the goddess to bestow on
+Cleobis and Bito, the sons who had so mightily honored her, the
+highest blessing to which mortals can attain. Her prayer ended, they
+offered sacrifice and partook of the holy banquet, after which the two
+youths fell asleep in the temple. They never woke again, but so passed
+from the earth. The Argives, looking on them as among the best of men,
+caused statues of them to be made, which they gave to the shrine at
+Delphi."
+
+When Solon had thus assigned these youths the second place Croesus
+broke in angrily, "What, stranger of Athens! is my happiness then so
+utterly set at naught by thee that thou dost not even put me on a
+level with private men?"
+
+"O Croesus," replied the other, "thou askedst a question concerning
+the condition of man, of one who knows that the Power above us is
+full of jealousy, and fond of troubling our lot. A long life gives
+one to witness much, and experience much oneself, that one would not
+choose. Seventy years I regard as the limit of the life of man. In
+these seventy years are contained, without reckoning intercalary
+months, twenty-five thousand and two hundred days. Add an intercalary
+month to every other year, that the seasons may come round at the
+right time, and there will be, besides the seventy years, thirty-five
+such months, making an addition of one thousand and fifty days. The
+whole number of the days contained in the seventy years will thus be
+twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, whereof not one but will
+produce events unlike the rest. Hence man is wholly accident.
+
+"For thyself, O Croesus, I see that thou art wonderfully rich, and
+art the lord of many nations; but with respect to that whereon thou
+questionest me, I have no answer to give, until I hear that thou hast
+closed thy life happily. For assuredly he who possesses great store of
+riches is no nearer happiness than he who has what suffices for his
+daily needs, unless it so hap that luck attend upon him, and so he
+continue in the enjoyment of all his good things to the end of life.
+For many of the wealthiest men have been unfavored of fortune, and
+many whose means were moderate have had excellent luck. Men of the
+former class excel those of the latter but in two respects; these last
+excel the former in many. The wealthy man is better able to content
+his desires, and to bear up against a sudden buffet of calamity. The
+other has less ability to withstand these evils (from which, however,
+his good luck keeps him clear), but he enjoys all these following
+blessings: he is whole of limb, a stranger to disease, free from
+misfortune, happy in his children, and comely to look upon.
+
+"If in addition to all this he ends his life well, he is of a truth
+the man of whom thou art in search, the man who may rightly be termed
+happy. Call him, however, until he die, not happy but fortunate.
+Scarcely indeed can any man unite all these advantages: as there is no
+country which contains within it all that it needs, but each while it
+possesses some things lacks others, and the best country is that which
+contains the most, so no single human being is complete in every
+respect--something is always lacking. He who unites the greatest
+number of advantages, and retaining them to the day of his death, then
+dies peaceably--that man alone, sire, is in my judgment entitled to
+bear the name of 'happy.' But in every matter it behooves us to mark
+well the end: for oftentimes God gives men a gleam of happiness, and
+then plunges them into ruin."
+
+Such was the speech which Solon addrest to Croesus, a speech which
+brought him neither largess nor honor. The king with much indifference
+saw Solon depart, since the former thought that a man must be an
+arrant fool who made no account of present good, but bade men always
+wait and mark the end.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 1: Herodotus, at a certain period in his life, came under
+the influence of Pericles and his contemporaries, but it is clear from
+his writings that he received from Attic thought and style little
+definite inspiration. J. P. Mahaffy has likened him to Goldsmith in
+his aloofness from his environment. Often ridiculed by his friends for
+simplicity, Goldsmith far exceeded his clever critics in directness
+and pathos, and thus gained a place in literature which contemporaries
+never dreamed would be his. The narrative of Herodotus, adds Mahaffy,
+gives us more information about the state of the ancient nations and
+their culture than all other Greek historians put together. His
+purpose, as Herodotus himself declares, was to narrate the great
+conflict between the Greeks and barbarians, in order that the causes
+might be known and glorious deeds might not perish. Readers are
+imprest by the perfect ease and mastery with which a great variety of
+subjects are dealt with, his story "advancing with epic grandeur to
+its close." Mahaffy pronounces Herodotus an Ionic story-writer, who
+never became an Attic one--the chief master of Ionic, as Thucydides
+was of Attic prose.]
+
+[Footnote 2: From Book I of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. Croesus reigned from 560 B.C. to 546. The visit of Solon
+was made some time before 559.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The capital of Lydia, in Asia Minor, and a flourishing
+city in the time of Croesus. It was several times destroyed, the
+last time by Tamerlane. Its site is now a village.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Amasis came to the Egyptian throne in 569 B.C., and
+reigned 44 years.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+BABYLON AND ITS CAPTURE BY CYRUS[5] (538 B.C.)
+
+
+Assyria contains many large cities; but of these Babylon, to which,
+after the destruction of Nineveh, the seat of government was removed,
+is by far the most renowned and the most strongly fortified. Babylon
+is situated in an extensive plain. Each side of the city, which forms
+a square, measures one hundred and twenty stadia (about fourteen
+miles), making the entire circuit of the city four hundred and eighty
+stadia--such is the magnitude of this city Babylon! and in
+magnificence also it surpassed every city of which we have any
+knowledge. It is surrounded by a trench, deep, wide, and full of
+water. Within this is a wall, the width of which is fifty royal
+cubits, and its height two hundred cubits.[6] The royal cubit exceeds
+the common measure by three fingers' breadth.
+
+It is proper I should say in what manner the earth removed from the
+trench was disposed of, and how the wall was constructed. The earth,
+as fast as it was removed from the trench, was converted into bricks
+and baked in furnaces: when thus prepared, melted bitumen was used
+instead of mortar; and between every thirtieth course of bricks there
+was inserted a layer of reeds. The sides of the trench were first
+lined with brickwork, and then the wall raised in the manner
+described. On the upper edges of the wall, and opposite to one
+another, were constructed turrets; between these turrets a space was
+left wide enough for a chariot and four horses to pass and turn. In
+the walls were one hundred gates, all of brass, with posts and upper
+lintels of the same. Eight days' journey from Babylon is a city named
+Is, near which runs a small river of the same name, discharging itself
+into the Euphrates; this river brings down with its waters clots of
+bitumen in large quantities. From this source was derived the bitumen
+used in cementing the walls of Babylon.
+
+Such are the fortifications of Babylon. The city is divided into two
+portions by the river Euphrates, which runs through the midst of it.
+This river rises in Armenia, and throughout its course is wide, deep,
+and swift; it empties itself into the Red sea.[7] Each of the city
+walls is extended to the river, where it makes an angle, and, with a
+coating of burnt bricks, lines the sides of the river. The city is
+filled with houses of three or four stories, forming streets in
+straight lines, and running parallel with one another, the cross
+streets opening upon the river through as many smaller brazen gates,
+placed in the breastwork of the river walls. Within the principal wall
+just mentioned is a second, not much inferior to the first in
+strength, tho less in width.
+
+In the center of each portion of the city is an enclosed space--the
+one occupied by the royal palace, a building of vast extent and great
+strength; in the other stands the temple of Jupiter Belus, with its
+brazen gates, remaining in my time: it is a square structure; each
+side measures two stadia. Within the enclosure is erected a solid
+tower, measuring a stadium both in width and depth; upon this tower is
+raised another, and then another, and another, making eight in all.
+The ascent is by a path which is formed on the outside of the towers;
+midway in the ascent is a resting-place, furnished with easy chairs,
+in which those who ascend repose themselves. On the summit of the
+topmost tower stands a large temple; and in this temple is a great
+couch, handsomely fitted up; and near it stands a golden table: no
+statue whatever is erected in the temple, nor does any man ever pass
+the night there; but a woman only, chosen from the people by the god,
+as the Chaldeans, who are the priests of the temple affirm. The same
+persons say--tho I give no credit to the story--that the god himself
+comes to the temple and reposes on the bed, in like manner as at
+Thebes in Egypt, where also, in the temple of Jupiter, a woman passes
+the night. A similar custom is observed at Pataris, in Lycia, where
+there is at times an oracle, on which occasions the priestess is shut
+up by night in the temple.
+
+Within the precincts of the temple at Babylon there is a smaller
+sacred edifice on the ground, containing an immense golden statue of
+Jupiter in a sitting posture: around the statue are large tables,
+which, with the steps and throne, are all of gold, and, as the
+Chaldeans affirm, contain eight hundred talents of gold. Without this
+edifice is a golden altar; there is also another altar of great size,
+on which are offered full-grown animals: upon the golden altar it is
+not lawful to offer sacrifices except sucklings. Once in every year,
+when the festival of this god is celebrated, the Chaldeans burn upon
+the greater altar a thousand talents of frankincense. There was also,
+not long since, in this sacred enclosure a statue of solid gold,
+twelve cubits in height; at least so the Chaldeans affirm: I did not
+myself see it. This figure Darius Hystaspes would fain have taken, but
+dared not execute his wishes; however, his son Xerxes not only took
+it, but put to death the priests who endeavored to prevent its
+removal. Such was the magnificence of this temple, which contained
+also many private offerings.
+
+Of this Babylon there were several monarchs--as I shall mention in my
+history of the Assyrians--who adorned the city and its temples. Among
+these, two young women must be mentioned. The former, named
+Semiramis,[8] reigned five generations before the latter. This queen
+raised an embankment worthy of admiration through the plain to confine
+the river, which heretofore often spread over the level like a lake.
+The latter of these two queens, named Nitocris,[9] excelled the
+former in intelligence: she left monuments, some of which I must
+describe. Seeing the Medes already possest of extensive empire, and
+restlessly extending their power, by taking city after city, among
+which was Nineveh, she resolved in good time to secure herself against
+them in the best manner possible. In the first place, therefore, as
+the river Euphrates ran in a straight course through the city, she
+formed excavations at a distance above it, by which means its course
+became so tortuous that it three times passed a certain town of
+Assyria, called Ardericca; travelers from our sea,[10] in descending
+the Euphrates toward Babylon, three times arrive at that town in the
+course of three days. She also raised both banks of the river to an
+amazing height and thickness. At some distance above Babylon, and near
+the river, she dug a reservoir in the marsh, of such depth as to drain
+it. The width of this excavation was such as to make its circuit four
+hundred and twenty stadia. The earth removed from it was taken to
+raise the banks of the river; this done, she brought stones, with
+which the sides of the lake were lined. Both these works--the
+diverting of the river and the reservoir--were formed with the
+intention of rendering the current less rapid by its many windings,
+which broke its force, and at the same time made the navigation more
+circuitous; so that those who descended toward Babylon by water might
+have to make a long circuit around the lake. These works were
+effective on that side which was exposed to the inroads of the Medes,
+and where the distance between her dominions and theirs was the least;
+for she wished to cut off all communication with them, and to keep
+them in ignorance of her movements.
+
+Thus did this princess raise from the depths a fortification, within
+which she was included. The city being divided into two portions by
+the river in former times, whoever wished to pass from one to the
+other was obliged to take a boat, which manifestly was a great
+inconvenience. This defect she supplied. When she had dug the lake in
+the marsh, she availed herself of the occasion to construct another
+monument also, by which her fame will be perpetuated. She caused
+stones of great magnitude to be hewn, and when they were ready, the
+lake being empty, she turned the waters of the Euphrates into it;
+which, as it filled, left the old channel dry. Then she lined both
+sides of the river and the descent from the gates with burnt bricks,
+in like manner as the city walls; and with the stones already
+mentioned she constructed, as near the middle of the city as possible,
+a bridge, binding the stones together with iron and lead. During the
+day, planks of wood were extended from pier to pier, so as to form a
+pathway; these were withdrawn at night, to prevent the people from
+passing over to plunder one another. This bridge was, as we have said,
+formed by withdrawing the water of the Euphrates into the artificial
+lake; when completed, the river was restored to its ancient channel;
+the propriety of this mode of proceeding then become apparent, by
+means of which the citizens obtained the accommodation of a bridge.
+
+The same queen also executed the following machination: she
+constructed for herself a tomb, aloft upon a gate in one of the most
+frequented ways of the city; upon the sepulcher she engraved this
+inscription: "If any one of my successors, the kings of Babylon, shall
+lack money, let him open the sepulcher, and take what treasures he
+pleases. But let him beware of opening it from any other cause than
+necessity; for in such a case it shall not turn to his advantage."
+This sepulcher remained undisturbed till Darius ascended the throne.
+To this king it seemed a grievance both that this gate should remain
+useless, and that the wealth deposited in it, and which invited
+research, should not be appropriated. The gate was not used, because
+no one could pass through it without having a dead body over his head.
+He therefore opened the tomb, in which he found--of treasures indeed
+nothing, but the corpse, and an inscription to this effect: "If thou
+hadst not been insatiably eager for riches, and greedy of filthy
+lucre, thou wouldst not have opened the depository of the dead." So
+much for this queen and the reports that have been handed down
+concerning her.
+
+It was against the son of this woman that Cyrus made war; he was named
+(like his father) Labynetus, and reigned over the Assyrians. When the
+Great King[11] goes out to battle, he is attended by ample provisions
+and cattle drawn from the home stock; and even water from the
+Choaspian spring at Susa,[12] of which alone the king drinks, is
+carried about for his use; for he can taste no other stream. This
+Choaspian water, after having been boiled, is put into vases of
+silver, which are transported in four-wheeled wagons drawn by mules,
+following him wherever he goes.
+
+Cyrus advancing toward Babylon arrived at the river Gyndes, which,
+rising in the Matienian hills and running through the country of the
+Dardanians (or Darnians), empties itself into the Tigris; and this
+river, passing by the city Opis, discharges its waters into the Red
+Sea.[13] When Cyrus attempted to pass this river Gyndes, which could
+only be done by boats, one of the white horses called sacred, full of
+mettle, plunged into the stream and endeavored to reach the opposite
+bank; but, being submerged in the current, it was carried away. Cyrus,
+enraged at the river for this injury, threatened to reduce it so low
+that in future women should ford it with ease, not wetting their
+knees. Having uttered this threat, he delayed the progress of his army
+toward Babylon, and, dividing his forces into two bodies, measured out
+one hundred and eighty channels to be cut from both banks of the
+river, thus diverting the Gyndes on all sides. He enjoined upon his
+army the work of digging these trenches, and by their numbers they
+completed it; but the whole summer was spent there in the labor.
+
+Cyrus having in this manner punished the river Gyndes, by distributing
+its waters into three hundred and sixty trenches, as soon as the next
+spring appeared, advanced toward Babylon. The Babylonians, coming out
+in battle-array, waited his approach; when he drew nigh to the city
+they engaged him, but, being defeated, retired within the walls. Some
+time before, well knowing the restless intentions of Cyrus, and seeing
+him attack one nation after another, they had brought into the city an
+abundance of corn for many years. They therefore disregarded the
+siege. But Cyrus, beset with difficulties, saw a long time pass away
+without his making any progress toward the accomplishment of his
+object.
+
+At length, either at the suggestion of some one else or from a thought
+of his own, he resorted to the following means: He disposed the whole
+of his army, by placing one part above the city, where the river
+enters it, and another part below, where it makes its exit, commanding
+them as soon as they should perceive the river to be sufficiently
+shallow to enter by that way. This order being given, he himself went
+off with the inferior troops of the army. Arriving at the lake, he did
+what had been done before by the queen of Babylon in the marsh; for,
+by making a trench from the river to the empty reservoir, he diverted
+the water from the ancient channel, till it so far subsided as to
+become fordable.
+
+As soon as this happened, the Persians who had been appointed for this
+purpose entered Babylon by the bed of the river, the water of which
+was little more than knee-deep. If the Babylonians had been before
+apprized of the intentions of Cyrus, or if they had learned at the
+moment what he was doing, they would not have suffered the Persians to
+enter the city, nor would the Babylonians have perished so
+shamefully; for if they had closed all the gates by the river's side,
+and ascended the walls which ran along it, they might have taken the
+Persians as in a net. But the Persians came upon their opponents quite
+unexpectedly; and from the great extent of the city--as it has been
+affirmed by some of the inhabitants--those who dwelt in the outskirts
+of the city were made prisoners before the people in the center of
+Babylon knew that the place was taken. But, as it happened, they were
+celebrating a festival, and were dancing and feasting when they
+learned what had happened. Thus was Babylon the first time taken.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 5: From Book I of the "History." Translated by Isaac Taylor.
+Cyrus, after capturing Babylon, did not destroy it; it was Darius
+Hystaspes who razed its walls and towers. Darius Hystaspes was the
+father of that Darius who succeeded to the Persian throne after the
+failure of male heirs to Cyrus. Xerxes carried further the work of
+destruction at Babylon. Its permanent decay was accelerated still more
+by the founding, in its neighborhood, of Seleucia in 300 B.C. In the
+time of Pliny it had become a dismal and silent place.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Equivalents in English feet for these measurements have
+been estimated as eighty-five feet for the width and three hundred and
+thirty-five feet for the height.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Now called the Persian Gulf.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Semiramis is regarded by modern antiquarians as a
+fabulous personage. By some of them she has been identified with the
+goddess Astarte.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Antiquarians have great doubts as to the identity of this
+queen. By some she is thought to have been the wife of Nebuchadnezzar,
+who began to reign in 604 B.C., and the mother or grandmother of
+Belshazzar, the last of the kings of Babylon.]
+
+[Footnote 10: That is, from the sea which encircled Greece.]
+
+[Footnote 11: Herodotus means by this the King of Persia.]
+
+[Footnote 12: Susa was the capital of Susiana, a country lying at the
+head of the Persian Gulf.]
+
+[Footnote 13: Here again for Red Sea we must read Persian Gulf.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE PYRAMID OF CHEOPS[14]
+
+
+Till the death of Rhampsinitus, the priests said, Egypt was
+excellently governed, and flourished greatly; but after him Cheops
+succeeded to the throne, and plunged into all manner of wickedness. He
+closed the temples and forbade the Egyptians to offer sacrifice,
+compelling them instead to labor, one and all, in his service. Some
+were required to drag blocks of stone down to the Nile from the
+quarries in the Arabian range of hills; others received the blocks
+after they had been conveyed in boats across the river, and drew them
+to the range of hills called the Libyan. A hundred thousand men
+labored constantly, and were relieved every three months by a fresh
+lot. It took ten years' oppression of the people to make the causeway
+for the conveyance of the stones, a work not much inferior, in my
+judgment, to the pyramid itself. This causeway is five furlongs in
+length, ten fathoms wide, and in height, at the highest part, eight
+fathoms. It is built of polished stone, and is covered with carvings
+of animals. To make it took ten years, as I said--or rather to make
+the causeway, the works on the mound where the pyramid stands, and the
+underground chambers, which Cheops intended as vaults for his own use;
+these last were built on a sort of island, surrounded by water
+introduced from the Nile by a canal. The pyramid itself was twenty
+years in building. It is a square, eight hundred feet each way, and
+the height the game, built entirely of polished stone, fitted together
+with the utmost care. The stones of which it is composed are none of
+them less than thirty feet in length.
+
+The pyramid was built in steps, battlement-wise, as it is called, or,
+according to others, altar-wise. After laying the stones for the base,
+they raised the remaining stones to their places by means of machines
+formed of short wooden planks. The first machine raised them from the
+ground to the top of the first step. On this there was another
+machine, which received the stone upon its arrival, and conveyed it to
+the second step, whence a third machine advanced it still higher.
+Either they had as many machines as there were steps in the pyramid or
+possibly they had but a single machine, which, being easily moved,
+was transferred from tier to tier as the stone rose--both accounts are
+given, and therefore I mention both. The upper portion of the pyramid
+was finished first, then the middle, and finally the part which was
+lowest and nearest the ground. There is an inscription in Egyptian
+characters on the pyramid which records the quantity of radishes,
+onions, and garlic consumed by the laborers who constructed it; and I
+perfectly well remember that the interpreter who read the writing to
+me said that the money expended in this way was 1,600 talents of
+silver. If this then is a true record, what a vast sum must have been
+spent on the iron tools used in the work, and on the feeding and
+clothing of the laborers, considering the length of time the work
+lasted, which has already been stated, and the additional time--no
+small space, I imagine--which must have been occupied by the quarrying
+of the stones, their conveyance, and the formation of the underground
+apartments!
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 14: From Book II of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. The Pyramid of Cheops was built about 3,500 B.C. Cheops,
+according to Herodotus, reigned fifty years.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+THE STORY OF PERIANDER'S SON[15]
+
+
+After Periander had put to death his wife Melissa, it chanced that on
+his first affliction a second followed of a different kind. His wife
+had borne him two sons, and one of them had now reached the age of
+seventeen, the other of eighteen years, when their mother's father,
+Procles, tyrant of Epidaurus,[16] asked them to his court. They went,
+and Procles treated them with much kindness, as was natural,
+considering they were his own daughter's children. At length, when the
+time for parting came, Procles as he was sending them on their way
+said, "Know you now, my children, who it was that caused your mother's
+death?" The elder son took no account of this speech, but the younger,
+whose name was Lycophron, was sorely troubled at it--so much so that
+when he got back to Corinth, looking upon his father as his mother's
+murderer, he would neither speak to him nor answer when spoken to nor
+utter a word in reply to all his father's questionings. So Periander,
+at last growing furious at such behavior, banished his son from his
+house.
+
+The younger son gone, he turned to the elder and asked him what it was
+that their grandfather had said to them. Then the son related in how
+kind and friendly a fashion the grandfather had received them; but,
+not having taken any notice of the speech which Procles had uttered at
+parting, he quite forgot to mention it. Periander insisted that it was
+not possible this should be all--their grandfather must have given
+them some hint or other--and he went on pressing his son till at last
+he remembered the parting speech and told it. Periander, after he had
+turned the whole matter over in his thoughts and felt unwilling to
+give way at all, sent a messenger to the persons who had opened their
+houses to his outcast son and forbade them to harbor him. Then the
+boy, when he had been driven from one friend, sought refuge with
+another, but was forced from shelter to shelter by the threats of his
+father, who menaced all those that took him in, and commanded them to
+shut their doors against him. Still, as fast as he was forced to leave
+one house he went to another, and was received by the inmates; for his
+acquaintances, altho in no small alarm, yet gave him shelter, as he
+was Periander's son.
+
+At last Periander made proclamation that whoever harbored his son, or
+even spoke to him, should forfeit a certain sum of money to Apollo. On
+hearing this no one any longer liked to take him in, or even to hold
+converse with him, and he himself did not think it right to seek to do
+what was forbidden; so, abiding by his resolve, he made his lodging in
+the public porticoes. When four days had passed in this way,
+Periander, seeing how wretched his son was, that he neither washed nor
+took any food, felt moved with compassion toward him; wherefore,
+foregoing his anger, he approached the lad, and said, "Which is
+better, oh, my son, to fare as now thou farest or to receive my crown
+and all the good things that I possess, on the one condition of
+submitting thyself to thy father? See, now, tho my own child, and lord
+of this wealthy Corinth, thou hast brought thyself to a beggar's life,
+because thou must resist and treat with anger him whom it least
+behooves thee to oppose. If there has been a calamity, and thou
+bearest me ill will on that account, bethink thee that I too feel it,
+and am the greater sufferer, inasmuch as it was by me that the deed
+was done. For thyself, now that thou knowest how much better a thing
+it is to be envied than pitied, and how dangerous it is to indulge
+anger against parents and superiors, come back with me to thy home."
+With such words as these did Periander chide his son; but the latter
+made no reply except to remind his father that he was indebted to the
+god in the penalty for coming and holding converse with him. Then
+Periander knew there was no cure for the youth's malady, nor means of
+overcoming it; so he prepared a ship and sent him away out of his
+sight to Corcyra,[17] which island at that time belonged to him. As
+for Procles, Periander, regarding him as the true author of all his
+present troubles, went to war with him as soon as his son was gone,
+and not only made himself master of his kingdom, Epidaurus, but also
+took Procles himself, and carried him into captivity.
+
+As time went on, and Periander came to be old, he found himself no
+longer equal to the oversight and management of affairs. Seeing
+therefore in his elder son no manner of ability, but knowing him to be
+dull and blockish, he sent to Corcyra and recalled Lycophron to take
+the kingdom. Lycophron, however, did not even deign to ask the bearer
+of this message a question. But Periander's heart was set upon the
+youth, so he sent again to him, this time by his own daughter, the
+sister of Lycophron, who would, he thought, have more power to
+persuade him than any other person. Then the daughter, when she had
+reached Corcyra, spoke thus with her brother: "Dost thou wish the
+kingdom, brother, to pass into strange hands, and our father's wealth
+to be made a prey rather than thyself return to enjoy it? Come back
+home with me, and cease to punish thyself. It is scant gain, this
+obstinacy. Why seek to cure evil by evil? Mercy, remember, is by many
+set above justice. Many, also while pushing their mother's claims have
+forfeited their father's fortune. Power is a slippery thing--it has
+many suitors; and he is old and stricken in years--let not thy own
+inheritance go to another."
+
+Thus did the sister, who had been tutored by Periander what to say,
+urge all the arguments most likely to have weight with her brother.
+He, however, made answer that so long as he knew his father to be
+still alive, he would never go back to Corinth. When the sister
+brought Periander this reply, he sent to his son a third time by a
+herald, and said he would come himself to Corcyra, and let his son
+take his place at Corinth, as heir to his kingdom. To these terms
+Lycophron agreed; and Periander was making ready to pass into Corcyra
+and his son to return to Corinth, when the Corcyreans, being informed
+of what was taking place, to keep Periander away, put the young man to
+death. For this reason it was that Periander took vengeance on the
+Corcyreans.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 15: From Book III of the "History." Translated by George
+Rawlinson. Periander was tyrant of Corinth, succeeding to power about
+625 B.C. He is believed to have reigned forty years.]
+
+[Footnote 16: A city on the coast of Argolis, one of the states of
+southern Greece.]
+
+[Footnote 17: Now known as Corfu, an island lying off the western
+coast of Greece, adjacent to Epirus.]
+
+
+
+
+THUCYDIDES
+
+     Born in Athens about 471 B.C.; died about 401; celebrated as
+     a historian; claimed blood relationship with Miltiades and
+     Cimon; possest an ample fortune; in 424 commanded an
+     expedition against Brasidas, but failing in it went into
+     exile, returning to Athens twenty years later; did not live
+     to finish his "History of the Peloponnesian War," the
+     narrative ending seven years before the war closed; the
+     Greek text first printed by Aldus at Venice in 1502.[18]
+
+I
+
+THE ATHENIANS AND SPARTANS CONTRASTED[19]
+
+
+Such were the causes of ill feeling which at this time existed between
+the Athenians and Peloponnesians;[20] the Corinthians complaining that
+the Athenians were blockading their colony of Potidaea, which was
+occupied by a Corinthian and Peloponnesian garrison; the Athenians
+rejoining that the Peloponnesians had excited to revolt a state which
+was an ally and tributary of theirs, and that they had now openly
+joined the Potidaeans, and were fighting on their side. The
+Peloponnesian war, however, had not yet broken out; the peace still
+continued; for thus far the Corinthians had acted alone.
+
+But now, seeing Potidaea[21] besieged, they bestirred themselves in
+earnest. Corinthian troops were shut up within the walls, and they
+were afraid of losing the town; so without delay they invited the
+allies to meet at Sparta. There they inveighed against the Athenians,
+whom they affirmed to have broken the treaty and to have wronged the
+Peloponnesians.... The Megarians alleged, among other grounds of
+complaint, that they were excluded from all harbors within the
+Athenian dominion and from the Athenian market, contrary to the
+treaty. The Corinthians waited until the other allies had stirred up
+the Lacedaemonians; at length they came forward, and, last of all,
+spoke as follows:
+
+"The spirit of trust, Lacedaemonians, which animates your own political
+and social life makes you distrust others who, like ourselves, have
+something unpleasant to say, and this temper of mind, tho favorable to
+moderation, too often leaves you in ignorance of what is going on
+outside your own country. Time after time we have warned you of the
+mischief which the Athenians would do to us, but instead of taking our
+words to heart, you chose to suspect that we spoke only from
+interested motives. And this is the reason why you have brought the
+allies to Sparta, too late, not before but after the injury has been
+inflicted, and when they are smarting under the sense of it. Which of
+them all has a better right to speak than ourselves, who have the
+heaviest accusations to make, outraged as we are by the Athenians, and
+neglected by you? If the crimes which they are committing against
+Hellas were being done in a corner, then you might be ignorant, and we
+should have to inform you of them; but now, what need of many words?
+Some of us, as you see, have been already enslaved; they are at this
+moment intriguing against others, notably against allies of ours; and
+long ago they had made all their preparations in expectation of war.
+Else why did they seduce from her allegiance Corcyra, which they still
+hold in defiance of us, and why are they blockading Potidaea, the
+latter a most advantageous post for the command of the Thracian
+peninsula, the former a great naval power which might have assisted
+the Peloponnesians?
+
+"And the blame of all this rests on you; for you originally allowed
+them to fortify their city after the Persian war, and afterward to
+build their Long Walls;[22] and to this hour you have gone on
+defrauding of liberty their unfortunate subjects, and are now
+beginning to take it away from your own allies. For the true enslaver
+of a people is he who can put an end to their slavery, but has no care
+about it; and all the more, if he be reputed the champion of liberty
+in Hellas. And so we have met at last, but with what difficulty! and
+even now we have no definite object. By this time we ought to have
+been considering, not whether we are wronged, but how we are to be
+revenged. The aggressor is not now threatening, but advancing; he has
+made up his mind, while we are resolved about nothing. And we know too
+well how by slow degrees and with stealthy steps the Athenians
+encroach upon their neighbors. While they think that you are too dull
+to observe them, they are more careful; but, when they know that you
+wilfully overlook their aggressions, they will strike you and not
+spare. Of all Hellenes, Lacedaemonians, you are the only people who
+never do anything; on the approach of an enemy, you are content to
+defend yourselves against him, not by acts, but by intentions, and
+seek to overthrow him, not in the infancy but in the fulness of his
+strength. How came you to be considered safe? That reputation of
+yours was never justified by facts. We all know that the Persian made
+his way from the ends of the earth against Peloponnesus before you
+encountered him in a worthy manner; and now you are blind to the
+doings of the Athenians, who are not at a distance, as he was, but
+close at hand. Instead of attacking your enemy, you wait to be
+attacked, and take the chances of a struggle which has been deferred
+until his power is doubled. And you know that the barbarian miscarried
+chiefly through his own errors, and that we have oftener been
+delivered from these very Athenians by blunders of their own than by
+any aid from you. Some have already been ruined by the hopes which you
+inspired in them; for so entirely did they trust you that they took no
+precautions themselves. These things we say in no accusing or hostile
+spirit--let that be understood--but by way of expostulation. For men
+expostulate with erring friends; they bring accusations against
+enemies who have done them a wrong.
+
+"And surely we have a right to find fault with our neighbors if any
+one ever had. There are important interests at stake to which, as far
+as we can see, you are insensible. And you have never considered what
+manner of men are these Athenians with whom you will have to fight,
+and how utterly unlike yourselves. They are revolutionary, equally
+quick in the conception and in the execution of every new plan; while
+you are conservative--careful only to keep what you have, originating
+nothing, and not acting even when action is most necessary. They are
+bold beyond their strength; they run risks which prudence would
+condemn; and in the midst of misfortune they are full of hope. Whereas
+it is your nature, tho strong, to act feebly; when your plans are most
+prudent, to distrust them; and when calamities come upon you, to think
+that you will never be delivered from them. They are impetuous, and
+you are dilatory; they are always abroad, and you are always at home.
+For they hope to gain something by leaving their homes; but you are
+afraid that any new enterprise may imperil what you have already. When
+conquerors, they pursue their victory to the utmost; when defeated,
+they fall back the least. Their bodies they devote to their country as
+tho they belonged to other men; their true self is in their mind,
+which is most truly their own when employed in her service. When they
+do not carry out an intention which they have formed, they seem to
+have sustained a personal bereavement; when an enterprise succeeds,
+they have gained a mere instalment of what is to come; but if they
+fail, they at once conceive new hopes and so fill up the void. With
+them alone to hope is to have, for they lose not a moment in the
+execution of an idea. This is the lifelong task, full of danger and
+toil, which they are always imposing upon themselves. None enjoy their
+good things less, because they are always seeking for more. To do
+their duty is their only holiday, and they deem the quiet of inaction
+to be as disagreeable as the most tiresome business. If a man should
+say to them, in a word, that they were born neither to have peace
+themselves nor to allow peace to other men, he would simply speak the
+truth.
+
+"In the face of such an enemy, Lacedaemonians, you persist in doing
+nothing. You do not see that peace is best secured by those who use
+their strength justly, but whose attitude shows that they have no
+intention of submitting to wrong. Justice with you seems to consist in
+giving no annoyance to others and in defending yourselves only against
+positive injury. But this policy would hardly be successful, even if
+your neighbors were like yourselves; and in the present case, as we
+pointed out just now, your ways compared with theirs are
+old-fashioned. And, as in the arts, so also in politics, the new must
+always prevail over the old. In settled times the traditions of
+government should be observed; but when circumstances are changing and
+men are compelled to meet them, much originality is required.
+
+"The Athenians have had a wider experience, and therefore the
+administration of their state has improved faster than yours. But here
+let your procrastination end; send an army at once into Attica and
+assist your allies, especially the Potidaeans, to whom your word is
+pledged. Do not allow friends and kindred to fall into the hands of
+their worst enemies, or drive us in despair to seek the alliance of
+others; in taking such a course we should be doing wrong either before
+the gods who are witnesses of our oaths or before men whose eyes are
+upon us. For the true breakers of treaties are not only those who,
+when forsaken, turn to others, but those who forsake allies whom they
+have sworn to defend. We will remain your friends if you choose to
+bestir yourselves; for we should be guilty of an impiety if we
+deserted you without cause; and we shall not easily find allies
+equally congenial to us. Take heed then; you have inherited from your
+fathers the leadership of Peloponnesus; see that her greatness suffers
+no diminution at your hands."
+
+Thus spake the Corinthians. Now there happened to be staying at
+Lacedaemon an Athenian embassy which had come on other business, and
+when the envoys heard what the Corinthians had said, they felt bound
+to go before the Lacedaemonian assembly, not with the views of
+answering the accusations brought against them by the cities, but they
+wanted to put before the Lacedaemonians the whole question, and make
+them understand that they should take time to deliberate and not be
+rash. They desired also to set forth the greatness of their city,
+reminding the elder men of what they knew, and informing the younger
+of what lay beyond their experience. They thought that their words
+would sway the Lacedaemonians in the direction of peace. So they came
+and said that, if they might be allowed, they too would like to
+address the people. The Lacedaemonians invited them to come forward,
+and they spoke as follows:
+
+"We were not sent here to argue with your allies, but on a special
+mission; observing, however, that no small outcry has arisen against
+us, we have come forward, not to answer the accusations which they
+bring (for you are not judges before whom either we or they have to
+plead), but to prevent you from lending too ready an ear to their bad
+advice and so deciding wrongly about a very serious question. We
+propose also, in reply to the wider charges which are raised against
+us, to show that what we have acquired we hold rightfully.
+
+"Of the ancient deeds handed down by tradition and which no eye of any
+one who hears us ever saw, why should we speak? But of the Persian
+war, and other events which you yourselves remember, speak we must,
+altho we have brought them forward so often that the repetition of
+them is disagreeable to us. When we faced those perils we did so for
+the common benefit; in the solid good you shared, and of the glory,
+whatever good there may be in that, we would not be wholly deprived.
+Our words are not designed to deprecate hostility, but to set forth in
+evidence the character of the city with which, unless you are very
+careful, you will soon be involved in war. We tell you that we, first
+and alone, dared to engage with the barbarian at Marathon,[23] and
+that, when he came again, being too weak to defend ourselves by land,
+we and our whole people embarked on shipboard and shared with the
+other Hellenes in the victory of Salamis.[24] Thereby he was prevented
+from sailing to the Peloponnesus and ravaging city after city; for
+against so mighty a fleet how could you have helped one another? He
+himself is the best witness of our words; for when he was once
+defeated at sea, he felt that his power was gone and quickly retreated
+with the greater part of his army.
+
+"The event proved undeniably that the fate of Hellas depended on her
+navy. And the three chief elements of success were contributed by us;
+namely, the greatest number of ships, the ablest general, the most
+devoted patriotism. The ships in all numbered four hundred, and of
+these, our own contingent amounted to nearly two-thirds. To the
+influence of Themistocles, our general, it was chiefly due that we
+fought in the strait, which was confessedly our salvation; and for
+this service you yourselves honored him above any stranger who ever
+visited you. Thirdly, we displayed the most extraordinary courage and
+devotion; there was no one to help us by land; for up to our frontier
+those who lay in the enemy's path were already slaves; so we
+determined to leave our city and sacrifice our homes. Even in that
+extremity we did not choose to desert the cause of the allies who
+still resisted, and by dispersing ourselves to become useless to them;
+but we embarked and fought, taking no offense at your failure to
+assist us sooner. We maintain then that we rendered you a service at
+least as great as you rendered us. The cities from which you came to
+help us were still inhabited and you might hope to return to them;
+your concern was for yourselves and not for us; at any rate, you
+remained at a distance while we had anything to lose. But we went
+forth from a city which was no more, and fought for one of which there
+was small hope; and yet we saved ourselves, and bore our part in
+saving you. If, in order to preserve our land, like other states, we
+had gone over to the Persians at first, or afterward had not ventured
+to embark because our ruin was already complete, it would have been
+useless for you with your weak navy to fight at sea, but everything
+would have gone quietly just as the Persian desired.
+
+"Considering, Lacedaemonians, the energy and sagacity which we then
+displayed, do we deserve to be so bitterly hated by the other Hellenes
+merely because we have an empire? That empire was not acquired by
+force; but you would not stay and make an end of the barbarian, and
+the allies came of their own accord and asked us to be their leaders.
+The subsequent development of our power was originally forced upon us
+by circumstances; fear was our first motive; afterward ambition, and
+then interest stept in. And when we had incurred the hatred of most of
+our allies, when some of them had already revolted and been
+subjugated, and you were no longer the friends to us which you once
+had been, but suspicious and ill-disposed, how could we without great
+risk relax our hold? For the cities as fast as they fell away from us
+would have gone over to you. And no man is to be reproached who seizes
+every possible advantage when the danger is so great.
+
+"At all events, Lacedaemonians, we may retort that you, in the exercise
+of your supremacy, manage the cities of Peloponnesus to suit your own
+views, and that if you, and not we, had persevered in the command of
+the allies long enough to be hated, you would have been quite as
+intolerable to them as we are, and would have been compelled, for the
+sake of your own safety, to rule with a strong hand. An empire was
+offered to us: can you wonder that, acting as human nature always
+will, we accepted it, and refused to give it up again, constrained by
+three all powerful motives, ambition, fear, interest? We are not the
+first who have aspired to rule; the world has ever held that the
+weaker must be kept down by the stronger. And we think that we are
+worthy of power; and there was a time when you thought so too; but now
+when you mean expediency you talk about justice. Did justice ever
+deter any one from taking by force whatever he could? Men who indulge
+the natural ambition of empire deserve credit if they are in any
+degree more careful of justice than they need be. How moderate we are
+would speedily appear if others took our place; indeed, our very
+moderation, which should be our glory, has been unjustly converted
+into a reproach.
+
+"For because in our suits with our allies, regulated by treaty, we do
+not even stand upon our rights, but have instituted the practise of
+deciding them at Athens and by Athenian law, we are supposed to be
+litigious. None of our opponents observes why others, who exercise
+dominion elsewhere and are less moderate than we are in their dealings
+with their subjects, escape this reproach. Why is it? Because men who
+practise violence have no longer any need of law. But we are in the
+habit of meeting our allies on terms of equality, and, therefore, if
+through some legal decision of ours, or exercise of our imperial
+power, contrary to their own ideas of right, they suffer ever so
+little, they are not grateful for our moderation in leaving them so
+much, but are far more offended at their trifling loss than if we had
+from the first plundered them in the face of day, laying aside all
+thought of law. For then they would themselves have admitted that the
+weaker must give way to the stronger. Mankind resents injustice more
+than violence, because the one seems to be an unfair advantage taken
+by an equal, the other is the irresistible force of a superior. They
+were patient under the yoke of the Persian, who inflicted on them far
+more grievous wrongs; but now our dominion is odious in their eyes.
+And no wonder: the ruler of the day is always detested by his
+subjects. And should your empire supplant ours, may not you lose the
+good-will which you owe to the fear of us? Lose it you certainly will,
+if you mean again to exhibit the temper of which you gave a specimen
+when, for a short time, you led the confederacy against the Persian.
+For the institutions under which you live are incompatible with those
+of foreign states; and further, when any of you goes abroad, he
+respects neither these nor any other Hellenic laws.
