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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Critical Exposition of the Popular 'Jihád', by
+Moulavi Gerágh Ali
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: A Critical Exposition of the Popular 'Jihád'
+ Showing that all the Wars of Mohammad Were Defensive; and
+ that Aggressive War, or Compulsory Conversion, is not
+ Allowed in The Koran - 1885
+
+Author: Moulavi Gerágh Ali
+
+Release Date: March 29, 2007 [EBook #20927]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK POPULAR 'JIHÁD' ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness, Aaron Reed and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+A
+
+CRITICAL EXPOSITION
+
+OF THE
+
+POPULAR "JIHÁD."
+
+
+
+
+A
+
+CRITICAL EXPOSITION
+
+OF THE
+
+POPULAR "JIHÁD."
+
+SHOWING THAT
+
+ALL THE WARS OF MOHAMMAD WERE DEFENSIVE; AND THAT
+AGGRESSIVE WAR, OR COMPULSORY CONVERSION,
+IS NOT ALLOWED IN THE KORAN.
+
+WITH APPENDICES
+PROVING THAT THE WORD "JIHAD" DOES NOT EXEGETICALLY MEAN
+'WARFARE,' AND THAT SLAVERY IS NOT SANCTIONED
+BY THE PROPHET OF ISLAM.
+
+BY MOULAVI GHERÁGH ALI,
+
+_Author of_
+
+"REFORMS UNDER MOSLEM RULE,"
+"HYDERABAD (DECCAN) UNDER SIR SALAR JUNG."
+
+CALCUTTA:
+THACKER, SPINK AND CO.
+
+1885.
+
+CALCUTTA:
+PRINTED BY THACKER, SPINK AND CO.
+
+
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+
+I here take the opportunity of removing a wrong idea of the alleged
+injunction of the Prophet against our countrymen the Hindús. The Hon'ble
+Raja Sivá Prasad, in his speech at the Legislative Council, on the 9th
+March, 1883, while discussing the Ilbert Bill, quoted from Amir Khusro's
+_Tarikh Alái_ that, "Ala-ud-dín Khiliji once sent for a Kází, and asked
+him what was written in the Code of Mehammadan law regarding the Hindús.
+The Kází answered that, the Hindús were _Zimmis_ (condemned to pay the
+Jízya tax); if asked silver, they ought to pay gold with deep respect
+and humility; and if the collector of taxes were to fling dirt in their
+faces, they should gladly open their mouths wide. God's order is to keep
+them in subjection, and the Prophet enjoins on the faithful to kill,
+plunder and imprison them, to make Mussulmáns, or to put them to the
+sword, to enslave them, and confiscate their property....'" [_Vide_
+Supplement to the _Gazette of India_, April 21, 1883, page 807.]
+
+These alleged injunctions, I need not say here, after what I have stated
+in various places of this book regarding intolerance, and compulsory
+conversion, are merely false imputations. There are no such injunctions
+of the Prophet against either _Zimmis_, (_i.e._, protected or
+guaranteed) or the Hindús.
+
+
+
+ TO
+ THE HONORABLE
+ SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADUR, C.S.I.,
+ THIS BOOK
+ IS, WITHOUT EVEN ASKING PERMISSION.
+ AND WHOLLY WITHOUT HIS KNOWLEDGE.
+ DEDICATED
+ AS A SLIGHT BUT SINCERE TESTIMONY OF ADMIRATION FOR HIS LONG
+ AND VARIOUS SERVICES IN THE CAUSE OF ISLAM
+ AND
+ IN RESPECT OF HIS RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL REFORMS IN THE
+ MOSLIMS OF INDIA,
+ AND
+ OF GRATITUDE FOR MUCH PERSONAL KINDNESS AND FRIENDSHIP,
+ BY
+ THE AUTHOR.
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: All errata listed below have been corrected in the
+e-text. Mistakes not listed below have been left as they appeared in
+the printed book, although missing or misplaced punctuation marks have
+been corrected.]
+
+
+ERRATA.
+
+
+ _Page_ _Line_ _For_ _Read_
+
+ v 21 them _Omit_
+ " 22 them it
+ xvii _f.n._ Maaddite Moaddite
+ xxxiv 21 Morra Murra
+ " 22 Soleim Suleim
+ xlii 9 Kauuka Kainuka
+ xliii 22 _f.n._ Mozeima Mozeina
+ xlv 25 Khusain Khushain
+ liv 1 Ban Bani
+ " 10 Ghassianide Ghassanide
+ lxxxviii 30 Khalips Khalifs
+ xci 30 Caliphater Caliphate
+ 11 10 Kurzibn Kurz-ibn
+ 18 9 God[2] God:
+ " " desist[3] desist
+ " 16 persecution persecution[2]
+ " 17 (fitnah (fitnah[3])
+ 27 5 liberty and liberty, any of
+ " 6 brethern merely brethren, merely
+ " 6-7 such a manner such manner
+ " 8 Society or Society, or
+ " 9 of it materially of it, materially
+ " 12 deserve pity deserve only pity
+ 34 6 Ibu Ibn
+ 61 6 Rafi Rafe
+ 72 24 ibu ibn
+ " 25 ibu ibn
+ 73 4 bil bin
+ 90 1 as stallions for breeding
+ purposes
+ 135 28 Durar Dinar
+ 136 16 Sirni Sirin
+ 192 1 Jihad does not mean {Read this as a
+ the waging of war marginal gloss
+ " 3 _Jahad_ _Jahd._
+ " 14 Katal and Kital Read this as a
+ marginal gloss.
+ " 20 Conclusion Ditto, ditto.
+
+
+
+
+SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+ Introduction i-civ
+ Note cv
+ Genealogical Table of the Arabs cvi-cvii
+
+ I. The persecutions suffered by the early Moslems 1-11
+ II. The Meccans or the Koreish 11-16
+ III. The defensive character of the wars of Mohammad 16-34
+ IV. The Jews 34-40
+ V. The Christians or Romans 40-41
+ VI. The intolerance 42-51
+ VII. The ninth chapter of _Sura Barát_ 51-55
+ VIII. The alleged interception of the Koreish caravans
+ by the Moslems 55-60
+ IX. The alleged assassinations by the command or
+ connivance of Mohammad 60-76
+ X. The alleged cruelty in executing the prisoners of war 76-91
+ XI. Some miscellaneous objections refuted 91-114
+ XII. The popular Jihád or Crusade 114-161
+
+ Appendix A. The word Jihad in the Koran does not mean warfare 163-192
+ Appendix B. Slavery and concubinage not allowed by the Koran 193-223
+ Appendix C. Koranic references 225-227
+
+ Index 229-249
+
+
+
+
+TABLE OF CONTENTS
+
+
+Introduction--
+
+Paras. Page.