+
+"Do not then be hasty in deciding a question which is serious; and do
+not, by listening to the misrepresentations and complaints of others,
+bring trouble upon yourselves. Realize, while there is time, the
+inscrutable nature of war; and how when protracted it generally ends
+in becoming a mere matter of chance, over which neither of us can have
+any control, the event being equally unknown and equally hazardous to
+both. The misfortune is that in their hurry to go to war, men begin
+with blows, and when a reverse comes upon them, then have recourse to
+words. But neither you nor we have as yet committed this mistake; and
+therefore while both of us can still choose the prudent part, we tell
+you not to break the peace or violate your oaths. Let our differences
+be determined by arbitration, according to the treaty. If you refuse,
+we call to witness the gods by whom you have sworn that you are the
+authors of the war; and we will do our best to strike in return."
+
+When the Lacedaemonians had heard the charges brought by the allies
+against the Athenians, and their rejoinder, they ordered everybody but
+themselves to withdraw, and deliberated alone. The majority were
+agreed that there was now a clear case against the Athenians, and that
+they must fight at once.[25]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 18: Jowett says Thucydides "stands absolutely alone among
+historians, not only of Hellas, but of the world, in his impartiality
+and love of truth." Macaulay's enthusiasm for him is well known.
+Mahaffy says his work was intended to be a military history, compiled
+from original documents and from personal observations made by himself
+and other eye-witnesses. "There can not be the smallest doubt," adds
+Mahaffy, "that, in the hands of Thucydides, the art of writing history
+made an extraordinary stride and attained a perfection which no
+subsequent Hellenic, and few modern writers have attained." He is
+praised for the "lofty dignity" which he imparts to every subject. His
+temper is so solemn and severe as to be "strangely un-Attic." Among
+his great and enduring merits is the fact that he has "taught us to
+know more of Greek interpolitical life than all other Greek writers
+put together." No historian has been greater than he, not only in
+dignity of language, but in calmness of judgment, in intellectual
+force, and in breadth and acuteness of observation.]
+
+[Footnote 19: From Book I of the "History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett.]
+
+[Footnote 20: The Peloponnesians were the people of the peninsula
+which forms the southern part of Greece, and which is now known as
+Morea. In ancient times this territory was called the Peloponnesus.
+Its people comprized the inhabitants of several political domains
+called Achaia, Sicyonia, Corinthia, Argolis, Arcadia, Laconia,
+Messenia, and Elis. Laconia was otherwise, and quite anciently, known
+as Lacedaemon, its capital being the city of Sparta.]
+
+[Footnote 21: Potidaea, the modern Pinaka, had revolted from Athens in
+432 B.C., but did not capitulate until the end of the second year of
+the Peloponnesian war. It was a rich and flourishing town, originally
+Dorian, but colonized later from Corinth. During one of the Eastern
+invasions of Greece, it fell into Persian hands.]
+
+[Footnote 22: These walls connected Athens with its port, the Piraeus,
+and were each about five miles long. They ran parallel and were
+separated from each other by about 500 feet of space. This intervening
+land was used for a carriage road, on either side of which were
+houses. Thus was formed a continuous walled street from Athens to the
+sea, so that communication in case of war was made secure.]
+
+[Footnote 23: The battle of Marathon was fought in September, 490. It
+ended the attempts of Darius to subdue Greece.]
+
+[Footnote 24: The battle of Salamis took place in September, 480, and
+was fought in waters lying between the Piraeus and the island of
+Salamis. Themistocles commanded the Greeks. The Persian ships were
+practically annihilated. Byron's lines on this battle, in his poem
+"The Isles of Greece," will be recalled.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE PLAGUE AT ATHENS[26] (430--425 B.C.)
+
+
+They [the enemy] had not been there [in Attica] many days when the
+plague broke out at Athens for the first time. A similar disorder is
+said to have previously smitten many places, particularly Lemnos;[27]
+but there is no record of such a pestilence occurring elsewhere, or of
+so great a destruction of human life. For a while physicians, in
+ignorance of the nature of the disease, sought to apply remedies; but
+it was in vain, and they themselves were among the first victims,
+because they oftenest came into contact with it. No human art was of
+any avail, and as to supplications in temples, inquiries of oracles,
+and the like, they were utterly useless, and at last men were
+overpowered by the calamity and gave up all remedies.
+
+The disease is said to have begun south of Egypt in Ethiopia; thence
+it descended into Egypt and Libya, and after spreading over the
+greater part of the Persian empire, suddenly fell upon Athens. It
+first attacked the inhabitants of the Piraeus, and it was supposed that
+the Peloponnesians had poisoned the cisterns, no conduits having as
+yet been made there. It afterward reached the upper city, and then the
+mortality became far greater. As to its probable origin or the causes
+which might or could have produced such a disturbance of nature, every
+man, whether a physician or not, will give his own opinion. But I
+shall describe its actual course, and the symptoms by which any one
+who knows them beforehand may recognize the disorder should it ever
+reappear. For I was myself attacked, and witnessed the sufferings of
+others.
+
+The season was admitted to have been remarkably free from ordinary
+sickness; and if anybody was already ill of any other disease, it was
+absorbed in this. Many who were in perfect health, all in a moment,
+and without any apparent reason, were seized with violent heats in the
+head and with redness and inflammation of the eyes. Internally the
+throat and the tongue were quickly suffused with blood, and the breath
+became unnatural and fetid. There followed sneezing and hoarseness; in
+a short time the disorder, accompanied by a violent cough, reached the
+chest; then fastening lower down, it would move the stomach and bring
+on all the vomits of bile to which physicians have ever given names;
+and they were very distressing. An ineffectual retching producing
+violent convulsions attacked most of the sufferers; some as soon as
+the previous symptoms had abated, others not until long afterward. The
+body externally was not so very hot to the touch, nor yet pale; it was
+of a livid color inclining to red, and breaking out in pustules and
+ulcers. But the internal fever was intense; the sufferers could not
+bear to have on them even the finest linen garment; they insisted on
+being naked, and there was nothing which they longed for more eagerly
+than to throw themselves into cold water. And many of those who had no
+one to look after them actually plunged into the cisterns, for they
+were tormented by unceasing thirst, which was not in the least
+assuaged whether they drank little or much. They could not sleep; a
+restlessness which was intolerable never left them.
+
+While the disease was at its height the body, instead of wasting away,
+held out amid these sufferings in a marvelous manner, and either they
+died on the seventh or ninth day, not of weakness, for their strength
+was not exhausted, but of internal fever, which was the end of most;
+or, if they survived, then the disease descended into the bowels and
+there produced violent ulcerations; severe diarrhea at the same time
+set in, and at a later stage caused exhaustion, which finally with few
+exceptions carried them off. For the disorder, which had originally
+settled in the head, passed gradually through the whole body, and, if
+a person got over the worst, would often seize the extremities and
+leave its mark, attacking the privy parts and the fingers and the
+toes; and some escaped with the loss of these, some with the loss of
+their eyes. Some, again, had no sooner recovered than they were seized
+with a forgetfulness of all things and knew neither themselves nor
+their friends.
+
+The malady took a form not to be described, and the fury with which it
+fastened upon each sufferer was too much for human nature to endure.
+There was one circumstance in particular which distinguished it from
+ordinary diseases. The birds and animals, which feed on human flesh,
+altho so many bodies were lying unburied, either never went near them
+or died if they touched them. This was proved by a remarkable
+disappearance of the birds of prey, which were not to be seen either
+about the bodies or anywhere else; while in the case of the dogs the
+fact was even more obvious, because they live with man.
+
+Such was the general nature of the disease; I omit many strange
+peculiarities which characterized individual cases. None of the
+ordinary sicknesses attacked any one while it lasted, or, if they did,
+they ended in the plague. Some of the sufferers died from want of
+care, others equally who were receiving the greatest attention. No
+single remedy could be deemed a specific; for that which did good to
+one did harm to another. No constitution was of itself strong enough
+to resist or weak enough to escape the attacks; the disease carried
+off all alike and defied every mode of treatment. Most appalling was
+the despondency which seized upon any one who felt himself sickening;
+for he instantly abandoned his mind to despair and, instead of holding
+out, absolutely threw away his chance of life. Appalling too was the
+rapidity with which men caught the infection, dying like sheep if they
+attended on one another, and this was the principal cause of
+mortality. When they were afraid to visit one another, the sufferers
+died in their solitude, so that many houses were empty because there
+had been no one left to take care of the sick; or if they ventured
+they perished, especially those who aspired to heroism. For they went
+to see their friends without thought of themselves and were ashamed to
+leave them, even at a time when the very relatives of the dying were
+at last growing weary and ceased to make lamentations, overwhelmed by
+the vastness of the calamity. But whatever instances there may have
+been of such devotion, more often the sick and the dying were tended
+by the pitying care of those who had recovered, because they knew the
+course of the disease and were themselves free from apprehension. For
+no one was ever attacked a second time, or not with a fatal result.
+All men congratulated them; and they themselves, in the excess of
+their joy at the moment, had an innocent fancy that they could not die
+of any other sickness.
+
+The crowding of the people out of the country into the city aggravated
+the misery, and the newly arrived suffered most. For, having no houses
+of their own, but inhabiting, in the height of summer, stifling huts,
+the mortality among them was dreadful, and they perished in wild
+disorder. The dead lay as they had died, one upon another, while
+others hardly alive wallowed in the streets and crawled about every
+fountain craving for water. The temples in which they lodged were full
+of the corpses of those who had died in them; for the violence of the
+calamity was such that men, not knowing where to turn, grew reckless
+of all law, human and divine. The customs which had hitherto been
+observed at funerals were universally violated, and they buried their
+dead each one as best he could. Many, having no proper appliances,
+because the deaths in their household had been so frequent, made no
+scruple of using the burial-place of others. When one man had raised a
+funeral pile, others would come, and throwing on their dead first, set
+fire to it; or when some other corpse was already burning, before they
+could be stopt would throw their own dead upon it and depart.
+
+There were other and worse forms of lawlessness which the plague
+introduced at Athens. Men who had hitherto concealed their indulgence
+in pleasure now grew bolder. For, seeing the sudden change--how the
+rich died in a moment, and those who had nothing immediately inherited
+their property--they reflected that life and riches were alike
+transitory, and they resolved to enjoy themselves while they could,
+and to think only of pleasure. Who would be willing to sacrifice
+himself to the law of honor when he knew not whether he would ever
+live to be held in honor? The pleasure of the moment and any sort of
+thing which conduced to it took the place both of honor and of
+expediency. No fear of God or law of man deterred a criminal. Those
+who saw all perishing alike thought that the worship or neglect of the
+gods made no difference. For offenses against human law no punishment
+was to be feared; no one would live long enough to be called to
+account. Already a far heavier sentence had been passed and was
+hanging over a man's head; before that feeling, why should he not take
+a little pleasure?
+
+Such was the grievous calamity which now afflicted the Athenians;
+within the walls their people were dying, and without, their country
+was being ravaged. In their troubles they naturally called to mind a
+verse which the elder men among them declared to have been current
+long ago:
+
+     "A Dorian war will come and a plague with it."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 25: The Peloponnesian war broke out in 431 B.C., and lasted
+until 404. Its result was the abasement of Athens and the elevation of
+Sparta to supreme power in Greece. When it began, Athens with her
+allies included all the coast cities of Asia Minor as far south as
+Lycia, the cities bordering on the Thracian and Chalcidian shores, and
+nearly all the islands of the AEgean Sea. Sparta at the same time was
+leader in a confederacy of independent states, among which were nearly
+all the Peloponnesian states, besides some of those in northern
+Greece, those of Magna Graecia and Sicily. Athens was strong in her
+navy, which comprized 300 galleys, while the Spartan strength lay in
+her land forces. The treasury of Athens was full, that of Sparta weak.
+After the war, the walls of Athens were demolished and she was
+deprived of her foreign possessions. The government set over her was
+an oligarchy of thirty persons, known in history as the thirty
+tyrants. These men soon made their harsh rule so intolerable that
+within sixteen months after Athens surrendered to Sparta they were
+deposed and democratic rule was restored to the Athenians.]
+
+[Footnote 26: From Book II of the "History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett.]
+
+[Footnote 27: One of the larger islands of the AEgean Sea, its area
+being about one hundred and eighty square miles.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE SAILING OF THE ATHENIAN FLEET FOR SICILY[28] (413 B.C.)
+
+
+About the middle of summer the expedition started for Sicily. Orders
+had been previously given to most of the allies, to the corn-ships,
+the smaller craft, and generally to the vessels in attendance on the
+armament that they should muster at Corcyra, whence the whole fleet
+was to strike across the Ionian Gulf to the promontory of Iapygia.[29]
+Early in the morning of the day appointed for their departure, the
+Athenians and such of their allies as had already joined them went
+down to the Piraeus and began to man the ships. The entire population
+of Athens accompanied them, citizens and strangers alike. The citizens
+came to take farewell, one of an acquaintance another of a kinsman,
+another of a son; the crowd as they passed along were full of hope and
+full of tears; hope of conquering Sicily, tears because they doubted
+whether they would ever see their friends again, when they thought of
+the long voyage on which they were sending them. At the moment of
+parting, the danger was nearer; and terrors which had never occurred
+to them when they were voting the expedition now entered into their
+souls. Nevertheless their spirits revived at the sight of the armament
+in all its strength and of the abundant provision which they had made.
+The strangers and the rest of the multitude came out of curiosity,
+desiring to witness an enterprise of which the greatness exceeded
+belief.
+
+No armament so magnificent or costly had ever been sent out by any
+single Hellenic power, tho in mere number of ships and hoplites that
+which sailed to Epidaurus under Pericles and afterward under Hagnon to
+Potidaea was not inferior. For that expedition consisted of a hundred
+Athenian and fifty Chian and Lesbian triremes, conveying four thousand
+hoplites, all Athenian citizens, three hundred cavalry, and a
+multitude of allied troops. Still the voyage was short and the
+equipments were poor, whereas this expedition was intended to be long
+absent, and was thoroughly provided both for sea and land service,
+wherever its presence might be required.
+
+On the fleet the greatest pains and expense had been lavished by the
+trierarchs and the state. The public treasury gave a drachma a day to
+each sailor, and furnished empty hulls for sixty swift sailing
+vessels, and for forty transports carrying hoplites. All these were
+manned with the best crews which could be obtained. The trierarchs,
+besides the pay given by the state, added somewhat more out of their
+own means to the wages of the upper ranks of rowers and of the petty
+officers. The figureheads and other fittings provided by the
+trierarchs were of the most costly description. Every one strove to
+the utmost that his own ship might excel both in beauty and
+swiftness. The infantry had been well selected and the lists carefully
+made up. There was the keenest rivalry among the soldiers in the
+matter of arms and personal equipment.
+
+And while at home the Athenians were thus competing with one another
+in the performance of their several duties, to the rest of Hellas the
+expedition seemed to be a grand display of their power and greatness,
+rather than a preparation for war. If any one had reckoned up the
+whole expenditure (1) of the state, (2) of individual soldiers and
+others, including in the first not only what the city had already laid
+out, but what was entrusted to the generals, and in the second what
+either at the time or afterward private persons spent upon their
+outfit, or the trierarchs upon their ships, the provision for the long
+voyage which every one may be supposed to have carried with him over
+and above his public pay, and what soldiers or traders may have taken
+for purposes of exchange, he would have found that altogether an
+immense sum amounting to many talents was withdrawn from the city. Men
+were quite amazed at the boldness of the scheme and the magnificence
+of the spectacle, which were everywhere spoken of, no less than at the
+great disproportion of the force when compared with that of the enemy
+against whom it was intended. Never had a greater expedition been sent
+to a foreign land; never was there an enterprise in which the hope of
+future success seemed to be better justified by actual power.
+
+When the ships were manned and everything required for the voyage had
+been placed on board, silence was proclaimed by the sound of the
+trumpet, and all with one voice before setting sail offered up the
+customary prayers; these were recited, not in each ship, but by a
+single herald, the whole fleet accompanying him. On every deck both
+officers and men, mingling wine in bowls, made libations from vessels
+of gold and silver. The multitude of citizens and other well-wishers
+who were looking on from the land joined in the prayer. The crews
+raised the paean, and when the libations were completed, put to sea.
+After sailing out for some distance in single file, the ships raced
+with one another as far as AEgina;[30] thence they hastened onward to
+Corcyra, where the allies who formed the rest of the army were
+assembling.
+
+Meanwhile reports of the expedition were coming in to Syracuse from
+many quarters, but for a long time nobody gave credit to them. At
+length an assembly was held. Even then different opinions were
+exprest, some affirming and others denying that the expedition was
+coming. At last Hermocrates,[31] the son of Hermon, believing that he
+had certain information, came forward, and warned the Syracusans....
+
+Great was the contention which his words aroused among the Syracusan
+people, some asserting that the Athenians would never come, and that
+he was not speaking truth, others asking, "And if they should come,
+what harm could they do to us nearly so great as we could do to them?"
+while others were quite contemptuous, and made a jest of the whole
+matter. A few only believed Hermocrates and realized the danger. At
+last Athenagoras, the popular leader, who had at that time the
+greatest influence with the multitude, came forward and spoke....
+
+The Athenians and their allies were by this time collected at Corcyra.
+There the generals began by holding a final review of the ships, and
+disposed them in the order in which they were to anchor at their
+stations. The fleet was divided into three squadrons, and one of them
+assigned by lot to each of the three generals, in order to avoid any
+difficulties which might occur, if they sailed together, in finding
+water, anchorage, and provisions where they touched; they thought also
+that the presence of a general in each division would promote good
+order and discipline throughout the fleet. They then sent before them
+to Italy and Sicily three ships, which had orders to find out what
+cities in those regions would receive them, and to meet them again on
+their way, that they might know before they put in.
+
+At length the great armament proceeded to cross from Corcyra to
+Sicily. It consisted of a hundred and thirty-four triremes in all,
+besides two Rhodian vessels of fifty oars. Of these a hundred were
+Athenian, sixty being swift vessels, and the remaining forty
+transports; the rest of the fleet was furnished by the Chians and
+other allies. The hoplites numbered in all five thousand one hundred,
+of whom fifteen hundred were Athenians taken from the roll, and seven
+hundred who served as marines were of the fourth and lowest class of
+Athenian citizens. The remainder of the hoplites were furnished by the
+allies, mostly by the subject states; but five hundred came from
+Argos, besides two hundred and fifty Mantinean and other mercenaries.
+The archers were in all four hundred and eighty, of whom eighty were
+Cretans. There were seven hundred Rhodian slingers, a hundred and
+twenty light-armed Megarians who were exiles, and one horse transport
+which conveyed thirty horsemen and horses.
+
+Such were the forces with which the first expedition crossed the sea.
+For the transport of provisions thirty merchant-ships, which also
+conveyed bakers, masons, carpenters, and tools such as are required in
+sieges, were included in the armament. It was likewise attended by a
+hundred small vessels; these as well as the merchant-vessels, were
+prest into the service. Other merchant-vessels and lesser craft in
+great numbers followed of their own accord for purposes of trade. The
+whole fleet now struck across the Ionian Sea from Corcyra. They
+arrived at the promontory of Iapygia and at Tarentum,[32] each ship
+taking its own course, and passed along the coast of Italy. The
+Italian cities did not admit them within their walls, or open a market
+to them, but allowed them water and anchorage; Tarentum and Locri[33]
+refused even these. At length they reached Rhegium,[34] the extreme
+point of Italy, where the fleet reunited. As they were not received
+within the walls, they encamped outside the city, at the temple of
+Artemis; there they were provided by the inhabitants with a market,
+and drawing up their ships on shore they took a rest. They held a
+conference with the Rhegians, and prest them, being Chalcidians
+themselves, to aid their Chalcidian kinsmen the Leontines. But the
+Rhegians replied that they would be neutral, and would only act in
+accordance with the decision of all the Italian Greeks. The Athenian
+commanders now began to consider how they could best commence
+operations in Sicily. Meanwhile they were expecting the ships which
+had gone on and were to meet them from Egesta;[35] for they wished to
+know whether the Egestaeans really had the money of which the
+messengers had brought information to Athens.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 28: From Book VI of "The History of the Peloponnesian War."
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett. At the time of the sailing of this
+fleet the war had been in progress sixteen years. Syracuse, a Greek
+colony, founded from Corinth, had now become an ally of Sparta against
+Athens.]
+
+[Footnote 29: Iapygia lies in what is now Apulia, southern Italy. It
+is the extreme southern point of the "heel" of the "boot."]
+
+[Footnote 30: An island in the Saronic Gulf, lying immediately south
+of Attica; in an artistic and historical sense, one of the most
+celebrated of Greek islands.]
+
+[Footnote 31: One of the three generals of Syracuse entrusted with the
+defense of the city. His character was "one of the brightest and
+purest" in the history of that place, says a writer in Smith's
+"Dictionary." His daughter married the tyrant Dionysius.]
+
+[Footnote 32: The modern Taranto, in southern Italy, in the gulf of
+that name.]
+
+[Footnote 33: The city of Locri lay near Gerace, a town in the
+extremity of the "toe" of the "boot." It was allied with Syracuse in
+the fourth century.]
+
+[Footnote 34: The modern Reggio, which lies opposite Messina, and
+which, like Messina, was destroyed in the earthquake of 1908.]
+
+[Footnote 35: Also written Segesta, a city in northwestern Sicily, six
+miles from the coast and about twenty-five miles west of Palermo. The
+modern city of Aleamo stands near its site. Segesta traced its
+foundation to fugitives from Troy. Among its notable ruins is a Greek
+temple in the Doric order, which is one of the finest that have
+survived to our time.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+COMPLETION OF THE ATHENIAN DEFEAT AT SYRACUSE[36] (413 B.C.)
+
+
+The Syracusans and the allies naturally thought that the struggle
+would be brought to a glorious end if, after having defeated the
+Athenian fleet, they took captive the whole of their great armament,
+and did not allow them to escape either by sea or land. So they at
+once began to close the mouth of the Great Harbor, which was about a
+mile wide, by means of triremes, merchant-vessels, and small boats,
+placed broadside, which they moored there. They made every preparation
+also for a naval engagement, should the Athenians be willing to hazard
+another; and all their thoughts were on a grand scale.
+
+The Athenians, seeing the closing of the harbor and inferring the
+intentions of the enemy, proceeded to hold a council. The generals and
+officers met and considered the difficulties of their position. The
+most pressing was the want of food. For they had already sent to
+Catana,[37] when they intended to depart, and stopt the supplies; and
+they could get no more unless they recovered the command of the sea.
+They resolved therefore to quit their lines on the higher ground and
+to cut off by a cross-wall a space close to their ships, no greater
+than was absolutely required for their baggage and for their sick;
+after leaving a guard there, they meant to put on board every other
+man, and to launch all their ships, whether fit for service or not;
+they would then fight a decisive battle, and, if they conquered, go to
+Catana; but if not, they would burn their ships, and retreat by land
+in good order, taking the nearest way to some friendly country,
+barbarian or Hellenic.
+
+This design they proceeded to execute, and, withdrawing quietly from
+the upper walls, manned their whole fleet, compelling every man of any
+age at all suitable for service to embark. The entire number of the
+ships which they manned was about a hundred and ten. They put on board
+numerous archers and javelin-men, Acarnanians,[38] and other
+foreigners, and made such preparations for action as the nature of the
+plan imposed upon them by their necessities allowed. When all was
+nearly ready, Nicias,[39] perceiving that the soldiers were deprest by
+their severe defeat at sea, which was no new experience to them,
+while at the same time the want of provisions made them impatient to
+risk a battle with the least possible delay, called his men together
+and before they engaged exhorted them....
+
+Nicias gave orders to man the ships. Gylippus[40] and the Syracusans
+could see clearly enough from the preparations which the Athenians
+were making that they were going to fight. But they had also previous
+notice, and had been told of the iron grapnels; and they took
+precautions against this as against all the other devices of the
+Athenians. They covered the prows of their vessels with hides,
+extending a good way along the upper part of their sides, so that the
+grapnels might slip and find no hold. When all was ready, Gylippus and
+the other generals exhorted their men....
+
+When Gylippus and the other Syracusan generals had, like Nicias,
+encouraged their troops, perceiving the Athenians to be manning their
+ships, they presently did the same. Nicias, overwhelmed by the
+situation, and seeing how great and how near the peril was (for the
+ships were on the very point of rowing out), feeling too, as men do on
+the eve of a great struggle, that all which he had done was nothing,
+and that he had not said half enough, again addrest the trierarchs,
+and calling each of them by his father's name, and his own name, and
+the name of his tribe, he entreated those who had made any reputation
+for themselves not to be false to it, and those whose ancestors were
+eminent not to tarnish their hereditary fame. He reminded them that
+they were the inhabitants of the freest country in the world, and how
+in Athens there was no interference with the daily life of any man. He
+spoke to them of their wives and children and their fathers' gods, as
+men will at such a time; for then they do not care whether their
+common-place phrases seem to be out of date or not, but loudly
+reiterate the old appeals, believing that they may be of some service
+at the awful moment. When he thought that he had exhorted them, not
+enough, but as much as the scanty time allowed, he retired, and led
+the land-forces to the shore, extending the line as far as he could,
+so that they might be of the greatest use in encouraging the
+combatants on board ship. Demosthenes,[41] Menander, and Euthydemus,
+who had gone on board the Athenian fleet to take command, now quitted
+their own station, and proceeded straight to the closed mouth of the
+harbor, intending to force their way to the open sea where a passage
+was still left.
+
+The Syracusans and their allies had already put out with nearly the
+same number of ships as before. A detachment of them guarded the
+entrance of the harbor; the remainder were disposed all round it in
+such a manner that they might fall on the Athenians from every side at
+once, and that their land-forces might at the same time be able to
+cooperate whenever the ships retreated to the shore. Sicanus and
+Agatharchus commanded the Syracusan fleet, each of them a wing; Pythen
+and the Corinthians occupied the center.
+
+When the Athenians approached the closed mouth of the harbor, the
+violence of their onset overpowered the ships which were stationed
+there; they then attempted to loosen the fastenings. Whereupon from
+all sides the Syracusans and their allies came bearing down upon them,
+and the conflict was no longer confined to the entrance, but extended
+throughout the harbor. No previous engagement had been so fierce and
+obstinate. Great was the eagerness with which the rowers on both sides
+rushed upon their enemies whenever the word of command was given; and
+keen was the contest between the pilots as they maneuvered one against
+another. The marines too were full of anxiety that, when ship struck
+ship, the service on deck should not fall short of the rest; every one
+in the place assigned to him was eager to be foremost among his
+fellows. Many vessels meeting--and never did so many fight in so small
+a space, for the two fleets together amounted to nearly two
+hundred--they were seldom able to strike in the regular manner,
+because they had no opportunity of first retiring or breaking the
+line; they generally fouled one another as ship dashed against ship in
+the hurry of flight or pursuit. All the time that another vessel was
+bearing down, the men on deck poured showers of javelins and arrows
+and stones upon the enemy; and when the two closed, the marines fought
+hand to hand, and endeavored to board. In many places, owing to the
+want of room, they who had struck another found that they were struck
+themselves; often two or even more vessels were unavoidably entangled
+about one, and the pilots had to make plans of attack and defense,
+not against one adversary only, but against several coming from
+different sides.
+
+The crash of so many ships dashing against one another took away the
+wits of the sailors, and made it impossible to hear the boatswains,
+whose voices in both fleets rose high, as they gave directions to the
+rowers, or cheered them on in the excitement of the struggle. On the
+Athenians' side they were shouting to their men that they must force a
+passage and seize the opportunity now or never of returning in safety
+to their native land. To the Syracusans and their allies was
+represented the glory of preventing the escape of their enemies, and
+of a victory by which every man would exalt the honor of his own city.
+The commanders, too, when they saw any ship backing water without
+necessity, would call the captain by his name, and ask, of the
+Athenians, whether they were retreating because they expected to be
+more at home upon the land of their bitterest foes than upon that sea
+which had been their own so long; on the Syracusan side, whether, when
+they knew perfectly well that the Athenians were only eager to find
+some means of flight, they would themselves fly from the fugitives.
+
+While the naval engagement hung in the balance, the two armies on
+shore had great trial and conflict of soul. The Sicilian soldier was
+animated by the hope of increasing the glory which he had already won,
+while the invader was tormented by the fear that his fortunes might
+sink lower still. The last chance of the Athenians lay in their ships,
+and their anxiety was dreadful. The fortune of the battle varied; and
+it was not possible that the spectators on the shore should all
+receive the same impression of it. Being quite close and having
+different points of view, they would some of them see their own ships
+victorious; their courage would then revive, and they would earnestly
+call upon the gods not to take from them their hope of deliverance.
+But others, who saw their ships worsted, cried and shrieked aloud, and
+were by the sight alone more utterly unnerved than the defeated
+combatants themselves. Others again who had fixt their gaze on some
+part of the struggle which was undecided, were in a state of
+excitement still more terrible; they kept swaying their bodies to and
+fro in an agony of hope and fear as the stubborn conflict went on and
+on; for at every instant they were all but saved or all but lost. And
+while the strife hung in the balance, you might hear in the Athenian
+army at once lamentation, shouting, cries of victory or defeat, and
+all the various sounds which are wrung from a great host in extremity
+of danger. Not less agonizing were the feelings of those on board.
+
+At length the Syracusans and their allies, after a protracted
+struggle, put the Athenians to flight, and triumphantly bearing down
+upon them, and encouraging one another with loud cries and
+exhortations, drove them to the land. Then that part of the navy which
+had not been taken in the deep water fell back in confusion to the
+shore, and the crews rushed out of the ships into the camp. And the
+land-forces, no longer now divided in feeling, but uttering one
+universal groan of intolerable anguish ran, some of them to save the
+ships, others to defend what remained of the wall; but the greater
+number began to look to themselves and to their own safety. Never had
+there been a greater panic in an Athenian army than at that moment.
+They now suffered what they had done to others at Pylos. For at
+Pylos[42] the Lacedaemonians, when they saw their ships destroyed, knew
+that their friends who had crossed over into the island of
+Sphacteria[43] were lost with them. And so now the Athenians, after
+the rout of their fleet, knew that they had no hope of saving
+themselves by land unless events took some extraordinary turn.
+
+Thus, after a fierce battle and great destruction of ships and men on
+both sides, the Syracusans and their allies gained the victory. They
+gathered up the wrecks and bodies of the dead, and sailing back to the
+city, erected a trophy. The Athenians, overwhelmed by their misery,
+never so much as thought of recovering their wrecks or of asking leave
+to collect their dead. Their intention was to retreat that very
+night....
+
+On the third day after the sea-fight, when Nicias and Demosthenes
+thought that their preparations were complete, the army began to move.
+They were in a dreadful condition; not only was there the great fact
+that they had lost their whole fleet, and instead of their expected
+triumph had brought the utmost peril upon Athens as well as upon
+themselves, but also the sights which presented themselves as they
+quitted the camp were painful to every eye and mind. The dead were
+unburied, and when any one saw the body of a friend lying on the
+ground he was smitten with sorrow and dread, while the sick or wounded
+who still survived but had to be left were even a greater trial to the
+living, and more to be pitied than those who were gone. Their prayers
+and lamentations drove their companions to distraction; they would beg
+that they might be taken with them, and call by name any friend or
+relative whom they saw passing; they would hang upon their departing
+comrades and follow as far as they could, and when their limbs and
+strength failed them and they dropt behind, many were the imprecations
+and cries which they uttered. So that the whole army was in tears, and
+such was their despair that they could hardly make up their minds to
+stir altho they were leaving an enemy's country, having suffered
+calamities too great for tears already, and dreading miseries yet
+greater in the unknown future.
+
+There was also a general feeling of shame and self-reproach--indeed
+they seemed, not like an army, but like a fugitive population of a
+city captured after a siege, and of a great city too. For the whole
+multitude who were marching together numbered not less than forty
+thousand. Each of them took with him anything he could carry which was
+likely to be of use. Even the heavy-armed and cavalry, contrary to
+their practise when under arms, conveyed about their persons their own
+food, some because they had no attendants, others because they could
+not trust them; for they had long been deserting, and most of them
+had gone off all at once. Nor was the food which they carried
+sufficient, for the supplies of the camp had failed. Their disgrace
+and the universality of the misery, altho there might be some
+consolation in the very community of suffering, was nevertheless at
+that moment hard to bear, especially when they remembered from what
+pomp and splendor they had fallen into their present low estate. Never
+had a Hellenic army experienced such a reverse. They had come
+intending to enslave others, and they were going away in fear that
+they would be themselves enslaved. Instead of the prayers and hymns
+with which they had put to sea, they were now departing amid appeals
+to heaven of another sort. They were no longer sailors but landsmen,
+depending, not upon their fleet but upon their infantry. Yet in face
+of the great danger which still threatened them all these things
+appeared endurable....
+
+When daylight broke and the Syracusans and their allies saw that the
+Athenians had departed, most of them thought that Gylippus had let
+them go on purpose, and were very angry with him. They easily found
+the line of their retreat, and quickly following came up with them
+about the time of the midday meal. The troops of Demosthenes were
+last; they were marching slowly and in disorder, not having recovered
+from the panic of the previous night, when they were overtaken by the
+Syracusans, who immediately fell upon them and fought. Separated as
+they were from the others, they were easily hemmed in by the Syracusan
+cavalry and driven into a narrow space. The division of Nicias was as
+much as six miles in advance, for he marched faster, thinking that
+their safety depended at such a time, not in remaining and fighting,
+if they could avoid it, but in retreating as quickly as they could,
+and resisting only when they were positively compelled.
+
+Demosthenes, on the other hand, who had been more incessantly harassed
+throughout the retreat, because marching last, was first attacked by
+the enemy; now, when he saw the Syracusans pursuing him, instead of
+pressing onward, had ranged his army in order of battle. Thus
+lingering he was surrounded, and he and the Athenians under his
+command were in the greatest danger and confusion. For they were
+crusht into a walled enclosure, having a road on both sides and
+planted thickly with olive-trees, and missiles were hurled at them
+from all points. The Syracusans naturally preferred this mode of
+attack to a regular engagement. For to risk themselves against
+desperate men would have been only playing into the hands of the
+Athenians. Moreover, every one was sparing of his life; their good
+fortune was already assured, and they did not wish to fall in the hour
+of victory. Even by this irregular mode of fighting they thought that
+they could overpower and capture the Athenians.
+
+And so when they had gone on all day assailing them with missiles from
+every quarter, and saw that they were quite worn out with their wounds
+and all their other sufferings, Gylippus and the Syracusans made a
+proclamation, first of all to the islanders, that any of them who
+pleased might come over to them and have their freedom. But only a few
+cities accepted the offer. At length an agreement was made for the
+entire force under Demosthenes. Their arms were to be surrendered but
+no one was to suffer death, either from violence or from imprisonment,
+or from want of the bare means of life. So they all surrendered, being
+in number six thousand, and gave up what money they had. This they
+threw into the hollows of shields and filled four. The captives were
+at once taken to the city. On the same day Nicias and his division
+reached the river Erineus, which he crossed, and halted his army on a
+rising ground.
+
+On the following day, he was overtaken by the Syracusans, who told him
+that Demosthenes had surrendered, and bade him do the same. He, not
+believing them, procured a truce while he sent a horseman to go and
+see. Upon the return of the horseman bringing assurance of the fact,
+he sent a herald to Gylippus and the Syracusans, saying that he would
+agree, on behalf of the Athenian state, to pay the expenses which the
+Syracusans had incurred in the war, on condition that they should let
+his army go; until the money was paid he would give Athenian citizens
+as hostages, a man for a talent. Gylippus and the Syracusans would not
+accept these proposals, but attacked and surrounded this division of
+the army as well as the other, and hurled missiles at them from every
+side until the evening. They too were grievously in want of food and
+necessaries. Nevertheless they meant to wait for the dead of the night
+and then to proceed. They were just resuming their arms, when the
+Syracusans discovered them and raised the paean. The Athenians,
+perceiving that they were detected, laid down their arms again, with
+the exception of about three hundred men who broke through the enemy's
+guard, and made their escape in the darkness as best they could.
+
+When the day dawned Nicias led forward his army, and the Syracusans
+and the allies again assailed them on every side, hurling javelins and
+other missiles at them. The Athenians hurried on to the river
+Assinarus. They hoped to gain a little relief if they forded the
+river, for the mass of horsemen and other troops overwhelmed and
+crusht them; and they were worn out by fatigue and thirst. But no
+sooner did they reach the water than they lost all order and rushed
+in; every man was trying to cross first, and, the enemy pressing upon
+them at the same time, the passage of the river became hopeless. Being
+compelled to keep close together they fell one upon another, and
+trampled each other under foot; some at once perished, pierced by
+their own spears; others got entangled in the baggage and were carried
+down the stream. The Syracusans stood upon the further bank of the
+river, which was steep, and hurled missiles from above on the
+Athenians, who were huddled together in the deep bed of the stream and
+for the most part were drinking greedily. The Peloponnesians came down
+the bank and slaughtered them, falling chiefly upon those who were in
+the river. Whereupon the water at once became foul but was drunk all
+the same, altho muddy and dyed with blood, and the crowd fought for
+it.
+
+At last, when the dead bodies were lying in heaps upon one another in
+the water and the army was utterly undone, some perishing in the
+river, and any one who escaped being cut off by the cavalry, Nicias
+surrendered to Gylippus, in whom he had more confidence than in the
+Syracusans. He entreated him and the Lacedaemonians to do what they
+pleased with himself, but not to go on killing the men. So Gylippus
+gave the word to make prisoners. Thereupon the survivors, not
+including, however, a large number whom the soldiers concealed, were
+brought in alive. As for the three hundred who had broken through the
+guard in the night, the Syracusans sent in pursuit and seized them.
+The total of the public prisoners when collected was not great; for
+many were appropriated by the soldiers, and the whole of Sicily was
+full of them, they not having capitulated like the troops under
+Demosthenes. A large number also perished; the slaughter at the river
+being very great, quite as great as any which took place in the
+Sicilian war; and not a few had fallen in the frequent attacks which
+were made upon the Athenians during the march. Still many escaped,
+some at the time, others ran away after an interval of slavery, and
+all these found refuge at Catana.
+
+The Syracusans and their allies collected their forces and returned
+with the spoil, and as many prisoners as they could take with them,
+into the city. The captive Athenians and allies they deposited in the
+quarries, which they thought would be the safest place of confinement.
+Nicias and Demosthenes they put to the sword, altho against the will
+of Gylippus. For Gylippus thought that to carry home with him to
+Lacedaemon the generals of the enemy, over and above all his other
+successes, would be a brilliant triumph. One of them, Demosthenes,
+happened to be the greatest foe, and the other the greatest friend of
+the Lacedaemonians, both in the same matter of Pylos and Sphacteria....
+
+Those who were imprisoned in the quarries were at the beginning of
+their captivity harshly treated by the Syracusans. There were great
+numbers of them, and they were crowded in a deep and narrow place. At
+first the sun by day was scorching and suffocating, for they had no
+roof over their heads, while the autumn nights were cold, and the
+extremes of temperature engendered violent disorders. Being cramped
+for room, they had to do everything on the same spot. The corpses of
+those who had died from their wounds, exposure to the weather, and the
+like lay heaped one upon another. The smells were intolerable; and the
+prisoners were at the same time afflicted by hunger and thirst. During
+eight months they were allowed only about half a pint of water and a
+pint of food a day.[44] Every kind of misery which could befall man in
+such a place befell them. This was the condition of all the captives
+for about ten weeks. At length the Syracusans sold them, with the
+exception of the Athenians and of any Sicilian or Italian Greeks who
+had sided with them in the war. The whole number of the public
+prisoners is not accurately known, but they were not less than seven
+thousand.
+
+Of all the Hellenic actions which took place in this war, or indeed of
+all Hellenic actions which are on record, this was the greatest--the
+most glorious to the victors, the most ruinous to the vanquished; for
+they were utterly and at all points defeated, and their sufferings
+were prodigious. Fleet and army perished from the face of the earth;
+nothing was saved, and of the many who went forth few returned home.
+
+Thus ended the Sicilian expedition.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 36: From Book VII of the "History of the Peloponnesian War,"
+translated by Benjamin Jowett. "The noblest piece of tragedy in all
+written history," says John Morley of this book. Gray, the poet, in
+one of his letters, inquired, "Is it, or is it not, the finest thing
+you ever read in your life?" Macaulay, in a letter once wrote: "I do
+assure you that there is no prose composition in the world that I
+place so high as the Seventh book of Thucydides. Tacitus was a great
+man, but he was not up to the Sicilian expedition." Praise is given to
+this chapter by Mahaffy for "the sustained splendor of the narrative."