+1. Object of the book i
+
+2. Early wrongs of the Moslem; justification in taking up
+ arms, if taken ii
+
+3. Commencement of the war; the Koreish being public
+ enemy were liable to be treated as such _ib._
+
+4. But the Moslems could not take up arms to redress their
+ wrongs under certain circumstances iii
+
+5. Moslems otherwise engaged at Medina had no intention
+ of suffering the horrors of war by taking the initiative,
+ but were in imminent danger from the enemy iv
+
+6. The Koreish first attacked the Moslems at Medina. They
+ could not forbear the escape of the Moslems v
+
+7. Three battles waged by the Koreish against Mohammad--Badr,
+ Ohad, and Ahzáb: these wars on the Moslem side
+ were purely in defence, not waged even to redress their
+ wrongs or re-establish their rights vii
+
+8. The battle of Badr was defensive on the part of Mohammad.
+ Reasons for the same viii
+
+9. Mohammad at Medina, owing to the attacks, inroads, and
+ threatening gatherings of the Koreish and other tribes,
+ had hardly time to think of offensive measures xi
+
+10. Armed opposition of the Koreish to the Moslem pilgrims
+ from Medina in the vicinity of Mecca. The truce of
+ Hodeibia xv
+
+11. The Koreish again commit hostilities and violate their
+ pledge. War declared against those who had violated
+ the truce. War not carried out xvi
+
+12. War with foes other than Koreish xviii
+
+13. Expedition to Tabúk to check the advancing enemy. No
+ war took place xix
+
+14. Number of the wars of Mohammad much exaggerated:
+ _Ghazava_ defined; number of actual wars xx
+
+15. The Revd. Mr. Green's remarks on the wars of Mohammad
+ criticised xxiii
+
+16. Another view of the wars of Mohammad xxviii
+
+17. Caravans if waylaid were waylaid by way of reprisal xxx
+
+18. Intolerance; no compulsory conversion enjoined or took
+ place during Mohammad's lifetime:
+ Sir W. Muir quoted and refuted xxxi
+
+19. A brief sketch of the propagation of Islam at Mecca:
+ Islam at Mecca;
+ Islam at Abyssinia;
+ Conversions at Nakhla xxxii
+
+20. Rapid stride of Islam at Medina xxxvii
+
+21. The increasing number of Moslem converts at Mecca
+ after the Hegira xxxix
+
+22. Disturbed state of the public peace among the tribes
+ surrounding Medina. Internicine wars, an obstacle to
+ the propagation of Islam xl
+
+23. Sketch of the intertribal wars in Arabia during the lifetime
+ of Mohammad xli
+
+24. Spread of Islam in the surrounding tribes at Medina
+ after the Hegira I--VI xliii
+
+25. Mecca a barrier against the conversion of the Southern
+ tribes xliv
+
+26. Tribal conversions in the sixth year. Conversion among
+ several other tribes of the North and North-east in
+ A.H. VIII xlv
+
+27. Surrender of Mecca, A.H. VIII xlvii
+
+28. Mecca not compelled to believe _ib._
+
+29. The wholesale conversion of the remaining tribes,
+ A.H. IX and X xlviii
+
+30. The various deputations in the 9th and 10th year of the
+ Hegira li
+
+31. A list of the deputations of conversion received by
+ Mohammad at Medina during A.H. IX and X li--lviii
+
+32. All conversions, individual and tribal, were without any
+ compulsion lix
+
+33. Mohammad was not favoured with circumstances round
+ him. The difficulty Mohammad encountered in his
+ work. Marcus Dods quoted:
+ Dr. Mohseim's causes of the spread of Islam and Hallam
+ quoted lx--lxv
+
+34. Mohammad's unwavering belief in his own mission and
+ his success show him to be a true prophet. Mohammad's
+ efforts established monotheism in Arabia. His
+ manly exertions, and his single handed perseverance.
+ The business and office of a prophet described. Sir W.
+ Muir and Stobart quoted lxv--lxix
+
+35. The reforms of Mohammad, his iconoclastic policy. The
+ redemption of Arabia from venal debauchery and infatuated
+ superstition. Muir, Marcus Dods, Stephens
+ quoted lxix--lxxvii
+
+36. Indictment against Mohammad. His alleged cruelty and
+ sensuality. Muir, Rev. Hughes, Marcus Dods, and
+ Stanley Poole refuted lxxviii--lxxxvii
+
+37. Objections to the (1) Finality of the social reforms of
+ Mohammad, (2) positive precepts, (3) ceremonial law,
+ (4) morality, (5) want of adaptability to the varying
+ circumstances lxxxvii--lxxxix
+
+38. All these objections apply rather to the teaching of the
+ Mohammadan Common Law than to the Koran xc
+
+39. (1) Finality of social reforms of Mohammad discussed.
+ Intermediary not to be considered final xc--xcii
+
+40. (2) Positive precepts and (3) ceremonial law, pilgrimage,
+ _Kibla_, amount of alms, fasts, forms and attitude of
+ prayer, &c.: pretentious prayers and ostentatious
+ almsgiving xcii--xcvii
+
+41. (4) The Koran, both abstract and concrete in morals xcvii--cii
+
+42. (5) Adaptability of the Koran to surrounding
+ circumstances cii--ciii
+
+43. Suitability of the Koran to all classes of humanity ciii--civ
+
+ Note cv
+
+ Genealogical tables of the tribes mentioned in para. 31 of
+ the Introduction cvi--cvii
+
+
+ALL THE WARS OF MOHAMMAD WERE DEFENSIVE.
+
+_I.--The Persecution._
+
+1. The early persecution of Moslems by the people of Mecca 2
+
+2. Notices of the persecutions in the Koran 4
+
+3. Insults suffered by Mohammad 5
+
+4. Historical summary of the persecutions 8
+
+5. The Hegira, or the expulsion of the Moslems from Mecca 9
+
+6. The persecution of the Moslems by the Koreish after their
+ flight from Mecca 11
+
+_II.--The Meccans or the Koreish._
+
+7. A Koreish chieftain commits a raid near Medina, A.H. 1 _ib._
+
+8. The Koreish march to attack Medina. Battle of Badr _ib._
+
+9. Attack by Abu Sofian upon Medina, A.H. 2 12
+
+10. Battle of Ohad 12
+
+11. Mohammad's prestige affected by the defeat _ib._
+
+12. Abu Sofian threatened the Moslems with another attack next
+ year 13
+
+13. The Koreish again attack Medina with a large army.