+Grote had profound admiration for the famous picture contained in the
+selection here given. He refers to its "condensed and burning phrases"
+as imparting an impression which modern historians have sought in vain
+to convey.]
+
+[Footnote 37: The modern Catania, on the east coast of Sicily.]
+
+[Footnote 38: The people of Acarnania, a province of Greece, lying on
+the Ionian Sea south of the Ambracian Gulf.]
+
+[Footnote 39: Commander of the Athenians.]
+
+[Footnote 40: The Spartan general who had been sent to Syracuse by
+advice of Alcibiades after he went over to the enemy.]
+
+[Footnote 41: Next under Nicias in command of the expedition. He died
+twenty-nine years before the birth of the orator of the same name.]
+
+[Footnote 42: Here occurred one of the most memorable events in the
+Peloponnesian war, the defense of Pylos under Demosthenes.]
+
+[Footnote 43: This island lies immediately south of Pylos. It is long
+and narrow and guards the Bay of Navarino, the largest harbor in
+Greece, which was the scene of a famous battle between the English,
+French, Turkish, and Russian fleets in 1827.]
+
+[Footnote 44: This allowance of food was only about one-half the
+amount usually given to a slave.]
+
+
+
+
+XENOPHON
+
+     Born in Athens about 430 B.C.; died after 357; celebrated as
+     historian and essayist, being a disciple of Socrates; joined
+     the expedition of Cyrus the Younger in 401, and after the
+     battle of Cunaxa became the chief leader of ten thousand
+     Greeks in their march to the Black Sea, the story being
+     chronicled in his famous "Anabasis"; fought on the Spartan
+     side in the battle of Coronea; banished from Athens, he
+     settled at Scillus in Eleia; spent his last years in
+     Corinth; among his writings besides the "Anabasis" are the
+     "Hellenica," "Cycropaedia," "Memorabilia of Socrates," and
+     essays on hunting and horsemanship.
+
+I
+
+THE CHARACTER OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER[45]
+
+
+Thus then died Cyrus, a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the
+Elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed
+by all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. In the first
+place, while he was yet with his brother and the other youths, he was
+a boy, and when he was receiving his education thought to surpass them
+all in everything. For without exception the sons of the Persian
+nobles are educated at the gates of the king;[46] where they may learn
+many a lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing
+disgraceful. In this place the boys see some honored by the king, and
+others disgraced, and hear of them; so that in their very childhood
+they learn to govern and to obey.
+
+Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modesty
+among those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to his
+elders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next
+he was noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in a
+superior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning and
+most assiduous in practising the warlike exercises of archery and
+hurling the javelin. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fond of
+the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. On
+one occasion he did not shrink from a she bear that attacked him;
+however, in grappling with her, he was dragged from his horse, and
+received some wounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but
+at last killed her. The person who first came to his assistance he
+made a happy man in the eyes of many.
+
+When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and Great
+Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all the
+troops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon
+showed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave a
+promise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word.
+Accordingly, the states that were committed to his charge, as well as
+individuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had
+been his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty
+with him, he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. When,
+therefore, he waged war against Tissaphernes,[47] all the cities, of
+their own accord, chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to
+Tissaphernes, except the Milesians; but they feared Cyrus, because he
+would not abandon the cause of the exiles; for he both showed by his
+deeds, and declared in words, that he would never desert them, since
+he had once become a friend to them, not even tho they should grow
+still fewer in number, and be in a worse condition than they were.
+
+Whenever any one did Cyrus a kindness or an injury, he showed himself
+anxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention a
+wish of his, that he "desired to live long enough to outdo both those
+who had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital
+that he should make." Accordingly, to him alone of the men of our days
+were so great a number of people desirous of committing the disposal
+of their property, their cities, and their own person.
+
+Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered the
+criminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men
+inflicted punishment most unsparingly; and there were often to be
+seen, along the most frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or
+hands, or eyes; so that in Cyrus' dominions it was possible for any
+one, Greek or barbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear
+whithersoever he pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his
+convenience.
+
+To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paid
+distinguished honor. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians;
+and, marching in person into these countries, he made those whom he
+saw voluntarily hazarding their lives in his service governors over
+the territory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in
+other ways, so that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of
+men, while the cowardly were deemed fit only to be their slaves. There
+were, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposed
+themselves to danger wherever they thought that Cyrus would become
+aware of their exertions.
+
+With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to display
+that virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those who
+sought to profit by injustice. Accordingly, while in many other
+respects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewise
+possest an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money that
+generals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his
+service, but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well
+would be more profitable than any amount of monthly pay. Besides, if
+any one executed his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered
+his diligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking,
+the best-qualified officers were said to be ready to assist him.
+
+If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regard
+to justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, and
+securing income from it, he would never take anything from such a
+person, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so that
+men labored with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, and
+made no concealment from Cyrus of what each possest; for he did not
+appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavor to
+bring into use the wealth of those who concealed it.
+
+Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well disposed to him, and
+considered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might
+wish to accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most
+successful in attaching them to him. For, on the very same account on
+which he thought that he himself had need of friends--namely, that he
+might have cooperators in his undertakings--did he endeavor to prove
+an efficient assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of
+them desirous of effecting.
+
+He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any other
+single individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributing
+among his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to what
+he perceived each most needed. Whatever presents any one sent him of
+articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accouterment or
+merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark that
+he could not decorate his own person with them all, but that he
+thought friends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could
+have. That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great
+benefits is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but
+that he should surpass his friends in kind attentions and an anxious
+desire to oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration.
+Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavor,
+he would send half-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with
+a message to this effect, "Cyrus has not for some time met with
+pleasanter wine than this; and he has therefore sent some of it to
+you, and begs you will drink it to-day, with those whom you love
+best." He would often, too, send geese partly eaten and the halves of
+loaves, and other such things, desiring the bearer to say, in
+presenting them, "Cyrus has been delighted with these, and therefore
+wishes you also to taste of them."
+
+Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having many
+attendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some,
+he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender
+to the horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry
+his friends. Whenever he rode out and many were likely to see him, he
+would call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with
+them, that he might show whom he held in honor; so that, from what I
+have heard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater
+number of persons, either Greeks or barbarians. Of this fact the
+following is a proof: that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus,
+tho only a subject (except that Orontes[48] attempted to do so; but he
+soon found the person whom he believed faithful to him more a friend
+to Cyrus than to himself), while many came over to Cyrus from the
+king, after they had become enemies to each other, and these, too, men
+who were greatly beloved by the king; for they felt persuaded that if
+they proved themselves brave soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain
+from him more adequate rewards for their services than from the king.
+
+What occurred also at the time of his death is a great proof as well
+that he himself was a man of merit as that he could accurately
+distinguish such as were trustworthy, well disposed, and constant to
+their attachment. For when he was killed, all his friends and the
+partakers of his table who were with him fell fighting in his defense
+except Ariaeus, who had been posted in command of the cavalry on the
+left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he
+took to flight, with all the troops which he had under his command.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 45: From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson. Cyrus
+the Younger, son of Darius Nothus, with the help of 10,000 Greeks,
+sought to conquer his brother Artaxerxes, but was defeated and killed
+in the battle of Cunaxa in 401 B.C. The elder Cyrus, called the
+"Great," founder of the Persian Empire, died in 529 B.C. It is the
+retreat of the 10,000 Greeks that Xenophon chronicles in the
+"Anabasis."]
+
+[Footnote 46: By this is meant at the palace of the king, tho not
+literally within the palace. Among the ancient Persians, as to-day
+among the Turks at Constantinople, the king's palace was called "the
+Porte."]
+
+[Footnote 47: A Persian satrap who took part in the battle of Cunaxa.
+He became chief ruler of Western Asia, but was overthrown by the
+Greeks in 395 and put to death.]
+
+[Footnote 48: A Persian of royal blood, one of the officers of Cyrus
+the Younger, several times in revolt against him, and finally
+condemned.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE GREEK ARMY IN THE SNOWS OF ARMENIA[49]
+
+(400 B.C.)
+
+
+The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as
+possible, before the enemy's force should be reassembled, and get
+possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore,
+they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides;
+and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had
+intended to attack them, they encamped. Hence they proceeded three
+days' journey, through a desert tract of country, a distance of
+fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being
+wet higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to
+be far off.
+
+Hence they advanced three days' march, through much snow and a level
+plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day's march was
+extremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces,
+completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. One of the
+augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the
+wind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered, when the vehemence of
+the wind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the
+snow was a fathom; so that many of the baggage-cattle and slaves
+perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. They continued to burn
+fires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the
+place of encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood;
+those therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would
+not admit the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of
+the corn or other provisions that they had brought. Thus they shared
+with one another what they respectively had. In the places where the
+fires were made, as the snow melted, there were formed large pits that
+reached to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity to
+measure the depth of the snow.
+
+Hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day, and
+many of the men contracted the bulimia. Xenophon, who commanded in the
+rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen down with it,
+knew not what disease it was. But as one of those acquainted with it
+told him that they were evidently affected with bulimia, and that they
+would get up if they had something to eat, he went round among the
+baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, he gave it out, and
+sent such as were able to run to distribute it among those diseased,
+who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued their march. As
+they proceeded, Cheirisophus[50] came, just as it grew dark, to a
+village, and found a spring in front of the rampart, some women and
+girls belonging to the place fetching water. The women asked them who
+they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian language, that
+they were people going from the king to the satrap. They replied that
+he was not there, but about a parasang off.
+
+However, as it was late, they went with the water-carriers within the
+rampart to the head man of the village; and here Cheirisophus, and as
+many of the troops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such
+as were unable to get to the end of the journey spent the night on the
+way without food or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on
+that occasion. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves
+into a body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle
+that were unable to proceed, fighting with one another for the
+possession of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their
+sight from the effects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified by
+the cold, were left behind. It was found to be a relief to the eyes
+against the snow if the soldiers kept something black before them on
+the march, and to the feet, if they kept constantly in motion, and
+allowed themselves no rest, and if they took off their shoes in the
+night; but as to such as slept with their shoes on, the straps worked
+into their feet, and the soles were frozen about them; for when their
+old shoes had failed them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the
+men themselves from the newly skinned oxen.
+
+From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left
+behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the
+snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted;
+and it had, in fact, melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain,
+which was sending up a vapor in a woody hollow close at hand. Turning
+aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. Xenophon,
+who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to
+prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling
+them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected and pursuing
+them in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to
+kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. He then thought it
+the best course to strike terror, if possible, into the enemy that
+were behind, lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was
+now dark, and the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarreling
+about the booty that they had taken, when such of the rear-guard as
+were not disabled started up, and rushed toward them, while the tired
+men, shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against
+their shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves into the
+hollow amid the snow, and no one of them afterward made himself heard
+from any quarter.
+
+Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party would
+come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but before
+they had gone four stadia they found other soldiers resting by the
+way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed over
+them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army was
+not moving forward. Xenophon, going past them, and sending on some of
+the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what it was that
+hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army was in
+that manner taking rest. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing
+such a guard as they could, took up quarters there without fire or
+supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of his men to the
+sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to proceed.
+
+At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from the
+villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men were rejoiced
+to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp, while they
+themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia,
+found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus was quartered.
+When they came together, it was thought safe enough to lodge the
+troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordingly remained
+where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the several
+villages that they had in sight, went to their respective quarters
+with their men.
+
+Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence, and,
+taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the
+village which Xenophon had been allotted, surprized all the villagers
+and their head man in their houses, together with seventeen colts that
+were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, who
+had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunt
+hares, and was not found in any of the villages. Their houses were
+under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious
+below; there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the
+people descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows,
+and fowls, with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within
+the walls.[51] There were also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables,
+and barley-wine, in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in it
+even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some
+larger and some smaller, without joints; and these, when any one was
+thirsty, he was to take in his mouth and suck. The liquor is very
+strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to
+those accustomed to it.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 49: From the "Anabasis." Translated by J. S. Watson. The
+"Anabasis" has made Xenophon perhaps the most prominent figure of
+ancient classical literature, largely because every schoolboy who
+studies Greek knows at least this book. It stands in that sense to
+Greek literature as Caesar's "Commentaries" stands to Latin. The book
+has further value, not only as authentic history, but for the curious
+details it gives of the manners and customs of savage tribes living
+along the shores of the Euxine, and of those which prevailed at the
+Persian court and elsewhere in the Persian state.]
+
+[Footnote 50: A Spartan general who, at the instance of Xenophon, had
+been appointed to lead the van of the retreating Greek army.]
+
+[Footnote 51: W. T. Ainsworth, who has made a geographical commentary
+on Xenophon's "Anabasis," says: "This description of a village on the
+Armenian uplands applies itself to many that I visited." Houses on
+exposed elevations he found to be still semisubterranean. Whatever
+might be the kind of cottage used, domestic animals "participated with
+the family in the warmth and protection thereof."]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE BATTLE OF LEUCTRA[52]
+
+(371 B.C.)
+
+
+For the battle everything was adverse on the side of the
+Lacedaemonians, while to the enemy everything was rendered favorable by
+fortune. It was after dinner that the last council of war was held by
+Cleombrotus; and, as the officers had drunk a little at noon, it was
+said that the wine in some degree inspired them. And as, when both
+sides were fully armed, and it was now evident that a battle would
+take place, the people who had provisions for sale, with some of the
+baggage-carriers and others who were unwilling to fight, were
+proceeding first of all to quit the camp of the Boeotians, the
+mercenaries under Hiero the Phocian peltasts, and the Heraclean and
+Phliasian cavalry, making a circuit, fell upon them as they were going
+off, turned them back, and pursued them to the Boeotian camp; so
+that they made the army of the Boeotians larger and more numerous
+than before.
+
+Besides, as there was a plain between the armies, the Lacedaemonians
+drew up their cavalry before their main body and the Thebans drew up
+theirs over against them; but the cavalry of the Thebans had been
+exercised in wars with the Orchomenians and Thespians, while that of
+the Lacedaemonians was at that time in a very inefficient condition;
+for the richest men maintained the horses, and, when notice of an
+expedition was given, the men appointed came to ride them, and each
+taking his horse, and whatever arms were given him, proceeded at once
+to the field; and thus the weakest and least spirited of all the men
+were mounted on horseback. Such was the cavalry on either side. Of the
+foot, it was said that the Lacedaemonians advanced with each enomoty
+drawn up three deep, this arrangement making them not more than twelve
+deep in all. The Theban infantry, in close array, were not less than
+fifty deep, considering that if they could defeat the body of the
+enemy posted around the king, the rest of the army would be an easy
+conquest.
+
+As soon as Cleombrotus began to lead forward against the enemy, and
+even before the troops about him were aware that he was putting them
+in motion, the cavalry had already engaged, and those of the
+Lacedaemonians were at once defeated, who, as they fled, fell in among
+their own heavy-armed infantry, on which the troops of the Thebans
+were also pressing. But that the troops round Cleombrotus had at first
+the advantage in the contest, any one may be convinced by certain
+proof; for they would not have been able to take him and carry him off
+alive unless those who fought in front of him had been at that time
+victorious. When, however, Deimon the polemarch, Sphodrias, one of the
+attendants at the royal tent, and Cleonymus, his son, were killed, and
+the horse-guard, those who are called supporters of the polemarch,
+and the rest, being overpowered by the mass of the enemy, were forced
+to fall back, the Lacedaemonians on the left, seeing the right wing
+thus repulsed, also gave way; yet, tho many were killed, and they were
+quite defeated, they were able, when they had repassed the trench
+which was in front of the camp, to form themselves under arms in the
+place from which they had set out. Their camp was nevertheless not on
+level ground, but rather somewhat on an acclivity.
+
+Some of the Lacedaemonians, at the time, who thought their disaster an
+insupportable disgrace, exclaimed that they ought to prevent the enemy
+from erecting a trophy, and endeavor to recover the dead, not by
+making a truce, but by fighting another battle. However, the
+polemarchs, seeing that of the Lacedaemonians in all nearly a thousand
+had lost their lives; and that of the Spartans, who were in the field
+to the number of about seven hundred, about four hundred had fallen;
+and observing, also, that all the auxiliaries were too dispirited to
+renew the combat, and some of them not even concerned at what had
+happened, called a council of the chief officers, and deliberated what
+course they ought to pursue; and as all were of opinion that "they
+ought to fetch off the dead by truce," they accordingly despatched a
+herald to treat respecting a truce. The Thebans soon afterward erected
+a trophy, and gave up the dead under truce.
+
+After these occurrences, the messenger who was sent with the news of
+the calamity to Lacedaemon arrived there on the last day of the
+gymnopaediae and after the chorus of men had made their entry. The
+ephors, when they heard of the calamity, were greatly concerned, as, I
+think, they naturally must have been; yet they did not order that
+chorus to withdraw, but allowed them to finish the entertainment. They
+then sent the names of the dead to their several relatives, and gave
+notice to the women to make no lamentations, but to bear their
+affliction in silence. The day after, a person might have seen those
+whose relatives had died appearing in public with looks of
+cheerfulness and joy; however, of those whose relatives were said to
+be alive, he would have seen but few, and those going about with
+gloomy and dejected countenances.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 52: From Book VI of the "Hellenica." At Leuctra, which lies
+near Thebes in Boetia, Epaminondas commanding the Boeotians,
+overwhelmed the Spartans under Cleombrotus. From this event dates the
+decline of Sparta.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+OF THE ARMY OF THE SPARTANS[53]
+
+
+The regulations which I have mentioned are beneficial alike in peace
+and in war; but if any one wishes to learn what the lawgiver contrived
+better than other legislators with reference to military proceedings,
+he may attend to the following particulars:
+
+In the first place, then, the ephors give the cavalry and infantry
+public notice of the years during which they must join the army, as
+well as the artizans; for the Lacedaemonians provide themselves in the
+field with an abundance of all those things which people use in a
+city; and of whatever instruments an army may require in common,
+orders are given to bring some on wagons and others on beasts of
+burden, as by this arrangement anything left behind is least likely to
+escape notice.
+
+For engagements in the field he made the following arrangements: He
+ordered that each soldier should have a purple robe and a brazen
+shield; for he thought that such a dress had least resemblance to that
+of women, and was excellently adapted for the field of battle, as it
+is soonest made splendid, and is longest in growing soiled. He
+permitted also those above the age of puberty to let their hair grow,
+as he thought that they thus appeared taller, more manly, and more
+terrible in the eyes of the enemy.
+
+When they were thus equipped, he divided them into six morae of cavalry
+and heavy-armed infantry. Each of these morae of the citizens has one
+polemarch, four centurions, eight captains of fifty, and sixteen
+enomotarchs. The men of these morae are sometimes, according to the
+command issued, formed in enomotiae, sometimes by threes, sometimes by
+sixes. As to what most people imagine, that the arrangement of the
+Lacedaemonians under arms is extremely complex, they conceive the exact
+contrary to what is the fact; for in the Lacedaemonian order the
+officers are placed in the front ranks, and each rank is in a
+condition to perform everything which it is necessary for it to
+perform. So easy is it to understand this arrangement that no one who
+can distinguish one man from another would fail of learning it; for it
+is assigned to some to lead, and enjoined on others to follow.
+Shiftings of place, by which the companies are extended or deepened,
+are ordered by the word of the enomotarch, as by a herald; and in
+these there is nothing in the least difficult to learn.
+
+But how it is possible for men in this arrangement, even if they are
+thrown into confusion, to fight with an enemy presenting themselves on
+any quarter alike, it is not so easy to understand, except for those
+who have been brought up under the institution of Lycurgus. The
+Lacedaemonians do with the greatest ease what appears extremely
+difficult to other men that are even accustomed to arms. For when they
+march in column, one enomotia follows in the rear of another; and if,
+when they are in this order, a body of the enemy shows itself in
+front, orders are given to each enomotarch to bring up his enomotia to
+the front on the left; and this movement is made throughout the whole
+army, until it presents itself in full array against the enemy. But if
+again, while they are in this order, the enemy should show themselves
+in the rear, each rank performs the evolution, that the strongest may
+always be presented to the enemy.
+
+But when the commander is on the left, they do not in that case
+consider themselves in a worse condition, but sometimes even in a
+better; for if an enemy should attempt to encompass them, he would
+come round, not on the defenseless, but on the armed side. If on any
+occasion, again, it should appear advantageous, for any particular
+object, that the commander should occupy the right wing, they wheel
+the troop toward the wing, and maneuver the main body until the
+commander is on the right, and the rear becomes the left. But if,
+again, the body of the enemy appear on the right, marching in column,
+they do nothing else but turn each century round, like a ship, so as
+to front the enemy; and thus the century which was in the rear comes
+to the right. But if the enemy approach on the left, they do not allow
+them to come near, but repulse them, or turn their centuries round to
+face the enemy; and thus again the century that was in the rear takes
+its place on the left.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 53: From the treatise on "The Government of Lacedaemon."
+Translated by J. S. Watson. This work is believed to be the earliest
+extant specimen of Attic prose. Mahaffy describes it as "one of the
+most interesting and instructive documents of the age, very remarkable
+for its Machiavellian tone, in its calm ignoring of the right and
+wrong of the case as irrelevant."]
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+HOW TO CHOOSE AND MANAGE SADDLE-HORSES[54]
+
+
+When a person would buy a horse that has been already ridden, we shall
+subjoin some admonitions which he ought to bear in mind, if he would
+not be cheated in his purchase. In the first place, then, let it not
+escape his notice what the _age_ is; for a horse that has no longer
+the marks in his teeth neither delights the buyer with hope nor is so
+easy to be exchanged.
+
+It is also necessary to see how he takes the rider on his back;[55]
+for many horses reluctantly receive on them anything which it is plain
+to them that they can not receive without being compelled to work. It
+must likewise be observed whether, when he is mounted, he wishes to
+separate himself from other horses, or whether, if he be ridden near
+horses standing by, he carries off his rider toward them. There are
+some horses too that, from bad training, run off from the place of
+exercise to their stalls at home.
+
+As for horses whose jaws are not alike, that sort of riding which is
+called the _pede_ exposes them, and, still more, a change in the
+direction in which they are ridden; for many horses will not attempt
+to run away with their riders unless a hard jaw, and their course
+directed homeward, concur to stimulate them. We ought to ascertain,
+also, whether the horse, being put to his speed, is readily pulled up,
+and whether he submits to be turned about.
+
+It is good for a purchaser not to be too ignorant, moreover, whether a
+horse is equally willing to obey when he is roused with a blow; for a
+servant and an army, if disobedient, are useless, but a disobedient
+horse is not only useless, but often plays the traitor.
+
+However, when we take upon ourselves to purchase a warhorse, we must
+make trial of him in all things in which war will make trial of him;
+and these are leaping across ditches, springing over walls, jumping on
+to mounds, and jumping down from them; and we must try him in riding
+up and down steep places, and along them; for all such efforts show
+his spirit, whether it is bold and whether his body is sound. Yet we
+must not at once reject a horse that does not accomplish all these
+feats perfectly; for many fail, not from being unable, but from want
+of training; and if they are taught, and used, and exercised in such
+performances, they will execute them all well, provided they are sound
+in other respects, and not wanting in spirit.
+
+We must, however, be cautious of having anything to do with horses
+that are naturally shy; for horses that are excessively timorous will
+not only not allow the rider on their back to harm the enemy, but will
+often take him by surprize, and expose him to great danger. We must
+also learn whether the horse has anything of vice either toward other
+horses or toward men, and whether he is averse to being handled; for
+all such defects are troublesome to his owner.
+
+As to any reluctance to being bridled and mounted, and other tricks, a
+person will much sooner discover them if, when the horse has been
+thoroughly exercised, he attempt to do to him what he did before he
+began to ride him; since horses that, after having been exercised, are
+ready to submit to exercise again give sufficient proofs of a
+mettlesome spirit.
+
+To sum up all in a few words, whatever horse has good feet, is
+mild-tempered, sufficiently swift, is willing and able to endure
+fatigue, and is in the highest degree obedient will probably give
+least trouble to his rider, and contribute most to his safety in
+military occupations. But horses that from sluggishness require a
+great deal of driving or, from excess of mettle, much coaxing and
+care, afford plenty of employment to the rider, as well as much
+apprehension in time of danger....
+
+We shall now show how a man may groom a horse with least danger to
+himself and most benefit to the animal. If, when he cleans him, he
+look the same way as the horse, there is danger that he may be struck
+in the face with his knee or his hoof. But if he look in the opposite
+direction to the horse when he cleans him, keeping himself out of the
+reach of his leg, and rubs gradually down by the shoulder, he will
+thus receive no injury, and may clean the frog of the horse's foot by
+turning up the hoof. In like manner let him clean the hind legs.
+
+But whoever is employed about a horse ought to know that to do these
+things, and everything else that he has to do, he must come as little
+as possible near the face and the tail; for if a horse be inclined to
+be vicious, he has in both these parts the advantage of the man. But a
+person who approaches him at the side may manage the horse with least
+danger to himself, and with most power over the beast.
+
+When we have to lead a horse, we do not approve of the practise of
+leading from behind, for these reasons: that the person leading the
+horse is thus least able to keep on his guard against him, and the
+horse has most liberty to do what he pleases. To the mode, again, of
+conducting him with a long rein, to teach him to go forward and take
+the lead, we object for the following reasons: that the horse can do
+mischief on whichever side he pleases, and that, by turning himself
+round, he can set himself opposite his leader. When there are a number
+of horses together, too, how, if they are thus led, can they be
+prevented from annoying one another? But a horse that is accustomed to
+be led at the side will be least in a condition to molest either other
+horses or men, and will be readiest at hand for his rider whenever he
+may require to mount in haste.
+
+That the groom may put on the bridle properly, let him first approach
+the horse on the left side, and then throwing the reins over the
+horse's head, let him suffer them to rest on the point of the
+shoulder; and next let him take the headpiece in his right hand, and
+apply the bit with his left. If the horse take the bit into his mouth,
+the man has nothing to do but to put on the headpiece; but if the
+horse will not open his mouth, the man must hold the bit to his teeth,
+and insert the middle finger of his left hand between the horse's
+bars; for most horses, when this is done, open their mouths; should
+the horse, however, not even then receive the bit, let him press the
+lip against the dog-tooth or tusk, and there are very few horses that,
+on feeling this, will not admit it....
+
+But never to approach a horse in a fit of anger is the one great
+precept and maxim of conduct in regard to the treatment of a horse;
+for anger is destitute of forethought, and consequently often does
+that of which the agent must necessarily repent.
+
+When a horse is shy of any object, and reluctant to approach it, the
+rider must try to make him feel that there is nothing terrible in it,
+especially to a horse of spirit; but if he can not succeed, the rider
+must himself touch that which appears so alarming, and lead the horse
+up gently to it. As to those who force horses forward with blows in
+such a case they merely inspire the animals with greater terror; for
+they imagine when they suffer any pain at such a time, that what they
+look upon with alarm is in some way the cause of it.
+
+When the groom brings the horse to the rider, we have no objection
+that he should know how to make the horse stoop, so that it may be
+easy to mount him; yet we think every rider ought to take care to be
+able to mount even if the horse does not bend to him; for sometimes a
+different horse will present himself, and the same horse will not
+always be equally obedient....
+
+When he has taken his seat, whether on the horse's bare back or on the
+cloth, we do not like that he should sit as if he were on a
+carriage-seat, but as if he were standing upright with his legs
+somewhat apart, for thus he will cling more firmly to the horse with
+his thighs, and keeping himself erect, he will be able to throw a
+javelin, or to strike a blow on horseback, if it be necessary, with
+greater force.
+
+But it is necessary to allow the leg, as well as the foot, to hang
+loose from the knee; for if a rider keep his leg stiff, and strike it
+against anything, it may be broken; but if the leg hang easy, and
+anything strikes against it, it will yield, and yet not move the thigh
+from its position.
+
+A rider should also accustom himself to keep the parts of his body
+above the hips as flexible as possible; for he will by this means be
+better able to exert himself, and if any person should drag or push
+him, he will be less likely to be thrown off.
+
+Let it be observed, that when he is seated on the horse's back, he
+must first teach the horse to stand quiet, until he has drawn up his
+mantle, if necessary, and adjusted the reins, and taken hold of his
+lance in such a way as it may most conveniently be carried. Then let
+him keep his left arm close to his side; for in such an attitude a
+rider appears most graceful and his hand has the greatest power.
+
+As to reins, we approve of such as are equally balanced, and not weak,
+or slippery, or too thick, so that the hand which holds them may be
+able also to hold the spear when it is necessary.
+
+When the rider gives the signal to the horse to start, let him begin
+to advance at a walking pace, as this pace is least likely to disturb
+the horse. Let him hold the reins, if the horse be inclined to hold
+down his head, rather high, but if he be more disposed to carry it
+erect, let him keep them lower, for thus he will best set off the
+horse's figure. After a little, if he trot at his natural pace, he
+will find his limbs become pliant without inconvenience, and will come
+with the greatest readiness to obey the whip. Since too it is the most
+approved practise to set off toward the left side, the horse will most
+readily start on that side, if, when he lifts, as he is trotting, the
+right foot, the rider then give him the signal to gallop. For, being
+then about to raise the left foot, he will thus start with that foot;
+and just at the moment that the rider turns him to the left, he will
+make the first spring in his gallop; for a horse, when he is turned to
+the right, naturally leads off with the right foot, and when turned to
+the left, with the left foot.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 54: From the treatise, "On Horsemanship." Translated by J.
+S. Watson. Mahaffy says this treatise on the horse "shows an insight
+into the character of horses which would do credit to a modern book."
+Most readers of the treatise who are familiar with horses have
+remarked how true it all is of the horse as we know him to-day. One
+commentator has remarked that the book reads as if it might have been
+written by some educated man professionally attached to racing
+stables.]
+
+[Footnote 55: The ancients did not use the stirrup; nor did they have
+a saddle in the modern sense of the word.]
+
+
+
+
+PLATO
+
+    Born in AEgina of aristocratic parents about 427 B.C.; died
+     in Athens in 347; originally called Aristocles and surnamed
+     Plato because of his broad shoulders; a disciple of Socrates
+     and a teacher of Aristotle; was the founder of the Academic
+     school; in his youth a successful gymnast, soldier, and
+     poet; traveled in Egypt, Sicily, and Magna Graecia; arrested
+     in Syracuse by Dionysius, the tyrant, and sold as a slave in
+     AEgina, where he was released and returned to Athens;
+     revisited Syracuse in 367 and 361; lived afterward in Athens
+     until his death, which occurred at a marriage feast.[56]
+
+I
+
+THE IMAGE OF THE CAVE[57]
+
+
+After this, I said, imagine the enlightenment or ignorance of our nature
+in a figure. Behold: human beings living in a sort of underground den,
+which has a mouth open toward the light and reaching all across the den;
+they have been here from their childhood, and have their legs and necks
+chained so that they can not move, and can see only before them; for the
+chains are arranged in such a manner as to prevent them from turning
+round their heads. At a distance above and behind them the light of a
+fire is blazing, and between the fire and the prisoners there is a
+raised way; and you will see, if you look, a low wall built along the
+way, like the screen which marionette-players have before them, over
+which they show the puppets.
+
+I see, he[58] said.
+
+And do you see, I said, men passing along the wall carrying vessels,
+which appear over the wall; also figures of men and animals, made of
+wood and stone and various materials; and some of the passengers, as
+you would expect, are talking, and some of them are silent?
+
+That is a strange image, he said, and they are strange prisoners.
+
+Like ourselves, I replied; and they see only their own shadows, or the
+shadows of one another, which the fire throws on the opposite wall of
+the cave.
+
+True, he said; how could they see anything but the shadows if they
+were never allowed to move their heads?
+
+And of the objects which are being carried in like manner they would
+see only the shadows.
+
+Yes, he said.
+
+And if they were able to talk to one another, would they not suppose
+that they were naming what was actually before them.
+
+Very true.
+
+And suppose further that the prison had an echo which came from the
+other side, would they not be sure to fancy that the voice which they
+heard was that of a passing shadow?
+
+No question, he replied.
+
+There can be no question, I said, that the truth would be to them just
+nothing but the shadows of the images.
+
+That is certain.
+
+And now look again, and see how they are released and cured of their
+folly. At first, when any one of them is liberated and compelled
+suddenly to go up and turn his neck round and walk and look at the
+light, he will suffer sharp pains; the glare will distress him, and he
+will be unable to see the realities of which in his former state he
+had seen the shadows; and then imagine some one saying to him that
+what he saw before was an illusion, but that now he is approaching
+real being and has a truer sight and vision of more real things--what
+will be his reply? And you may further imagine that his instructor is
+pointing to the objects as they pass and requiring him to name
+them--will he not be in a difficulty? Will he not fancy that the
+shadows which he formerly saw are truer than the objects which are now
+shown to him?
+
+Far truer.
+
+And if he is compelled to look at the light, will he not have a pain
+in his eyes which will make him turn away to take refuge in the
+objects of vision which he can see, and which he will conceive to be
+clearer than the things which are now being shown to him?
+
+True, he said.
+
+And suppose, once more, that he is reluctantly dragged up a steep and
+rugged ascent, and held fast and forced into the presence of the sun
+himself, do you not think that he will be pained and irritated, and
+when he approaches the light he will have his eyes dazzled, and will
+not be able to see any of the realities which are now affirmed to be
+the truth?
+
+Not all in a moment, he said.
+
+He will require to get accustomed to the sight of the upper world. And
+first he will see the shadows best, next the reflections of men and
+other objects in the water, and then the objects themselves; next he
+will gaze upon the light of the moon and the stars; and he will see
+the sky and the stars by night better than the sun, or the light of
+the sun, by day.
+
+Certainly.
+
+And at last he will be able to see the sun, and not mere reflections
+of him in the water, but he will see him as he is in his own proper
+place, and not in another; and he will contemplate his nature.
+
+Certainly.
+
+And after this, he will reason that the sun is he who gives the
+seasons and the years, and is the guardian of all that is in the
+visible world, and in a certain way the cause of all things which he
+and his fellows have been accustomed to behold....
+
+No question, he said.
+
+This allegory, I said, you may now append to the previous argument;
+the prison is the world of sight, the light of the fire is the sun,
+the ascent and vision of the things above you may truly regard as the
+upward progress of the soul into the intellectual world; that is my
+poor belief, to which, at your desire, I have given expression.
+Whether I am right or not God only knows; but, whether true or false,
+my opinion is that in the world of knowledge the idea of good appears
+last of all, and is seen only with an effort; and, when seen, is
+inferred also to be the universal author of all things beautiful and
+right, parent of light and the lord of light in his world, and the
+source of truth and reason in the other; this is the first great cause
+which he who would act rationally either in public or private life
+must behold.
+
+I agree, he said, as far as I am able to understand you.
+
+I should like to have your agreement in another matter I said. For I
+would not have you marvel that those who attain to this beatific
+vision are unwilling to descend to human affairs; but their souls are
+ever hastening into the upper world in which they desire to dwell; and
+this is very natural, if our allegory may be trusted.
+
+Certainly, that is quite natural.
+
+And is there anything surprizing in one who passes from divine
+contemplation to human things, misbehaving himself in a ridiculous
+manner; if, while his eyes are blinking and before he has become
+accustomed to the darkness visible, he is compelled to fight in courts
+of law, or in other places, about the images or shadows of images of
+justice, and is endeavoring to meet the conceptions of those who have
+never yet seen the absolute justice?
+
+There is nothing surprizing in that, he replied.
+
+Any one who has common sense will remember that the bewilderments of
+the eyes are of two kinds, and arise from two causes, either from
+coming out of the light or from going into the light, which is true of
+the mind's eye, quite as much as of the bodily eye; and he who
+remembers this when he sees the soul of any one whose vision is
+perplexed and weak will not be too ready to laugh; he will first ask
+whether that soul has come out of the brighter life, and is unable to
+see because unaccustomed to the dark, or having turned from darkness
+to the day is dazzled by excess of light. And then he will count the
+one happy in his condition and state of being, and he will pity the
+other; or, if he have a mind to laugh at the soul which comes from
+below into the light there will be more reason in this than in the
+laugh which greets the other from the den.
+
+That, he said, is a very just remark.
+
+But if this is true, then certain professors of education must be
+mistaken in saying that they can put a knowledge into the soul which
+was not there before, like giving eyes to the blind.
+
+Yes, that is what they say, he replied.
+
+Whereas, I said, our argument shows that the power is already in the
+soul; and that as the eye can not turn from darkness to light without
+the whole body, so too, when the eye of the soul is turned round, the
+whole soul must be turned from the world of generation into that of
+being, and become able to endure the sight of being and of the
+brightest and best of being--that is to say, of the good.
+
+Very true.
+
+And this is conversion; and the art will be how to accomplish this as
+easily and completely as possible; not implanting eyes, for they exist
+already, but giving them a right direction, which they have not.
+
+Yes, he said, that may be assumed.
+
+And hence while the other qualities seem to be akin to the body, being
+infused by habit and exercise and not originally innate, the virtue of
+wisdom is part of a divine essence, and has a power which is
+everlasting, and by this conversion is rendered useful and profitable,
+and is also capable of becoming hurtful and useless. Did you never
+observe the narrow intelligence flashing from the keen eye of a clever
+rogue--how eager he is, how clearly his paltry soul sees the way to
+his end; he is the reverse of blind, but his keen sight is taken into
+the service of evil, and he is dangerous in proportion to his
+intelligence?
+
+Very true, he said.
+
+But what if there had been a circumcision of such natures in the days
+of their youth; and they had been severed from the leaden weights, as
+I may call them, with which they are born into the world, which lead
+on to sensual pleasures, such as those of eating and drinking, and
+drag them down and turn the vision of their souls about the things
+that are below--if, I say, these natures had been released from these
+tendencies and turned round to the truth, the very same faculty in
+these very same persons would have seen the other as keenly as they
+now see that on which the eye is fixt.
+
+That is very likely.
+
+Yes, I said; and there is another thing which is likely, or rather a
+necessary inference from what has proceeded, that neither the
+uneducated and uninformed of the truth, nor yet those who never make
+an end of their education, will be able ministers of state; not the
+former, because they have no single aim of duty which is the rule of
+their actions, private as well as public; nor the latter, because they
+will not act at all except upon compulsion, fancying that they are
+already in the islands of the blest.
+
+Very true, he replied.
+
+Then, I said, the business of us who are the founders of the state
+will be to compel the best minds to attain that knowledge which has
+been already declared by us to be the greatest of all--to that
+eminence they must ascend and arrive at the good, and when they have
+ascended and seen enough we must not allow them to do as they do now.
+
+What do you mean?
+
+I mean that they remain in the upper world; but this must not be
+allowed; they must be made to descend again among the prisoners in the
+den, and partake of their labors and honors, whether they are worth
+having or not.
+
+But is not this unjust? he said; ought we to give them an inferior
+life, when they might have a superior one?
+
+You have again forgotten, my friend, I said, the intention of the
+legislator; he did not aim at making any one class in the state happy
+above the rest; the happiness was to be in the whole state, and he
+held the citizens together by persuasion and necessity, making them
+benefactors of one another; to this end he created them, not that they
+should please themselves, but they were to be his instruments in
+binding up the state.
+
+True, he said, I had forgotten that.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 56: Plato is one of the very few Greek authors none of whose
+work has been lost. He shares this good fortune with Xenophon. Of the
+dialog Plato was practically, if not actually, the originator, and the
+form has survived to our day.]
+
+[Footnote 57: From "The Republic." Translated by Benjamin Jowett. In
+this famous work Plato describes an ideal commonwealth.]
+
+[Footnote 58: The speaker here is Glaucon, Plato's brother.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+GOOD AND EVIL[59]
+
+
+I suppose that you are satisfied at having a life of pleasure which is
+without pain. And if you are satisfied, and if you are unable to show
+any good or evil which does not end in pleasure and pain, hear the
+consequences: If this is true, then I say that the argument is absurd
+which affirms that a man often does evil knowingly when he might
+abstain, because he is seduced and amazed by pleasure; or again, when
+you say that a man knowingly refuses to do what is good because he is
+overcome at the moment by pleasure. Now that this is ridiculous will
+be evident if we only give up the use of various names, such as
+pleasant and painful and good and evil. As there are two things, let
+us call them by two names--first, good and evil, and then pleasant and
+painful. Assuming this, let us go on to say that a man does evil
+knowing that he does evil. But some one will ask, Why? Because he is
+overcome, is the first answer. And by what is he overcome? the
+inquirer will proceed to ask. And we shall not be able to reply, by
+pleasure, for the name of pleasure has been exchanged for that of
+good.
+
+In our answer, then, we shall say only that he is overcome. By what?
+he will reiterate. By the good, we shall have to reply; indeed, we
+shall. Nay, but our questioner will rejoin with a laugh, if he be one
+of the swaggering sort, that is too ridiculous, that a man should do
+what he knows to be evil when he ought not, because he is overcome by
+good. Is that, he will ask, because the good was worthy or not worthy
+of conquering the evil? And in answer to that we shall clearly reply,
+because it was not worthy; for if it had been worthy, then he who, as
+we say, was overcome by pleasure, would not have been wrong. But how,
+he will reply, can the good be unworthy of the evil, or the evil of
+the good? Is not the real explanation that they are out of proportion
+to each other, either as greater and smaller, or more and fewer? This
+we can not deny. And when you speak of being overcome, what do you
+mean, he will say, but that you choose the greater evil in exchange
+for the lesser good? This being the case, let us now substitute the
+names of pleasure and pain, and say, not as before, that a man does
+what is evil knowingly, but that he does what is painful knowingly,
+and because he is overcome by pleasure, which is unworthy to overcome.
+And what measure is there of the relations of pleasure to pain other
+than excess and defect, which means that they become greater and
+smaller, and more and fewer, and differ in degree? For if any one
+says, Yes, Socrates, but immediate pleasure differs widely from future
+pleasure and pain, to which I should reply: And do they differ in any
+other way except by reason of pleasure and pain? There can be no other
+measure of them. And do you, like a skilful weigher, put into the
+balance the pleasures and the pains, near and distant, and weigh them,
+and then say which outweighs the other? If you weigh pleasures against
+pleasures, you of course take the more and greater; or if you weigh
+pains against pains, you take the fewer and the less; or if pleasures
+against pains, then you choose that course of action in which the
+painful is exceeded by the pleasant, whether the distant by the near
+or the near by the distant; and you avoid that course of action in
+which the pleasant is exceeded by the painful. Would you not admit, my
+friends, that this is true? I am confident that they can not deny
+this.
+
+He agreed with me.
+
+Well then, I shall say, if you admit that, be so good as to answer me
+a question: Do not the same magnitudes appear larger to your sight
+when near, and smaller when at a distance. They will acknowledge that.
+And the same holds of thickness and number; also sounds which are in
+themselves equal are greater when near and lesser when at a distance.
+They will grant that also. Now supposing that happiness consisted in
+making and taking large things, what would be the saving principle of
+human life? Would the art of measuring be the saving principle or
+would the power of appearance? Is not the latter that deceiving art
+which makes us wander up and down and take the things at one time of
+which we repent at another, both in our actions and in our choice of
+things great and small? But the art of measurement is that which would
+do away with the effect of appearances, and, showing the truth, would
+fain teach the soul at last to find rest in the truth, and would thus
+save our life. Would not mankind generally acknowledge that the art
+which accomplishes this is the art of measurement?
+
+Yes, he said, the art of measurement.
+
+Suppose, again, the salvation of human life to depend on the choice of
+odd and even, and on the knowledge of when men ought to choose the
+greater or less, either in reference to themselves or to each other
+whether near or at a distance; what would be the saving principles of
+our lives? Would not knowledge?--a knowledge of measuring, when the
+question is one of excess and defect, and a knowledge of number, when
+the question is of odd and even? The world will acknowledge that, will
+they not?
+
+Protagoras admitted that they would.
+
+Well then, I say to them, my friends, seeing that the salvation of
+human life has been found to consist in the right choice of pleasures
+and pains--in the choice of the more and the fewer, and the greater
+and the less, and the nearer and remoter--must not this measuring be a
+consideration of excess and defect and equality in relation to one
+another?
+
+That is undeniably true.
+
+And this, as possessing measure, must undeniably also be an art and
+science?
+
+They will agree to that....
+
+Then you agree, I said, that the pleasant is the good, and the painful
+evil. And here I would beg my friend Prodicus not to introduce his
+distinction of names, whether he is disposed to say pleasurable,
+delightful, joyful. However and in whatever way he rejoices to name
+them, I will ask you, most excellent Prodicus, to answer this in my
+sense.
+
+Prodicus laughed and assented, as did the others.
+
+Then, my friends, I said, what do you say to this? Are not all actions
+the tendency of which is to make life painless and pleasant honorable
+and useful? The honorable work is also useful and good.
+
+This was admitted.
+
+Then, I said, if the pleasant is the good, nobody does anything under
+the idea or conviction that some other thing would be better and is
+also attainable when he might do the better. And this inferiority of a
+man to himself is merely ignorance, as the superiority of a man to
+himself is wisdom.
+
+They all assented.
+
+And does not ignorance consist in having a false opinion and being
+deceived about important matters?
+
+To that they unanimously assented also.
+
+Then, I said, no man voluntarily pursues evil or that which he thinks
+to be evil. To prefer evil to good is not in human nature; and when a
+man is compelled to choose one of two evils, no one will choose the
+greater when he might have the less.
+
+We all agreed to every word of this.
+
+Well, I said, there is a certain thing called fear or terror; and
+here, Prodicus, I should particularly like to know whether you would
+agree with me in defining this fear or terror as expectation of evil.
+
+Protagoras and Hippias agreed, but Prodicus said that this was fear
+and not terror.
+
+Never mind about that, Prodicus, I said; but let me ask whether, if
+our former assertions are true, a man will pursue that which he fears
+when he need not? Would not this be in contradiction to the admission
+which has been already made, that he thinks the things which he fears
+to be evil? And no one will pursue or voluntarily accept that which he
+thinks to be evil.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 59: From the "Protagoras," translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Protagoras, from whom this dialog gets its name, was one of the Greek
+sophists, born about 481 B.C., and exiled from Athens on a charge of
+atheism, his work entitled "On the Gods" being publicly burned. In the
+dialog, which took place in the house of Calias, a wealthy Athenian
+gentleman, besides Protagoras there were present other sophists,
+including Hippias, Prodicus, Hippocrates, Alcibiades, and Critias.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+SOCRATES IN PRAISE OF LOVE[60]
+
+
+And now I will take my leave of you, and rehearse the tale of love
+which I heard once upon a time from Diotima,[61] of Mantinea, who was
+a wise woman in this and many other branches of knowledge. She was the
+same who deferred the plague of Athens ten years by a sacrifice, and
+was my instructress in the art of love. In the attempt that I am
+about to make, I shall pursue Agathon's method, and begin with his
+admissions, which are nearly if not quite the same as I made to the
+wise woman when she questioned me; this will be the easiest way, and I
+shall take both parts myself as well as I can. For, like Agathon, she
+spoke first of the being and nature of Love, and then of his works.
+And I said to her, in nearly the same words which he used to me, that
+Love was a mighty god, and likewise fair; and she proved to me as I
+proved to him that, in my way of speaking about him, Love was neither
+fair nor good. "What do you mean, Diotima," I said; "is love then evil
+and foul?" "Hush," she cried; "is that to be deemed foul which is not
+fair?" "Certainly," I said. "And is that which is not wise ignorant?
+Do you not see that there is a mean between wisdom and ignorance?"
+"And what is this?" I said. "Right opinion," she replied, "which, as
+you know, being incapable of giving a reason, is not knowledge (for
+how could knowledge be devoid of reason? nor, again, ignorance, for
+neither can ignorance attain the truth), but is clearly something
+which is a mean between ignorance and wisdom." "Quite true," I
+replied. "Do not then insist," she said, "that what is not fair is of
+necessity foul or what is not good is evil, or infer that because Love
+is not fair and good he is therefore foul and evil; for he is in mean
+between them." "Well," I said, "Love is surely admitted by all to be a
+great god." "By those who know or by those who don't know?" "By all."
+"And how, Socrates," she said with a smile, "can Love be acknowledged
+to be a great god by those who say that he is not a god at all?" "And
+who are they?" I said. "You and I are two of them," she replied. "How
+can that be?" I said. "That is very intelligible," she replied, "as
+you yourself would acknowledge that the gods are happy and fair--of
+course you would--would you dare to say that any god was not?"
+"Certainly not," I replied. "And you mean by the happy those who are
+the possessors of things good or fair?" "Yes." "And you admitted that
+Love, because he was in want, desires those good and fair things of
+which he is in want?" "Yes, I admitted that." "But how can he be a god
+who has no share in the good or the fair?" "That is not to be
+supposed." "Then you see that you also deny the deity of Love."
+
+"What then is Love?" I asked. "Is he mortal?" "No." "What then?" "As
+in the former instance, he is neither mortal nor immortal, but in a
+mean between them." "What is he then, Diotima?" "He is a great spirit,
+and like all that is spiritual he is intermediate between the divine
+and the mortal." "And what is the nature of this spiritual power?" I
+said. "This is the power," she said, "which interprets and conveys to
+the gods the prayers and sacrifices of men, and to men the commands
+and rewards of the gods; and this power spans the chasm which divides
+them, and in this all is bound together, and through this the arts of
+the prophet and the priest, their sacrifices and mysteries and charms,
+and all prophecy and incantation, find their way. For God mingles not
+with man; and through this power all the intercourse and speech of God
+with man, whether awake or asleep, is carried on. The wisdom which
+understands this is spiritual; all other wisdom, such as that of arts
+or handicrafts, is mean and vulgar. Now these spirits or intermediate
+powers are many and divine, and one of them is Love." "And who," I
+said, "was his father, and who his mother?" "The tale," she said,
+"will take time; nevertheless I will tell you. On the birthday of
+Aphrodite there was a feast of the gods, at which the god Poros or
+Plenty, who is the son of Metis or Discretion, was one of the guests.
+When the feast was over, Penia or Poverty, as the manner was, came
+about the doors to beg. Now Plenty, who was the worse for Nectar
+(there was no wine in those days), came into the garden of Zeus and
+fell into a heavy sleep; and Poverty, considering her own straitened
+circumstances, plotted to have him for a husband, and accordingly she
+lay down at his side and conceived Love, who partly because he is
+naturally a lover of the beautiful, and because Aphrodite is herself
+beautiful, and also because he was born on Aphrodite's birthday is her
+follower and attendant. And as his parentage is, so also are his
+fortunes.
+
+"In the first place, he is always poor, and anything but tender and
+fair, as the many imagine him; and he is hard-featured and squalid,
+and has no shoes nor a house to dwell in; on the bare earth exposed he
+lies under the open heaven, in the streets, or at the doors of houses,
+taking his rest; and like his mother, he is always in distress. Like
+his father too, whom he also partly resembles, he is always plotting
+against the fair and the good; he is bold, enterprising, strong, a
+hunter of men, always at some intrigue or other, keen in the pursuit
+of wisdom, and never wanting resources; a philosopher at all times,
+terrible as an enchanter, sorcerer, sophist; for as he is neither
+mortal nor immortal, he is alive and flourishing at one moment when he
+is in plenty, and dead at another moment, and again alive by reason of
+his father's nature. But that which is always flowing in is always
+flowing out, and so he is never in want and never in wealth, and he is
+also in a mean between ignorance and knowledge. The truth of the
+matter is just this: No god is a philosopher or seeker after wisdom,
+for he is wise already; nor does any one else who is wise seek after
+wisdom. Neither do the ignorant seek after wisdom. For herein is the
+evil of ignorance, that he who is neither good nor wise is
+nevertheless satisfied; he feels no want, and has therefore no
+desire." "But who then, Diotima," I said, "are the lovers of wisdom,
+if they are neither the wise nor the foolish?" "A child may answer
+that question," she replied; "they are those who, like Love, are in a
+mean between the two. For wisdom is a most beautiful thing, and Love
+is of the beautiful; and therefore Love is also a philosopher or lover
+of wisdom, and being a lover of wisdom is in a mean between the wise
+and the ignorant. And this again is a quality which Love inherits from
+his parents; for his father is wealthy and wise, and his mother poor
+and foolish. Such, my dear Socrates, is the nature of the spirit Love.
+The error in your conception of him was very natural, and as I imagine
+from what you say, has arisen out of a confusion of love and the
+beloved--this made you think that love was all beautiful. For the
+beloved is the truly beautiful, delicate, and perfect and blest; but
+the principle of love is of another nature, and is such as I have
+described."
+
+I said, "O thou strange woman, thou sayest well, and now, assuming
+Love to be such as you say, what is the use of him?" "That, Socrates,"
+she replied, "I will proceed to unfold; of his nature and birth I have
+already spoken, and you acknowledge that Love is of the beautiful. But
+some one will say, 'Of the beautiful in what, Socrates and
+Diotima?'--or rather let us put the question more clearly, and ask,
+When a man loves the beautiful, what does he love?" I answered her,
+"That the beautiful may be his." "Still," she said, "the answer
+suggests a further question, which is this, What is given by the
+possession of beauty?" "That," I replied, "is a question to which I
+have no answer ready." "Then," she said, "let me put the word 'good'
+in the place of the beautiful, and repeat the question, What does he
+who loves the good desire?" "The possession of the good," I said. "And
+what does he gain who possesses the good?" "Happiness," I replied;
+"there is no difficulty in answering that." "Yes," she said, "the
+happy are made happy by the acquisition of good things. Nor is there
+any need to ask why a man desires happiness; the answer is already
+final." "That is true," I said. "And is this wish and this desire
+common to all? and do all men always desire their own good, or only
+some men?--what think you?" "All men," I replied; "the desire is
+common to all." "But all men, Socrates," she rejoined, "are not said
+to love, but only some of them; and you say that all men are always
+loving the same things." "I myself wonder," I said, "why that is."
+"There is nothing to wonder at," she replied; "the reason is that one
+part of love is separated off and receives the name of the whole, but
+the other parts have other names." "Give an example," I said. She
+answered me as follows: "There is poetry, which, as you know, is
+complex and manifold. And all creation or passage of non-being into
+being is poetry or making, and the processes of all art are creative,
+and the masters of arts are all poets." "Very true." "Still," she
+said, "you know that they are not called poets, but have other names;
+the generic term 'poetry' is confined to that specific art which is
+separated off from the rest of poetry, and is concerned with music and
+meter; and this is what is called poetry, and they who possess this
+kind of poetry are called poets."
+
+"Very true," I said. "And the same holds of love. For you may say
+generally that all desire of good and happiness is due to the great
+and subtle power of Love; but those who, having their affections set
+upon him, are yet diverted into the paths of money-making or gymnastic
+philosophy are not called lovers--the name of the genus is reserved
+for those whose devotion takes one form only--they alone are said to
+love, or to be lovers." "In that," I said, "I am of opinion that you
+are right." "Yes," she said, "and you hear people say that lovers are
+seeking for the half of themselves; but I say that they are seeking
+neither for the half nor for the whole, unless the half or the whole
+be also a good. And they will cut off their own hands and feet and
+cast them away if they are evil; for they love them not because they
+are their own, but because they are good, and dislike them not because
+they are another's, but because they are evil. There is nothing which
+men love but the good. Do you think that there is?" "Indeed," I
+answered, "I should say not." "Then," she said, "the conclusion of the
+whole matter is that men love the good." "Yes," I said. "To which may
+be added that they love the possession of the good?" "Yes, that may be
+added." "And not only the possession, but the everlasting possession
+of the good?" "That may be added too." "Then love," she said, "may be
+described generally as the love of the everlasting possession of the
+good?" "That is most true," I said.
+
+"Then if this be the nature of love, can you tell me further," she
+said, "what is the manner of the pursuit? What are they doing who show
+all this eagerness and heat which is called love? Answer me that."
+"Nay, Diotima," I said, "if I had known I should not have wondered at
+your wisdom or have come to you to learn." "Well," she said, "I will
+teach you: love is only birth in beauty, whether of body or soul."
+"The oracle requires an explanation," I said; "I don't understand
+you." "I will make my meaning clearer," she replied. "I mean to say
+that which all men are bringing to the birth of their bodies and their
+souls. There is a certain age at which human nature is desirous of
+procreation; and this procreation must be in beauty and not in
+deformity; and this is the mystery of man and woman, which is a divine
+thing, for conception and generation are a principle of immortality in
+the mortal creature. And in the inharmonical they can never be. But
+the deformed is always inharmonical with the divine, and the beautiful
+harmonious. Beauty, then, is the destiny or goddess of parturition who
+presides a birth, and therefore, when approaching beauty the
+conceiving power is propitious, and diffuse, and benign, and begets
+and bears fruit; on the appearance of foulness she frowns and
+contracts in pain, and is averted and morose, and shrinks up, and not
+without a pang refrains from conception. And this is the reason why,
+when the hour of conception arrives, and the teeming nature is full,
+there is such a flutter and ecstasy about beauty whose approach is the
+alleviation of pain. For love, Socrates, is not, as you imagine, the
+love of the beautiful only." "What then?" "The love of generation and
+birth in beauty." "Yes," I said. "Yes, indeed," she replied. "But why
+of birth?" I said. "Because to the mortal, birth is a sort of eternity
+and immortality," she replied; "and as has been already admitted, all
+men will necessarily desire immortality together with good if love is
+of the everlasting possession of the good."
+
+All this she taught me at various times when she spoke of love. And on
+another occasion she said to me: "What is the reason, Socrates, of
+this love, and the attendant desire? See you not how all animals,
+birds as well as beasts, in their desire of procreation, are in agony
+when they take the infection of love; this begins with the desire of
+union, to which is added the care of offspring, in behalf of whom the
+weakest are ready to battle against the strongest even to the
+uttermost, and to die for them, and will let themselves be tormented
+with hunger or suffer anything in order to maintain their
+offspring.... Marvel not then at the love which all men have of their
+offspring; for that universal love and interest are for the sake of
+immortality."
+
+When I heard this, I was astonished and said, "Is this really true, O
+thou wise Diotima?" And she answered with all the authority of a
+sophist: "Of that, Socrates, you may be assured; think only of the
+ambition of men, and you will marvel at their senselessness unless you
+consider how they are stirred by the love of an immortality of fame.
+They are ready to run risks greater far than they would have run for
+their children, and to spend money and undergo any amount of toil, and
+even to die for the sake of leaving behind them a name which shall be
+eternal. Do you imagine that Alcestis[62] would have died on behalf of
+Admetus, or Achilles after Patroclus, or your own Codrus in order to
+preserve the kingdom for his sons, if they had not imagined that the
+memory of their virtues, which is still retained among us, would be
+immortal? Nay," she said, "for I am persuaded that all men do all
+things for the sake of the glorious fame of immortal virtue, and the
+better they are the more they desire this; for they are ravished with
+the desire of the immortal.
+
+"Men whose bodies only are creative betake themselves to women and
+beget children--this is the character of their love; their offspring,
+as they hope, will preserve their memory and give them the blessedness
+and immortality which they desire in the future. But creative
+souls--for there are men who are more creative in their souls than in
+their bodies--conceive that which is proper for the soul to conceive
+or retain. And what are these conceptions?--wisdom and virtue in
+general. And such creators are all poets and other artists who may be
+said to have invention. But the greatest and fairest sort of wisdom by
+far is that which is concerned with the ordering of states and
+families, and which is called temperance and justice. And he who in
+youth has the seed of these implanted in him and is himself inspired,
+when he comes to maturity desires to beget and generate offspring. And
+he wanders about seeking beauty that he may beget offspring--for in
+deformity he will beget nothing--and embraces the beautiful rather
+than the deformed; and when he finds a fair and noble and
+well-nurtured soul, and there is union of the two in one person, he
+gladly embraces it, and to such a soul he is full of fair speech about
+virtue and the nature and pursuits of a good man; and he tries to
+educate it; and at the touch and presence of the beautiful he brings
+forth the beautiful which he conceived long before, and the beautiful
+is ever present with him and in his memory even when absent, and in
+company they tend that which he brings forth, and they are bound
+together by a far nearer tie and have a closer friendship than those
+who beget mortal children, for the children who are their common
+offspring are fairer and more immortal. Who, when he thinks of Homer
+and Hesiod[63] and other great poets, would not rather emulate them
+in the creation of children such as theirs, which have preserved their
+memory and given them everlasting glory? Or who would not have such
+children as Lycurgus[64] left behind to be the saviors, not only of
+Lacedaemon, but of Hellas, as one may say? There is Solon, too, who is
+the revered father of Athenian laws; and many others there are in
+various places, both among Hellenes and barbarians. They all have done
+many noble works, and have been the parents of virtue of every kind,
+and in honor of their children many temples have been raised, which
+were never raised in honor of the mortal children of any one.
+
+"These are the lesser mysteries of love, into which even you,
+Socrates, may enter; to the greater and more hidden ones which are the
+crown of these, and to which, if you pursue them in a right spirit,
+they will lead, I know not whether you will be able to attain. But I
+will do my utmost to inform you, and do you follow if you can. For he
+who would proceed rightly in this matter should begin in youth to turn
+to beautiful forms; and first, if his instructor guide him rightly, he
+should learn to love one such form only--out of that he should create
+fair thoughts; and soon he will find himself perceive that the beauty
+of one form is truly related to the beauty of another; and then if
+beauty in general is his pursuit, how foolish would he be not to
+recognize that the beauty in every form is one and the same! And when
+he perceives this he will abate his violent love of the one, which he
+will despise and deem a small thing, and will become a lover of all
+beautiful forms; this will lead him on to consider that the beauty of
+the mind is more honorable than the beauty of the outward form. So
+that if a virtuous soul have but a little comeliness, he will be
+content to love and tend it, and will search out and bring to the
+birth thoughts which may improve the young, until his beloved is
+compelled to contemplate and see the beauty of institutions and laws,
+and understand that all is of one kindred, and that personal beauty is
+only a trifle; and after laws and institutions he will lead him on to
+the sciences, that he may see their beauty, being not like a servant
+in love with the beauty of one youth or man or institution, himself a
+slave mean and calculating, but looking at the abundance of beauty and
+drawing toward the sea of beauty, and creating and beholding many fair
+and noble thoughts and notions in boundless love of wisdom, until at
+length he grows and waxes strong, and at last the vision is revealed
+to him of a single science, which is the science of beauty
+everywhere...."
+
+Such, Phaedrus[65]--and I speak not only to you, but to all men--were
+the words of Diotima; and I am persuaded of their truth. And being
+persuaded of them, I try to persuade others that in the attainment of
+this end human nature will not easily find a better helper than Love.
+And, therefore, also, I say that every man ought to honor him as I
+myself honor him, and walk in his ways, and exhort others to do the
+same, even as I praise the power and spirit of Love according to the
+measure of my ability now and ever.
+
+The words which I have spoken, you, Phaedrus, may call an encomium of
+Love or anything else which you please.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 60: From "The Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Mahaffy ranks this work "as greater and more brilliant" than the
+"Phaedo." Being intensely Greek, it has, however, seemed alien, if not
+offensive, to many modern readers. Scholars have valued it highly as a
+vivid picture of the manners of the most refined society of Athens. It
+has sometimes been called "The Banquet." Under that name, the poet
+Shelley made a translation. The banquet described took place in the
+house of the tragic poet Agathon. Agathon was born about 477 B.C., of
+a rich and eminent Athenian family. He was remarkable for personal
+accomplishments rather than for high literary genius. He is believed
+to have died at the age of forty-seven.]
+
+[Footnote 61: Diotima, a priestess, reputed to have been a
+Pythagorean, but some writers have doubted her existence.]
+
+[Footnote 62: The wife of Admetus, a Thessalian king, who sacrificed
+her life in order to save that of her husband.]
+
+[Footnote 63: Hesiod, whose home was in Boeotia, is thought to have
+lived about three centuries after Homer; that is, about 800 B.C. He
+was a shepherd in his youth, and began to write verses while tending
+his flocks.]
+
+[Footnote 64: Lived probably in the ninth century B.C., and the
+traditional author of the laws by which Sparta was governed for
+several centuries.]
+
+[Footnote 65: An Athenian, son of Pythocles, and friend of Plato, but
+of whom nothing more is known.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+THE PRAISE OF SOCRATES BY ALCIBIADES[66]
+
+
+When Socrates had done speaking, the company applauded, and
+Aristophanes[67] was beginning to say something in answer to the
+allusion which Socrates had made to his own speech, when suddenly
+there was a great knocking at the door of the house, as of revelers,
+and the sound of a flute-girl was heard. Agathon told the attendants
+to go and see who were the intruders. "If they are friends of ours,"
+he said, "invite them in, but if not say that the drinking is over." A
+little while afterward they heard the voice of Alcibiades resounding
+in the court; he was in a great state of intoxication, and kept
+roaring and shouting: "Where is Agathon? Lead me to Agathon," and at
+length, supported by the flute-girl and some of his companions, he
+found his way to them. "Hail, friends," he said, appearing at the door
+crowned with a massive garland of ivy and wall-flowers, and having his
+head flowing with ribbons. "Will you have a very drunken man as a
+companion of your revels? Or shall I crown Agathon, as was my
+intention in coming, and go my way? For I was unable to come
+yesterday, and therefore I come to-day, carrying on my head three
+ribbons, that taking them from my own head I may crown the head of
+this fairest and wisest of men, as I may be allowed to call him. Will
+you laugh at me because I am drunk? Yet I know very well that I am
+speaking the truth, altho you may laugh. But first tell me whether I
+shall come in on the understanding that I am drunk. Will you drink
+with me or not?"
+
+The company were vociferous in begging that he should take his place
+among them, and Agathon specially invited him. Thereupon he was led in
+by the people who were with him; and as he was being led he took the
+crown and ribbons from his head, intending to crown Agathon, and had
+them before his eyes; this prevented him from seeing Socrates, who
+made way for him, and Alcibiades took the vacant place between Agathon
+and Socrates, and in taking the place he embraced Agathon and crowned
+him. "Take off his sandals," said Agathon, "and let him make a third
+on the same couch."
+
+"By all means; but who makes the third partner in our revels?" said
+Alcibiades, turning round and starting up as he caught sight of
+Socrates. "By Heracles," he said, "what is this? Here is Socrates
+always lying in wait for me, and always, as his way is, coming out at
+all sorts of unexpected places; and now, what have you to say for
+yourself, and why are you lying here, where I perceive that you have
+contrived to find a place, not by a professor or lover of jokes, like
+Aristophanes, but by the fairest of the company?"
+
+Socrates turned to Agathon and said: "I must ask you to protect me,
+Agathon; for this passion of his has grown quite a serious matter.
+Since I became his admirer I have never been allowed to speak to any
+other fair one, or so much as to look at them. If I do he goes wild
+with envy and jealousy, and not only abuses me, but can hardly keep
+his hands off me, and at this moment he may do me some harm. Please
+see to this, and either reconcile me to him or, if he attempt
+violence, protect me, as I am in bodily fear of his mad and passionate
+attempts."
+
+"There can never be reconciliation between you and me," said
+Alcibiades; "but for the present I will defer your chastisement. And I
+must beg you, Agathon, to give me back some of the ribbons that I may
+crown the marvelous head of this universal despot. I would not have
+him complain of me for crowning you, and neglecting him, who in
+conversation is the conqueror of all mankind; and this not once only,
+as you were the day before yesterday, but always." Then taking some of
+the ribbons, he crowned Socrates, and again reclined. When he had lain
+down again, he said: "You seem, my friends, to be sober, which is a
+thing not to be endured; you must drink for that was the agreement
+which I made with you--and I elect myself master of the feast until
+you are quite drunk. Let me have a large goblet, Agathon, or rather,"
+he said, addressing the attendant, "bring me that wine-cooler." The
+wine-cooler which caught his eye was a vessel holding more than two
+quarts; this he filled and emptied, and bade the attendant fill it
+again for Socrates. "Observe, my friends," said Alcibiades, "that my
+ingenious device will have no effect on Socrates, for he can drink any
+quantity of wine and not be at all nearer being drunk." Socrates drank
+the cup which the attendant filled for him....
+
+"I shall praise Socrates in a figure which will appear to him to be a
+caricature, and yet I do not mean to laugh at him, but only to speak
+the truth. I say, then, that he is exactly like the masks of Silenus,
+which may be seen sitting in the statuaries' shops, having pipes and
+flutes in their mouths; and they are made to open in the middle, and
+there are images of gods inside them. I say also that he is like
+Marsyas the satyr. You will not deny this, Socrates, that your face is
+like that of a satyr. Aye, and there is a resemblance in other points
+too. For example, you are a bully--that I am in a position to prove by
+the evidence of witnesses if you will not confess. And are you not a
+flute-player? That you are, and a far more wonderful performer than
+Marsyas. For he indeed with instruments charmed the souls of men by
+the power of his breath, as the performers of his music do still; for
+the melodies of Olympus are derived from the teaching of Marsyas, and
+these, whether they are played by a great master or by a miserable
+flute-girl, have a power which no others have; they alone possess the
+soul and reveal the wants of those who have need of gods and
+mysteries, because they are inspired.
+
+"But you produce the same effect with the voice only, and do not
+require the flute; that is the difference between you and him. When we
+hear any other speaker, even a very good one, his words produce
+absolutely no effect upon us in comparison, whereas the very fragments
+of you and your words, even at second-hand, and however imperfectly
+repeated, amaze and possess the souls of every man, woman, and child
+who comes within hearing of them. And if I were not afraid that you
+think me drunk, I would have sworn to as well as spoken of the
+influence which they have always and still have over me. For my heart
+leaps within me more than that of any Corybantian[68] reveler, and my
+eyes rain tears when I hear him. And I observe that many others are
+affected in the same way. I have heard Pericles and other great
+orators, but tho I thought that they spoke well, I never had any
+similar feeling; my soul was not stirred by them, nor was I angry at
+the thought of my own slavish state. But this Marsyas has often
+brought me to such a pass that I have felt as if I could hardly endure
+the life which I am leading (this, Socrates, you admit); and I am
+conscious that if I did not shut my ears against him, and fly from the
+voice of the siren, he would detain me until I grew old sitting at his
+feet. For he makes me confess that I ought not to live as I do,
+neglecting the wants of my own soul, and busying myself with the
+concerns of the Athenians; therefore I hold my ears and tear myself
+away from him. And he is the only person who ever made me ashamed,
+which you might think not to be in my nature, and there is no one else
+who does the same. For I know that I can not answer him or say that I
+ought not to do as he bids, but when I leave his presence the love of
+popularity gets the better of me. And therefore I run away and fly
+from him, and when I see him I am ashamed of what I have confest to
+him. And many a time I wish that he were dead, and yet I know that I
+should be much more sorry than glad if he were to die; so that I am at
+my wit's end.
+
+"And this is what I and many others have suffered from the
+flute-playing of this satyr. Yet hear me once more while I show you
+how exact the image is, and how marvelous his power. For I am sure
+that none of you know him; but I know him and will describe him, as I
+have begun. See you how fond he is of the fair? He is always with them
+and is always being smitten by them, and then again he knows nothing
+and is ignorant of all things--that is the appearance which he puts
+on. Is he not like a Silenus in this? Yes, surely; that is, his outer
+mask, which is the carved head of the Silenus; but when he is opened,
+what temperance there is, as I may say to you, O my companions in
+drink, residing within. Know you that beauty and wealth and honor, at
+which the many wonder, are of no account with him, and are utterly
+despised by him; he regards not at all the persons who are gifted with
+them; mankind are nothing to him; all his life is spent in mocking
+and flouting at them. But when I opened him, and looked within at his
+serious purpose, I saw in him divine and golden images of such
+fascinating beauty that I was ready to do in a moment whatever
+Socrates commanded (they may have escaped the observation of others,
+but I saw them). Now I thought that he was seriously enamored of my
+beauty, and this appeared to be a grand opportunity of hearing him
+tell what he knew, for I had a wonderful opinion of the attractions of
+my youth.
+
+"In the prosecution of this design, when I next went to him, I sent
+away the attendant who usually accompanied me (I will confess the
+whole truth, and beg you to listen; and if I speak falsely, do you,
+Socrates, expose the falsehood). Well, he and I were alone together,
+and I thought that when there was nobody with us, I should hear him
+speak the language of love as lovers do, and I was delighted. Not a
+word; he conversed as usual, and spent the day with me and then went
+away. Afterward I challenged him to the palestra; and he wrestled and
+closed with me several times alone; I fancied that I might succeed in
+this way. Not a bit; there was no use in that. Lastly, as I had failed
+hitherto, I thought that I must use stronger measures and attack him
+boldly, as I had begun, and not give him up until I saw how the matter
+stood. So I invited him to supper, just as if he were a fair youth,
+and I a designing lover. He was not easily persuaded to come; he did,
+however, after a while, accept the invitation, and when he came the
+first time, he wanted to go away at once as soon as supper was over,
+and I had not the face to detain him....
+
+"And yet I could not help wondering at his natural temperance and
+self-restraint and courage. I never could have thought that I should
+have met with a man like him in wisdom and endurance. Neither could I
+be angry with him or renounce his company any more than I could hope
+to win him. For I well knew that if Ajax could not be wounded by
+steel, much less he by money; and I had failed in my only chance of
+captivating him. So I wandered about and was at my wit's end; no one
+was ever more hopelessly enslaved by another. All this, as I should
+explain, happened before he and I went on the expedition to Potidaea;
+there we messed together, and I had the opportunity of observing his
+extraordinary power of sustaining fatigue and going without food when
+our supplies were intercepted at any place, as will happen with an
+army. In the faculty of endurance he was superior not only to me but
+to everybody else; there was no one to be compared to him. Yet at a
+festival he was the only person who had any real powers of enjoyment,
+and tho not willing to drink, he could if compelled beat us all at
+that, and the most wonderful thing of all was that no human being had
+ever seen Socrates drunk; and that, if I am not mistaken, will soon be
+tested. His endurance of cold was also surprizing. There was a severe
+frost, for the winter in that region is really tremendous, and
+everybody else either remained indoors, or if they went out had on no
+end of clothing, and were well shod, and had their feet swathed in
+felt and fleeces; in the midst of this, Socrates, with his bare feet
+on the ice, and in his ordinary dress, marched better than any of the
+other soldiers who had their shoes on, and they looked daggers at him
+because he seemed to despise them.
+
+"I have told you one tale, and now I must tell you another, which is
+worth hearing, of the doings and sufferings of this enduring man while
+he was on the expedition. One morning he was thinking about something
+which he could not resolve; and he would not give up, but continued
+thinking from early dawn until noon--there he stood fixt in thought;
+and at noon attention was drawn to him, and the rumor ran through the
+wondering crowd that Socrates had been standing and thinking about
+something ever since the break of day. At last, in the evening after
+supper, some Ionians out of curiosity (I should explain that this was
+not in the winter but in summer) brought out their mats and slept in
+the open air that they might watch him and see whether he would stand
+all night. There he stood all night as well as all day and the
+following morning; and with the return of light he offered up a prayer
+to the sun, and went his way. I will also tell, if you please--and
+indeed I am bound to tell--of his courage in battle; for who but he
+saved my life? Now this was the engagement in which I received the
+prize for valor; for I was wounded and he would not leave me, but he
+rescued me and my arms; and he ought to have received the prize of
+valor which the generals wanted to confer on me partly on account of
+my rank, and I told them so (this Socrates will not impeach or deny),
+but he was more eager than the generals that I and not he should have
+the prize. There was another occasion on which he was very noticeable;
+this was in the flight of the army after the battle of Delium, and I
+had a better opportunity of seeing him than at Potidaea, as I was
+myself on horseback, and therefore comparatively out of danger. He and
+Laches were retreating as the troops were in flight, and I met them
+and told them not to be discouraged, and promised to remain with them;
+and there you might see him, Aristophanes, as you describe, just as he
+is in the streets of Athens, stalking like a pelican, and rolling his
+eyes, calmly contemplating enemies as well as friends, and making very
+intelligible to anybody, even from a distance, that whoever attacks
+him will be likely to meet with a stout resistance; and in this way he
+and his companion escaped--for these are the sort of persons who are
+never touched in war; they pursue only those who are running away
+headlong. I particularly observed how superior he was to Laches in
+presence of mind.
+
+"Many are the wonders of Socrates which I might narrate in his praise;
+most of his ways might perhaps be paralleled in others, but the most
+astonishing thing of all is his absolute unlikeness to any other human
+being that is or ever has been. You may imagine Brasidas and others to
+have been like Achilles; or you may imagine Nestor and Antenor to have
+been like Pericles; and the same may be said of other famous men, but
+of this strange being you will never be able to find any likeness,
+however remote, either among men who now are or who ever have been,
+except that which I have already suggested of Silenus and the satyrs;
+and this is an allegory not only of himself, but also of his words.
+For, altho I forgot to mention this before, his words are ridiculous
+when you first hear them; he clothes himself in language that is as
+the skin of the wanton satyr--for his talk is of pack-asses and smiths
+and cobblers and curriers, and he is always repeating the same things
+in the same words, so that an ignorant man who did not know him might
+feel disposed to laugh at him; but he, who pierces the mask and sees
+what is within will find that they are the only words which have a
+meaning in them, and also the most divine, abounding in fair examples
+of virtue, and of the largest discourse, or rather extending to the
+whole duty of a good and honorable man.
+
+"This, friends, is my praise of Socrates. I have added my blame of him
+for his ill treatment of me; and he has ill treated not only me, but
+Charmides,[69] the son of Glaucon, and Euthydemus,[70] the son of
+Diocles, and many others in the same way--beginning as their lover, he
+has ended by making them pay their addresses to him. Wherefore I say
+to you, Agathon, 'Be not deceived by him; learn from me and take
+warning, and don't be a fool and learn by experience,' as the proverb
+says."
+
+When Alcibiades had done speaking, there was a laugh at his plainness
+of speech, as he seemed to be still in love with Socrates. "You are
+sober, Alcibiades," said Socrates, "or you would never have gone about
+to hide the purpose of your satyr's praises, for all this long story
+is only an ingenious circumlocution, the point of which comes in by
+the way at the end; you want to get up a quarrel between me and
+Agathon, and your notion is that I ought to love you and nobody else,
+and that you and you only ought to love Agathon. But the plot of this
+satyric or Selinic drama has been detected, and you must not allow
+him, Agathon, to set us at variance."
+
+"I believe you are right," said Agathon, "and I am disposed to think
+that his intention in placing himself between you and me was only to
+divide us; but he shall gain nothing by that move, as I will go and
+lie in the couch next to you."
+
+"Yes, yes," replied Socrates, "by all means come here and lie on the
+couch below me."
+
+"Alas," said Alcibiades, "how am I fooled by this man! He is
+determined to get the better of me at every turn. I do beseech you,
+allow Agathon to lie between us."
+
+"Impossible," said Socrates, "as you praised me, and I ought to praise
+my neighbor on the right, he will be out of order in praising me again
+when he ought rather to be praised by me, and I must entreat you to
+consent to this, and not be jealous, for I have a great desire to
+praise the youth."
+
+"Ha! ha!" cried Agathon; "I will rise instantly, that I may be praised
+by Socrates."
+
+"The usual way," said Alcibiades; "where Socrates is, no one else has
+any chance with the fair, and now how readily has he invented a
+specious reason for attracting Agathon to himself!"
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 66: From "The Symposium." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+This picture of Socrates is declared by Mahaffy to be the most
+wonderful of all pictures of him, inasmuch as it shows him "in all his
+ugliness, his fascination, his deep sympathy, his iron courage, his
+unassailable chastity." Mahaffy's enthusiasm has been shared by many
+writers and readers in all generations.]
+
+[Footnote 67: The famous comic poet and dramatist, author of the
+"Frogs," "Clouds," "Birds," and many other works, of which only eleven
+are now extant; born about 451 B.C., died not later than 380.]
+
+[Footnote 68: The Corybantes were priests of the Phrygian goddess
+Rhea, worship of whom was exprest in dances, which often took the
+character of orgies.]
+
+[Footnote 69: Charmides was an uncle of Plato, noted for moderation.]
+
+[Footnote 70: Euthydemus was a name given by Plato to one of his
+dialogs, in which virtue and the teaching of virtue are the themes.]
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+THE REFUSAL OF SOCRATES TO ESCAPE FROM PRISON[71]
+
+
+_Crito_: There are persons who at no great cost are willing to save
+you and bring you out of prison; and as for the informers, you may
+observe that they are far from being exorbitant in their demands; a
+little money will satisfy them. My means, which, as I am sure, are
+ample, are at your service, and if you have a scruple about spending
+all mine, here are strangers who will give you the use of others; and
+one of them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a sum of money for this
+very purpose; and Cebes and many others are willing to spend their
+money too. I say, therefore, do not on that account hesitate about
+making your escape, and do not say, as you did in court, that you will
+have difficulty in knowing what to do with yourself if you escape. For
+men will love you in other places to which you may go, and not in
+Athens only; there are friends of mine in Thessaly, if you like to go
+to them, who will value and protect you, and no Thessalians will give
+you any trouble.