+ Mohammad defends the city. The enemy retire. A.H. 5 14
+
+14. Mohammad with his followers advanced to perform the
+ lesser pilgrimage of Mecca. The Koreish oppose Mohammad,
+ who return disappointed. The treaty of Hodeibia 15
+
+15. Violation of the treaty by the Koreish and their submission 16
+
+16. Two other tribes assume the offensive _ib._
+
+_III.--The Defensive Character of the Wars._
+
+17. Verses from the Koran in support of the defensive character
+ of the wars 25
+
+18. What the above quoted verses show 26
+
+19. Justification of the Moslems in taking up arms against their
+ aggressors 27
+
+20. The first aggression after the Hegira was not on the part
+ of Mohammad 28
+
+21. The alleged instances examined 29
+
+22. Hamza and Obeida's expeditions _ib._
+
+23. Abwa, Bowat, and Osheira expeditions 30
+
+24. The affair at Nakhla 31
+
+25. At Badr Mohammad came only in his defence 33
+
+26. The first aggression after the Hegira if from Mohammad,
+ might fairly be looked upon as retaliation 34
+
+_IV.--The Jews._
+
+27. The Jews broke treaties _ib._
+
+28. Bani Kainukaa, Bani Nazeer, Khyber, and Ghatafán 35
+
+29. Notice of them in Koran 37
+
+30. The judgment of Sád 38
+
+31. Defensive character of the expedition against the Jews of
+ Khyber 40
+
+_V.--The Christians or Romans._
+
+32. Tabúk, the last expedition _ib._
+
+33. Description of the wars concluded 41
+
+_VI.--The Intolerance._
+
+34. Mohammad never taught intolerance 43
+
+35. In what sense the wars were religious wars 44
+
+36. The alleged verses of intolerance explained 45
+
+37. Sir William Muir quoted 47
+
+38. Comment on the above quotation 50
+
+39. Object of Mohammad's wars 51
+
+_VII.--The Ninth Chapter or Sura Barát._
+
+40. The opening portion of the IX Sura of the Koran only
+ relates to the Koreish who had violated the truce 55
+
+_VIII.--The alleged Interceptions of the Koreish Caravans._
+
+41. The nine alleged interceptions of the Koreish caravans 57
+
+42. The interceptions were impossible under the circumstances
+ in which Mohammad was placed 59
+
+43. The interceptions, if occurred, were justified by way of
+ reprisal 60
+
+_IX.--The alleged Assassinations._
+
+44. Instances of the alleged assassinations cited 61
+
+45. Mr. Stanley Poole quoted 62
+
+46. Asma-bint Marwan 63
+
+47. The story deserves not our belief 64
+
+48. Abu Afak 65
+
+49. Kab, son of Ashraf 66
+
+50. Mohammad could never have had any share in Kab's murder 68
+
+51. Sofian bin Khalid 69
+
+52. Justification of Sofian's alleged murder 70
+
+53. Abu Rafe 72
+
+54. Oseir bin Zarim 73
+
+55. The intended assassination of Abu Sofian 74
+
+56. Irving and Muir quoted; concluding remarks 76
+
+_X.--The alleged Cruelties in executing Prisoners of War
+ and others._
+
+57. Treatment of the prisoners of war _ib._
+
+58. Law of nations regarding the prisoners of war 77
+
+59. The execution of Nadher Ibn Harith 79
+
+60. The execution of Okba 80
+
+61. Free liberty granted to Ozza, a prisoner of war 81
+
+62. Abul Ozza proved a traitor and was executed _ib._
+
+63. The execution of Moavia Ibn Mughira _ib._
+
+64. Justification of Mughira's execution 82
+
+65. The intended execution of the prisoners of Badr and the
+ wrong version of Sir W. Muir 83
+
+66. Mohammad was never blamed in the Koran for releasing
+ prisoners 84
+
+67. The Koran enjoins the prisoners of war to be either freely
+ liberated or ransomed, but neither executed nor enslaved 87
+
+68. High treason of the Bani Koreiza against Medina and their
+ execution 88
+
+69. The whole of the Bani Koreiza were never executed _ib._
+
+70. The women and children of Bani Koreiza were never sold 89
+
+71. The exaggerated number of persons executed 91
+
+_XI.--Some Miscellaneous Objections refuted._
+
+72. The execution of Omm Kirfa for brigandage 92
+
+73. The alleged mutilation of the Urnee robbers 93
+
+74. Amputation or banishment substituted temporarily in place of
+ imprisonment for want of a well organized system of jails 95
+
+75. Torture of Kinana 96
+
+76. The alleged execution of a singing girl 97
+
+77. The charitable spirit of Mohammad towards his enemies 98
+
+78. Abu Basir not countenanced by the Prophet in contravention
+ to the spirit of the treaty of Hodeibia 101
+
+79. Nueim not employed by the Prophet to circulate false reports
+ in the enemy's camp 102
+
+80. Deception in war allowed by the International Law _ib._
+
+81. Lecky's standard of morality 104
+
+82. The alleged permission to kill the Jews 106
+
+83. Sir W. Muir quoted 108
+
+84. The expulsion of the Bani Nazeer _ib._
+
+85. Their fruit-trees were not cut down 109
+
+86. Females and the treaty of Hodeibia 110
+
+87. Stanley defended 111
+
+88. Marriage a strict bond of union 113
+
+_The Popular Jihád._
+
+89. The Koran enjoins only defensive wars 114
+
+90. The Mohammadan Common Law and the Jihád 116
+
+91. When is Jihád a positive injunction _ib._
+
+92. The Hedáya quoted and refuted 117
+
+93. Rule of interpretation 118
+
+94. The Common Law and its commentators 119
+
+95. Kifáya quoted 120
+
+96. Further quotations 121
+
+97. The _Kifáya_ refuted 122
+
+98. S. IX, 5, discussed 123
+
+99. S. II, 189, discussed _ib._
+
+100. S. II, 189, and VIII, 40, are defensive 124
+
+101. All injunctions were local and for the time being 125
+
+102. _Ainee_ quoted and refuted _ib._
+
+103. _Sarakhsee_ quoted and refuted 126
+
+104. _Ibn Hajar_ quoted 128
+
+105. _Ibn Hajar_ refuted 129
+
+106. _Halabi_ quoted _ib._
+
+107. _Halabi_ refuted 132
+
+108. _Ainee_ again quoted and refuted _ib._
+
+109. Continuation of the above 133
+
+110. Traditions quoted and refuted _ib._
+
+111. Early Moslem legists against the Jihád 134
+
+112. Biographical sketches of the legists 135
+
+113. European writers' mistakes 137
+
+114. Sir W. Muir quoted and refuted 138
+
+115. Islam not aggressive 139
+
+116. Mr. Freeman quoted and refuted 140
+
+117. The Revd. Mr. Stephens quoted and refuted 141
+
+118. Mr. Bosworth Smith quoted and refuted 143
+
+119. Mr. George Sale quoted and refuted _ib._
+
+120. Major Osborn quoted 146
+
+121. Major Osborn refuted 149
+
+122. The IX Sura of the Koran _ib._
+
+123. The Revd. Mr. Wherry quoted 150
+
+124. Example cited from Jewish history explained 152
+
+125. Mosaic injunctions 153
+
+126. The Revd. Mr. Hughes quoted and refuted 154
+
+127. Meaning of the word Jihád 155
+
+128. Sura XLVIII, 5, explained 156
+
+129. The Revd. Malcolm MacColl quoted 157
+
+130. The untenable theories of the Mohammadan Common Law 158-161
+
+
+APPENDIX A.