+
+Nor can I think that you are justified, Socrates, in betraying your
+own life when you might be saved; this is playing into the hands of
+your enemies and destroyers; and moreover I should say that you were
+betraying your children; for you might bring them up and educate them;
+instead of which you go away and leave them, and they will have to
+take their chance; and if they do not meet with the usual fate of
+orphans, there will be small thanks to you. No man should bring
+children into the world who is unwilling to persevere to the end in
+their nurture and education. But you are choosing the easier part, as
+I think, not the better and manlier, which would rather have become
+one who professes virtue in all his actions, like yourself. And indeed
+I am ashamed not only of you, but of us who are your friends, when I
+reflect that this entire business of yours will be attributed to our
+want of courage. The trial need never have come on, or might have been
+brought to another issue; and the end of all, which is the crowning
+absurdity, will seem to have been permitted by us, through cowardice
+and baseness, who might have saved you, as you might have saved
+yourself, if we had been good for anything (for there was no
+difficulty in escaping); and we did not see how disgraceful, Socrates,
+and also miserable all this will be to us as well as you. Make your
+mind up then, or rather have your mind already made up, for the time
+of deliberation is over, and there is only one thing to be done, which
+must be done, if at all, this very night, and which any delay will
+render all but impossible; I beseech you therefore, Socrates, to be
+persuaded by me, and to do as I say....
+
+_Socrates_: From these premises I proceed to argue the question
+whether I ought or ought not to try and escape without the consent of
+the Athenians; and if I am clearly right in escaping, then I will
+make the attempt; but if not, I will abstain. The other considerations
+which you mention, of money and loss of character and the duty of
+educating children, are, as I fear, only the doctrines of the
+multitude, who would be as ready to call people to life if they were
+able as they are to put them to death--and with as little reason. But
+now, since the argument has thus far prevailed, the only question
+which remains to be considered is whether we shall do rightly either
+in escaping or in suffering others to aid in our escape and paying
+them in money and thanks, or whether we shall not do rightly; and if
+the latter, then death or any other calamity which may ensue on my
+remaining here must not be allowed to enter into the calculation.
+
+_Crito_: I think that you are right, Socrates; how then shall we
+proceed?
+
+_Socrates_: Let us consider the matter together, and do you either
+refute me if you can, and I will be convinced, or else cease, my dear
+friend, from repeating to me that I ought to escape against the wishes
+of the Athenians; for I am extremely desirous to be persuaded by you,
+but not against my own better judgment. And now please to consider my
+first position, and do your best to answer me.
+
+_Crito_: I will do my best....
+
+_Socrates_: Again, Crito, may we do evil?
+
+_Crito_: Surely not, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: And what of doing evil in return for evil, which is the
+morality of the many; is that just or not?
+
+_Crito_: Not just.
+
+_Socrates_: For doing evil to another is the same as injuring him?
+
+_Crito_: Very true.
+
+_Socrates_: Then we ought not to retaliate or render evil for evil to
+any one, whatever evil we may have suffered from him. But I would have
+you consider, Crito, whether you really mean what you are saying. For
+this opinion has never been held, and never will be held, by any
+considerable number of persons; and those who are agreed and those who
+are not agreed upon this point have no common ground, and can only
+despise one another when they see how widely they differ. Tell me,
+then, whether you agree with and assent to my first principle, that
+neither injury nor retaliation nor warding off evil by evil is ever
+right. And shall that be the premise of our argument? Or do you
+decline and dissent from this? For this has been of old and is still
+my opinion; but, if you are of another opinion, let me hear what you
+have to say. If, however, you remain of the same mind, I will proceed.
+
+_Crito_: You may proceed, for I have not changed my mind.
+
+_Socrates_: Then I will proceed to the next step, which may be put in
+the form of a question: Ought a man to do what he admits to be right
+or ought he to betray the right?
+
+_Crito_: He ought to do what he thinks right.
+
+_Socrates_: But if this is true, what is the application? In leaving
+the prison against the will of the Athenians, do I wrong any? or
+rather do I not wrong those whom I ought least to wrong? Do I not
+desert the principles which were acknowledged by us to be just? What
+do you say?
+
+_Crito_: I can not tell, Socrates; for I do not know.
+
+_Socrates_: Then consider the matter in this way: Imagine that I am
+about to play truant (you may call the proceeding by any name which
+you like), and the laws and the government come and interrogate me:
+"Tell us, Socrates," they say; "what are you about? Are you going by
+an act of yours to overturn us--the laws and the whole state, as far
+as in you lies? Do you imagine that a state can subsist and not be
+overthrown in which the decisions of law have no power, but are set
+aside and overthrown by individuals?" What will be our answer, Crito,
+to these and the like words? Any one, and especially a clever
+rhetorician, will have a good deal to urge about the evil of setting
+aside the law which requires a sentence to be carried out; and we
+might reply, "Yes; but the state has injured us and given an unjust
+sentence." Suppose I say that?
+
+_Crito_: Very good, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: "And was that our agreement with you?" the law would say;
+"or were you to abide by the sentence of the state?" And if I were to
+express astonishment at their saying this, the law would probably add:
+"Answer, Socrates, instead of opening your eyes; you are in the habit
+of asking and answering questions. Tell us what complaint you have to
+make against us which justifies you in attempting to destroy us and
+the state? In the first place, did we not bring you into existence?
+Your father married your mother by our aid and begot you. Say whether
+you have any objection to urge against those of us who regulate
+marriage?" None, I should reply. "Or against those of us who regulate
+the system of nurture and education of children in which you were
+trained? Were not the laws, which have the charge of this, right in
+commanding your father to train you in music and gymnastic?" Right, I
+should say. "Well then, since you were brought into the world and
+nurtured and educated by us, can you deny, in the first place, that
+you are our child and slave, as your fathers were before you? And if
+this is true, you are not on equal terms with us; nor can you think
+that you have a right to do to us what we are doing to you. Would you
+have any right to strike or revile or do any other evil to a father or
+to your master, if you had one, when you have been struck or reviled
+by him, or received some other evil at his hands? You would not say
+this? And because we think right to destroy you, do you think that you
+have any right to destroy us in return, and your country as far as in
+you lies? And will you, O professor of true virtue, say that you are
+justified in this? Has a philosopher like you failed to discover that
+our country is more to be valued and higher and holier far than mother
+or father or any master, and more to be regarded in the eyes of the
+gods and of men of understanding; also to be soothed, and gently and
+reverently entreated when angry, even more than a father, and if not
+persuaded, obeyed? And when we are punished by her, whether with
+imprisonment or stripes, the punishment is to be endured in silence;
+and if she lead us to wounds or death in battle, thither we follow as
+is right; neither may any one yield or retreat or leave his rank, but
+whether in battle, or in a court of law, or in any other place, he
+must do what his city and his country order him, or he must change
+their view of what is just; and if he may do no violence to his father
+or mother, much less may he do violence to his country." What answer
+shall we make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak truly, or do they not?
+
+_Crito_: I think that they do.
+
+_Socrates_: Then the laws will say: "Consider, Socrates, if this is
+true, that in your present attempt you are going to do us wrong. For,
+after having brought you into the world, and nurtured and educated
+you, and given you and every other citizen a share in every good that
+we had to give, we further proclaim and give the right to every
+Athenian that if he does not like us when he has come of age and has
+seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he may go where
+he pleases and take his goods with him; and none of our laws will
+forbid him or interfere with him. Any of you who does not like us and
+the city, and who wants to go to a colony or to any other city, may go
+where he likes and take his goods with him. But he who has experience
+of the manner in which we order justice and administer the state, and
+still remains, has entered into an implied contract that he will do as
+we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we maintain, thrice
+wrong; first, because in disobeying us he is disobeying his parents;
+secondly, because we are the authors of his education; thirdly,
+because he had made an agreement with us that he will duly obey our
+commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces us that our commands
+are wrong; and we do not rudely impose them, but give him the
+alternative of obeying or convincing us; that is what we offer, and he
+does neither. These are the sort of accusations to which, as we were
+saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you accomplish your
+intentions; you above all other Athenians." Suppose I ask, why is
+this? They will justly retort upon me that I above all other men have
+acknowledged the agreement. "There is clear proof," they will say,
+"Socrates, that we and the city were not displeasing to you. Of all
+Athenians you have been the most constant resident in the city, which,
+as you never leave, you may be supposed to love. For you never went
+out of the city either to see the games, except once when you went to
+the Isthmus, or to any other place unless when you were on military
+service; nor did you travel as other men do. Nor have you any
+curiosity to know other states or their laws; your affections did not
+go beyond us and our state; we were your special favorites, and you
+acquiesced in our government of you; and this is the state in which
+you begot your children, which is a proof of your satisfaction.
+Moreover, you might, if you had liked, have fixt the penalty at
+banishment in the course of the trial--the state which refuses to let
+you go now would have let you go then. But you pretended that you
+preferred death to exile, and that you were not grieved at death. And
+now you have forgotten these fine sentiments, and pay no respect to us
+the laws, of which you are the destroyer, and are doing what only a
+miserable slave would do, running away and turning your back upon the
+compacts and agreements which you made as a citizen. And first of all
+answer this very question: Are we right in saying that you agreed to
+be governed according to us in deed, and not in word only? Is that
+true or not?" How shall we answer that, Crito? Must we not agree?
+
+_Crito_: There is no help, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: Then will they not say: "You, Socrates, are breaking the
+covenants and agreements which you made with us at your leisure, not
+in any haste or under any compulsion or deception, but having had
+seventy years to think of them, during which time you were at liberty
+to leave the city, if we were not to your mind, or if our covenants
+appeared to you to be unfair. You had your choice, and might have gone
+either to Lacedaemon or Crete, which you often praise for their good
+government, or to some other Hellenic or foreign state. Whereas you,
+above all other Athenians, seemed to be so fond of the state, or, in
+other words, of us her laws (for who would like a state that has no
+laws?), that you never stirred out of her; the halt, the blind, the
+maimed were not more stationary in her than you were. And now you run
+away and forsake your agreements. Not so, Socrates, if you will take
+our choice; do not make yourself ridiculous by escaping out of the
+city.
+
+"For just consider, if you transgress and err in this sort of way,
+what good will you do either to yourself or to your friends? That your
+friends will be driven into exile and deprived of citizenship, or will
+lose their property, is tolerably certain; and you yourself if you fly
+to one of the neighboring cities, as, for example, Thebes or Megara,
+both of which are well-governed cities, will come to them as an
+enemy, Socrates, and their government will be against you, and all
+patriotic citizens will cast an evil eye upon you as a subverter of
+the laws, and you will confirm in the minds of the judges the justice
+of their own condemnation of you. For he who is a corrupter of the
+laws is more than likely to be a corrupter of the young and foolish
+portion of mankind. Will you then flee from well-ordered cities and
+virtuous men? and is existence worth having on these terms?...
+
+"Listen, then, Socrates, to us who have brought you up. Think not of
+life and children first, and of justice afterward, but of justice
+first, that you may be justified before the princes of the world
+below. For neither will you nor any that belong to you be happier or
+holier or juster in this life, or happier in another, if you do as
+Crito bids. Now you depart in innocence, a sufferer and not a doer of
+evil; a victim, not of the laws, but of men. But if you go forth,
+returning evil for evil, and injury for injury, breaking the covenants
+and agreements which you have made with us, and wronging those whom
+you ought least to wrong--that is to say, yourself, your friends, your
+country, and us--we shall be angry with you while you live, and our
+brethren, the laws in the world below, will receive you as an enemy;
+for they will know that you have done your best to destroy us. Listen,
+then, to us and not to Crito."
+
+This is the voice which I seem to hear murmuring in my ears, like the
+sound of the flute in the ears of the mystic; that voice, I say, is
+humming in my ears, and prevents me from hearing any other. And I know
+that anything more which you may say will be vain. Yet speak, if you
+have anything to say.
+
+_Crito_: I have nothing to say, Socrates.
+
+_Socrates_: Then let me follow the intimations of the will of God.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 71: From the "Crito," translated by Benjamin Jowett. Crito
+was an influential and well-to-do citizen of Athens and a friend of
+Socrates; but nothing more definite about him is known.]
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+THE DEATH OF SOCRATES[72]
+
+
+"Me, already, as the tragic poet would say, the voice of fate calls.
+Soon I must drink the poison; and I think that I had better repair to
+the bath first, in order that the women may not have the trouble of
+washing my body after I am dead."
+
+When he had done speaking, Crito said: "And have you any commands for
+us, Socrates--anything to say about your children or any other matter
+in which we can serve you?"
+
+"Nothing particular," he said; "only, as I have always told you, I
+would have you to look to yourselves; that is a service which you may
+always be doing to me and mine as well as to yourselves. And you need
+not make professions; for if you take no thought for yourselves, and
+walk not according to the precepts which I have given you, not now for
+the first time, the warmth of your professions will be of no avail."
+
+"We will do our best," said Crito. "But in what way would you have us
+bury you?"
+
+"In any way that you like; only you must get hold of me, and take care
+that I do not walk away from you." Then he turned to us, and added
+with a smile: "I can not make Crito believe that I am the same
+Socrates who has been talking and conducting the argument; he fancies
+that I am the other Socrates whom he will soon see a dead body--and he
+asks, How shall he bury me? And tho I have spoken many words in the
+endeavor to show that when I have drunk the poison I shall leave you
+and go to the joys of the blest--these words of mine, with which I
+comforted you and myself, have had, as I perceive, no effect upon
+Crito. And therefore I want you to be surety for me now, as he was
+surety for me at the trial: but let the promise be of another sort;
+for he was my surety to the judges that I would remain, but you must
+be my surety to him that I shall not remain, but go away and depart;
+and then he will suffer less at my death, and not be grieved when he
+sees my body being burned or buried. I would not have him sorrow at my
+hard lot, or say at the burial, 'Thus we lay out Socrates,' or, 'Thus
+we follow him to the grave or bury him'; for false words are not only
+evil in themselves, but they infect the soul with evil. Be of good
+cheer then, my dear Crito, and say that you are burying my body only,
+and do with that as is usual, and as you think best."
+
+When he had spoken these words, he arose and told us to wait until he
+went into the bath-chamber with Crito; and we waited, talking and
+thinking of the subject of discourse, and also of the greatness of
+our sorrow: he was like a father of whom we were being bereaved, and
+we were about to pass the rest of our lives as orphans. When he had
+taken the bath, his children were brought to him--(he had two young
+sons and an elder one); and the women of his family also came, and he
+talked to them and gave them a few directions in the presence of
+Crito; and he then dismissed them and returned to us.
+
+Now the hour of sunset was near, for a good deal of time had passed
+while he was within. When he came out, he sat down with us again after
+his bath, but not much was said. Soon the jailer, who was the servant
+of the eleven, entered and stood by him, saying: "To you, Socrates,
+whom I know to be the noblest and gentlest and best of all who ever
+came to this place, I will not impute the angry feelings of other men,
+who rage and swear at me when, in obedience to the authorities, I bid
+them drink the poison--indeed, I am sure that you will not be angry
+with me; for others, as you are aware, and not I, are the guilty
+cause. And so fare you well, and try to bear lightly what must needs
+be; you know my errand." Then bursting into tears, he went out.
+
+Socrates looked at him and said, "I return your good wishes, and will
+do as you bid." Then turning to us, he said, "How charming the man is;
+since I have been in prison he has always been coming to see me, and
+at times he would talk to me, and was as good as could be, and now see
+how generously he sorrows for me. But we must do as he says, Crito;
+let the cup be brought if the poison is prepared; if not, let the
+attendant prepare some."
+
+"Yet," said Crito, "the sun is still upon the hilltops, and I know
+that many a one has taken the draft late; and after the announcement
+had been made to him, he has eaten and drunk, and enjoyed the society
+of his beloved; do not hasten then; there is still time."
+
+Socrates said: "Yes, Crito, and they of whom you speak are right in
+doing thus, for they think that they will gain by the delay; but I am
+right in not doing thus, for I do not think that I should gain
+anything by drinking the poison a little later; I should be sparing
+and saving a life which is already gone; I could only laugh at myself
+for this. Please then to do as I say, and not to refuse me."
+
+Crito made a sign to the servant, who was standing by; and he went
+out, and after being absent for some time returned with the jailer
+carrying the cup of poison. Socrates said: "You, my good friend, who
+are experienced in these matters, shall give me the directions how I
+am to proceed." The man answered: "You have only to walk about until
+your legs are heavy, and then to lie down, and the poison will act."
+At the same time he handed the cup to Socrates, who in the easiest and
+gentlest manner, without the least fear or change of color or feature,
+looking at the man with all his eyes, Echecrates,[73] as his manner
+was, took the cup and said: "What do you say about making a libation
+out of this cup to any god? May I or not?" The man answered: "We only
+prepare, Socrates, just so much as we deem enough." "I understand,"
+he said; "yet I may and must ask the gods to prosper my journey from
+this to that other world--even so--and so be it according to my
+prayer." Then holding the cup to his lips, quite readily and
+cheerfully he drank off the poison. And hitherto most of us had been
+able to control our sorrow; but now when we saw him drinking, and saw
+too that he had finished the draft, we could no longer forbear, and in
+spite of myself my own tears were flowing fast; so that I covered my
+face and wept over myself, for certainly I was not weeping over him,
+but at the thought of my own calamity in having lost such a friend.
+Nor was I the first, for Crito, when he found himself unable to
+restrain his tears, had got up and moved away, and I followed; and at
+that moment, Apollodorus, who had been weeping all the time, broke out
+into a loud and passionate cry which made cowards of us all. Socrates
+alone retained his calmness: "What is this strange outcry?" he said.
+"I sent away the women mainly in order that they might not offend in
+this way, for I have heard that a man should die in peace. Be quiet
+then, and have patience." When we heard that, we were ashamed, and
+refrained our tears; and he walked about until, as he said, his legs
+began to fail, and then he lay on his back, according to the
+directions, and the man who gave him the poison now and then looked at
+his feet and legs; and after a while he prest his foot hard and asked
+him if he could feel; and he said, "No"; and then his leg, and so
+upward and upward, and showed us that he was cold and stiff. And he
+felt them himself, and said: "When the poison reaches the heart, that
+will be the end." He was beginning to grow cold about the groin, when
+he uncovered his face, for he had covered himself up, and said (they
+were his last words)--"Crito, I owe a cock to Asclepius; will you
+remember to pay the debt?" "The debt shall be paid," said Crito; "is
+there anything else?" There was no answer to this question; but in a
+minute or two a movement was heard, and the attendants uncovered him;
+his eyes were set, and Crito closed his eyes and mouth.
+
+Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend, whom I may truly call the
+wisest, and justest, and best of all the men whom I have ever known.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 72: From the "Phaedo." Translated by Benjamin Jowett.
+Probably the "Phaedo" is, of all Plato's writings, the most famous. Its
+importance is ascribed by Mahaffy not only to what is said of
+immortality, in passages which have "fascinated the thoughtful men of
+all ages," but to the touching story of the last hours of Socrates.]
+
+[Footnote 73: Echecrates seems to have been the Locrian philosopher to
+whom Plato is believed to have gone for some of his early
+instruction.]
+
+
+
+
+ARISTOTLE
+
+
+Born in Stagira in 384 B.C.; died at Chalcis in Euboea in 322; the
+most famous of Greek philosophers; went to Athens in his eighteenth
+year as a pupil of Plato and remained there for twenty years; in 343
+went to the Court of Macedon, where he undertook the education of
+Alexander the Great, then thirteen years old; in 335 returned to
+Athens and produced the greater part of his writings; afterward forced
+to flee from Athens to Chalcis during an uprising against the
+Macedonians; his numerous writings deal with all branches of science
+known to his times; the first edition of the Greek text, that of Aldus
+Manutius, published in 1495-98.[74]
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+WHAT THINGS ARE PLEASANT[75]
+
+
+Let it be laid down by us, that pleasure is a certain motion of the
+soul, and a settlement of it, at once rapid and perceptible, into its
+own proper nature; and that pain is the contrary. If then pleasure be
+a thing of this nature, it is plain that whatever is productive of the
+disposition I have described is pleasant; while everything of a
+nature to destroy it, or produce a disposition the opposite to it, is
+painful.
+
+Generally speaking, therefore, it is necessary, both that the being in
+progress toward a state conformable to nature should be pleasant; and
+that, in the highest degree, when those feelings, whose original is
+conformable to it, shall have recovered that their nature; and habits,
+because that which is habitual becomes by that time natural, as it
+were; for, in a certain way, custom is like nature, because the idea
+of frequency is proximate to that of always; now nature belongs to the
+idea of always, custom to that of often. What is not compulsory, also,
+is pleasant; for compulsion is contrary to nature. Wherefore acts of
+necessity are painful; and it has been truly remarked, "Every act of
+necessity is in its nature painful." It must be also that a state of
+sedulous attention, anxiety, the having the mind on the stretch, are
+painful, for they all are acts of necessity, and constrained, unless
+they have become habitual; but it is custom which, under such
+circumstances, renders them pleasant. The contraries of these must
+also be pleasant; wherefore, relaxation of mind, leisure,
+listlessness, amusements, and intervals of rest, rank in the class of
+things pleasant; for none of these has anything to do with necessity.
+Everything of which there is an innate appetite, is pleasant; for
+appetite is a desire of what is pleasant.
+
+Now, of appetites, some are irrational, others attended by reason. I
+call all those irrational which men desire, not from any conception
+which they form: of this kind are all which are said to exist
+naturally, as those of the body; thirst or hunger, for instance, in
+the case of sustenance; and the appetite of sustenance in every kind.
+And the appetites connected with objects of taste, and of lust, and,
+in fact, objects of touch generally; the appetite of fragrant odors,
+too, as connected with smelling, and hearing, and sight. Appetites
+attended by reason are all those whatsoever which men exercise from a
+persuasion: for many things there are which they desire to behold, and
+possess, on hearsay and persuasion. Now, as the being pleased stands
+in the perception of a certain affection, and as imagination is a kind
+of faint perception, there will attend on him who exercises either
+memory or hope a kind of imagination of that which is the object of
+his memory or hope; but if so, it is plain that they who exercise
+memory or hope, certainly feel pleasure, since they have also a
+perception. So that everything pleasant consists either in the
+perception of present objects, or in the remembrance of those which
+have already been, or in the hope of such as are yet to be; for men
+exercise perception on present, memory on past, and hope on future
+objects. Now the objects of memory are pleasant, not only such as at
+the moment while present were pleasant, but some even which were not
+pleasant, should their consequence subsequently be honorable and good;
+and hence this saying, "But it is indeed pleasant for a man, when
+preserved, to remember his toils"; and this, "For after his
+sufferings, a man who has suffered much, and much achieved, is
+gladdened at the recollection." But the reason of this is, that to be
+exempt from evil is pleasant. And all objects are pleasant in hope,
+which appear by their presence either to delight or benefit in a great
+degree; or to benefit, without giving pain. In a word, whatever
+objects by their presence delight us, do so, generally speaking, as we
+hope for, or remember them. On which account, too, the feeling of
+anger is pleasant; just as Homer has remarked of anger in his poem,
+"That which with sweetness far greater than distilling honey as it
+drops"; for there is no one who feels anger where the object seems
+impracticable to his revenge; nor with those far their superiors in
+power do men feel anger at all, or if they do, it is in a less degree.
+
+There is also a kind of pleasure consequent on most appetites; for
+either in the recollection that they have enjoyed them, or in the hope
+that they shall enjoy them, men are affected and delighted by a
+certain pleasure: thus men possest by fevers feel delight, amid their
+thirst, as well at the remembrance how they used to drink, as at the
+hope of drinking yet again. Lovers, too, feel delight in conversing,
+writing, and composing something, ever about the object beloved;
+because, in all those energies, they have a perception, as it were, of
+the object they love. And this is in all cases a criterion of the
+commencement of love, when persons feel pleasure not only in the
+presence of the object, but are enamored also of it when absent, on
+memory; wherefore, even when pain arises at absence, nay in the midst
+of mourning, and the very dirge of death, there yet arises within us a
+certain pleasure. For the pain is felt because the object is not
+present; but the pleasure consists in remembering and seeing, as it
+were, both the person, and what he used to do, and the kind of
+character of which he was. Whence has it been said, and with
+probability enough, "Thus spake he, and excited within them all a
+desire of lamentation." Also the avenging oneself is pleasant; for the
+getting of that is pleasant, the failing to get which is painful: now
+the angry do feel pain in an excessive degree if they be not avenged;
+but in the hope of revenge they take pleasure.
+
+Again, to overcome is pleasant, not to the ambitious only, but even to
+all; for there arises an imagination of superiority, for which all,
+either in a faint or more violent degree, have an appetite. But since
+to overcome is pleasant, it must follow, of course, that amusements
+where there is field for rivalry, as those of music and disputations,
+are pleasant; for it frequently occurs, in the course of these, that
+we overcome; also chess, ball, dice, and drafts.
+
+Again, it is the same with respect to amusements where a lively
+interest is taken; for, of these, some become pleasant as accustomed
+to them; others are pleasant at first; for instance, hunting and every
+kind of sporting; for where there is rivalry, there is also victory;
+on which principle the disputations of the bar and of the schools are
+pleasant to those who have become accustomed to them, and have
+abilities. Also honor and good character are most pleasant, by reason
+that an idea arises, that one is such as is the good man; and this in
+a greater degree should those people pronounce one such who he thinks
+speak truth: such are those immediately about one, rather than those
+who are more removed; familiar friends, and acquaintances, and one's
+fellow citizens, rather than those who are at a distance; the present,
+rather than a future generation; a man of practical wisdom, rather
+than a mere ignoramus; many, than a few; for it is more likely that
+these I have mentioned will adhere to the truth, than that the
+opposite characters will: since one has no anxiety about the honor or
+the opinion of such as one greatly despises, children and animals, for
+instance, not at least for the sake of such opinion itself; but if one
+is anxious about it, then it is on account of something else.
+
+A friend, too, ranks among things pleasant; for the affection of love
+is pleasant; since there is no lover of wine who does not delight in
+wine: also the having affection felt toward one is pleasant; for there
+is in this case also an idea of one's being an excellent person, which
+all who have any sensibility to it are desirous of; now the having
+affection felt for you is the being beloved yourself, on your own
+account. Also the being held in admiration is pleasant, on the very
+account of being honored by it. Flattery and the flatterer are
+pleasant; since the flatterer is a seeming admirer and a seeming
+friend. To continue the same course of action is also pleasant; for
+what is habitual was laid down to be pleasant. To vary is also
+pleasant; for change is an approach to what is natural: for sameness
+produces an excess of a stated habit; whence it has been said, "In
+everything change is pleasant." For on this principle, whatever occurs
+at intervals of time is pleasant, whether persons or things; for it is
+a variation of present objects; and at the same time that which
+occurs merely at intervals possesses the merit of rarity. Also
+learning and admiration, generally speaking, are pleasant; for under
+admiration exists a desire [to learn], so that what is admired is
+desired; and in the act of learning there is a settlement into a state
+conformable to nature. To benefit and to be benefited are also of the
+number of pleasant things; for to be benefited is to get what people
+desire; but to benefit is to possess and abound; things, the both of
+which men desire. And because a tendency to beneficence is pleasant,
+it is also pleasant to a man to set his neighbor on his legs again,
+and to put a finish to that which was deficient in some particular.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE LIFE MOST DESIRABLE[76]
+
+
+He who proposes to make the fitting inquiry as to which form of
+government is the best, ought first to determine what manner of living
+is most eligible; for while this remains uncertain, it will also be
+equally uncertain what government is best. For, unless some unexpected
+accident interfere, it is probable that those who enjoy the best
+government will live best according to existing circumstances; he
+ought, therefore, first to come to some agreement as to the manner of
+life which, so to speak, is most desirable for all; and afterward,
+whether this life is the same or different in the individual and the
+member of a state.
+
+Deeming then that we have already sufficiently shown what sort of life
+is best, in our popular discourses on that subject, we must now make
+use of what we there said. Certainly no one ever called in question
+the propriety of one of the divisions; namely, that as there are three
+kinds of things good for man, which are, what is external, what
+belongs to the body, and to the soul, it is evident that all these
+must conspire to make men truly happy. For no one would say that a man
+was happy who had nothing of fortitude or temperance, justice or
+prudence, but was afraid of the flies that flew round him; or who
+would abstain from nothing, if he chanced to be desirous of meat or
+drink, or who would murder his dearest friend for a farthing; or, in
+like manner, one who was in every particular as wanting and misguided
+in his understanding as an infant or a maniac. These truths are so
+evident that all must agree to them, tho some may dispute about the
+quantity and the degree: for they may think, that a very little amount
+of virtue is sufficient for happiness; but as to riches, property,
+power, honor, and all such things, they endeavor to increase them
+without bounds. But to such we say, that it is easy to prove, from
+what experience teaches us concerning these cases, that it is not
+through these external goods that men acquire virtue, but through
+virtue that they acquire them. As to a happy life, whether it is to be
+found in pleasure or in virtue, or in both, certain it is that it
+belongs more frequently to those whose morals are most pure, and whose
+understandings are best cultivated, and who preserve moderation in
+the acquisition of external goods, than to those who possess a
+sufficiency of external good things, but are deficient in the rest.
+
+And that such is the case will be clearly seen by any one who views
+the matter with reflection. For whatsoever is external has its
+boundary, as a machine; and whatsoever is useful is such that its
+excess is either necessarily hurtful, or at best useless to the
+possessor. But every good quality of the soul, the higher it is in
+degree, becomes much the more useful, if it is permitted on this
+subject to adopt the word "useful" as well as "noble." It is also
+evident that the best disposition of each thing will follow in the
+same proportion of excess, as the things themselves, of which we allow
+they are accidents, differ from each other in value. So that if the
+soul is more noble than any outward possession, or than the body, both
+in itself and with respect to us, it must be admitted, of course, that
+the best disposition of each must follow the same analogy. Besides, it
+is for the sake of the soul that these things are desirable, and it is
+on this account that wise men should desire them, and not the soul for
+them.
+
+Let us therefore be well agreed that so much of happiness falls to the
+lot of every one as he possesses of virtue and wisdom, and in
+proportion as he acts according to their dictates; since for this we
+have the example of the God Himself, who is completely happy, not from
+any external good, but in Himself, and because He is such by nature.
+For good fortune is something of necessity different from happiness,
+as every external good of the soul is produced by chance or by
+fortune; but it is not from fortune that any one is just or wise.
+Hence it follows, as established by the same reasoning, that the state
+which is best, and acts best, will be happy: for no one can fare well
+who acts not well; nor can the actions either of man or city be
+praiseworthy without virtue and wisdom. For valor, justice and wisdom
+have in a state the same force and form as in individuals; and it is
+only as he shares in these virtues that each man is said to be just,
+wise, and prudent.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 74: Aristotle has been recognized as a great name in the
+classic literature of Greece, but this, as Mahaffy points out, is
+rather as a critic than as a man of letters in the narrow sense of the
+word. Physically he was unattractive. In his day he was thought ugly.
+His features were small and his legs thin. A sitting portrait of him,
+now preserved in Rome, shows a refined and careworn, tho somewhat hard
+face, in which thought and perhaps bodily suffering have drawn deep
+furrows. His writings are said to have numbered about four hundred.]
+
+[Footnote 75: From Book I of the "Rhetoric." Translated by Theodore
+Buckley.]
+
+[Footnote 76: From Book VII of the "Politics." Translated by Edward
+Walford.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+IDEAL HUSBANDS AND WIVES[77]
+
+
+But as to man, the first object of his care should be respecting a
+wife; for the society which exists between the male and female is
+above all others natural. For it is laid down by us elsewhere, that
+nature aims at producing many such creatures as the several kinds of
+animals; but it is impossible for the female to accomplish this
+without the male, or the male without the female, so that the society
+between them exists of necessity. In all other animals indeed, this
+association is irrational, and exists only so far as they possess a
+natural instinct, and for the sake of procreation alone. But in the
+milder and more intelligent animals, this bond more nearly approaches
+perfection; for there seem to be in them more signs of mutual
+assistance and good-will, and of cooperation with each other. But this
+is especially the case with man, because the male and female here
+cooperate not only for the sake of existence, but of living happily.
+And the procreation of children is a means not only of subserving
+nature, but also of solid benefit; for the labor which they expend
+during their season of vigor upon their helpless young is given back
+to them in the decay of age, from their children who are then in
+vigor.
+
+And at the same time, by this continual cycle, nature provides for the
+continuance of the race as a species, since she can not do so
+numerically. Thus divinely predisposed toward such a society is the
+nature of both the male and the female. For the sexes are at once
+divided, in that neither of them have powers adequate for all
+purposes, nay, in some respects even opposite to each other, tho they
+tend to the same end. For nature has made the one sex stronger and the
+other weaker, that the one by reason of fear may be more adapted to
+preserve property, while the other, by reason of its fortitude, may be
+disposed to repel assaults; and that the one may provide things
+abroad, while the other preserves them at home. And with respect to
+labor, the one is by nature capable of attending to domestic duties,
+but weak as to matters out-of-doors; the other is ill-adapted to works
+where repose is necessary, but able to perform those which demand
+exercise. And with respect to children, the bearing of them belongs to
+one sex, but the advantage of them is common to both; for the one has
+to rear them, and the other to educate them....
+
+A good and perfect wife ought to be mistress of everything within the
+house, and to have the care of everything according to fixt laws;
+allowing no one to come in unbidden by her husband, and especially
+keeping on her guard against everything which can be noised abroad
+relating to a woman's dishonor. So that if any mischance has happened
+within doors, she alone ought to know about it; but when those who
+have come in have done anything wrong, the husband should bear the
+blame. And she should manage the expenses laid out upon such festivals
+as her husband has agreed with her in keeping, and make an outlay of
+clothes and other ornaments on a somewhat lesser scale than is
+encouraged by the laws of the state; considering that neither splendor
+of vestments, nor preeminence of beauty, nor the amount of gold,
+contributes so much to the commendation of a woman as good management
+in domestic affairs, and a noble and comely manner of life; since all
+such array of the soul is far more lovely, and has greater force (than
+anything besides), to provide herself and her children true ornament
+till old age.
+
+A wife therefore ought to inspire herself with confidence, and
+perpetually to be at the head of domestic affairs. For it is unseemly
+for a man to know all that goes on in the house; in all respects
+indeed she ought to be obedient to her husband, and not to busy
+herself about public affairs, nor to take part in matrimonial
+concerns. And when it is time to give his daughters in marriage, or to
+get wives for his sons, by all means in these respects she should obey
+her husband. And she ought to show herself a fellow counsellor to her
+husband, so as to assent to what pleases him, remembering that it is
+less unseemly for a husband to take in hand domestic matters, than for
+a wife to busy herself in affairs out-of-doors. But the well-ordered
+wife will justly consider the behavior of her husband as a model of
+her own life, and a law to herself, invested with a divine sanction by
+means of the marriage tie and the community of life. For if she can
+persuade herself to bear her husband's ways patiently, she will most
+easily manage matters in the house; but if she can not, she will have
+greater difficulty. So that it will be seemly for her to show herself
+of one mind with her husband, and tractable, not only when her husband
+is in good luck and prosperity, but also when he is in misfortune; and
+when good fortune has failed him or sickness has laid hold of his
+bodily frame, or when he has been deprived of his senses, she ought
+gently and sympathetically to yield in any matter which is not base
+and unworthy; but if her husband has been ailing and made a mistake,
+she ought not to keep it on her mind, but to lay the blame on disease
+or ignorance....
+
+But the husband in his turn should find out certain laws to regulate
+his treatment of his wife, as one who entered the house of her husband
+to share his children and his life, and to leave him a progeny
+destined to bear the names of her husband's parents and her own. And
+what in the world could there be more holy than these ties? or what is
+there about which a man in his sound sense could strive more earnestly
+than to beget the children who shall hereafter nurse his declining
+years, from the best and most praiseworthy of wives; for they are to
+be, as it were, the best and most pious preservers of their father and
+mother, and guardians of the entire family. For it is probable that
+they will turn out good, if they have been reared uprightly by their
+parents in the habitual practise of what is just and holy but if the
+contrary should be the case, they will suffer the loss themselves. For
+unless parents afford their children a fit pattern of life, they will
+leave them an obvious excuse to quote against themselves. And this is
+to be feared, that if they have not lived well, their sons will
+disregard them, and neglect them in their old age.
+
+On this account nothing is to be omitted which tends to the fit
+education of a bride, so that the children may be born of the best
+possible mother. For the husbandman neglects nothing so as to cast his
+seed upon the richest and best wrought ground, considering that it is
+from such a soil that he will hereafter reap the fairest fruits; and
+if any violence threatens, he fights against his enemy, and
+deliberately chooses to die rather than endure to see it ravaged; and
+such a disposition as this is praised by most persons. And as such is
+the care which is spent by us on the support of our bodies, what
+manner of men ought we to show ourselves on behalf of our children and
+of the mother that is to rear them? Ought we not most readily to
+strain every nerve? For in this way alone does the constitution of
+man's nature, which is mortal, attain to prosperity, and the prayers
+of parents all tend to this one end. And hence, whoever cares not for
+this is sure to be regardless of the gods.
+
+It was for the sake of the gods, then, who were present to him when
+he offered the marriage sacrifice, that he not only took to himself a
+wife, but also (what is far more) gave himself over to his bride to
+honor her next to his own parents. But that which is most precious in
+the eyes of a prudent wife is to see her husband preserving himself
+entirely for her, thinking of no other woman in comparison with her,
+and regarding herself, above all other women, as peculiarly his own,
+and faithful toward him. For in proportion as a wife perceives that
+she is faithfully and justly cared for, so much the more will she
+exert her energies to show herself such. Whoever therefore is prudent
+will not fail to remember with how much honor it becomes him to
+requite his parents, his wife, and his children, in order that he may
+gain the name of one who is just and upright in distributing to each
+their due. For every one is indignant beyond measure at being deprived
+of that which belongs to himself in a peculiar manner; and there is no
+one who is content at being deprived of his own property, tho one were
+to give him plenty of his neighbor's goods. And in very truth nothing
+is so peculiarly the property of a wife as a chaste and hallowed
+intercourse.
+
+And hence it would not befit a prudent man to cast his seed wherever
+chance might take it, lest children should be born to him from a bad
+and base stock, on an equality with his legitimate sons; and by this
+the wife is robbed of her conjugal rights, the children are injured,
+and above all, the husband himself is enveloped in disgrace. He ought
+therefore to approach his wife with much self-restraint and decency,
+and to maintain modesty in his words, and in his deeds a regard to
+what is lawful and honest, and in his intercourse he should be true
+and discreet. And to little errors, even tho they be voluntary, he
+ought to vouchsafe pardon; and if she has made any mistake through
+ignorance, he ought to advise her, and not to inspire her with fear,
+except such as is accompanied with reverence and respect. For such
+treatment would be more suited to mistresses at the hands of their
+gallants. Yet, nevertheless, justly to love her husband with reverence
+and respect, and to be loved in turn, is that which befits a wife of
+gentle birth, as to her intercourse with her own husband. For fear is
+of two kinds; the one kind is reverent and full of respect; such is
+that which good sons exhibit toward their parents, and well-ordered
+citizens toward those who rule them in a kindly spirit. But the other
+kind is attended by hatred and aversion: such is that which slaves
+feel toward their masters, and citizens toward unjust and lawless
+tyrants.
+
+Furthermore, the husband ought to choose the best course out of all
+that we have said above, and so to conciliate his wife to himself, and
+to make her trustworthy and well disposed, as that whether her husband
+be present or absent, she will be equally good, while he can turn his
+attention to public matters: so that even in his absence she may feel
+that no one is better, nor more suited to herself, nor more nearly
+bound to her, than her own husband: and that he may always direct his
+energies to the public good, and show from the very first that such is
+the case, even tho she may be very young and quite inexperienced in
+such matters. For if the husband should ever begin such a course of
+conduct as this, and show himself to be perfect master of himself, he
+would be the best guide of the entire course of his life, and he would
+teach his wife to adopt a similar mode of action.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 77: From Book I of the "Economics." Translated by Edward
+Walford.]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+HAPPINESS AS AN END OF HUMAN ACTION[78]
+
+
+Since we have spoken of the virtues, of the different kinds of
+friendships, and of pleasures, it remains that we should discuss the
+subject of happiness in outline, since we assumed this to be the end
+of human actions. Therefore, if we recapitulate what has been said
+before, the argument will be more concise.
+
+We have said that it is not a habit; for if it were, it might exist in
+a man who slept throughout his life, living the life of a plant, and
+suffering the greatest misfortunes. If, then, this does not please us,
+but if we must rather bring it under a kind of energy, as was said
+before; and if, of energies, some are necessary and eligible for the
+sake of something else, others are eligible for their own sakes; it is
+plain that we must consider happiness as one of those which are
+eligible for their own sakes, and not one of those which are eligible
+for the sake of something else; for happiness is in want of nothing,
+but is self-sufficient. Now those energies are eligible for their own
+sakes from which nothing more is sought for beyond the energy. But of
+this kind, actions done according to virtue seem to be: for the
+performance of honorable and good acts is among things eligible for
+their own sakes. And of amusements, those are eligible for their own
+sakes which are pleasant: for men do not choose these for the sake of
+anything else: for they are rather injured by them than benefited,
+since they neglect their persons and property. But the majority of
+those who are called happy fly to such pastimes as these; and,
+therefore, those who have a happy turn for such pastimes as these are
+in favor with tyrants; for they make themselves agreeable in those
+things which tyrants desire; and such are the men they want.
+
+These things are thought to belong to happiness, because those who are
+in power pass their leisure in them. But such men are perhaps no
+proof; for neither virtue nor intellect consists in having power, and
+from these two good energies proceed; nor if those, who have never
+tasted pure and liberal pleasure, fly to bodily pleasures, must we
+therefore think that these pleasures are more eligible; for children
+think those things which are esteemed by them the best. It is
+reasonable, therefore, to suppose, that as the things which appear
+honorable to children and men differ, so also those which appear so to
+the bad and the good will differ likewise, and therefore, as we have
+very often said, those things are honorable and pleasant which are so
+to the good man. But to every man that energy is most eligible which
+is according to his proper habit; and, therefore, to the good man,
+that is most eligible which is according to virtue.
+
+Consequently happiness does not consist in amusement; for it is absurd
+that the end should be amusement; and that men should toil and suffer
+inconvenience all their life long for the sake of amusement; for we
+choose everything, as we might say, for the sake of something else,
+except happiness; for that is an end. But to be serious and to labor
+for the sake of amusement appears foolish and very childish. But to
+amuse ourselves in order that we may be serious, as Anacharsis said,
+seems to be right: for amusement resembles relaxation. Relaxation,
+therefore, is not the end, for we have recourse to it for the sake of
+the energy. But the happy life seems to be according to virtue; and
+this is serious, and does not consist in amusement. We say also that
+serious things are better than those which are ridiculous and joined
+with amusement; and that the energy of the better part and of the
+better man is more serious; and the energy of the better man is at
+once superior, and more tending to happiness. Besides, any person
+whatever, even a slave, may enjoy bodily pleasures no less than the
+best man; but no one allows that a slave partakes of happiness except
+so far as that he partakes of life: for happiness does not consist in
+such modes of passing life, but in energies according to virtue, as
+has been said already.
+
+If happiness be an energy according to virtue, it is reasonable to
+suppose that it is according to the best virtue; and this must be the
+virtue of the best part of man. Whether, then, this best part be the
+intellect, or something else--which is thought naturally to bear rule
+and to govern, and to possess ideas upon honorable and divine
+subjects, or whether it is itself divine, or the most divine of any
+property which we possess; the energy of this part according to its
+proper virtue must be perfect happiness: and that this energy is
+contemplative has been stated. This also would seem to agree with what
+was said before, and with the truth: for this energy is the noblest;
+since the intellect is the noblest thing within us, and of subjects of
+knowledge, those are noblest with which the intellect is conversant.
+
+It is also most continuous; for we are better able to contemplate
+continuously than to do anything else continuously. We think also that
+pleasure must be united to happiness: but of all the energies
+according to virtue, that according to wisdom is confessedly the most
+pleasant: at any rate, wisdom seems to contain pleasures worthy of
+admiration, both in point of purity and stability: and it is
+reasonable to suppose that his mode of life should be pleasanter to
+those who know it than to those who are only seeking it. Again, that
+which is called self-sufficiency must be most concerned with
+contemplative happiness; for both the wise man and the just, and all
+others, need the necessaries of life; but supposing them to be
+sufficiently supplied with such goods, the just man requires persons
+toward whom and with whom he may act justly; and in like manner the
+temperate man, and the brave man, and so on with all the rest. But the
+wise man, if even by himself, is able to contemplate; and the more so
+the wiser he is; perhaps he will energize better, if he has
+cooperators, but nevertheless he is most self-sufficient. This would
+seem also to be the only energy which is loved for its own sake; for
+it has no result beyond the act of contemplation; but from the active
+energies, we gain more or less beyond the performance of the action.
+
+Happiness seems also to consist in leisure; for we are busy in order
+that we may have leisure; and we go to war in order that we may be at
+peace. Now the energies of the active virtues are exerted in political
+or military affairs; and the actions with respect to these are thought
+to allow of no leisure. Certainly military actions altogether exclude
+it; for no one chooses war, nor makes preparations for war for the
+sake of war; for a man would be thought perfectly defiled with blood,
+if he made his friends enemies in order that there might be battles
+and massacres. The energy of the statesman is also without leisure;
+and besides the actual administration of the state, the statesman
+seeks to gain power and honors, or at least happiness for himself and
+his fellow citizens, different from the happiness of the state, which
+we are in search of, clearly as being different.
+
+If, then, of all courses of action which are according to the virtues,
+those which have to do with politics and war excel in beauty and
+greatness; and these have no leisure, and aim at some end, and are not
+chosen for their own sakes; but the energy of the intellect is thought
+to be superior in intensity, because it is contemplative; and to aim
+at no end beyond itself, and to have a pleasure properly belonging to
+it; and if this increases the energy; and if self-sufficiency, and
+leisure, and freedom from cares (as far as anything human can be
+free), and everything which is attributed to the happy man, evidently
+exist in this energy; then this must be the perfect happiness of man,
+when it attains the end of life complete; for nothing is incomplete of
+those things which belong to happiness.
+
+But such a life would be better than man could attain to; for he would
+live thus, not so far forth as he is man, but as there is in him
+something divine. But so far as this divine part surpasses the whole
+compound nature, so far does its energy surpass the energy which is
+according to all other virtue. If, then, the intellect be divine when
+compared with man, the life also, which is in obedience to that, will
+be divine when compared with human life. But a man ought not to
+entertain human thoughts, as some would advise, because he is human,
+nor mortal thoughts, because he is mortal: but as far as it is
+possible he should make himself immortal, and do everything with a
+view to living in accordance with the best principle in him; altho it
+be small in size, yet in power and value it is far more excellent than
+all. Besides, this would seem to be each man's "self," if it really is
+the ruling and the better part. It would be absurd, therefore, if a
+man were to choose not his own life, but the life of some other thing.
+And what was said before will apply now; for that which peculiarly
+belongs to each by nature is best and most pleasant to every one; and
+consequently to man, the life according to intellect is most pleasant,
+if intellect especially constitutes Man. This life, therefore, is the
+most happy.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 78: From Book X of the "Nicomachean Ethics." Translated by
+R. W. Browne.]
+
+
+
+
+POLYBIUS
+
+     Born in Megalopolis in Greece, in 204 B.C.; died about 125;
+     celebrated as an historian; entered the service of the
+     Achaean League; taken to Rome about 169 as a political
+     prisoner, becoming a friend of Scipio the younger; later
+     engaged in settling the affairs of Achaia; went to Egypt in
+     181 as an ambassador of the Achaean League; of his history of
+     Rome in forty books, five only have been preserved
+     entire.[79]
+
+I
+
+THE BATTLE OF CANNAE[80]
+
+(216 B.C.)
+
+
+When the news arrived at Rome that the two armies were face to face,
+and that skirmishes between advanced parties of both sides were daily
+taking place, the city was in a state of high excitement and
+uneasiness; the people dreading the result, owing to the disasters
+which had now befallen them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing
+and anticipating in their imaginations what would happen if they were
+utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in
+everybody's mouth; and every temple and house was full of prodigies
+and miracles: in consequence of which the city was one scene of vows,
+sacrifices, supplicatory processions, and prayers. For the Romans in
+times of danger take extraordinary pains to appease gods and men, and
+look upon no ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or
+beneath their dignity.
+
+When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as the sun
+was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius[81] got the army in motion from
+both the camps. Those from the larger camp he drew up in order of
+battle, as soon as he had got them across the river, and bringing up
+those of the smaller camp he placed them all in the same line,
+selecting the south as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he
+stationed on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them
+in the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together than
+usual, and making the depth of each maniple several times greater than
+its front. The cavalry of the allies he stationed on the left wing,
+and the light-armed troops he placed slightly in advance of the whole
+army, which amounted with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a
+little more than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought
+his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and stationed
+them in advance of his main body; which he led out of their camp,
+and, getting them across the river at two spots, drew them up opposite
+the enemy. On his left wing, close to the river, he stationed the
+Iberian and Celtic horse opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them
+half the Libyan heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and
+Celtic foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right
+wing, the Numidian horse. Having now got them all into line, he
+advanced with the central companies of the Iberians and Celts; and so
+arranged the other companies next these in regular gradations that the
+whole line became crescent-shaped, diminishing in depth toward its
+extremities: his object being to have his Libyans as a reserve in the
+battle, and to commence the action with his Iberians and Celts.
+
+The armor of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal had armed them with a
+selection of the spoils taken in previous battles. The shield of the
+Iberians and Celts was about the same size, but their swords were
+quite different. For that of the Roman can thrust with as deadly
+effects as it can cut, while the Gallic sword can only cut, and that
+requires some room. And the companies coming alternately--the naked
+Celts, and the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with
+purple stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and
+terrifying. The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was ten
+thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty thousand,
+including the Celts. AEmilius[82] commanded on the Roman right, Gaius
+Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls
+of the previous year, on the center. The left of the Carthaginians
+was commanded by Hasdrubal,[83] the right by Hanno,[84] the center by
+Hannibal in person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman
+line faced the south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian the
+north, the rays of the rising sun did not inconvenience either of
+them.
+
+The battle was begun by an engagement between the advanced guard of
+the two armies; and at first the affair between these light-armed
+troops was indecisive. But as soon as the Iberian and Celtic cavalry
+got at the Romans, the battle began in earnest, and in the true
+barbaric fashion: for there was none of the usual formal advance and
+retreat; but when they once got to close quarters, they grappled man
+to man, and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But when
+the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed
+most of their opponents on the ground--because the Romans all
+maintained the fight with spirit and determination--and began chasing
+the remainder along the river, slaying as they went and giving no
+quarter; then the legionaries took the place of the light-armed and
+closed with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic lines
+stood their ground and fought gallantly; but, presently overpowered by
+the weight of the heavy-armed lines, they gave way and retired to the
+rear, thus breaking up the crescent. The Roman maniples followed with
+spirit, and easily cut their way through the enemy's line; since the
+Celts had been drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had closed up
+from the wings toward the center and the point of danger. For the two
+wings did not come into action at the same time as the center: but the
+center was first engaged because the Gauls, having been stationed on
+the arc of the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long
+before the wings, the convex of the crescent being toward the enemy.
+The Romans, however, going in pursuit of these troops, and hastily
+closing in toward the center and the part of the enemy which was
+giving ground, advanced so far that the Libyan heavy-armed troops on
+either wing got on their flanks. Those on the right, facing to the
+left, charged from the right upon the Roman flank; while those who
+were on the left wing faced to the right, and, dressing by the left,
+charged their right flank, the exigency of the moment suggesting to
+them what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal had
+planned, that the Romans were caught between two hostile lines of
+Libyans--thanks to their impetuous pursuit of the Celts. Still they
+fought, tho no longer in line, yet singly or in maniples, which faced
+about to meet those who charged them on the flanks.
+
+Tho he had been from the first on the right wing, and had taken part
+in the cavalry engagement, Lucius AEmilius still survived. Determined
+to act up to his own exhortatory speech, and seeing that the decision
+of the battle rested mainly on the legionaries, riding up to the
+center of the line he led the charge himself, and personally grappled
+with the enemy, at the same time cheering on and exhorting his
+soldiers to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same, for
+he too had taken his place on the center from the commencement. The
+Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the
+cavalry on the Roman left; and tho, from the peculiar nature of their
+mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they
+yet rendered the enemy's horse useless by keeping them occupied, and
+charging them first on one side and then on another. But when
+Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came
+from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied
+cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.
+
+At that point Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill and
+discretion. Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers, and more
+effective and formidable to troops that had once been forced from
+their ground, he left the pursuit to them; while he himself hastened
+to the part of the field where the infantry were engaged, and brought
+his men up to support the Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions
+on the rear, and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron
+upon them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the
+Libyans, and dismayed and deprest those of the Romans. It was at this
+point that Lucius AEmilius fell, in the thick of the fight, covered
+with wounds: a man who did his duty to his country at the last hour of
+his life, as he had throughout its previous years, if any man ever
+did. As long as the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first
+in one direction and then in another to meet the assaults of the
+enemy, they held out; but the outer files of the circle continually
+falling, and the circle becoming more and more contracted, they at
+last were all killed on the field; and among them Marcus Atilius and
+Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, who had shown
+themselves brave men and worthy of Rome in the battle. While this
+struggle and carnage were going on, the Numidian horse were pursuing
+the fugitives, most of whom they cut down or hurled from their horses;
+but some few escaped into Venusia, among whom was Gaius Terentius, the
+Consul, who thus sought a flight, as disgraceful to himself, as his
+conduct in office had been disastrous to his country.
+
+Such was the end of the battle of Cannae,[85] in which both sides
+fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the conquered no less than
+the conquerors. This is proved by the fact that, out of six thousand
+horse, only seventy escaped with Gaius Terentius to Venusia, and about
+three hundred of the allied cavalry to various towns in the
+neighborhood. Of the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners in
+fair fight, but were not actually engaged in the battle: of those who
+were actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped to the
+towns of the surrounding district; all the rest died nobly, to the
+number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians being on this occasion,
+as on previous ones, mainly indebted for their victory to their
+superiority in cavalry: a lesson to posterity that in actual war it is
+better to have half the number of infantry, and the superiority in
+cavalry, than to engage your enemy with an equality in both. On the
+side of Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred
+Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse....
+
+The result of this battle, such as I have described it, had the
+consequences which both sides expected. For the Carthaginians by their
+victory were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole of the Italian
+coast which is called _Magna Graecia_. Thus the Tarentines immediately
+submitted; and the Arpani and some of the Campanian states invited
+Hannibal to come to them; and the rest were with one consent turning
+their eyes to the Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have
+high hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 79: Polybius, who, as will be noted, belongs to a period two and
+a half centuries later than the greatest Greek historians--Herodotus,
+Thucydides and Xenophon--is classed by Mahaffy as "the soberest and most
+valuable" of those who wrote with masters as their models. While he has
+suffered from the fate of all imitators, his work is "of the highest value
+to the historian, as a long series of approving critics has amply shown."
+He has never been read as a stylist, "nor could he be said to form a part
+of the classical literature of Greece."]
+
+[Footnote 80: From Book IV of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn S.
+Shuckburgh. In this battle Hannibal had about 50,000 men, and the
+Romans about 80,000.]
+
+[Footnote 81: Gaius Terentius Varro, who was then Consul and died
+later than 200 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 82: Lucius AEmilius Paulus was then Consul.]
+
+[Footnote 83: Hannibal's brother, who, nine years later, crossed the
+Alps and was killed in battle by the Romans. It was a tradition in
+Rome that Hasdrubal's head, severed from his body, was sent to
+Hannibal.]
+
+[Footnote 84: The younger brother of Hannibal, who in 200 B.C. was
+defeated by Scipio at Silpia.]
+
+[Footnote 85: The site of Cannae in Apulia, southern Italy, near the
+Adriatic shore, lies on the bank of the river Aufidus, now called the
+Ofanto.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+HANNIBAL'S ADVANCE ON ROME[86] (211 B.C.)
+
+
+When the news had arrived at Rome that Hannibal had encamped over
+against their lines, and was actually besieging their forces, there
+was a universal excitement and terror, from a feeling that the result
+of the impending battle would decide the whole war. Consequently, with
+one heart and soul, the citizens had all devoted themselves to
+sending out reenforcements and making preparations for this struggle.
+On their part, the Capuans were encouraged by the receipt of
+Hannibal's letter, and by thus learning the object of the Carthaginian
+movement, to stand by their determination, and to await the issue of
+this new hope. At the end of the fifth day, therefore, after his
+arrival on the ground, Hannibal ordered his men to take their supper
+as usual, and leave their watch-fires burning; and started with such
+secrecy that none of the enemy knew what was happening. He took the
+road through Samnium, and marched at a great pace and without
+stopping, his skirmishers always keeping before him to reconnoiter and
+occupy all the posts along the route: and while those in Rome had
+their thoughts still wholly occupied with Capua,[87] and the campaign
+there, he crossed the Anio without being observed; and having arrived
+at a distance of not more than forty stades from Rome, there pitched
+his camp.
+
+On this being known at Rome, the utmost confusion and terror prevailed
+among the inhabitants--this movement of Hannibal's being as unexpected
+as it was sudden; for he had never been so close to the city before.
+At the same time their alarm was increased by the idea at once
+occurring to them that he would not have ventured so near if it were
+not that the armies at Capua were destroyed. Accordingly, the men at
+once went to line the walls, and the points of vantage in the defenses
+of the town; while the women went round to the temples of the gods and
+implored their protection, sweeping the pavements of the temples with
+their hair: for this is their customary way of behaving when any
+serious danger comes upon their country. But just as Hannibal had
+encamped, and was intending to attempt the city itself next day, an
+extraordinary coincidence occurred which proved fortunate for the
+preservation of Rome.
+
+For Gnaeus Fulvius and Publius Sulpicius, having already enrolled one
+consular army, had bound the men with the usual oath to appear at Rome
+armed on that very day; and were also engaged on that day in drawing
+out the lists and testing the men for the other army: whereby it so
+happened that a large number of men had been collected in Rome
+spontaneously in the very nick of time. These troops the Consuls
+boldly led outside the walls, and, entrenching themselves there,
+checked Hannibal's intended movement. For the Carthaginians were at
+first eager to advance, and were not altogether without hope that they
+would be able to take Rome itself by assault. But when they saw the
+enemy drawn up in order, and learned before long from a prisoner what
+had happened, they abandoned the idea of attacking the city, and began
+devastating the country-side instead, and setting fire to the houses.
+In these first raids they collected an innumerable amount of booty,
+for the field of plunder upon which they were entered was one into
+which no one had ever expected an enemy to set foot.
+
+But presently, when the Consuls ventured to encamp within ten stades
+of him, Hannibal broke up his quarters before daylight. He did so for
+three reasons: first, because he had collected an enormous booty;
+secondly, because he had given up all hope of taking Rome; and
+lastly, because he reckoned that the time had now come at which he
+expected, according to his original idea, that Appius would have
+learned the danger threatening Rome, and would have raised the siege
+of Capua, and come with his whole force to the relief of the city; or
+at any rate would hurry up with the greater part, leaving a detachment
+to carry on the siege. Publius had caused the bridges over the Anio to
+be broken down, and thus compelled Hannibal to get his army across by
+a ford; and he now attacked the Carthaginians as they were engaged in
+making the passage of the stream and caused them great distress. They
+were not able however to strike an important blow, owing to the number
+of Hannibal's cavalry, and the activity of the Numidians in every part
+of the field. But before retiring to their camp they wrested the
+greater part of the booty from them, and killed about three hundred
+men; and then, being convinced that the Carthaginians were beating a
+hasty retreat in a panic, they followed in their rear, keeping along
+the line of hills. At first Hannibal continued to march at a rapid
+pace, being anxious to meet the force which he expected; but at the
+end of the fifth day, being informed that Appius had not left the
+siege of Capua, he halted; and waiting for the enemy to come up, made
+an attack upon his camp before daylight, killed a large number of
+them, and drove the rest out of their camp. But when day broke, and he
+saw the Romans in a strong position upon a steep hill, to which they
+had retired, he decided not to continue his attack upon them; but
+marching through Daunia and Bruttium he appeared at Rhegium so
+unexpectedly that he was within an ace of capturing the city, and did
+cut off all who were out in the country; and during this excursion
+captured a very large number of the Rhegini....
+
+Who could refrain from speaking in terms of admiration of this great
+man's strategic skill courage and ability when one looks to the length
+of time during which he displayed those qualities; and realizes to
+oneself the pitched battles, the skirmishes and sieges, the
+revolutions and counter-revolutions of states, the vicissitudes of
+fortune, and in fact the course of his design and its execution in its
+entirety? For sixteen continuous years Hannibal maintained the war
+with Rome in Italy without once releasing his army from service in the
+field, but keeping those vast numbers under control, like a good
+pilot, without any sign of disaffection toward himself or toward each
+other, tho he had troops in his service who, so far from being of the
+same tribe, were not even of the same race. He had Libyans, Iberians,
+Ligurians, Celts, Phoenicians, Italians, Greeks, who had naturally
+nothing in common with each other, neither laws, nor customs, nor
+language. Yet the skill of the commander was such that these
+differences, so manifold and so wide, did not disturb the obedience to
+one word of command and to a single will. And yet circumstances were
+not by any means unvarying: for tho the breeze of fortune often set
+strongly in his favor, it as often also blew in exactly the opposite
+direction. There is therefore good ground for admiring Hannibal's
+display of ability in campaign; and there can be no fear in saying
+that, if he had reserved his attack upon the Romans until he had
+first subdued other parts of the world, there is not one of his
+projects which would have eluded his grasp. As it was, he began with
+those whom he should have attacked last, and accordingly began and
+ended his career with them.[88]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 86: From Book IX of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn S.
+Shuckburgh.]
+
+[Footnote 87: Capua lies seventeen miles north of Naples.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE DEFENSE OF SYRACUSE BY ARCHIMEDES[89]
+
+(214-212 B.C.)
+
+
+When Epicydes and Hippocrates had occupied Syracuse, and had alienated
+the rest of the citizens with themselves from the friendship of Rome,
+the Romans who had already been informed of the murder of Hieronymus,
+tyrant of Syracuse, appointed Appius Claudius as Pro-praetor to command
+a land force, while Marcus Claudius Marcellus[90] commanded the fleet.
+These officers took up a position not far from Syracuse, and
+determined to assault the town from the land at Hexapylus, and by sea
+at what was called Stoa Scytice in Achradina, where the wall has its
+foundation close down to the sea. Having prepared their wicker
+pent-houses, and darts, and other siege material, they felt confident
+that, with so many hands employed, they would in five days get their
+works in such an advanced state as to give them the advantage over the
+enemy. But in this they did not take into account the abilities of
+Archimedes;[91] nor calculate on the truth that, in certain
+circumstances, the genius of one man is more effective that any
+numbers whatever. However they now learned it by experience. The city
+was strong from the fact of its encircling wall lying along a chain of
+hills with overhanging brows, the ascent of which was no easy task,
+even with no one to hinder it, except at certain definite points.
+Taking advantage of this, Archimedes had constructed such defenses
+both in the town, and at the places where an attack might be made by
+sea, that the garrison would have everything at hand which they might
+require at any moment, and be ready to meet without delay whatever the
+enemy might attempt against them.
+
+The attack was begun by Appius bringing his pent-houses, and scaling
+ladders, and attempting to fix the latter against that part of the
+wall which abuts on Hexapylus toward the east. At the same time Marcus
+Claudius Marcellus with sixty quinqueremes was making a descent upon
+Achradina. Each of these vessels were full of men armed with bows and
+slings and javelins, with which to dislodge those who fought on the
+battlements. As well as these vessels he had eight quinqueremes in
+pairs. Each pair had had their oars removed, one on the larboard and
+the other on the starboard side, and then had been lasht together on
+the sides thus left bare. On these double vessels, rowed by the outer
+oars of each of the pair, they brought up under the walls some engines
+called "Sambucae," the construction of which was as follows: A ladder
+was made four feet broad, and of a height to reach the top of the wall
+from the place where its foot had to rest; each side of the ladder was
+protected by a railing, and a covering or pent-house was added
+overhead. It was then placed so that its foot rested across the sides
+of the lasht-together vessels, which touched each other with its other
+extremity protruding a considerable way beyond the prows.
+
+On the tops of the mast pulleys were fixt with ropes: and when the
+engines were about to be used, men standing on the sterns of the
+vessels drew the ropes tied to the head of the ladder, while others
+standing on the prows assisted the raising of the machine and kept it
+steady with long poles. Having then brought the ships close in shore
+by using the outer oars of both vessels they tried to let the machine
+down upon the wall. At the head of the ladder was fixt a wooden stage
+secured on three sides by wicker-shields, upon which stood four men
+who fought and struggled with those who tried to prevent the Sambuca
+from being made to rest on the battlements. But when they have fixt it
+and so got above the level of the top of the wall, the four men
+unfasten the wicker-shields from either side of the stage and walk
+out upon the battlements or towers as the case may be; they are
+followed by their comrades coming up by the Sambuca, since the
+ladder's foot is safely secured with ropes and stands upon both the
+ships. This construction has got the name of "Sambuca," or "Harp," for
+the natural reason, that when it is raised the combination of the ship
+and ladder has very much the appearance of such an instrument.
+
+With such contrivances and preparations were the Romans intending to
+assault the towers. But Archimedes had constructed catapults to suit
+every range; and as the ships sailing up were still at a considerable
+distance, he so wounded the enemy with stones and darts, from the
+tighter wound and longer engines as to harass and perplex them to the
+last degree; and when these began to carry over their heads, he used
+smaller engines graduated according to the range required from time to
+time, and by this means caused so much confusion among them as to
+altogether check their advance and attack; and finally Marcellus was
+reduced in despair to bringing up his ships under cover of night. But
+when they had come close to land, and so too near to be hit by the
+catapults, they found that Archimedes had prepared another contrivance
+against the soldiers who fought from the decks. He had pierced the
+wall as high as a man's stature with numerous loop-holes, which, on
+the outside, were about as big as the palm of the hand. Inside the
+wall he stationed archers and cross-bows, or scorpions, and by the
+volleys discharged through these he made the marines useless. By these
+means he not only baffled the enemy, whether at a distance or close
+at hand, but also killed the greater number of them. As often, too, as
+they tried to work their Sambucae, he had engines ready all along the
+walls, not visible at other times, but which suddenly reared
+themselves above the wall from the inside, when the moment for their
+use had come, and stretched their beams far over the battlements, some
+of them carrying stones weighing as much as ten talents, and others
+great masses of lead. So whenever the Sambucae were approaching, these
+beams swung round on their pivot the required distance, and by means
+of a rope running through a pulley dropt the stone, upon the Sambucae,
+with the result that it not only smashed the machine itself to pieces,
+but put the ship also and all on board into the most serious danger.
+
+Other machines which he invented were directed against storming
+parties, who, advancing under the protection of pent-houses, were
+secured by them from being hurt by missiles shot through the walls.
+Against these he either shot stones big enough to drive the marines
+from the prow; or let down an iron hand swung on a chain, by which the
+man who guided the crane, having fastened on some part of the prow
+where he could get a hold, prest down the lever of the machine inside
+the wall; and when he had thus lifted the prow and made the vessel
+rest upright on its stern, he fastened the lever of his machine so
+that it could not be moved; and then suddenly slackened the hand and
+chain by means of a rope and pulley. The result was that many of the
+vessels heeled over and fell on their sides; some completely
+capsized; while the greater number, by their prows coming down
+suddenly from a height, dipt low in the sea, shipped a great quantity
+of water, and became a scene of the utmost confusion. Tho reduced
+almost to despair by these baffling inventions of Archimedes, and tho
+he saw that all his attempts were repulsed by the garrison with
+mockery on their part and loss to himself, Marcellus could not yet
+refrain from making a joke at his own expense, saying that "Archimedes
+was using his ships to ladle out the sea-water, but that his 'harps'
+not having been invited to the party were buffeted and turned out with
+disgrace." Such was the end of the attempt at storming Syracuse by
+sea.
+
+Nor was Appius Claudius more successful. He, too, was compelled by
+similar difficulties to desist from the attempt; for while his men
+were still at a considerable distance from the wall, they began
+falling by the stones and shots from the engines and catapults. The
+volleys of missiles, indeed, were extraordinarily rapid and sharp, for
+their construction had been provided for by all the liberality of a
+Hiero, and had been planned and engineered by the skill of an
+Archimedes. Moreover, when they did at length get near the walls, they
+were prevented from making an assault by the unceasing fire through
+the loop-holes, which I mentioned before; or if they tried to carry
+the place under cover of pent-houses, they were killed by the stones
+and beams let down upon their heads. The garrison also did them no
+little damage with those hands at the end of their engines; for they
+used to lift the men, armor, and all, into the air, and then throw
+them down. At last Appius retired into the camp, and summoning the
+Tribunes to a council of war, decided to try every possible means of
+taking Syracuse except a storm. And this decision they carried out;
+for during the eight months of siege which followed, tho there was no
+stratagem or measure of daring which they did not attempt, they never
+again ventured to attempt a storm. So true it is that one man and one
+intellect, properly qualified for the particular undertaking, is a
+host in itself and of extraordinary efficacy. In this instance, at any
+rate, we find the Romans confident that their forces by land and sea
+would enable them to become masters of the town, if only one old man
+could be got rid of; while as long as he remained there, they did not
+venture even to think of making the attempt, at least by any method
+which made it possible for Archimedes to oppose them. They believed,
+however, that their best chance of reducing the garrison was by a
+failure of provisions sufficient for so large a number as were within
+the town; they therefore relied upon this hope, and with their ships
+tried to cut off their supplies by sea, and with their army by land.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 88: This paragraph is taken from Book XI.]
+
+[Footnote 89: From Book VIII of the "Histories." Translated by Evelyn
+S. Shuckburgh. Syracuse was now an ally of Carthage in the Punic war,
+but in the earlier Punic war had been an ally of Rome.]
+
+[Footnote 90: A celebrated statesman and general, born before 268
+B.C., died in 208; five times Consul; defeated the Gauls; defended
+Nola; captured Syracuse; commanded Apulia against Hannibal; killed in
+a skirmish at Venusia.]
+
+[Footnote 91: The celebrated geometrician, who discovered the
+principle of the lever, and after detecting an alloy uttered the
+famous exclamation "Eureka." He was killed at the siege of Syracuse.]
+
+
+
+
+PLUTARCH
+
+     Born in Chaeronea in Boeotia about 46 A.D.; died in 125;
+     celebrated for his forty-six "Lives of Greeks and Romans,"
+     and for works on philosophical and moral subjects; settled
+     at Athens at the time of Nero's visit in 66, and traveled in
+     Greece, Egypt and Italy; being in Rome during the reign of
+     Vespasian; lived at Chaeronea in the latter part of his life
+     where he was elected archon.[92]
+
+I
+
+DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO COMPARED[93]
+
+
+Furthermore, leaving the comparison aside of the difference of their
+eloquence in their orations: methinks I may say thus much of them.
+That Demosthenes did wholly employ all his wit and learning (natural
+or artificial) unto the art of rhetoric, and that in force, and vertue
+of eloquence, he did excel all the orators in his time: and for
+gravity and magnificent style, all those also that only write for shew
+or ostentation: and for sharpness and art, all the sophisters and
+masters of rhetoric. And that Cicero was a man generally learned in
+all sciences, and that had studied divers books, as appeareth plainly
+by the sundry books of philosophy of his own making, written after the
+manner of the Academic philosophers. Furthermore, they may see in his
+orations he wrote in certain causes to serve him when he pleaded: that
+he sought occasions in his by-talk to shew men that he was excellently
+well learned. Furthermore, by their phrases a man may discern some
+spark of their manners and conditions. For Demosthenes' phrase hath no
+manner of fineness, jests, nor grace in it, but is altogether grave
+and harsh, and not only smelleth of the lamp, as Pytheas said when he
+mocked him, but sheweth a great drinker of water, extreme pains, and
+therewith also a sharp and sour nature.
+
+But Cicero oftentimes fell from pleasant taunts, unto plain
+scurrility: and turning all his pleadings of matters of importance, to
+sport and laughter, having a grace in it, many times he did forget the
+comeliness that became a man of his calling. As in his oration for
+Caelius, where he saith, It is no marvel if in so great abundance of
+wealth and fineness he give himself a little to take his pleasure:
+and that it was a folly not to use pleasures lawful and tolerable,
+sith the famousest philosophers that ever were, did place the chief
+felicity of man, to be in pleasure. And it is reported also that
+Marcus Cato having accused Murena, Cicero being Consul, defended his
+cause, and in his oration pleasantly girded all the sect of the Stoic
+philosophers for Cato's sake, for the strange opinions they hold,
+which they call paradoxes: insomuch as he made all the people and
+judges also fall a-laughing a good. And Cato himself also smiling a
+little, said unto them that sat by him: What a laughing and mocking
+Consul have we, my lords? but letting that pass, it seemeth that
+Cicero was of a pleasant and merry nature: for his face shewed ever
+great life and mirth in it. Whereas in Demosthenes' countenance on the
+other side, they might discern a marvellous diligence and care, and a
+pensive man, never weary with pain: insomuch that his enemies, (as he
+reporteth himself) called him a perverse and froward man.
+
+Furthermore, in their writings is discerned, that the one speaketh
+modestly in his own praise, so as no man can justly be offended with
+him: and yet not always, but when necessity enforceth him for some
+matter of great importance, but otherwise very discreet and modest to
+speak of himself. Cicero in contrary manner, using too often
+repetition of one self thing in all his orations, shewed an extreme
+ambition of glory, when incessantly he cried out:
+
+    Let spear and shield give place to gown,
+    And give the tongue the laurel crown.
+
+Yea furthermore, he did not only praise his own acts and deeds, but
+the orations also which he had written or pleaded, as if he should
+have contended against Isocrates, or Anaximenes, a master that taught
+rhetoric, and not to go about to reform the people of Rome.
+
+    Which were both fierce and stout in arms,
+    And fit to work their enemies harms.
+
+For, as it is requisite for a governor of a commonwealth to seek
+authority by his eloquence: so, to cover the praise of his own
+glorious tongue, or as it were to beg it, that sheweth a base mind.
+And therefore in this point we must confess that Demosthenes is far
+graver, and of a nobler mind: who declared himself, That all his
+eloquence came only but by practice, the which also required the
+favour of his auditory: and further, he thought them fools and madmen
+(as indeed they be no less) that therefore would make any boast of
+themselves. In this they were both alike, that both of them had great
+credit and authority in their orations to the people, and for
+obtaining that they would propound: insomuch as captains, and they
+that had armies in their hands, stood in need of their eloquence. As
+Chares, Diopithes, and Leosthenes, they all were holpen of
+Demosthenes: and Pompey, and Octavius Caesar the young man, of Cicero:
+as Caesar himself confesseth in his commentaries he wrote unto Agrippa,
+and Maecenas. But nothing sheweth a man's nature and condition more,
+(as it is reported, and so is it true) that when one is in authority:
+for that bewrayeth his humour, and the affections of his mind, and
+layeth open all his secret vices in him.
+
+Demosthenes could never deliver any such proof of himself, because he
+never bare any office, nor was called forward. For he was not general
+of the army, which he himself had prepared against King Philip. Cicero
+on the other side being sent Treasurer into Sicily, and Pro-consul
+into Cilicia and Cappadocia,[94] in such a time as covetousness
+reigned most: (insomuch that the captains and governors whom they sent
+to govern their provinces, thinking it villainy and dastardliness to
+rob, did violently take things by force, at what time also to take
+bribes was reckoned no shame, but to handle it discreetly, he was the
+better thought of, and beloved for it) he shewed plainly that he
+regarded not money, and gave forth many proofs of his courtesy and
+goodness. Furthermore, Cicero being created Consul by name, but
+Dictator in deed, having absolute power and authority over all things
+to suppress the rebellion and conspirators of Catiline: he proved
+Plato's prophecy true, which was: That the cities are safe from
+danger, when the chief magistrates and governors (by some good divine
+fortune) do govern with wisdom and justice. Demosthenes was reproved
+for his corruption, and selling of his eloquence: because secretly he
+wrote one oration for Phormio, and another in the self same manner for
+Apollodorus, they being both adversaries. Further, he was defamed also
+for receiving money of the king of Persia, and therewithal condemned
+for the money which he had taken of Harpalus. And though some
+peradventure would object, that the reports thereof (which are many)
+do lie: yet they cannot possibly deny this, that Demosthenes had no
+power to refrain from looking on the presents which divers kings did
+offer him, praying him to accept them in good part for their sakes:
+neither was that the part of a man that did take usury by traffick on
+the sea, the extremest yet of all other.
+
+In contrary manner (as we have said before) it is certain that Cicero
+being Treasurer, refused the gifts which the Sicilians offered him,
+there: and the presents also which the king of the Cappadocians
+offered him whilst he was Pro-consul in Cilicia, and those especially
+which his friends pressed upon him to take of them, being a great sum
+of money, when he went as a banished man out of Rome. Furthermore, the
+banishment of the one was infamous to him, because by judgement he was
+banished as a thief. The banishment of the other was for as honourable
+an act as ever he did, being banished for ridding his country of
+wicked men. And therefore of Demosthenes, there was no speech after he
+was gone: but for Cicero, all the Senate changed their apparel into
+black, and determined that they would pass no decree by their
+authority, before Cicero's banishment was revoked by the people.
+Indeed Cicero idly passed his time of banishment, and did nothing all
+the while he was in Macedon: and one of the chiefest acts that
+Demosthenes did, in all the time that he dealt in the affairs of the
+commonwealth, was in his banishment. For he went into every city, and
+did assist the ambassadors of the Grecians, and refused the
+ambassadors of the Macedonians. In the which he showed himself a
+better citizen, than either Themistocles, or Alcibiades, in their like
+fortune and exile. So when he was called home, and returned, he fell
+again to his old trade which he practiced before, and was ever against
+Antipater,[95] and the Macedonians. Where Laelius in open Senate
+sharply took up Cicero, for that he sat still and said nothing, when
+that Octavius Caesar the young man made petition against the law, that
+he might sue for the Consulship, and being so young, that he had never
+a hair on his face. And Brutus self also doth reprove Cicero in his
+letters, for that he had maintained and nourished a more grievous and
+greater tyranny, than that which they had put down. And last of all,
+me thinketh the death of Cicero most pitiful, to see an old man
+carried up and down, (with tender love of his servants) seeking all
+the ways that might be to fly death, which did not long prevent his
+natural course: and in the end, old as he was, to see his head so
+pitifully cut off. Whereas Demosthenes, though he yielded a little,
+entreating him that came to take him: yet for that he had prepared the
+poison long before, that he had kept it long, and also used it as he
+did, he cannot but be marvellously commended for it. For sith the god
+Neptune denied him the benefit of his sanctuary, he betook him to a
+greater, and that was death: whereby he saved himself out of the
+soldiers' hands of the tyrant, and also scorned the bloody cruelty of
+Antipater.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 92: Plutarch is read for his matter, rather than for his
+style. In style as well as for the time in which he lived, he does not
+belong to the classical writers of Greece. For this reason he may be
+read in English almost as satisfactorily as in his own language. He is
+described by Mahaffy as a pure and elevating writer, full of precious
+information and lofty in his moral tone.]
+
+[Footnote 93: From "The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans,
+Compared together by that Grave, Learned Philosopher and
+Historiographer Plutarch of Chaeronea." Translated by Sir Thomas North.
+North was born about 1535, his translation being first published in
+1579. Written throughout in the best prose of the Elizabethan period,
+North's version will always have another and very special interest as
+the store house from which Shakespeare obtained his knowledge of
+antiquity. It has been asserted that to this book we really owe the
+existence of "Julius Caesar," "Coriolanus," and "Antony and Cleopatra."
+In "Coriolanus" whole speeches have been taken bodily from North,
+while in "Antony and Cleopatra" North's diction has been closely
+followed. North did not translate from the original Greek, but from an
+old French version by James Amyot, Bishop of Auxerre in the times of
+Henry II of England. The selections here given are printed with the
+original punctuation, etc., preserved as specimens of the style of the
+period.]
+
+[Footnote 94: This and the province of Cilicia lay in the eastern part
+of Asia Minor.]
+
+[Footnote 95: Antipater was a general of Macedonia under Philip and
+Alexander the Great and became Regent in 334.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE ASSASSINATION OF CAESAR[96]
+
+(44 B.C.)
+
+
+But Brutus in many other things tasted of the benefit of Caesar's favor
+in anything he requested.[97] For if he had listed, he might have been
+one of Caesar's chiefest friends, and of greater authority and credit
+about him. Howbeit Cassius' friends did dissuade him from it[98] (for
+Cassius and he were not yet reconciled together sithence their first
+contention and strife for the Praetorship), and prayed him to beware of
+Caesar's sweet enticements, and to fly his tyrannical favors: the which
+they said Caesar gave him, not to honor his virtue, but to weaken his
+constant mind, framing it to the bent of his bow. Now Caesar on the
+other side did not trust him overmuch, nor was not without tales
+brought unto him against him: howbeit he feared his great mind,
+authority, and friends. Yet on the other side also, he trusted his
+good-nature, and fair conditions. For, intelligence being brought him
+one day, that Mark Antony and Dolabella did conspire against him: he
+answered, That these fat long-haired men made him not afraid, but the
+lean and whitely-faced fellows, meaning that, by Brutus and Cassius.