+
+1. Jihád or Jihd in the Koran does not mean war or crusade 163
+
+2. Classical meaning of Jihád, &c. 164
+
+3. Post-classical or technical meaning of Jihád 165
+
+4. The classical logic and Arabian poets _ib._
+
+5. The conjugation and declination of Jahd or Jihád in
+ the Koran 166
+
+6. The number of instances in which they occur in the Koran 167
+
+7. In what sense they are used in the Koran 168
+
+8. Conventional significations of Jihád 169
+
+9. Mohammadan commentators, &c., quoted 170
+
+10. When the word Jihád was diverted from its original
+ signification to its figurative meaning of waging
+ religious wars 171
+
+11. All verses of the Koran containing the word Jihád and its
+ derivations quoted and explained 176
+
+12. The above verses quoted with remarks 177
+
+_The Meccan Suras._
+
+13. _Lokman_, XXXI, 14 _ib._
+
+14. _Furkan_, XXV, 53, 521 178
+
+15. _The Pilgrimage_, XXII, 76, 78 _ib._
+
+16. _The Bee_, XVI, 108, 111 179
+
+17. _The Spider_, XXIX, 5 180
+
+18. _Ibid_, 7 _ib._
+
+19. _Ibid_, 69 _ib._
+
+20. _The Bee_, XVI, 40 181
+
+21. _Creator_, XXXV, 40 _ib._
+
+_The Medinite Suras._
+
+22. _The Cow or Heifer_, II, 215 182
+
+23. _Al Amran_, III, 136 _ib._
+
+24. _The Spoils_, VIII, 73 183
+
+25. _Ibid._ 75 _ib._
+
+26. _Ibid._ 76 _ib._
+
+27. _The Cattle_, VI, 109 _ib._
+
+28. _Mohammad_, XLVII, 33 184
+
+29. _Battle Array_, LXI, 11 _ib._
+
+30. _Woman._ IV. 97 185
+
+31. _Light._ XXIV, 52 _ib._
+
+32. _The Forbidding._ LXVI, 9 _ib._
+
+33. _The Immunity._ IX, 74 186
+
+36. _The Tried_, LX, 1 187
+
+35. Hatib's _Story_ 188
+
+36. _The Apartment_, XLIX, 15 _ib._
+
+37. _The Immunity_, IX, 16 _ib._
+
+38. _Ibid_. 19 _ib._
+
+39. _Ibid_, 20 189
+
+40. _Ibid_, 24 _ib._
+
+41. _Ibid_, 41 _ib._
+
+42. _Ibid_, 44 190
+
+43. _Ibid_, 82 _ib._
+
+44. _Ibid_, 87 _ib._
+
+45. _Ibid_, 89 191
+
+46. _The Table_, V, 39 _ib._
+
+47. _Ibid_, 58 _ib._
+
+48. _Ibid_, 59 _ib._
+
+49. Jihád does not mean the waging of war 192
+
+50. _Katal_ and _Kitál_ _ib._
+
+51. Conclusion _ib._
+
+
+APPENDIX B.
+
+1. Slavery and concubinage not allowed by the Koran 193
+
+2. Measures taken by the Koran to abolish future slavery 194
+
+3. None of the prisoners of war was enslaved 196
+
+4. _Bani Koreiza_ not enslaved 198
+
+5. _Rihana_ 201
+
+6. Omar, the second Khalif, liberated all the Arab slaves 202
+
+7. Concubinage 203
+
+8. Maria the Coptic 204
+
+9. Despatch of _Mokowkas_ 205
+
+10 & 11. Maria neither a slave nor a concubine 207
+
+12. Maria had no son 209
+
+13. The story of Maria and Haphsa a spurious one 211
+
+14. The affair not noticed in the early biographies 212
+
+15. Sir W. Muir's authority not valid _ib._
+
+16. The best commentators and traditionalists refute the story 214
+
+17. The story not accredited by the Koran _ib._
+
+18. The story when fabricated _ib._
+
+19. Zeinab's case 215
+
+20. The story a spurious one 216
+
+21. Sir W. Muir's conjectures not justified 217
+
+22. A wrong translation of Sir W. Muir 219
+
+23. In Zeinab's case no exceptional privilege was secured 220
+
+24. The false story traced to _Mukatil_ _ib._
+
+25. _Katádas_ conjectural interpretation not warranted 222
+
+26. Other conjectures 223
+
+
+APPENDIX C.
+
+ I.--The verses of the Koran referring to the persecution of
+ the Koreish at Mecca 225
+
+ II.--The verses of the Koran referring to the aggressions of
+ the Koreish at Medina as well as those of the inhabitants
+ thereof _ib._
+
+III.--The verses of the Koran alluding to the wars of defence
+ against the Koreish and Arabs, &c., with several references
+ to their aggressions _ib._
+
+ IV.--The verses of the Koran alluding to the various battles 226
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Object of the book.]
+
+1. In publishing this work, my chief object is to remove the general and
+erroneous impression from the minds of European and Christian writers
+regarding Islam, that Mohammad waged wars of conquest, extirpation, as
+well as of proselytizing against the Koreish, other Arab tribes, the
+Jews, and Christians;[1] that he held the Koran in one hand and the
+scimitar in the other, and compelled people to believe in his mission. I
+have endeavoured in this book, I believe on sufficient grounds, to show
+that neither the wars of Mohammad were offensive, nor did he in any way
+use force or compulsion in the matter of belief.
+
+[Footnote 1: "He now occupied a position where he might become the agent
+for executing the divine sentence, and at the same time triumphantly
+impose the true religion on those who had rejected it." The Life of
+Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, page 211. London, 1877. (New Edition.)
+
+"The free toleration of the purer among the creeds around him, which the
+Prophet had at first enjoined, gradually changes into intolerance.
+Persecuted no longer, Mohammad becomes a persecutor himself; with the
+Koran in one hand, and scymitar in the other, he goes forth to offer to
+the nations the three-fold alternative of conversion, tribute,
+death."--Mohammed and Mohammedanism, by Mr. R. Bosworth Smith, page 137.
+Second Edition.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Early wrongs of the Moslems.]
+
+[Sidenote: Justification in taking up arms, if taken.]
+
+2. All the wars of Mohammad were defensive. He and those who took
+interest in his cause were severely oppressed at intervals, and were in
+a sort of general persecution at Mecca at the hands of the ungodly and
+fierce Koreish. Those who were weak and without protection had to leave
+their city, and twice fly to the Christian land of Abyssinia, pursued by
+the wrathful Koreish, but in vain. Those who remained at Mecca were
+subject to all sorts of indignities, malignity and a deprivation of all
+religious and social liberty, because they had forsaken the inferior
+deities of the Koreish, and believed in the only ONE GOD of Mohammad, in
+whose mission they had full belief. Mohammad and his followers had every
+sanction, under the natural and international law, then and there to
+wage war against their persecutors with the object of removing the
+(_fitnah_) persecution and obtaining their civil rights of freedom and
+religious liberty in their native city.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Commencement of the state of war.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Koreish being public enemies were liable to be
+treated as such.]
+
+3. The fierce persecutions renewed by the Koreish at the time of the
+expulsion of the Moslems from Mecca were acts of hostility tantamount to
+a declaration of war. From that time commenced the state of war between
+the parties. In the Arab society at Mecca there was neither an organized
+Government, nor any distinction between a public and private person and
+property. There was no regular army in the State, and what existed was
+not a permanently organized body, so provided with external marks that
+it could be readily identified. The form of Government at Mecca was
+patriarchal, and the chiefs of the Koreish and the citizens of Medina
+themselves constituted an army when occasion arose. Therefore, since the
+commencement of hostilities or the state of war, every individual of the
+Koreish or the Meccans was a public enemy of the Moslems, and liable to
+be treated as such in his person and property, except those who were
+unable to take part in the hostilities, or, as a matter of fact,
+abstained from engaging in them. Therefore it was lawful for the Moslems
+to threaten or to waylay the caravans of the enemy, which passed to and
+from Mecca close to Medina, and also to attack the Koreish at Mecca, if
+they could possibly do so.