+
+At another time also when one accused Brutus unto him, and bade him
+beware of him: What, said he again, clapping his hand on his breast:
+think ye that Brutus will not tarry till this body die? Meaning that
+none but Brutus after him was meet to have such power as he had. And
+surely, in my opinion, I am persuaded that Brutus might indeed have
+come to have been the chiefest man of Rome, if he could have contented
+himself for a time to have been next unto Caesar, and to have suffered
+his glory and authority which he had gotten by his great victories, to
+consume with time. But Cassius being a choleric man, and hating Caesar
+privately, more than he did the tyranny openly: he incensed Brutus
+against him....
+
+But for Brutus, his friends and countrymen, both by divers
+procurements, and sundry rumours of the city, and by many bills also,
+did openly call and procure him to do that he did. For, under the
+image of his ancestor Junius Brutus, that drave the kings out of
+Rome,[99] they wrote: Oh that it pleased the gods thou wert now alive,
+Brutus: and again, that thou wert here among us now. His tribunal (or
+chair) where he gave audience during the time he was Praetor, was full
+of such bills: Brutus, thou art asleep, and art not Brutus indeed....
+
+Therefore Cassius considering this matter with himself, did first of
+all speak to Brutus, since they grew strange together for the suit
+they had for the Praetorship. So when he was reconciled to him again,
+and that they had embraced one another: Cassius asked him, If he were
+determined to be in the Senate-house, the first day of the month of
+March, because he heard say that Caesar's friends should move the
+council that day, that Caesar should be called king by the Senate.
+Brutus answered him, He would not be there. But if we be sent for said
+Cassius: how then? For myself then said Brutus, I mean not to hold my
+peace, but to withstand it, and rather die than lose my liberty.
+Cassius being bold, and taking hold of this word: Why, quoth he, what
+Roman is he alive that will suffer thee to die for the liberty? What,
+knowest thou not that thou art Brutus? Thinkest thou that they be
+cobblers, tapsters, or suchlike base mechanical people, that write
+these bills and scrolls which are found daily in thy Praetor's chair,
+and not the noblest men and best citizens that do it? No, be thou well
+assured, that of other Praetors they look for gifts, common
+distributions amongst the people, and for common plays, and to see
+fencers fight at the sharp, to show the people pastime, but at thy
+hands, they specially require (as a due debt unto them) the taking
+away of the tyranny, being fully bent to suffer any extremity for thy
+sake, so that thou wilt show thyself to be the man thou art taken for,
+and that they hope thou art. Thereupon he kissed Brutus, and embraced
+him. And so each taking leave of other, they went both to speak with
+the friends about it....
+
+Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his sake all the noblest,
+valiantest, and most courageous men of Rome did venture their lives,
+weighing with himself the greatness of the danger, when he was out of
+his house, he did so frame and fashion his countenance and looks,
+that no man could discern he had anything to trouble his mind. But
+when night came that he was in his own house, then he was cleaned
+changed. For, either care did wake him against his will when he could
+have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep
+thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that
+might happen, that his wife lying by him, found that there was some
+marvellous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont to be
+in that taking, and that he could not well determine with himself.
+
+His wife Porcia[100] (as we have told you before) was the daughter of
+Cato, whom Brutus married being his cousin, not a maiden, but a young
+widow after the death of her first husband Bibulus, by whom she had
+also a young son called Bibulus, who afterwards wrote a book of the
+acts and gests of Brutus, extant at this present day. This young lady
+being excellently well seen in philosophy, loving her husband well,
+and being of a noble courage, as she was also wise; because she would
+not ask her husband what he ailed before she had made some proof by
+herself, she took a little razor such as barbers occupy to pare men's
+nails, and causing her maids and women to go out of her chamber, gave
+herself a great gash withal in her thigh, that she was straight all of
+a gore-blood, and incontinently after, a vehement fever took her, by
+reason of the pain of her wound.
+
+Then perceiving her husband was marvellously out of quiet, and that he
+could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of all, she spake in
+this sort unto him, "I being, O Brutus," (said she) "the daughter of
+Cato, was married unto thee, not to be thy bedfellow and companion in
+bed and at board only, like a harlot, but to be partaker also with
+thee, of thy good and evil fortune. Now for thyself, I can find no
+cause of fault in thee touching our match, but for my part, how may I
+show my duty towards thee, and how much I would do for thy sake, if I
+cannot constantly bear a secret mischance or grief with thee, that
+requireth secrecy and fidelity? I confess, that a woman's wit commonly
+is too weak to keep a secret safely: but yet, Brutus, good education,
+and the company of virtuous men, have some power to reform the defect
+of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit, moreover, that I am
+the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did
+not trust to any of these things before, until that now I have found
+by experience, that no pain nor grief whatsoever can overcome me."
+With those words she showed him her wound on her thigh, and told him
+what she had done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear what she
+said unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought the
+gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise to so good
+pass, that he might be found a husband worthy of so noble a wife as
+Porcia, so he then did comfort her the best he could....
+
+So when this day was come, Brutus went out of his house with a dagger
+by his side under his long gown, that nobody saw nor knew, but his
+wife only. The other conspirators were all assembled at Cassius'
+house, to bring his son into the market-place, who on that day did put
+on the man's gown, called _toga virilis_, and from thence they came
+all in a troop together unto Pompey's porch, looking that Caesar would
+straight come thither. But here is to be noted, the wonderful assured
+constancy of these conspirators, in so dangerous and weighty an
+enterprise as they had undertaken. For many of them being Praetors, by
+reason of their office, whose duty is to minister justice to
+everybody: they did not only with great quietness and courtesy hear
+them that spake unto them, or that plead matters before them, and gave
+them attentive ear, as if they had had no other matter in their heads:
+but moreover, they gave just sentence, and carefully despatched the
+causes before them. So there was one among them, who being condemned
+in a certain sum of money, refused to pay it, and cried out that he
+did appeal unto Caesar. Then Brutus casting his eyes upon the
+conspirators said, Caesar shall not let me to see the law executed.
+
+Notwithstanding this, by chance there fell out many misfortunes unto
+them, which was enough to have marred the enterprise. The first and
+chiefest was, Caesar's long tarrying, who came very late to the Senate:
+for because the signs of the sacrifices appeared unlucky, his wife
+Calpurnia[101] kept him at home, and the soothsayers bade him beware
+he went not abroad. The second cause was, when one came unto Casca
+being a conspirator, and taking him by the hand, said unto him: O
+Casca, thou keepest it close from me, but Brutus hath told me all.
+Casca being amazed at it, the other went on with his tale, and said:
+Why, how now, how cometh it to pass thou art thus rich, that thou dost
+sue to be AEdile? Thus Casca being deceived by the other's doubtful
+words, he told them it was a thousand to one, he blabbed not out all
+the conspiracy. Another Senator called Popilius Laenas, after he had
+saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do: he
+rounded softly in their ears, and told them, I pray the gods you may
+go through with that you have taken in hand, but withal, despatch I
+read you, for your enterprise is bewrayed. When he had said, he
+presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their
+conspiracy would out.
+
+Now in the meantime, there came one of Brutus' men post-haste unto
+him, and told him his wife was a-dying. For Porcia being very careful
+and pensive for that which was to come, and being too weak to away
+with so great and inward grief of mind: she could hardly keep within,
+but was frightened with every little noise and cry she heard, as those
+that art taken and possessed with the fury of the Bacchants, asking
+every man that came from the market-place, what Brutus did, and still
+sent messenger after messenger, to know what news. At length Caesar's
+coming being prolonged as you have heard, Porcia's weakness was not
+able to hold out any longer, and thereupon she suddenly swooned, that
+she had no leisure to go to her chamber, but was taken in the midst of
+her house, where her speech and senses failed her. Howbeit she soon
+came to her self again, and so was laid in her bed, and tended by her
+women. When Brutus heard these news, it grieved him, as it is to be
+presupposed: yet he left not off the care of his country and
+commonwealth, neither went home to his house for any news he heard.
+
+Now, it was reported that Caesar was coming in his litter: for he
+determined not to stay in the Senate all that day (because he was
+afraid of the unlucky signs of the sacrifices) but to adjourn matters
+of importance unto the next session and council holden, feigning
+himself not to be well at ease. When Caesar came out of his litter:
+Popilius Laenas, that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and
+had prayed the gods they might bring this enterprise to pass: went
+unto Caesar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Caesar gave good ear
+unto him. Wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not
+hearing what he said to Caesar, but conjecturing by that he had told
+them a little before, that his talk was none other but the very
+discovery of their conspiracy: they were afraid every man of them, and
+one looking in another's face, it was easy to see that they all were
+of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them till they were
+apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their
+own hands. And when Cassius and certain others clapped their hands on
+their swords under their gowns to draw them: Brutus marking the
+countenance and gesture of Laenas, and considering that he did use
+himself rather like an humble and earnest suitor, than like an
+accuser: he said nothing to his companion (because there were many
+amongst them that were not of the conspiracy) but with a pleasant
+countenance encouraged Cassius. And immediately after, Laenas went from
+Caesar, and kissed his hand: which shewed plainly that it was for some
+matter concerning himself, that he had held him so long in talk. Now
+all the Senators being entered first into this place or chapter-house
+where the council should be kept, all the other conspirators straight
+stood about Caesar's chair, as if they had had something to have said
+unto him. And some say, that Cassius casting his eyes upon Pompey's
+image, made his prayer unto it, as if it had been alive. Trebonius on
+the other side, drew Mark Antony aside, as he came into the house
+where the Senate sat, and held him with a long talk without.
+
+When Caesar was come into the house, all the Senate rose to honour him
+at his coming in. So when he was set, the conspirators flocked about
+him, and amongst them they presented one Metellus Cimber, who made
+humble suit for the calling home again of his brother that was
+banished. They all made as though they were intercessors for him, and
+took him by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. Caesar at the
+first simply refused their kindness and entreaties: but afterwards,
+perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from
+him. Then Cimber with both his hands plucked Caesar's gown over his
+shoulders, and Casca that stood behind him, drew his dagger first, and
+struck Caesar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. Caesar
+feeling himself hurt, took him straight by the hand he held his dagger
+in, and cried out in Latin: O traitor, Casca, what doest thou? Casca
+on the other side cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him.
+So divers running on a heap together to fly upon Caesar, he looking
+about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a sword drawn in his hand
+ready to strike at him: then he let Casca's hand go, and casting his
+gown over his face, suffered every man to strike at him that would.
+
+Then the conspirators thronging one upon another because every man was
+desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting
+upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus caught
+a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murthering of him,
+and all the rest also were every man of them bloodied. Caesar being
+slain in this manner, Brutus standing in the midst of the house, would
+have spoken, and stayed the other Senators that were not of the
+conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done this fact.
+But they as men both affrayed and amazed, fled one upon another's neck
+in haste to get out at the door, and no man followed them. For it was
+set down, and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but
+Caesar only, and should entreat all the rest to defend their liberty.
+
+All the conspirators, but Brutus, determining upon this matter,
+thought it good also to kill Mark Antony,[102] because he was a wicked
+man, and that in nature favoured tyranny: besides also, for that he
+was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long
+time amongst them: and specially having a mind bent to great
+enterprises, he was also of great authority at that time, being Consul
+with Caesar. But Brutus would not agree to it. First, for that he said
+it was not honest: secondly, because he told them there was hope of
+change in him. For he did not mistrust, but that Mark Antony being a
+noble-minded and courageous man (when he should know that Caesar was
+dead) would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having
+them an example unto him, to follow their courage and virtue. So
+Brutus by this means saved Mark Antony's life, who at that present
+time disguised himself, and stole away. But Brutus and his consorts,
+having their swords bloody in their hands, went straight to the
+Capitol, persuading the Romans, as they went, to take their liberty
+again.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 96: From the "Life of Julius Caesar." Translated by North.]
+
+[Footnote 97: Marcus Junius Brutus had originally been an adherent of
+Pompey, but after the battle at Pharsalia in 48 B.C., went over to
+Caesar, and in 46 became governor of Cisalpine Gaul.]
+
+[Footnote 98: Gaius Cassius Longinus, general and politician, had won
+distinction in the Parthian war of 53-51 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 99: Lucius Junius Brutus under whose leadership the Tarquins
+were expelled and the republic established in 510 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 100: Brutus first married Claudia, daughter of Appius
+Claudius, who was Consul in 54 B.C. It was probably in 55 B.C.,
+after Cato's death, that he put away Claudia (for which he was much
+blamed), and married Porcia, daughter of Cato. Portia was the widow of
+Bibulus, a colleague of Caesar in the Consulship of 59 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 101: Daughter of Calpurnius Piso Caesonius and married to
+Caesar in 59 B.C. She was his second wife, Pompeia, a relative of
+Pompey the Great, being the first.]
+
+[Footnote 102: Mark Antony was then about forty-four years old. He had
+commanded the left wing of Caesar at Pharsalia and became Consul in
+44.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+CLEOPATRA'S BARGE[103]
+
+
+Mark Antony being thus inclined, the last and extremest mischief of
+all other (to wit, the love of Cleopatra) lighted on him, who did
+waken and stir up many vices yet hidden in him, and were never seen to
+any: and if any spark of goodness or hope of rising were left him,
+Cleopatra quenched it straight, and made it worse than before. The
+manner how he fell in love with her was this. Antony going to make war
+with the Parthians, sent to command Cleopatra to appear personally
+before him, when he came into Cilicia, to answer unto such accusations
+as were laid against her, being this: that she had aided Cassius and
+Brutus in their war against him. The messenger sent unto Cleopatra to
+make this summons unto her, was called Dellius: who when he had
+thoroughly considered her beauty, the excellent grace and sweetness of
+her tongue, he nothing mistrusted that Antony would do any hurt to so
+noble a lady, but rather assured himself, that within few days she
+should be in great favour with him. Thereupon he did her great honour,
+and persuaded her to come into Cilicia, as honourably furnished as she
+could possible, and bade her not to be afraid at all of Antony, for he
+was a more courteous lord, than any one that she had ever seen.
+
+Cleopatra on the other side believing Dellius' words, and guessing by
+the former access and credit she had with Julius Caesar, and Cneius
+Pompey (the son of Pompey the Great) only for her beauty: she began to
+have good hope that she might more easily win Antony. For Caesar and
+Pompey knew her when she was but a young thing, and knew not then what
+the world meant: but now she went to Mark Antony at the age when a
+woman's beauty is at the prime, and she also of best judgement. So,
+she furnished herself with a world of gifts, store of gold and silver,
+and of riches and other sumptuous ornaments, as is credible enough she
+might bring from so great a house, and from so wealthy and rich a
+realm as Egypt was. But yet she carried nothing with her wherein she
+trusted more than in her self, and in the charms and enchantment of
+her passing beauty and grace.
+
+Therefore when she was sent unto by divers letters, both from Antony
+himself, and also from his friends, she made so light of it and mocked
+Antony so much, that she disdained to set forward otherwise, but to
+take her barge in the river of Cydnus, the poop whereof was of gold,
+the sails of purple, and the oars of silver, which kept stroke in
+rowing after the sound of the music of flutes, howboys, citherns,
+viols, and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge.
+And now for the person of her self: she was laid under a pavilion of
+cloth of gold of tissue, apparelled and attired like the goddess
+Venus, commonly drawn in picture: and hard by her, on either hand of
+her, pretty fair boys apparelled as painters do set forth god Cupid,
+with little fans in their hands, with the which they fanned wind upon
+her. Her ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of them were
+apparelled like the nymphs nereids (which are the mermaids of the
+waters) and like the Graces, some steering the helm, others tending
+the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there came a
+wonderful passing sweet savour of perfumes, that perfumed the wharf's
+side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people. Some of them
+followed the barge all alongst the river-side: others also ran out of
+the city to see her coming in. So that in the end, there ran such
+multitudes of people one after another to see her, that Antony was
+left post alone in the market-place, in his imperial seat to give
+audience: and there went a rumour in the people's mouths, that the
+goddess Venus was come to play with the god Bacchus, for the general
+good of all Asia.[104] When Cleopatra landed, Antony sent to invite
+her to supper to him. But she sent him word again, he should do better
+rather to come and sup with her. Antony therefore to shew himself
+courteous unto her at her arrival, was contented to obey her, and went
+to supper to her: where he found such passing sumptuous fare, that no
+tongue can express it.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 103: From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by Sir
+Thomas North.]
+
+[Footnote 104: The following description of Cleopatra's barge, taken
+from Shakespeare's "Antony and Cleopatra," when compared with the
+foregoing paragraph, will illustrate to the reader the closeness with
+which Shakespeare followed North:
+
+    "The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne,
+    Burn'd on the water. The poop was beaten gold;
+    Purple the sails, and so perfumed that
+    The winds were love-sick with them. The oars were silver,
+    Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made
+    The water which they beat to follow faster,
+    As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,
+    It beggar'd all description: she did lie
+    In her pavilion--cloth-of-gold of tissue--
+    O'er-picturing that Venus where we see
+    The fancy outwork nature. On each side her
+    Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling Cupids,
+    With diverse colour'd fans, whose wind did seem
+    To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,
+    And what they undid did.
+
+    "Her gentlewomen, like the Nereides,
+    So many mermaids, tended her i' the eyes,
+    And made their bends adornings. At the helm
+    A seeming mermaid steers; the silken tackle
+    Swell with the touches of those flower-soft hands,
+    That yarely frame the office. From the barge
+    A strange invisible perfume hits the sense
+    Of the adjacent wharfs. The city cast
+    Her people out upon her; and Antony
+    Enthron'd i' the market-place, did sit alone,
+    Whistling to the air, which, but for vacancy,
+    Had gone to gaze on Cleopatra too
+    And made a gap in nature."]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+THE DEATH OF ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA[105]
+
+
+When Mark Antony saw that his men did forsake him, and yielded unto
+Caesar,[106] and that his footmen were broken and overthrown: he then
+fled into the city, crying out that Cleopatra had betrayed him unto
+them, with whom he had made war for her sake. Then she being afraid of
+his fury, fled into the tomb which she had caused to be made, and
+there locked the doors unto her, and shut all the springs of the locks
+with great bolts, and in the meantime sent unto Antony to tell him
+that she was dead. Antony believing it, said unto himself: What dost
+thou look for further, Antony, sith spiteful fortune had taken from
+thee the only joy thou hadst, for whom thou yet reservedst thy life?
+when he had said these words, he went into a chamber and unarmed
+himself, and being naked said thus: O Cleopatra, it grieveth me not
+that I have lost thy company, for I will not be long from thee: but I
+am sorry, that having been so great a captain and emperor, I am indeed
+condemned to be judged of less courage and noble mind, than a woman.
+
+Now he had a man of his called Eros, whom he loved and trusted much,
+and whom he had long before caused to swear unto him, that he should
+kill him when he did command him: and then he willed him to keep his
+promise. His man drawing his sword, lift it up as though he had meant
+to have stricken his master: but turning his head at one side he
+thrust his sword into himself, and fell down dead at his master's
+foot. Then said Antony, O noble Eros, I thank thee for this, and it is
+valiantly done of thee, to shew me what I should do to my self, which
+thou couldst not do for me. Therewithal he took his sword, and thrust
+it into his belly, and so fell down upon a little bed. The wound he
+had killed him not presently, for the blood stinted a little when he
+was laid: and when he came somewhat to himself again, he prayed them
+that were about him to despatch him. But they all fled out of the
+chamber, and left him crying out and tormenting himself: until at last
+there came a secretary unto him called Diomedes, who was commanded to
+bring him unto the tomb or monument where Cleopatra was.
+
+When he heard that she was alive, he very earnestly prayed his men to
+carry his body thither, and so he was carried in his men's arms into
+the entry of the monument. Notwithstanding, Cleopatra would not open
+the gates, but came to the high windows, and cast out certain chains
+and ropes, in the which Antony was trussed: and Cleopatra her own
+self, with two women only, which she had suffered to come with her
+into these monuments, triced Antony up. They that were present to
+behold it, said they never saw so pitiful a sight. For, they plucked
+up poor Antony all bloody as he was, and drawing on with pangs of
+death, who holding up his hands to Cleopatra raised up himself as well
+as he could. It was a hard thing for these women to do, to lift him
+up: but Cleopatra stooping down with her head, putting to all her
+strength to her uttermost power, did lift him up with much ado, and
+never let go her hold, with the help of the women beneath that bade
+her be of good courage, and were as sorry to see her labour so, as she
+her self.
+
+So when she had gotten him in after that sort, and laid him on a bed:
+she rent her garments upon him, clapping her breast, and scratching
+her face and stomach. Then she dried up his blood that had berayed his
+face, and called him her lord, her husband, and emperor, forgetting
+her own misery and calamity, for the pity and compassion she took of
+him. Antony made her cease her lamenting, and called for wine, either
+because he was athirst, or else for that he thought thereby to hasten
+his death. When he had drunk, he earnestly prayed her, and persuaded
+her, that she would seek to save her life, if she could possible,
+without reproach and dishonour: and that chiefly she should trust
+Proculeius above any man else about Caesar. And as for himself, that
+she should not lament nor sorrow for the miserable change of his
+fortune at the end of his days: but rather that she should think him
+the more fortunate, for the former triumphs and honours he had
+received, considering that while he lived he was the noblest and
+greatest prince of the world, and that now he was overcome, not
+cowardly, but valiantly, a Roman by another Roman.
+
+As Antony gave the last gasp, Proculeius came that was sent from
+Caesar. For after Antony had thrust his sword in himself, as they
+carried him into the tombs and monuments of Cleopatra, one of his
+guard called Dercetaeus, took his sword with the which he had stricken
+himself, and hid it: then he secretly stole away, and brought Octavius
+Caesar the first news of his death, and shewed him his sword that was
+bloodied. Caesar hearing these news, straight withdrew himself into a
+secret place of his tent, and there burst out with tears, lamenting
+his hard and miserable fortune, that had been his friend and
+brother-in-law,[107] his equal in the empire, and companion with him
+in sundry great exploits and battels. Then he called for all his
+friends, and shewed them the letters Antony had written to him, and
+his answers also sent him again, during their quarrel and strife: and
+how fiercely and proudly the other answered him, to all just and
+reasonable matters he wrote unto him.
+
+After this, he sent Proculeius, and commanded him to do what he could
+possible to get Cleopatra alive, fearing lest otherwise all the
+treasure would be lost: and furthermore, he thought that if he could
+take Cleopatra, and bring her alive to Rome, she would marvellously
+beautify and set out his triumph. But Cleopatra would never put her
+self into Proculeius' hands, although they spake together. For
+Proculeius came to the gates that were very thick and strong, and
+surely barred, but yet there were some crannies through the which her
+voice might be heard, and so they without understood, that Cleopatra
+demanded the kingdom of Egypt for her sons: and that Proculeius
+answered her, That she should be of good cheer, and not be affrayed to
+refer all unto Caesar. After he had viewed the place very well, he came
+and reported her answer unto Caesar. Who immediately sent Gallus to
+speak once again with her, and bade him purposely hold her with talk,
+whilst Proculeius did set up a ladder against that high window, by the
+which Antony was triced up, and came down into the monument with two
+of his men hard by the gate, where Cleopatra stood to hear what Gallus
+said unto her.
+
+One of her women which was shut in her monuments with her, saw
+Proculeius by chance as he came down, and shrieked out: O poor
+Cleopatra, thou art taken. Then when she saw Proculeius behind her as
+she came from the gate, she thought to have stabbed her self in with a
+short dagger she wore of purpose by her side. But Proculeius came
+suddenly upon her, and taking her by both the hands, said unto her:
+Cleopatra, first thou shalt do thy self great wrong, and secondly unto
+Caesar: to deprive him of the occasion and opportunity, openly to shew
+his bounty and mercy, and to give his enemies cause to accuse the most
+courteous and noble prince that ever was, and to appeach him, as
+though he were a cruel and merciless man, that were not to be trusted.
+So even as he spake the word, he took her dagger from her, and shook
+her clothes for fear of any poison hidden about her. Afterwards Caesar
+sent one of his enfranchised men called Epaphroditus, whom he
+straightly charged to look well unto her, and to beware in any case
+that she made not her self away: and for the rest, to use her with all
+the courtesy possible.
+
+And for himself, he in the meantime entered the city of Alexandria,
+and as he went, talked with the philosopher Arrius, and held him by
+the hand, to the end that his countrymen should reverence him the
+more, because they saw Caesar so highly esteem and honour him. Then he
+went into the shew-place of exercises, and so up to his chair of state
+which was prepared for him of a great height: and there according to
+his commandment, all the people of Alexandria were assembled, who
+quaking for fear, fell down on their knees before him, and craved
+mercy. Caesar bade them all stand up, and told them openly that he
+forgave the people, and pardoned the felonies and offences they had
+committed against him in this war. First, for the founder sake of the
+same city, which was Alexander the Great: secondly, for the beauty of
+the city, which he much esteemed and wondered at: thirdly, for the
+love he bare unto his very friend Arrius. Thus did Caesar honour
+Arrius, who craved pardon for himself and many others, and especially
+for Philostratus, the eloquentest man of all the sophisters and
+orators of his time, for present and sudden speech: howbeit he falsely
+named himself an academic philosopher. Therefore, Caesar that hated his
+nature and conditions, would not hear his suit. Thereupon he let his
+grey beard grow long, and followed Arrius step by step in a long
+mourning gown, still buzzing in his ears this Greek verse:
+
+    A wise man if that he be wise indeed,
+    May by a wise man have the better speed.
+
+Caesar understanding this, not for the desire he had to deliver
+Philostratus of his fear, as to rid Arrius of malice and envy that
+might have fallen out against him: he pardoned him.
+
+Now touching Antony's sons, Antyllus, his eldest son by Fulvia was
+slain, because his schoolmaster Theodorus did betray him unto the
+soldiers, who strake off his head. And the villain took a precious
+stone of great value from his neck, the which he did sew in his
+girdle, and afterwards denied that he had it: but it was found about
+him, and so Caesar trussed him up for it. For Cleopatra's children,
+they were very honourably kept, with their governors and train that
+waited on them. But for Caesarion, who was said to be Julius Caesar's
+son:[108] his mother Cleopatra had sent him unto the Indians through
+Ethiopia, with a great sum of money. But one of his governors also
+called Rhodon, even such another as Theodorus, persuaded him to return
+into his country, and told him that Caesar sent for him to give him his
+mother's kingdom. So, as Caesar was determining with himself what he
+should do, Arrius said unto him:
+
+    Too many Caesars is not good.
+
+Alluding unto a certain verse of Homer that saith:
+
+    Too many lords doth not well.
+
+Therefore Caesar did put Caesarion to death, after the death of his
+mother Cleopatra. Many princes, great kings and captains did crave
+Antony's body of Octavius Caesar, to give him honourable burial: but
+Caesar would never take it from Cleopatra, who did sumptuously and
+royally bury him with her own hands, whom Caesar suffered to take as
+much as she would to bestow upon his funerals.
+
+Now was she altogether overcome with sorrow and passion of mind, for
+she had knocked her breast so pitifully, that she had martyred it, and
+in divers places had raised ulcers and inflammations, so that she fell
+into a fever withal: whereof she was very glad, hoping thereby to have
+good colour to abstain from meat, and that so she might have died
+easily without any trouble. She had a physician called Olympus, whom
+she made privy of her intent, to the end he should help her rid her
+out of her life: as Olympus writeth himself, who wrote a book of all
+these things. But Caesar mistrusted the matter, by many conjectures he
+had, and therefore did put her in fear, and threatened her to put her
+children to shameful death. With these threats, Cleopatra for fear
+yielded straight, as she would have yielded unto strokes: and
+afterwards suffered her self to be cured and dieted as they listed.
+
+Shortly after, Caesar came himself in person to see her, and to comfort
+her. Cleopatra being laid upon a little low bed in poor state, when
+she saw Caesar come into her chamber, she suddenly rose up, naked in
+her smock, and fell down at his feet marvellously disfigured: both for
+that she had plucked her hair from her head, as also for that she had
+martyred all her face with her nails, and besides, her voice was small
+and trembling, her eyes sunk into her head with continual blubbering
+and moreover, they might see the most part of her stomach torn in
+sunder. To be short, her body was not much better than her mind: yet
+her good grace and comeliness, and the force of her beauty was not
+altogether defaced. But notwithstanding this ugly and pitiful state of
+hers, yet she shewed her self within, by her outward looks and
+countenance.
+
+When Caesar had made her lie down again, and sat by her bedside:
+Cleopatra began to clear and excuse her self for that she had done,
+laying all to the fear she had of Antony; Caesar, in contrary manner,
+reproved her in every point. Then she suddenly altered her speech, and
+prayed him to pardon her, as though she were affrayed to die, and
+desirous to live. At length, she gave him a brief and memorial of all
+the ready money and treasure she had. But by chance there stood
+Seleucus by, one of her treasurers, who to seem a good servant, came
+straight to Caesar to disprove Cleopatra, that she had had not set in
+all, but kept many things back of purpose. Cleopatra was in such a
+rage with him, that she flew upon him, and took him by the hair of the
+head, and boxed him well-favouredly. Caesar fell a-laughing and parted
+the fray. Alas, said she, O Caesar: is not this a great shame and
+reproach, that thou having vouchsafed to take the pains to come unto
+me, and has done me this honour, poor wretch, and caitiff creature,
+brought into this pitiful and miserable state: and that mine own
+servants should come now to accuse me, though it may be I have
+reserved some jewels and trifles meet for women, but not for me (poor
+soul) to set out my self withal, but meaning to give some pretty
+presents and gifts unto Octavia and Livia, that they making means and
+intercessions for me to thee, thou mightest yet extend thy favour and
+mercy upon me? Caesar was glad to hear her say so, persuading himself
+thereby that she had yet a desire to save her life. So he made her
+answer, That he did not only give her that to dispose of at her
+pleasure, which she had kept back, but further promised to use her
+more honourably and bountifully that she would think for: and so he
+took his leave of her, supposing he had deceived her, but indeed he
+was deceived himself.
+
+There was a young gentleman Cornelius Dolabella,[109] that was of
+Caesar's very great familiars, and besides did bear no evil will unto
+Cleopatra. He sent her word secretly as she had requested him, that
+Caesar determined to take his journey through Syria, and that within
+three days he would send her away before with her children. When this
+was told Cleopatra, she requested Caesar that it would please him to
+suffer her to offer the last oblations of the dead, unto the soul of
+Antony. This being granted her, she was carried to the place where his
+tomb was, and there falling down on her knees, embracing the tomb with
+her women, the tears running down her cheeks, she began to speak in
+this sort:
+
+"O my dearn lord Antony, not long sithence I buried thee here, being a
+freewoman: and now I offer unto thee the funeral springlings and
+oblations, being a captive and prisoner, and yet I am forbidden and
+kept from tearing and murdering this captive body of mine with blows,
+which they carefully guard and keep, only to triumph of thee: look
+therefore henceforth for no other honours, offerings, nor sacrifices
+from me, for these are the last which Cleopatra can give thee, sith
+now they carry her away. Whilst we lived together, nothing could sever
+our companies: but now at our death, I fear me they will make us
+change our countries. For as thou being a Roman, has been buried in
+Egypt: even so wretched creature I, an Egyptian, shall be buried in
+Italy, which shall be all the good that I have received by thy
+country. If therefore the gods where thou art now have any power and
+authority, sith our gods here have forsaken us: suffer not thy true
+friend and lover to be carried away alive, that in me, they triumph of
+thee: but receive me with thee, and let me be buried in one self tomb
+with thee. For though my griefs and miseries be infinite, yet none
+hath grieved me more, nor that I could less bear withal: than this
+small time, which I have been driven to live alone without thee."
+
+Then having ended these doleful plaints, and crowned the tomb with
+garlands and sundry nosegays, and marvellous lovingly embraced the
+same: she commanded they should prepare her bath, and when she had
+bathed and washed her self, she fell to her meat, and was sumptuously
+served. Now whilst she was at dinner, there came a countryman, and
+brought her a basket. The soldiers that warded at the gate, asked him
+straight what he had in his basket. He opened the basket, and took out
+the leaves that covered the figs, and shewed them that they were figs
+he brought. They all of them marvelled to see so goodly figs. The
+countryman laughed to hear them, and bade them take some if they
+would. They believed he told them truly, and so bade him carry them
+in. After Cleopatra had dined, she sent a certain table written and
+sealed unto Caesar, and commanded them all to go out of the tombs where
+she was, but the two women, then she shut the doors to her. Caesar when
+he received this table, and began to read her lamentation and
+petition, requesting him that he would let her be buried with Antony,
+found straight what she meant, and thought to have gone thither
+himself: howbeit he sent one before in all haste that might be, to see
+what it was.
+
+Her death was very sodain. For those whom Caesar sent unto her ran
+thither in all haste possible, and found the soldiers standing at the
+gate, mistrusting nothing, nor understanding of her death. But when
+they had opened the doors, they found Cleopatra stark dead, laid upon
+a bed of gold, attired and arrayed in her royal robes, and one of her
+two women, which was called Iras, dead at her feet: and her other
+woman called Charmion half-dead, and trembling, trimming the diadem
+which Cleopatra wore upon her head. One of the soldiers seeing her,
+angrily said unto her: Is that well done Charmion? Very well said she
+again, and meet for a princess descended from the race of so many
+noble kings. She said no more, but fell down dead hard by the bed.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 105: From the "Life of Mark Antony." Translated by Sir
+Thomas North.]
+
+[Footnote 106: That is Octavius, afterward the Emperor Augustus.]
+
+[Footnote 107: Antony's mother was Julia, sister of Julius Caesar; his
+wife was Octavia, sister of Octavius, the Emperor Augustus.]
+
+[Footnote 108: Caesarion was born in 47 B.C., and is believed to have
+gone to Rome with his mother Cleopatra in the following year. It has
+been pointed out that there could be no reason for putting Caesarion to
+death as a possible competitor with Octavius at Rome, for tho Octavius
+was only the nephew of Julius Caesar, Caesarion, his son, was not a
+Roman citizen. Inasmuch, however, as it was the object of Octavius to
+retain Egypt, Caesarion might have been an obstacle to him there.]
+
+[Footnote 109: A son of the elder Dolabella by his first marriage.
+Dolabella the elder married Cicero's daughter Tullia, and became one
+of Caesar's murderers.]
+
+
+
+
+EPICTETUS
+
+     Born, about the middle of the first century, A.D., in
+     Hierapolis, Phrygia; originally a slave, but became a
+     freedman of Epaphroditus, a favorite of the emperor Nero; a
+     pupil of Musonius Rufus; taught philosophy at Rome; banished
+     with other philosophers by Domitian and settled in
+     Nicopolis, Epirus, where he taught philosophy, his doctrines
+     being compiled by his pupil Arrian, the historian; he wrote
+     nothing himself.
+
+I
+
+OF FREEDOM[110]
+
+
+He is free who lives as he likes; who is not subject to compulsion, to
+restraint, or to violence; whose pursuits are unhindered, his desires
+successful, his aversions unincurred. Who, then, would wish to lead a
+wrong course of life? "No one." Who would live deceived, erring,
+unjust, dissolute, discontented, dejected? "No one." No wicked man,
+then, lives as he likes; therefore no such man is free. And who would
+live in sorrow, fear, envy, pity, with disappointed desires and
+unavailing aversions? "No one." Do we then find any of the wicked
+exempt from these evils? "Not one." Consequently, then, they are not
+free.
+
+If some person who has been twice Consul should hear this, he will
+forgive you, provided you add, "but you are wise, and this has no
+reference to you." But if you tell him the truth, that, in point of
+slavery, he does not necessarily differ from those who have been
+thrice sold, what but chastisement can you expect? "For how," he says,
+"am I a slave? My father was free, my mother free. Besides, I am a
+senator, too, and the friend of Caesar, and have been twice Consul, and
+have myself many slaves." In the first place, most worthy sir, perhaps
+your father too was a slave of the same kind; and your mother, and
+your grandfather, and all your series of ancestors. But even were they
+ever so free, what is that to you? For what if they were of a
+generous, you of a mean spirit; they brave, and you a coward; they
+sober, and you dissolute?
+
+"But what," he says, "has this to do with my being a slave?" Is it no
+part of slavery to act against your will, under compulsion, and
+lamenting? "Be it so. But who can compel me but the master of all,
+Caesar?" By your own confession, then, you have one master; and let not
+his being, as you say, master of all, give you any comfort; for then
+you are merely a slave in a large family. Thus the Nicopolitans, too,
+frequently cry out, "By the genius of Caesar we are free!"
+
+For the present, however, if you please, we will let Caesar alone. But
+tell me this. Have you never been in love with any one, either of a
+servile or liberal condition? "Why, what has that to do with being
+slave or free?" Were you never commanded anything by your mistress
+that you did not choose? Have you never flattered your fair slave?
+Have you never kissed her feet? And yet if you were commanded to kiss
+Caesar's feet, you would think it an outrage and an excess of tyranny.
+What else is this than slavery? Have you never gone out by night where
+you did not desire? Have you never spent more than you chose? Have you
+not sometimes uttered your words with sighs and groans? Have you never
+borne to be reviled and shut out-of-doors? But if you are ashamed to
+confess your own follies, see what Thrasonides says and does; who,
+after having fought more battles perhaps than you, went out by night,
+when [his slave] Geta would not dare to go; nay, had he been compelled
+to do it, would have gone bewailing and lamenting the bitterness of
+servitude. And what says he afterward? "A contemptible girl has
+enslaved me, whom no enemy ever enslaved." Wretch! to be the slave of
+a girl and a contemptible girl too! Why, then, do you still call
+yourself free? Why do you boast your military expeditions? Then he
+calls for a sword, and is angry with the person who, out of kindness,
+denies it; and sends presents to her who hates him; and begs, and
+weeps, and then again is elated on every little success. But what
+elation? Is he raised above desire or fear?
+
+Consider what is our idea of freedom in animals. Some keep tame lions,
+and feed them and even lead them about; and who will say that any such
+lion is free? Nay, does he not live the more slavishly the more he
+lives at ease? And who that had sense and reason would wish to be one
+of those lions? Again, how much will caged birds suffer in trying to
+escape? Nay, some of them starve themselves rather than undergo such a
+life; others are saved only with difficulty and in a pining condition;
+and the moment they find any opening, out they go. Such a desire have
+they for their natural freedom, and to be at their own disposal, and
+unrestrained. "And what harm can this confinement do you?" "What say
+you? I was born to fly where I please, to live in the open air, to
+sing when I please. You deprive me of all this, and then ask what harm
+I suffer?"
+
+Hence we will allow those only to be free who will not endure
+captivity, but, so soon as they are taken, die and escape. Thus
+Diogenes somewhere says that the only way to freedom is to die with
+ease. And he writes to the Persian king, "You can no more enslave the
+Athenians than you can fish." "How? Can I not get possession of them?"
+"If you do," said he, "they will leave you and be gone like fish. For
+catch a fish, and it dies. And if the Athenians, too, die as soon as
+you have caught them, of what use are your warlike preparations?" This
+is the voice of a free man who had examined the matter in earnest,
+and, as it might be expected, found it all out. But if you seek it
+where it is not, what wonder if you never find it?
+
+A slave wishes to be immediately set free. Think you it is because he
+is desirous to pay his fee [of manumission] to the officer? No, but
+because he fancies that, for want of acquiring his freedom, he has
+hitherto lived under restraint and unprosperously. "If I am once set
+free," he says, "it is all prosperity; I care for no one; I can speak
+to all as being their equal and on a level with them. I go where I
+will, I come when and how I will." He is at last made free, and
+presently having nowhere to eat he seeks whom he may flatter, with
+whom he may sup. He then either submits to the basest and most
+infamous degradation, and if he can obtain admission to some great
+man's table, falls into a slavery much worse than the former; or
+perhaps, if the ignorant fellow should grow rich, he dotes upon some
+girl, laments, and is unhappy, and wishes for slavery again. "For what
+harm did it do me? Another clothed me, another shod me, another fed
+me, another took care of me when I was sick. It was but in a few
+things, by way of return, I used to serve him. But now, miserable
+wretch! what do I suffer, in being a slave to many, instead of one!
+Yet, if I can be promoted to equestrian rank, I shall live in the
+utmost prosperity and happiness." In order to obtain this, he first
+deservedly suffers; and as soon as he has obtained it, it is all the
+same again. "But then," he says, "if I do but get a military command,
+I shall be delivered from all my troubles." He gets a military
+command. He suffers as much as the vilest rogue of a slave; and,
+nevertheless, he asks for a second command and a third; and when he
+has put the finishing touch, and is made a senator, then he is a slave
+indeed. When he comes into the public assembly, it is then that he
+undergoes his finest and most splendid slavery.