+
+
+[Sidenote: But the Moslems could not take up arms to redress their
+wrongs under certain circumstances.]
+
+4. But as the people amongst whom the Prophet and his fugitive Moslems
+now sojourned had only pledged to defend them at Medina, the flying
+Mohammadans could not take up arms against their aggressors, the
+Koreish, to defend their rights of religious liberty and citizenship,
+much less of taking arms to compel the non-believers to believe in
+Moslem faith, and so they preferred to live in peace at Medina, and
+enjoy the blessings of their new religion without any disturbance from
+without, if possible.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Moslems otherwise engaged at Medina had no intention of
+suffering the horrors of war by taking the initiative.]
+
+[Sidenote: But were in imminent danger from the enemy.]
+
+5. In fact, the Moslems, after suffering so long such heavy persecutions
+at Mecca, had at length got an asylum of peace at Medina, where they had
+very little desire left to entertain any idea of commencing hostilities
+or undergoing once more the horrors of war, and were too glad to live in
+peace after their last escape. The people of Medina had only agreed to
+defend the Prophet from attack, not to join him in any aggressive steps
+towards the Koreish. The attention of Mohammad and his followers who had
+fled with him was mainly occupied in preaching and teaching the tenets
+of Islam, in establishing a fraternity between the refugees and the
+citizens, in building a house for prayer, in providing houses for
+refugees, in contracting treaties of neutrality with the Jews of Medina
+and other surrounding tribes, Bani Zamra (a tribe connected with Mecca)
+and also with Bani Mudlij (a tribe of Kinana related to the Koreish), in
+anticipation of the impending danger[2] from the Koreish, who had
+pursued them on the similar occasions before, and in organizing, above
+all these, some of the religious and civil institutions for the
+Moslems, who were now fast assuming the position of an independent
+society or commonwealth. Under such circumstances, it was next to
+impossible for Mohammad or his adherents to think of anything like an
+offensive war with their inveterate foes, or to take up arms for
+proselytizing purposes.
+
+[Footnote 2: See Sura XXIV, verse 54.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: The Koreish first attacked the Moslems at Medina. They could
+not forbear the escape of the Moslems.]
+
+6. The Koreish, seeing the persecuted had left almost all their native
+lands for a distant city out of their approach, except by a military
+expedition, and losing Mohammad, for whose arrest they had tried their
+utmost, as well as upon hearing the reception, treatment, religious
+freedom and brotherly help the Moslems received and enjoyed at Medina,
+could not subdue their ferocious animosity against the exiles. The
+hostility of the Koreish had already been aroused. The severity and
+injustice of the Koreish was so great, that when, in 615 A.D., a party
+of 11 Moslems had emigrated to Abyssinia, they had pursued them to
+overtake them. And again, in 616 A.D., when the persecution by the
+Koreish was hotter than before, a party of about 100 Moslems had fled
+from Mecca to Abyssinia, the Koreish sent an embassy to Abyssinia to
+obtain the surrender of the emigrants. There is every reason to believe
+that the Koreish, enraged as they were on the escape of the Moslems in
+their third and great emigration in 622 A.D., would naturally have
+taken every strong and hostile measure to persecute the fugitives.[3]
+
+It was in the second year from the general expulsion of the Moslems from
+Mecca that the Koreish, with a large army of one thousand strong,
+marched upon the Moslems at Medina. Medina being 250 miles or 12 stages
+from Mecca, the aggressive army, after marching 8 stages, arrived at
+Badr, which is 3 or 4 stages from Medina. Mahommad--with only 300
+Moslems, more being from among the people of Medina than the
+refugees--came out of Medina in self-defence to encounter the Koreish,
+and the famous battle of Badr was fought only at thirty miles from
+Medina. There could be no doubt that the affair was purely and
+admittedly a defensive one.
+
+Sura XXII, verses 39-42, copied at page 17 of this book, was first
+published in the matter of taking up arms in self-defence after the
+battle of Badr.
+
+[Footnote 3: The idea of forbearance on the part of the Koreish, as
+entertained by Sir W. Muir, is not borne out by their former conduct of
+persecuting the believers and pursuing the fugitives among them. He
+says: "Mahomet and Abu Bakr trusted their respective clans to protect
+their families from insult. But no insult or annoyance of any kind was
+offered by the Coreish. Nor was the slightest attempt made to detain
+them; although it was not unreasonable that they should have been
+detained as hostages against any hostile incursion from Medina"[A]. They
+were contemplating a grand pursuit and attack on the Moslems, and had no
+reason to detain the families of Mahomet and Abu Bakr as hostages whilst
+they could not think that the Moslems will take the initiative, as they
+were too glad to escape and live unmolested.]
+
+[Footnote A: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol II, page 265.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: The three battles waged by the Koreish against Mohammad.]
+
+7. The Koreish carried on three aggressive battles against the Moslems
+at Medina. The first, called the Battle of Badr, took place at thirty
+miles from Medina, the Koreish having come down 250 miles from Mecca.
+The second, called the Battle of Ohad, was fought at a distance of one
+mile from Medina, the enemy having advanced 250 miles from Mecca. The
+third was the battle of confederates, in which they had mustered an army
+of ten thousand strong. The city was besieged for several days, and the
+Moslems defended themselves within the walls of Medina which they had
+entrenched. These were the only battles between the Koreish and
+Mohammad, in each the latter always acted on the defensive. Neither he
+attacked the Koreish offensively to take revenge, nor to compel them by
+force of arms to accept his religion.
+
+[Sidenote: These wars were purely in defence, not to redress their
+wrongs or to establish their rights.]
+
+Even these three battles were not waged by Mohammad to redress wrong or
+establish imperilled rights. They were only to repel force by right of
+self-defence. Had Mohammad and his Moslems invaded Mecca and fought
+battles against the Koreish there, he would have been justified for
+waging war to redress the injuries of person and property inflicted by
+the Meccans on the Moslems whom they were tormenting for their religion
+and had expelled them from their homes, and had even barred their
+yearly visitation to the shrine of Kaába. A war which is undertaken for
+just causes, to repel or avert wrongful force, or to establish a right,
+is sanctioned by every law, religious, moral or political.
+
+
+[Sidenote: The battle of Badr was defensive.]
+
+8. Sir W. Muir, the great advocate for the aggressive Koreish, holds
+that the war of Badr was "brought on by Mahomet himself,"[4] and that he
+intended to surprise the caravan of the Koreish returning from Syria
+under the charge of Abu Sofian, and had come out to Medina to waylay it.
+Abu Sofian sent for an army of the Koreish for his aid, and thus
+commenced the battle of Badr. I have given my reasons at pages 74-76 of
+the book to show that this is a false account. I will point out from
+contemporary records, _i.e._, the Koran, that Mohammad neither meant,
+nor had he come out of Medina, to attack the caravan.
+
+[Sidenote: Reasons for the same.]