+
+[It is needful] not to be foolish, but to learn what Socrates taught,
+the nature of things; and not rashly to apply general principles to
+particulars. For the cause of all human evils is the not being able
+to apply general principles to special cases. But different people
+have different grounds of complaint; one, for instance, that he is
+sick. That is not the trouble; it is in his principles. Another, that
+he is poor; another, that he has a harsh father and mother; another,
+that he is not in the good graces of Caesar. This is nothing else but
+not understanding how to apply our principles. For who has not an idea
+of evil, that it is hurtful; that it is to be avoided; that it is by
+all means to be prudently guarded against? One principle does not
+contradict another, except when it comes to be applied. What, then, is
+this evil--thus hurtful and to be avoided? "Not to be the friend of
+Caesar," says some one. He is gone; he has failed in applying his
+principles; he is embarrassed; he seeks what is nothing to the
+purpose. For if he comes to be Caesar's friend, he is still no nearer
+to what he sought. For what is it that every man seeks? To be secure,
+to be happy, to do what he pleases without restraint and without
+compulsion. When he becomes the friend of Caesar, then does he cease to
+be restrained; to be compelled? Is he secure? Is he happy? Whom shall
+we ask? Whom can we better credit than this very man who has been his
+friend? Come forth and tell us whether you sleep more quietly now than
+before you were the friend of Caesar. You presently hear him cry,
+"Leave off, for Heaven's sake! and do not insult me. You know not the
+miseries I suffer; there is no sleep for me; but one comes and says
+that Caesar is already awake; another, that he is just going out. Then
+follow perturbations, then cares." Well, and when did you use to sup
+the more pleasantly--formerly, or now? Hear what he says about this
+too. When he is not invited, he is distracted; and if he is, he sups
+like a slave with his master, solicitous all the while not to say or
+do anything foolish. And what think you? Is he afraid of being whipt
+like a slave! No such easy penalty. No; but rather, as becomes so
+great a man, Caesar's friend, of losing his head. And when did you
+bathe the more quietly; when did you perform your exercises the more
+at your leisure; in short, which life would you rather wish to
+live--your present, or the former? I could swear there is no one so
+stupid and insensible as not to deplore his miseries, in proportion as
+he is the more the friend of Caesar.
+
+Since, then, neither they who are called kings nor the friends of
+kings live as they like, who, then, after all, is free?...
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 110: From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1865 and 1890, by Little, Brown & Co. Epictetus
+has been valued not alone as an exposition of the Stoic philosophy,
+but as a specimen of Greek of the later or Silver Age. Marcus
+Aurelius, who in a later generation wrote in Greek himself, is said to
+have ranked Epictetus with Socrates as a teacher. Origen, the early
+Christian father, asserted that his writings had been of more value to
+the world's morals than those of Plato.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+OF FRIENDSHIP[111]
+
+
+To whatever objects a person devotes his attention, these objects he
+probably loves. Do men ever devote their attention, then, to [what
+they think] evils? By no means. Or even to things indifferent? No, nor
+this. It remains, then, that good must be the sole object of their
+attention; and if of their attention, of their love too. Whoever,
+therefore, understands good, is capable likewise of love; and he who
+can not distinguish good from evil, and things indifferent from both,
+how is it possible that he can love? The wise person alone, then, is
+capable of loving.
+
+"How so? I am not this wise person, yet I love my child."
+
+I protest it surprizes me that you should, in the first place, confess
+yourself unwise. For in what are you deficient? Have not you the use
+of your senses? Do you not distinguish the semblances of things? Do
+you not provide such food and clothing and habitation as are suitable
+to you? Why then do you confess that you want wisdom? In truth,
+because you are often struck and disconcerted by semblances, and their
+speciousness gets the better of you; and hence you sometimes suppose
+the very same things to be good, then evil, and lastly, neither; and,
+in a word, you grieve, you fear, you envy, you are disconcerted, you
+change. Is it from this that you confess yourself unwise? And are you
+not changeable too in love? Riches, pleasure, in short, the very same
+things, you sometimes esteem good, and at other times evil. And do you
+not esteem the same persons too alternately as good and bad, at one
+time treating them with kindness, at another with enmity; at one time
+commending, and at another time censuring them?
+
+"Yes. This too is the case with me."
+
+Well, then; can he who is deceived in another be his friend, think
+you?
+
+"No, surely."
+
+Or does he who loves him with a changeable affection bear him genuine
+good-will?
+
+"Nor he, neither."
+
+Or he who now vilifies, then admires him?
+
+"Nor he."
+
+Do you not often see little dogs caressing and playing with each
+other, so that you would say nothing could be more friendly? But to
+learn what this friendship is, throw a bit of meat between them, and
+you will see. Do you too throw a bit of an estate betwixt you and your
+son, and you will see that he will quickly wish you under ground, and
+you him; and then you, no doubt, on the other hand will exclaim, What
+a son have I brought up! He would bury me alive! Throw in a pretty
+girl, and the old fellow and the young one will both fall in love with
+her; or let fame or danger intervene, the words of the father of
+Admetus will be yours:
+
+    "You love to see the light. Doth not your father?
+    You fain would still behold it. Would not he?"
+
+Do you suppose that he did not love his own child when it was little;
+that he was not in agonies when it had a fever, and often wished to
+undergo that fever in its stead? But, after all, when the trial comes
+home, you see what expressions he uses. Were not Eteocles and
+Polynices born of the same mother and of the same father? Were they
+not brought up, and did they not live and eat and sleep, together? Did
+not they kiss and fondle each other? So that any one, who saw them,
+would have laughed at all the paradoxes which philosophers utter about
+love. And yet when a kingdom, like a bit of meat, was thrown betwixt
+them, see what they say--
+
+_Polynices._ Where wilt thou stand before the towers?
+
+_Eteocles._ Why askest thou this of me?
+
+_Polynices._ I will oppose myself to thee, to slay thee.
+
+_Eteocles._ Me too the desire of this seizes.
+
+Such are the prayers they offer. Be not therefore deceived. No living
+being is held by anything so strongly as by its own needs. Whatever
+therefore appears a hindrance to these, be it brother or father or
+child or mistress or friend, is hated, abhorred, execrated; for by
+nature it loves nothing like its own needs. This motive is father and
+brother and family and country and God. Whenever, therefore, the gods
+seem to hinder this, we vilify even them, and throw down their
+statues, and burn their temples; as Alexander ordered the temple of
+AEsculapius to be burnt, because he had lost the man he loved.
+
+When, therefore, any one identifies his interest with those of
+sanctity, virtue, country, parents, and friends, all these are
+secured; but whenever he places his interest in anything else than
+friends, country, family and justice, then these all give way, borne
+down by the weight of self-interest. For wherever I and mine are
+placed, thither must every living being gravitate. If in body, that
+will sway us; if in our own will, that; if in externals, these. If,
+therefore, I rest my personality in the will, then only shall I be a
+friend, a son, or a father, such as I ought. For in that case it will
+be for my interest to preserve the faithful, the modest, the patient,
+the abstinent, the beneficent character; to keep the relations of life
+inviolate. But if I place my personality in one thing, and virtue in
+another, the doctrine of Epicurus will stand its ground, that virtue
+is nothing, or mere opinion.
+
+From this ignorance it was that the Athenians and Lacedaemonians
+quarreled with each other, and the Thebans with both; the Persian king
+with Greece, and the Macedonians with both; and now the Romans with
+the Getes.[112] And in still remoter times the Trojan war arose from
+the same cause. Alexander [Paris] was the guest of Menelaus; and
+whoever had seen the mutual proofs of good-will that passed between
+them would never have believed that they were not friends. But a
+tempting bait, a pretty woman, was thrown in between them; and thence
+came war. At present, therefore, when you see that dear brothers have,
+in appearance, but one soul, do not immediately pronounce upon their
+love; not tho they should swear it, and affirm it was impossible to
+live asunder. For the governing faculty of a bad man is faithless,
+unsettled, undiscriminating, successively vanquished by different
+semblances. But inquire, not as others do, whether they were born of
+the same parents, and brought up together, and under the same
+preceptor; but this thing only, in what they place their interest--in
+externals or in their own wills. If in externals, you can no more
+pronounce them friends, than you can call them faithful, or constant,
+or brave, or free; nay, nor even truly men, if you are wise. For it is
+no principle of humanity that makes them bite and vilify each other,
+and take possession of public assemblies, as wild beasts do of
+solitudes and mountains; and convert courts of justice into dens of
+robbers; that prompts them to be intemperate, adulterers, seducers; or
+leads them into other offenses that men commit against each other--all
+from that one single error, by which they risk themselves and their
+own concerns on things uncontrollable by will.
+
+But if you hear that these men in reality suppose good to be placed
+only in the will, and in a right use of things as they appear, no
+longer take the trouble of inquiring if they are father and son, or
+old companions and acquaintances; but boldly pronounce that they are
+friends, and also that they are faithful and just. For where else can
+friendship be met, but joined with fidelity and modesty, and the
+intercommunication of virtue alone?
+
+"Well; but such a one paid me the utmost regard for so long a time,
+and did he not love me?"
+
+How can you tell, foolish man, if that regard be any other than he
+pays to his shoes, or his horse, when he cleans them? And how do you
+know but that when you cease to be a necessary utensil, he may throw
+you away, like a broken stool?
+
+"Well; but it is my wife, and we have lived together many years."
+
+And how many did Eriphyle live with Amphiaraus, and was the mother of
+children not a few? But a bauble came between them. What was this
+bauble? A false conviction concerning certain things. This turned her
+into a savage animal; this cut asunder all love, and suffered neither
+the wife nor the mother to continue such.
+
+Whoever, therefore, among you studies either to be or to gain a
+friend, let him cut up all false convictions by the root, hate them,
+drive them utterly out of his soul. Thus, in the first place, he will
+be secure from inward reproaches and contests, from vacillation and
+self-torment. Then, with respect to others, to every like-minded
+person he will be without disguise; to such as are unlike he will be
+patient, mild, gentle, and ready to forgive them, as failing in points
+of the greatest importance; but severe to none, being fully convinced
+of Plato's doctrine, that the soul is never willingly deprived of
+truth. Without all this, you may, in many respects, live as friends
+do; and drink and lodge and travel together, and even be born of the
+same parents; and so may serpents too; but neither they nor you can
+ever be really friends, while your accustomed principles remain brutal
+and execrable.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 111: From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1890, by Little, Brown & Co.]
+
+[Footnote 112: The Getes were a Thracian people who dwelt north of the
+Danube, at one time in what is now Bulgaria, and at another in what is
+Bessarabia.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE PHILOSOPHER AND THE CROWD[113]
+
+
+The first difference between one of the crowd and a philosopher is
+this: the one says, "I am undone on the account of my child, my
+brother, my father"; but the other, if ever he be obliged to say, "I
+am undone!" reflects, and adds, "on account of myself." For the Will
+can not be restrained or hurt by anything to which the Will does not
+extend, but only by itself. If, therefore, we always would incline
+this way, and whenever we are unsuccessful, would lay the fault on
+ourselves, and remember that there is no cause of perturbation and
+inconstancy but wrong principles, I pledge myself to you that we
+should make some proficiency. But we set out in a very different way
+from the very beginning. In infancy, for example, if we happen to
+stumble, our nurse does not chide us, but beats the stone. Why, what
+harm has the stone done? Was it to move out of its place for the folly
+of your child? Again, if we do not find something to eat when we come
+out of the bath, our tutor does not try to moderate our appetite, but
+beats the cook. Why, did we appoint you tutor of the cook, man? No;
+but of our child. It is he whom you are to correct and improve. By
+these means even when we are grown up, we appear children. For an
+unmusical person is a child in music; an illiterate person, a child in
+learning; and an untaught one, a child in life.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 113: From the "Discourses." Translated by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Copyright, 1890, by Little, Brown & Co.]
+
+
+
+
+LUCIAN
+
+     Born at Samosata, Syria, about 120 A.D.; died about 200;
+     apprenticed to his maternal uncle, who was a sculptor, but
+     ran away in dislike of the art; becoming interested in the
+     Rhetoricians, began to write himself; his works, as
+     collected in English, comprize four volumes, among them
+     "Dialogues of the Gods," "Dialogues of the Dead," "Zeus, the
+     Tragedian," "The Ferryboat," and "Toxaris."[114]
+
+I
+
+A DESCENT TO THE UNKNOWN[115]
+
+
+Dawn was approaching when we went down to the river to embark; he had
+provided a boat, victims, hydromel, and all necessaries for our mystic
+enterprise. We put all aboard, and then, Troubled at heart, with
+welling tears, we went. For some distance we floated down stream,
+until we entered the marshy lake in which the Euphrates disappears.
+Beyond this we came to a desolate, wooded, sunless spot; there we
+landed, Mithrobarzanes leading the way, and proceeded to dig a pit,
+slay our sheep, and sprinkle their blood round the edge. Meanwhile the
+Mage, with a lighted torch in his hand, abandoning his customary
+whisper, shouted at the top of his voice an invocation to all spirits,
+particularly the Poenae and Erinyes,
+
+    Hecate's dark might, and dread Persephone,
+
+with a string of other names, outlandish, unintelligible, and
+polysyllabic.
+
+As he ended, there was a great commotion, earth was burst open by the
+incantation, the barking of Cerberus was heard far off, and all was
+overcast and lowering:
+
+    Quaked in his dark abyss the King of Shades;
+
+for almost all was now unveiled to us, the lake, and Phlegethon, and
+the abode of Pluto. Undeterred, we made our way down the chasm, and
+came upon Rhadamanthus half dead with fear. Cerberus barked and looked
+like getting up; but I quickly touched my lyre, and the first note
+sufficed to lull him. Reaching the lake, we nearly missed our passage
+for that time, the ferry-boat being already full; there was incessant
+lamentation, and all the passengers had wounds upon them; mangled
+legs, mangled heads, mangled everything; no doubt there was a war
+going on. Nevertheless, when good Charon saw the lion's skin, taking
+me for Heracles, he made room, was delighted to give me a passage, and
+showed us our direction when we got off.
+
+We were now in darkness; so Mithrobarzanes led the way, and I followed
+holding on to him, until we reached a great meadow of asphodel, where
+the shades of the dead, with their thin voices, came flitting round
+us. Working gradually on, we reached the court of Minos; he was
+sitting on a high throne, with the Poenae, Avengers, and Erinyes
+standing at the sides. From another direction was being brought a long
+row of persons chained together; I heard that they were adulterers,
+procurers, publicans, sycophants, informers, and all the filth that
+pollutes the stream of life. Separate from them came the rich and
+usurers, pale, pot-bellied, and gouty, each with a hundredweight of
+spiked collar upon him. There we stood looking at the proceedings and
+listening to the pleas they put in; their accusers were orators of a
+strange and novel species.
+
+We left the court at last, and came to the place of punishment. Many a
+piteous sight and sound was there--cracking of whips, shrieks of the
+burning, rack and gibbet and wheel; Chimera tearing, Cerberus
+devouring; all tortured together, kings and slaves, governors and
+paupers, rich and beggars, and all repenting their sins. A few of
+them, the lately dead, we recognized. These would turn away and shrink
+from observation; or if they met our eyes, it would be with a slavish
+cringing glance--how different from the arrogance and contempt that
+had marked them in life! The poor were allowed half-time in their
+tortures, respite and punishment alternating. Those with whom legend
+is so busy I saw with my eyes--Ixion,[116] Sisyphus, the Phrygian
+Tantalus in all his misery, and the giant Tityus--how vast, his bulk
+covering a whole field!
+
+Leaving these, we entered the Acherusian plain, and there found the
+demigods, men and women both, and the common dead, dwelling in their
+nations and tribes, some of them ancient and moldering "strengthless
+heads," as Homer has it, others fresh, with substance yet in them,
+Egyptians chiefly, these--so long last their embalming drugs. But to
+know one from another was no easy task; all men are so like when the
+bones are bared; yet with pains and long scrutiny we could make them
+out. They lay pell-mell in undistinguished heaps, with none of their
+earthly beauties left. With all those anatomies piled together as like
+as could be, eyes glaring ghastly and vacant, teeth gleaming bare, I
+knew not how to tell Thersites[117] from Nireus the beauty, beggar
+Irus from the Phaeacian king, or cook Pyrrhias from Agamemnon's self.
+Their ancient marks were gone, and their bones alike--uncertain,
+unlabeled, indistinguishable.
+
+When I saw all this, the life of man came before me under the
+likeness of a great pageant, arranged and marshaled by Chance, who
+distributed infinitely varied costumes to the performers. She would
+take one and array him like a king, with tiara, body-guard, and crown
+complete; another she drest like a slave; one was adorned with beauty,
+another got up as a ridiculous hunchback: there must be all kinds in
+the show. Often before the procession was over she made individuals
+exchange characters; they could not be allowed to keep the same to the
+end; Croesus must double parts and appear as slave and captive;
+Maeandrius, starting as slave, would take over Polycrates'[118]
+despotism, and be allowed to keep his new clothes for a little while.
+And when the procession is done, every one disrobes, gives up his
+character with his body, and appears, as he originally was, just like
+his neighbor. Some, when Chance comes round collecting the properties,
+are silly enough to sulk and protest, as tho they were being robbed of
+their own instead of only returning loans. You know the kind of thing
+on the stage--tragic actors shifting as the play requires from Creon
+to Priam, from Priam to Agamemnon; the same man, very likely, whom you
+saw just now in all the majesty of Cecrops or Erechtheus, treads the
+boards next as a slave, because the author tells him to. The play
+over, each of them throws off his gold-spangled robe and his mask,
+descends from the buskin's height, and moves a mean ordinary creature;
+his name is not now Agamemnon son of Atreus, or Creon son of
+Menoeceus, but Polus son of Charicles of Sunium, or Satyrus son of
+Theogiton of Marathon. Such is the condition of mankind, or so that
+sight presented it to me.
+
+_Philip._ Now, if a man occupies a costly towering sepulcher, or
+leaves monuments, statues, inscriptions behind him on earth, does not
+this place him in a class above the common dead?
+
+_Menippus._ Nonsense, my good man; if you had looked on Mausolus[119]
+himself--the Carian so famous for his tomb--I assure you, you would
+never have stopt laughing; he was a miserable unconsidered unit among
+the general mass of the dead, flung aside in a dusty hole, with no
+profit of his sepulcher but its extra weight upon him. No, friend,
+when AEacus gives a man his allowance of space--and it never exceeds a
+foot's breadth, he must be content to pack himself into its limits.
+You might have laughed still more if you had beheld the kings and
+governors of earth begging in Hades, selling salt fish for a living,
+it might be, or giving elementary lessons, insulted by any one who met
+them, and cuffed like the most worthless of slaves. When I saw Philip
+of Macedon,[120] I could not contain myself; some one showed him to me
+cobbling old shoes for money in a corner. Many others were to be seen
+begging--people like Xerxes, Darius, or Polycrates.
+
+_Philip._ These royal downfalls are extraordinary--almost incredible.
+But what of Socrates, Diogenes, and such wise men?
+
+_Menippus._ Socrates still goes about proving everybody wrong, the
+same as ever; Palamedes, Odysseus, Nestor, and a few other
+conversational shades, keep him company. His legs, by the way, were
+still puffy and swollen from the poison. Good Diogenes pitches close
+to Sardanapalus, Midas, and other specimens of magnificence. The sound
+of their lamentations and better-day memories keeps him in laughter
+and spirits; he is generally stretched on his back roaring out a noisy
+song which drowns lamentations; it annoys them, and they are looking
+out for a new pitch where he may not molest them.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 114: Lucian lived under four Roman emperors and possibly
+five,--Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Commodus and
+Pertinax. The Fowlers, whose translation is used in these specimens,
+regard Lucian as "a linguistic miracle," stating the case as follows:
+"A Syrian writes in Greek, and not in the Greek of his own time, but
+in that of five or six centuries before, and he does it, if not with
+absolute correctness, yet with the easy mastery that we expect from
+one in a million of those who write in their mother tongue and takes
+place as an immortal classic. The miracle may be repeated; an
+English-educated Hindu may produce masterpieces of Elizabethan English
+that will rank him with Bacon and Ben Jonson; but it will surprize us
+when it does happen."]
+
+[Footnote 115: From "Menippus: A Necromantic Experiment." Translated
+by H. W. and F. G. Fowler. Menippus was a Cynic philosopher,
+originally a slave, born in Syria. He lived about 60 B.C., and wrote
+much, but all his works have been lost.]
+
+[Footnote 116: Ixion, of whom the familiar legend is that he was
+punished in the lower world by being chained to an ever-revolving
+wheel, was King of the Lapithae. Sisyphus, whose punishment was to roll
+a stone up a hill and then see it roll back again, being condemned
+perpetually to attempt rolling it completely to the top, belonged to a
+period anterior to Homer, and was the founder of Corinth. Homer
+describes him as the craftiest of men. Tantalus, one of the kings of
+Lydia, was condemned to stand in water, but whenever he sought to
+quench his thirst the water retreated from him.]
+
+[Footnote 117: Thersites is represented as the most insolent and
+hateful of the Greeks who went to Troy.]
+
+[Footnote 118: Polycrates was tyrant of Samos from 536 to 522 B.C.,
+but was put to death.]
+
+[Footnote 119: Mausolus was King of Caria, a country lying on the
+AEgean Sea in Asia Minor. Its chief town was Helicarnassus. Mausolus
+died about 353 B.C. His sister-wife, Artemisia, erected above his
+body the famous tomb named after him the Mausoleum, which was one of
+the "seven wonders of the world."]
+
+[Footnote 120: The father of Alexander the Great, and the king against
+whom several of the orations of Demosthenes were delivered.]
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+AMONG THE PHILOSOPHERS[121]
+
+
+_Socrates._ Stone the miscreant; stone him with many stones; clod him
+with clods; pot him with pots; let the culprit feel your sticks; leave
+him no way out. At him, Plato! come, Chrysippus, let him have it!
+Shoulder to shoulder, close the ranks;
+
+    Let wallet succor wallet, staff aid staff!
+
+We are all parties in this war; not one of us but he has assailed.
+You, Diogenes, now if ever is the time for that stick of yours; stand
+firm, all of you. Let him reap the fruits of his revilings. What,
+Epicurus, Aristippus, tired already? 'tis too soon; ye sages,
+
+    Be men; resume that erstwhile furious wrath.
+
+Aristotle, one more sprint. There! the brute is caught; we have you,
+villain. You shall soon know a little more about the characters you
+have assailed. Now, what shall we do with him? it must be rather an
+elaborate execution, to meet all our claims upon him; he owes a
+separate death to every one of us.
+
+_First Philosopher._ Impale him, say I.
+
+_Second Philosopher._ Yes, but scourge him first.
+
+_Third Philosopher._ Tear out his eyes.
+
+_Fourth Philosopher._ Ah, but first out with the offending tongue.
+
+_Socrates._ What say you, Empedocles?
+
+_Empedocles._ Oh, fling him into a crater; that will teach him to
+vilify his betters.
+
+_Plato._ 'Twere best for him, Orpheus or Pentheus like, to
+
+    Find death, dashed all to pieces on the rock;
+
+so each might have taken a piece home with him....
+
+_Lucian._ Believe me, good gentlemen, I have been at much pains on
+your behalf; to slay me is to slay one who should rather be selected
+for commendation; a kindred spirit, a well-wisher, a man after your
+own heart, a promoter, if I may be bold to say it, of your pursuits.
+See to it that you catch not the tone of our latter-day philosophers,
+and be thankless, petulant and hard of heart, to him that deserves
+better of you.
+
+_Plato._ Talk of a brazen front! So to abuse us is to oblige us. I
+believe you are under the delusion that you are really talking to
+slaves; after the insolent excesses of your tongue, do you propose to
+chop gratitude with us?
+
+_Lucian._ How or when was I ever insolent to you? I have always been
+an admirer of philosophy, your panegyrist, and a student of the
+writings you left. All that comes from my pen is but what you give me;
+I deflower you, like a bee, for the behoof of mankind; and then there
+is praise and recognition; they know the flowers, whence and whose the
+honey was, and the manner of my gathering; their surface feeling is
+for my selective art, but deeper down it is for you and your meadow,
+where you put forth such bright blooms and myriad dyes, if one knows
+but how to sort and mix and match, that one be not in discord with
+another. Could he that had found you such have the heart to abuse
+these benefactors to whom his little fame was due? then he must be a
+Thamyris or Eurytus, defying the Muses who gave his gift of song, or
+challenging Apollo with the bow, forgetful from whom he had his
+marksmanship.
+
+_Plato._ All this, good sir, is quite according to the principles of
+rhetoric; that is to say, it is clean contrary to the facts; your
+unscrupulousness is only emphasized by this adding of insult to
+injury; you confess that your arrows are from our quiver, and you use
+them against us; your one aim is to abuse us. This is our reward for
+showing you that meadow, letting you pluck freely, fill your bosom,
+and depart. For this alone you richly deserve death.
+
+_Lucian._ There; your ears are partial; they are deaf to the right.
+Why, I would never have believed that personal feeling could affect a
+Plato, a Chrysippus,[122] an Aristotle; with you, of all men, I
+thought there was dry light. But, dear sirs, do not condemn me
+unheard; give me trial first....
+
+_Plato._ Pythagoras,[123] Socrates, what do you think? perhaps the
+man's appeal to law is not unreasonable.
+
+_Socrates._ No; come along, form the court, fetch Philosophy, and see
+what he has to say for himself. To condemn unheard is a sadly crude
+proceeding, not for us; leave that to the hasty people with whom might
+is right. We shall give occasion to the enemy to blaspheme if we stone
+a man without a hearing, profest lovers of justice as we are. We shall
+have to keep quiet about Anytus and Meletus, my accusers, and the jury
+on that occasion, if we can not spare an hour to hear this fellow
+before he suffers.
+
+_Plato._ Very true, Socrates. We will go and fetch Philosophy. The
+decision shall be hers, and we will accept it, whatever it is....
+
+_Philosophy._ Well, well. Here we are at the appointed place. We will
+hold the trial in the forecourt of Athene Polias.[124] Priestess,
+arrange our seats, while we salute the goddess.
+
+_Lucian._ Polias, come to my aid against these pretenders, mindful of
+the daily perjuries thou hearest from them. Their deeds too are
+revealed to thee alone, in virtue of thy charge. Thou hast now thine
+hour of vengeance. If thou see me in evil case, if blacks be more than
+whites, then cast thou thy vote and save me!
+
+_Philosophy._ So. Now we are seated, ready to hear your words. Choose
+one of your number, the best accuser you may, make your charge, and
+bring your proofs. Were all to speak, there would be no end. And you,
+Parrhesiades, shall afterward make your defense....
+
+_Parrhesiades._ Philosophy, Diogenes has been far indeed from
+exhausting his material; the greater part of it, and the more strongly
+exprest, he has passed by, for reasons best known to himself. I refer
+to statements of mine which I am as far from denying that I made as
+from having provided myself with any elaborate defense of them. Any of
+these that have been omitted by him, and not previously emphasized by
+myself, I propose now to quote; this will be the best way to show you
+who were the persons that I sold by auction and inveighed against as
+pretenders and impostors; please to concentrate your vigilance on the
+truth or falsehood of my descriptions. If what I say is injurious or
+severe, your censure will be more fairly directed at the perpetrators
+than at the discoverer of such iniquities. I had no sooner realized
+the odious practises which his profession imposes on an advocate--the
+deceit, falsehood, bluster, clamor, pushing, and all the long hateful
+list, than I fled as a matter of course from these, betook myself to
+your dear service, Philosophy, and pleased myself with the thought of
+a remainder of life spent far from the tossing waves in a calm haven
+beneath your shadow.
+
+At my first peep into your realm, how could I but admire yourself and
+all these your disciples? There they were, legislating for the perfect
+life, holding out hands of help to those that would reach it,
+commending all that was fairest and best; fairest and best--but a man
+must keep straight on for it and never slip, must set his eyes
+unwaveringly on the laws that you have laid down, must tune and test
+his life thereby; and that, Zeus be my witness, there are few enough
+in these days of ours to do.
+
+So I saw how many were in love, not with Philosophy, but with the
+credit it brings; in the vulgar externals, so easy for any one to ape,
+they showed a striking resemblance to the real article, perfect in
+beard and walk and attire; but in life and conduct they belied their
+looks, read your lessons backwards, and degraded their profession.
+Then I was wroth; methought it was as tho some soft womanish actor on
+the tragic stage should give us Achilles or Theseus or Heracles
+himself; he can not stride nor speak out as a hero should, but minces
+along under his enormous mask; Helen or Polyxena would find him too
+realistically feminine to pass for them; and what shall an invincible
+Heracles say? Will he not swiftly pound man and mask together into
+nothingness with his club, for womanizing and disgracing him?
+
+Well, these people were about as fit to represent you, and the
+degradation of it all was too much for me. Apes daring to masquerade
+as heroes! emulators of the ass at Cyme! The Cymeans, you know, had
+never seen ass or lion; so the ass came the lion over them, with the
+aid of a borrowed skin and his most awe-inspiring bray; however, a
+stranger who had often seen both brought the truth to light with a
+stick. But what most distrest me, Philosophy, was this: when one of
+these people was detected in rascality, impropriety, or immorality,
+every one put it down to philosophy, and to the particular philosopher
+whose name the delinquent took in vain without ever acting on his
+principles; the living rascal disgraced you, the long dead; for you
+were not there in the flesh to point the contrast; so, as it was clear
+enough that his life was vile and disgusting, your case was given away
+by association with his, and you had to share his disgrace.
+
+This spectacle, I say, was too much for me; I began exposing them, and
+distinguishing between them and you; and for this good work you now
+arraign me. So then, if I find one of the Initiated betraying and
+parodying the Mysteries of the two Goddesses, and if I protest and
+denounce him, the transgression will be mine? There is something wrong
+there; why, at the Games, if an actor who has to present Athene or
+Poseidon or Zeus plays his part badly, derogating from the divine
+dignity, the stewards have him whipt; well, the gods are not angry
+with them for having the officers whip the man who wears their mask
+and their attire; I imagine they approve of the punishment. To play a
+slave or a messenger badly is a trifling offense, but to represent
+Zeus or Heracles to the spectators in an unworthy manner--that is a
+crime and a sacrilege.
+
+I can indeed conceive nothing more extraordinary than that so many of
+them should get themselves absolutely perfect in your words, and then
+live precisely as if the sole object of reading and studying them had
+been to reverse them in practise. All their professions of despising
+wealth and appearances, of admiring nothing but what is noble, of
+superiority to passion, of being proof against splendor, and
+associating with its owners only on equal terms--how fair and wise and
+laudable they all are! But they take pay for imparting them, they are
+abashed in presence of the rich, their lips water at sight of coin;
+they are dogs for temper, hares for cowardice, apes for imitativeness,
+asses for lust, cats for thievery, cocks for jealousy. They are a
+perfect laughingstock with their strivings after vile ends, their
+jostling of each other at rich men's doors, their attendance at
+crowded dinners, and their vulgar obsequiousness at table. They swill
+more than they should and would like to swill more than they do, they
+spoil the wine with unwelcome and untimely disquisitions, and they can
+not carry their liquor. The ordinary people who are present naturally
+flout them, and are revolted by the philosophy which breeds such
+brutes.
+
+What is so monstrous is that every man of them says he has no needs,
+proclaims aloud that wisdom is the only wealth, and directly afterward
+comes begging and makes a fuss if he is refused; it would hardly be
+stranger to see one in kingly attire, with tall tiara, crown, and all the
+attributes of royalty, asking his inferiors for a little something more.
+When they want to get something, we hear a great deal, to be sure, about
+community of goods--how wealth is a thing indifferent--and what is gold
+and silver?--neither more nor less worth than pebbles on the beach. But
+when an old comrade and tried friend needs help and comes to them with his
+modest requirements, ah, then there is silence and searchings of heart,
+unlearning of tenets and flat renunciation of doctrines. All their fine
+talk of friendship, with Virtue and The Good, have vanished and flown, who
+knows whither? they were winged words in sad truth, empty fantoms, only
+meant for daily conversational use.
+
+These men are excellent friends so long as there is no gold or silver
+for them to dispute the possession of; exhibit but a copper or two,
+and peace is broken, truce void, armistice ended; their books are
+blank, their virtue fled, and they so many dogs; some one has flung a
+bone into the pack, and up they spring to bite each other and snarl at
+the one which has pounced successfully. There is a story of an
+Egyptian king who taught some apes the sword-dance; the imitative
+creatures very soon picked it up; and used to perform in purple robes
+and masks; for some time the show was a great success, till at last an
+ingenious spectator brought some nuts in with him and threw them down.
+The apes forgot their dancing at the sight, dropt their humanity,
+resumed their ape-hood, and, smashing masks and tearing dresses, had a
+free fight for the provender. Alas for the _corps de ballet_ and the
+gravity of the audience!
+
+These people are just those apes; it is they that I reviled; and I
+shall never cease exposing and ridiculing them; but about you and your
+like--for there are, in spite of all, some true lovers of philosophy
+and keepers of your laws--about you or them may I never be mad enough
+to utter an injurious or rude word! Why, what could I find to say?
+what is there in your lives that lends itself to such treatment? but
+those pretenders deserve my detestation, as they have that of heaven.
+Why, tell me, all of you, what have such creatures to do with you? Is
+there a trace in their lives of kindred and affinity? Does oil mix
+with water? If they grow their beards and call themselves philosophers
+and look solemn, do these things make them like you? I could have
+contained myself if there had been any touch of plausibility in their
+acting; but the vulture is more like the nightingale than they like
+philosophers. And now I have pleaded my cause to the best of my
+ability. Truth, I rely upon you to confirm my words.
+
+_Philosophy._ Parrhesiades, retire to a further distance. Well, and
+our verdict? How think you the man has spoken?
+
+_Truth._ Ah, Philosophy, while he was speaking I was ready to sink
+through the ground; it was all so true. As I listened, I could
+identify every offender, and I was fitting caps all the time--this is
+so-and-so, that is the other man, all over. I tell you they were all
+as plain as in a picture--speaking likenesses not of their bodies
+only, but of their very souls.
+
+_Temperance._ Yes, Truth, I could not help blushing at it.
+
+_Philosophy._ What say you, gentlemen?
+
+_Res._ Why, of course, that he is acquitted of the charge, and stands
+recorded as our friend and benefactor. Our case is just that of the
+Trojans, who entertained the tragic actor only to find him reciting
+their own calamities. Well, recite away, our tragedian, with these
+pests of ours for dramatis personae.
+
+_Diogenes._ I too, Philosophy, give him my meed of praise; I withdraw
+my charges, and count him a worthy friend.
+
+_Philosophy._ I congratulate you, Parrhesiades; you are unanimously
+acquitted, and are henceforth one of us.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 121: From the "Fisher: A Resurrection Piece." Translated by
+H. W. and F. G. Fowler.]
+
+[Footnote 122: Famous as a mathematician as well as philosopher; born
+in Samos about 582 B.C. He founded a famous school of philosophy at
+Crotona in Southern Italy.]
+
+[Footnote 123: After Zeno the most eminent of the Stoic philosophers;
+born in 280 B.C.]
+
+[Footnote 124: The guardian of the city of Athens. A famous statue of
+Athenia Polias of the fifth century B.C. is preserved in the Villa
+Albani at Rome.]
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+OF LIARS AND LYING[125]
+
+
+_Tychiades._ Philocles, what is it that makes most men so fond of a
+lie? Can you explain it? Their delight in romancing themselves is only
+equaled by the earnest attention with which they receive other
+people's efforts in the same direction.
+
+_Philocles._ Why, in some cases there is no lack of motives for
+lying--motives of self-interest.
+
+_Tychiades._ Ah, but that is neither here nor there. I am not speaking
+of men who lie with an object. There is some excuse for that: indeed,
+it is sometimes to their credit, when they deceive their country's
+enemies, for instance, or when mendacity is but the medicine to heal
+their sickness. Odysseus, seeking to preserve his life and bring his
+companions safe home, was a liar of that kind. The men I mean are
+innocent of any ulterior motive: they prefer a lie to truth, simply on
+its own merits; they like lying, it is their favorite occupation;
+there is no necessity in the case. Now what good can they get out of
+it?
+
+_Philocles._ Why, have you ever known any one with such a strong
+natural turn for lying?
+
+_Tychiades._ Any number of them.
+
+_Philocles._ Then I can only say they must be fools, if they really
+prefer evil to good.
+
+_Tychiades._ Oh, that is not it. I could point you out plenty of men
+of first-rate ability, sensible enough in all other respects, who have
+somehow picked up this vice of romancing. It makes me quite angry:
+what satisfaction can there be to men of their good qualities in
+deceiving themselves and their neighbors? There are instances among
+the ancients with which you must be more familiar than I. Look at
+Herodotus, or Ctesias of Cnidus;[126] or, to go further back, take the
+poets--Homer himself: here are men of world-wide celebrity,
+perpetuating their mendacity in black and white; not content with
+deceiving their hearers, they must send their lies down to posterity,
+under the protection of the most admirable verse. Many a time I have
+blushed for them, as I read of the mutilation of Uranus, the fetters
+of Prometheus, the revolt of the giants, the torments of hell;
+enamored Zeus taking the shape of bull or swan; women turning into
+birds and bears; Pegasuses, Chimaeras, Gorgons, Cyclopes, and the rest
+of it; monstrous medley! fit only to charm the imaginations of
+children for whom Mormo and Lamia have still their terrors. However,
+poets, I suppose, will be poets. But when it comes to national lies,
+when one finds whole cities bouncing collectively like one man, how is
+one to keep one's countenance? A Cretan will look you in the face, and
+tell you that yonder is Zeus' tomb. In Athens, you are informed that
+Erichthonius sprang out of the earth, and that the first Athenians
+grew up from the soil like so many cabbages; and this story assumes
+quite a sober aspect when compared with that of the Sparti, for whom
+the Thebans claim descent from a dragon's teeth. If you presume to
+doubt these stories, if you choose to exert your common sense, and
+leave Triptolemus' winged aerial car, and Pan's Marathonian exploits,
+and Orithyia's mishap, to the stronger digestions of a Coroebus and
+a Margites, you are a fool and a blasphemer, for questioning such
+palpable truths. Such is the power of lies!
+
+_Philocles._ I must say I think there is some excuse, Tychiades, both
+for your national liars and for the poets. The latter are quite right
+in throwing in a little mythology: it has a very pleasing effect, and
+is just the thing to secure the attention of their hearers. On the
+other hand, the Athenians and the Thebans and the rest are only trying
+to add to the luster of their respective cities. Take away the
+legendary treasures of Greece, and you condemn the whole race of
+ciceroni to starvation: sightseers do not want the truth; they would
+not take it at a gift. However, I surrender to your ridicule any one
+who has no such motive, and yet rejoices in lies.
+
+_Tychiades._ Very well: now I have just been with the great Eucrates,
+who treated me to a whole string of old wives' tales. I came away in
+the middle of it; he was too much for me altogether; Furies could not
+have driven me out more effectually than his marvel-working tongue.
+
+_Philocles._ What, Eucrates, of all credible witnesses? That venerably
+bearded sexagenarian, with his philosophic leanings? I could never
+have believed that he would lend his countenance to other people's
+lies, much less that he was capable of such things himself.
+
+_Tychiades._ My dear sir, you should have heard the stuff he told me;
+the way in which he vouched for the truth of it all too, solemnly
+staking the lives of his children on his veracity! I stared at him in
+amazement, not knowing what to make of it: one moment I thought he
+must be out of his mind; the next I concluded he had been a humbug all
+along, an ape in a lion's skin. Oh, it was monstrous....
+
+"When I was a young man," said he, "I passed some time in Egypt, my
+father having sent me to that country for my education. I took it into
+my head to sail up the Nile to Coptus, and thence pay a visit to the
+statue of Memnon,[127] and hear the curious sound that proceeds from
+it at sunrise. In this respect, I was more fortunate than most people,
+who hear nothing but an indistinct voice: Memnon actually opened his
+lips, and delivered me an oracle in seven hexameters; it is foreign to
+my present purpose, or I would quote you the very lines."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 125: From "The Liar." Translated by H. W. and F. G. Fowler.]
+
+[Footnote 126: Ctesias who died after 398 B.C., and wrote a history
+of Persia in twenty-four books and a treatise on India. Parts only of
+both are now extant.]
+
+[Footnote 127: A legendary king of Ethiopia, who was slain at Troy by
+Achilles--a fable, says Rawlinson, which is "one of those in which it
+is difficult to determine any germs of truth." His name was given by
+the Greeks to one of the Colossi at Thebes in Egypt, from which, when
+touched by the rays of the rising sun, there was said to proceed a
+strange sound.]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Best of the World's Classics,
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