+
+I. The verses 5 and 6 of Sura VIII[5] show that a part of the believers
+were quite averse to Mohammad's coming out of Medina on the occasion of
+the battle of Badr. Had their mission been one of plundering rich
+caravans, as it is generally alleged, there could be no reason for that
+aversion of a party of believers who are accused so often of a hostile
+attitude towards the Koreish, and possessed of that great love of booty
+and adventure so prominent among the Arabs. The fact is, a party of
+believers had disputed with Mohammad the necessity of the combat and its
+probable result outside Medina. They preferred to defend themselves
+within its walls. This argument is against the allegation that Mohammad
+with his followers had started to waylay the caravan, and the Koreish
+had come only to rescue it.
+
+II. The 43rd[6] verse of the same Sura shows that it was by a mere
+accident or coincidence that all the three parties of the Moslems, the
+Koreshite army and the caravan had arrived, and encamped close to Badr
+in front of each other. This is an argument against those who say that
+Mohammad had intentionally come to Badr to waylay the caravan there.[7]
+There was, in fact, no predetermination on the part of Mohammad either
+to waylay the caravan, or encounter the Koreish army at Badr. Mohammad
+with his followers had come out only to check the advancing enemy in his
+self-defence.
+
+III. The seventh[8] verse of the same Sura shows that while the parties
+had so accidentally encamped close to each other, the Moslems had
+desired then and there only to attack the caravan, as a reprisal or by
+way of retaliation, instead of combating with the Koreish army. This is
+an argument in support of my contention that there was no previous
+arrangement to attack the caravan.
+
+IV. The same verse also shows that Mohammad had no intention of
+attacking the caravan either before his coming out of Medina, as it is
+alleged by ignorant people, or after coming at Badr in front of the
+enemy's army.
+
+V. Sura VIII, verse 72,[9] which treats of the prisoners of the war
+taken at Badr, expressly notes the treachery of the Meccans before their
+being taken prisoner, and refers obviously to their aggressively setting
+out of Mecca to attack the Moslems at Medina.
+
+VI. Sura IX, verse 13,[10] at a subsequent event of the violation of
+the truce of Hodeibia by the Koreish, very distinctly charges them with
+attacking first and waging offensive war and being aggressive. As there
+was no war or attack from the Koreish on the Moslems before Badr, I
+conclude that in the war of Badr the Koreish were aggressive.
+
+[Footnote 4: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 255, _foot-note_. This
+note has been expunged in the New Edition of "The Life": _Vide_ page
+317.]
+
+[Footnote 5: 5. "_Remember_ how thy Lord caused thee to go forth from
+thy home on _a mission_ of truth, and verily a part of the believers
+were quite averse to it."
+
+6. "They disputed with thee about the truth after it had been made
+clear, as if they were being led forth to death and saw it before them."
+Sura VIII.]
+
+[Footnote 6: 43. "When ye were encamped on the near side of the valley,
+and they were on the further side, and the caravan was below you, if ye
+have made an engagement to _attack_, ye would assuredly have failed the
+engagement; but _ye were led into action notwithstanding_, that God
+might accomplish the thing _destined_ to be done." Sura VIII.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Muir's Life of Mahomet. New Edition, page 226.]
+
+[Footnote 8: "And _remember_ when God promised you that one of the two
+troops should fall to you, and ye desired that they who had no arms
+should fall to you: but God purposed to prove true the truth of his
+words, and to cut off the uttermost part of the infidels."]
+
+[Footnote 9: "But if they seek to deal treacherously with thee--they
+have already dealt treacherously with God before! Therefore hath He
+given you power over them."]
+
+[Footnote 10: "Will ye not do battle with a people who have broken their
+covenant and aimed to expel your Apostle and attacked you first? Will
+you dread them?"]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Mohammad, owing to the attacks, inroads and threatening
+gatherings from the Koreish and other Arab tribes, had hardly time to
+think of offensive measures.]
+
+9. But Mohammad, harassed and attacked every year by the Koreish and
+other hostile Arab tribes, had hardly any time to wage an aggressive war
+against his Koreshite foes, to establish his imperilled rights, or to
+redress the injuries of the Moslems or his own wrong; much less of
+taking up arms to compel them to renounce idolatry and believe in his
+Divine mission. During the first year after their expulsion from Mecca,
+the Moslems were in constant danger from the ferocity of the Koreish,
+and when Mohammad was contracting treaties of neutrality with the
+neighbouring tribes, Kurz-bin-Jábir, a Koreish of the desert, committed
+a raid upon Medina. In the course of the second year the Koreish fought
+the battle of Badr, followed by a petty inroad of theirs upon Medina at
+the end of the year. The Bani Nazeer treasoned against Medina by giving
+intelligence to, and entertaining, the enemy. In the beginning of the
+third year, the nomad tribes of Suleim and Ghatafán, inhabitants of the
+plains of Najd, and descendants of a stock common with the Koreish,
+twice projected a plundering attack upon Medina. At the same time the
+Moslems were defeated at the battle of Ohad, near Medina, by the
+Koreish, which circumstance greatly affected the prestige of the
+Prophet, who was threatened with a similar fate the next year by his
+victorious enemies. With the opening of the fourth year, the inimical
+spirit of many of the Bedouins, as well as that of the Jews of Bani
+Nazeer, was perceptible, and in various quarters large masses were
+organized to act against Mohammad and to take advantage of the defeat at
+Medina. The tribes of Bani Asad and Bani Lahyán were brought together to
+follow the victory of the Koreish at Ohad. And last, not least, the
+Moslem missionaries were cut to pieces at Ráji and Bir Máuna. At the
+close of the year, the people of Medina were alarmed by an exaggerated
+account of the preparations at Mecca to attack Medina as promised last
+year (Sura III, v. 176). During the fifth year certain tribes of
+Ghatafán were assembling with suspicious purposes at Zat-al-Rikaa and
+the marauding bands near Dumatal Jandal threatened a raid upon Medina.
+The Bani Mustalik, a branch of Khozaa, hitherto friendly to Mohammad's
+cause, took up arms with a view of joining the Koreish in the intended
+attack upon Medina. At the end of the year, the Koreish, joined by an
+immense force of the Bedouin tribes,[11] marched against Medina, and
+laid siege to it for many days. The Bani Koreiza, having defected from
+Mohammad, joined the Koreish army when Medina was besieged.
+
+In the beginning of the sixth year Uyeina, the chief of the Bani
+Fezárá, had committed an inroad upon Medina.[12] A Medinite caravan,
+under the charge of Zeid-bin-Háris, was seized and plundered by the Bani
+Fezárá.[13] In the month of Zul-Kada, (the eleventh month of the Arab
+lunar year), when war was unlawful throughout Arabia, but much more so
+within the sacred precincts of Mecca, Mohammad and his followers,
+longing to visit the house of their Lord and the sacred places around
+it, and to join the yearly pilgrimage which they had grown from their
+childhood to regard as an essential part of their social and religious
+life, not to mention their intense desire of seeing their houses and
+families from which they were unjustly expelled, started from Medina for
+performing the lesser pilgrimage. They were under the impression that,
+in the peaceful habits of pilgrims, the Koreish would be morally bound
+by every pledge of national faith to leave them unmolested, and Mohammad
+had promised them a peaceful entry. But the Koreish armed themselves and
+opposed the progress of the Moslems towards Mecca, notwithstanding the
+pious object and unwarlike attitude of the pilgrims. At length a treaty,
+in terms unfavourable to the Moslems, but in fact a victory won by
+Islam, was concluded by Mohammad and the Koreish at Hodeibia. By this
+peace war was suspended for ten years.
+
+From my brief sketch of Mohammad's first six years' sojourn in Medina,
+it is evident that during this time Medina was constantly in a sort of
+military defence. The Moslems were every moment in the danger of an
+invasion, attack, or inroad from without, and treachery, conspiracy and
+treason from within. They either had to encounter superior numbers or to
+disperse hostile gathering or to chastise sometimes marauding tribes. So
+Mohammad could scarcely breathe freely at Medina, but much less could he
+find time and opportunity to mature a scheme of attacking the Koreish at
+Mecca in order to revenge himself and his refugees for the persecutions
+which the Koreish had inflicted on the Moslems, to redress their wrongs,
+and to re-establish their rights of civil and religious liberty, or to
+make converts of them or any other tribes at the point of sword.
+
+[Footnote 11: Bani Ashja, Murra Fezárá, Suleim, Sád, Asad, and several
+clans of Ghatafán, the Jews of Wady-al-Koraa and Khyber.]
+
+[Footnote 12: A party of Moslems at Zil Kassa was slain, and Dihya, sent
+by Mohammad to the Roman Emperor, on his return, was robbed of every
+thing by the Bani Juzám beyond Wady-al-Kora.]
+
+[Footnote 13: The Jews at Khyber were enticing the Bani Fezárá and Bani
+Sad-bin-Bakr and other Bedouin tribes to make depredations upon Medina.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Armed opposition of the Koreish to the Moslem pilgrims in the
+vicinity of Mecca.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mohammad proclaimed war against the opposing Koreish to
+obtain the right of civil and religious liberty at Mecca.]
+
+10. It was only when the Moslems, unarmed as they were in pilgrim's
+garb, were opposed by the armed Koreish, who had encamped at Zú Towa,
+clothed in panther's skin, or, in other words, with a firm resolution to
+fight to the last, and when Osman, the Moslem envoy to Mecca, was
+actually placed in confinement,[14] of whom the rumour was constantly
+rife that he was murdered at Mecca, and when a party of the Koreish had
+actually attacked the camp of Mohammad,[15] that excitement, alarm and
+anxiety prevailed in the Moslem camp, and Mohammad took a solemn oath
+from the Faithful to stand by their cause even unto death. (Sura
+XLVIII.[16]) In the meantime appeals were received from the Moslems
+detained in confinement at Mecca, and otherwise oppressed for
+deliverance. _Vide_ Sura IV, verses 77, 99, 100; Sura VIII, verses 72,
+73. He, on this occasion, proclaimed a war with the Koreish in the event
+of their attacking first, and enjoining the believers to redress their
+earlier and later wrongs, to establish their civil and religious
+liberty, to have free access to their native city, to have the free
+exercise of their religion, and to make away with the oppressions of
+Koreish once for all.
+
+The following verses were published on the occasion:--Sura II, verses
+186-190, 212-215. The Sura XLVIII afterwards had reference to the
+occasion, specially verses 10, 22-27. They are quoted in pp. 17-19.
+
+[Sidenote: The war thus proclaimed did not take place.]
+
+But happily a truce was agreed upon, and not a drop of blood was shed on
+either side. Thus the injunctions contained in the verses referred to
+above were never carried out. Mohammad, in proclaiming this war, had all
+the laws and justice on his side. Even this war, had it been waged,
+would have been defensive, undertaken for the purpose of establishing
+the civil rights of the Moslems and their religious liberty, hitherto
+unjustly denied them.
+
+[Footnote 14: Ibn Hisham, p. 746.]
+
+[Footnote 15: _Ibid._ 745, see Sura XLVIII.]
+
+[Footnote 16: Mohammad had gained over some of the Bedouin tribes in the
+direction of Mecca, and were on friendly terms with him. At this time
+they were summoned by Mohammad to join him if there be a war. They did
+not join him except a very few.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: The Koreish again commit hostilities and violate their
+pledges.]
+
+[Sidenote: War declared against those who had violated the truce.]
+
+11. This truce did not last long. The last act of hostility on the part
+of the aggressive Koreish was the violation of the truce within two
+years of its being concluded. This resulted in the submission of Mecca.
+The tribe of Bani Khozáa,[17] who were now converts to Islam since the
+truce, and who had entered into an open alliance with Mohammad at the
+treaty, were attacked by the Koreish and their allies, the Bani
+Bakr.[18] The aggressed Moslems appealed for aid to Mohammad through a
+deputation, that displayed their wrongs to Mohammad and his followers in
+very touching terms, urging in a plaintive tone to avenge them upon the
+treacherous murderers. War was declared by Mohammad against the
+aggressors, who had violated the truce, and attacked the Bani Khozáa, to
+redress their wrongs. A proclamation was issued declaring immunity from
+God and his Apostle to those who had broken the league and aided the
+Bani Bakr against the Khozáa. Four months' time was allowed them to make
+terms, in default of which they were to be warred against, seized, and
+besieged, in short, to suffer all the hardships of war. Sura IX, verses
+1-15, was published declaring the war. It has been copied at pages 22-25
+of the book.
+
+[Sidenote: War not carried out.]
+
+But the threatened war did not actually take place, and Mecca
+surrendered by a compromise. Thus Mohammad obtained his object of civil
+and religious liberty of the Moslems at Mecca and Medina, and averted
+the (_fitnah_) persecutions and oppressions of the Koreish without
+actual war or bloodshed, and also secured peace for his followers in
+exchange of the constant fear and agitation impending over them. This
+was promised some years ago in Sura XXIV, verse 54, which runs as
+follows:--
+
+ "God hath promised to those of you who believe and do the things
+ that are right, that He will cause them to succeed other in the
+ land, as He gave succession to those who went before them, and that
+ He will establish for them their religion in which they delight,
+ and that after their fears He will give them security in exchange.
+ They shall worship Me: nought shall they join with Me: And whoso
+ after this believe not, they will be the impious."
+
+[Footnote 17: The Bani Khozáa are also taken notice of in Sura VIII,
+verses 73-74.]
+
+[Footnote 18: The Bani Bakr, son of Abd Monát, were a branch of Kinána
+of the Moaddite stock.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: War with foes other than the Koreish.]
+
+12. Now I shall dispense with the Koreish and refer to the wars of other
+enemies of the early Moslems. There is only one war of the Arab tribes
+other than the Koreish noticed in the Koran, and that is the battle of
+Honain. In this war the Sakifites were the aggressors. The battle of
+Muraisia is not noticed in the Koran, but it is stated by biographers
+that information of a new project against him after the defeat at Ohad
+in the direction of Mecca, and the Bani Mustalik's raising fresh forces
+with a view of joining the Koreish in the threatened attack of Medina
+having reached Mohammad, he resolved by a bold attempt to prevent their
+design. I have shown in the book that the expedition of Mohammad against
+Khyber was purely in self-defence. A war undertaken to protect ourselves
+from the impending danger of an attack from the enemy and with the
+purpose of checking its advance, is a defensive war under the Law. I am
+not going to treat of expedition of the Bani Koreizá separately, but
+this much is necessary to say here, that they had treacherously defected
+from the Moslem with whom they had entered into a defensive alliance,
+and had joined the confederate army against the Moslems. For a detail
+account of them, the reader is referred to pages 87-91 of this book.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Expedition to Tabúk to check the advancing enemy. No war took
+place.]
+
+13. The expedition of Mecca, already described, ended in a submission
+and compromise without any resort to arms; that against Tabúk was
+undertaken, as it is admitted by all writers, Moslem and European, for
+purely defensive purposes. Mohammad was much alarmed on this occasion
+owing to the threatening news of a foreign invasion against the Moslem
+commonwealth. The following verses of the Ninth Sura are most probably
+directed towards the Romans and their Jewish and Christian allies,[19]
+if not towards the Jews of Khyber:--
+
+ 29. "Make war upon such of those to whom the Scriptures have been
+ given as believe not in God or in the last day, and who forbid not
+ that which God and His Apostle have forbidden, and who profess not
+ the profession of the Truth, until they pay tribute out of hand,
+ and they be humbled."
+
+ 124. "Believers wage war against such of the unbelievers as are
+ your neighbours, and let them assuredly find rigour in you, and
+ know that God is with those who fear him."--_Sura IX._
+
+Mohammad returned without any war, and there was no occasion to carry
+out the injunctions contained in these verses.
+
+Mohammad had taken great pains, according to the severity of the
+impending danger, to induce the Moslems to go to war in their own
+defence. But as the season was hot, and the journey a long one, some of
+them were very backward in doing so.
+
+There is a very violent denunciation against those who on various false
+pretences held back on the occasion.
+
+[Footnote 19: The Jews of Macna Azrúh and Jabra, and the Christian
+Chiefs of Ayla and Dúma.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Number of the wars of Mohammad.]
+
+14. The above sketch of the hostilities will show that there were only
+five battles in which actual fighting took place. The biographers of
+Mohammad and the narrators of his campaigns are too lax in enumerating
+the expeditions led by Mohammad. They have noted down the names and
+accounts of various expeditions without having due regard to a rational
+criticism, or without being bound by the stringent laws of the technical
+requirements of traditionary evidence. Consequently, they give us
+romances of the expeditions without specifying which of them are true
+and which fictitious. There are many expeditions enumerated by the
+biographers[20] which have, in fact, no trustworthy evidence for their
+support; some are altogether without foundation, and some of them are
+wrongly termed as expeditions for warring purposes. _Ghazávát_ is
+wrongly understood by European writers as meaning "plundering
+expeditions." Deputations to conclude friendly treaties, missions to
+teach Islam, embassies to foreign chiefs, mercantile expeditions,
+pilgrims' processions, parties sent to disperse or chastise a band of
+robbers, or to watch the movements of an enemy, spies sent to bring
+information, and forces dispatched or led to fight with or check an
+enemy are all called "_Ghazavát_" (expeditions,) "_Saráya_" and "_Baús_"
+(enterprises and despatches). Thus the number of Mohammad's expeditions
+has been unduly exaggerated, first by biographers, who noted down every
+expedition or warlike enterprise reported in the several authentic and
+unauthentic traditions long after their occurrences, and did not at all
+trouble their heads by criticising them; and secondly by giving all
+missions, deputations, embassies, pilgrims' journies, and mercantile
+enterprises under the category of "_Ghazavát_" and "_Saráya_," lately
+construed by European writers as "plundering expeditions," or "a
+despatch of body of men with hostile intents." The biographers, both
+Arabian and European, have gone so far as to assert that there were 27
+expeditions led by Mohammad in person, and 74 others headed by persons
+nominated by himself, making in all 101. This number is given by Ibn Sád
+Kátib Wákidi (vide _Kustaláni_, Vol. VI, page 386). Ibn Is-hak also
+gives the number of Mohammad's expeditions to be 27, while others led at
+his order are put down at 38 only (vide _Ibn Hishám_, pp. 972 and 973).
+Abú Yola has a tradition from Jabir, a contemporary of Mohammad, who
+mentions only 21 expeditions. But the best authority, Zeid-bin-Arqam, in
+the earliest traditions collected by Bokhári, _Kitábul Maghazi_, in two
+places in his book, reduces the number to 19, including all sorts of
+expeditions and the number in which he was with Mohammad. Out of these
+alleged 27, 21, 19 and 17 expeditions, there were only 8[21] or 9,[22]
+in which an actual fighting took place. Even the latter minimized
+numbers are not deserving of confidence. The actual expeditions are as
+follow:--
+
+ 1. Badr.
+ 2. Ohad.
+ * Muraisi.
+ 3. Ahazáb.
+ * Koreiza.
+ 4. Khyber.
+ * Mecca.
+ 5. Honain.
+ * Táyif.
+
+There are no good authorities for the war at Muraisi with the Bani
+Mustalik. There were no fightings with the Koreiza, as their affair was
+but a continuation of the war of Ahzab, and therefore does not require a
+separate number. At Mecca there was no action, and it surrendered by a
+compromise. As for Táyif it was a part of the battle of Honain like
+Autás. It was besieged to lay hold of the fugitives who had sought there
+a shelter, and subsequently the siege was raised. Thus, there remain
+only five expeditions, which I have numbered out of nine, in which
+Mohammad fought against his enemies in his and his followers' defence.
+Even these five scarcely deserve the name of battle. From a military
+point of view, they were but petty skirmishes in their results. The
+enemy's loss at Badr was 49, at Ohad 20, at Ahzáb 3, at Khyber 93, and
+at Honain 93; but the last two numbers are open to doubt, and seem to be
+exaggerated. The loss on the Moslem side was 14, 74, 5, 19, and 17
+respectively. The whole casualties in these wars on the side of the
+Moslems were 129, and on that of the enemies 258, which is exactly
+double those of the Moslems, and looks suspicious; hence it must be
+accepted with caution.
+
+[Footnote 20: The biographers have only compiled or arranged the mass of
+popular romances and favourite tales of campaigns, which had become
+stereotyped in their time, but were for the most part the inventions of
+a playful fantasy.]
+
+[Footnote 21: Musa-bin-Akba (died 141 A.H.)]
+
+[Footnote 22: Ibn Sád and Ibn Is-hak as already alluded to.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Mr. Green quoted.]
+
+15. The Rev. Samuel Green writes:--
+
+ "It has been insinuated that Mahomet first took up arms in his own
+ defence, and by more than one historian he has been justified in
+ seeking to repel or prevent the hostilities of his enemies, and to
+ exact a reasonable measure of retaliation. 'The choice of an
+ independent people,' says Gibbon, 'had exalted the fugitive of
+ Mecca to the rank of a sovereign, and he was invested with the just
+ prerogative of forming alliances, and of waging offensive or
+ defensive war.'[23] That such a sentiment was entertained by a
+ Mahometan does not at all surprise us, nor is it marvellous that it
+ should be justified by an infidel; if it be true, war needs nothing
+ to render laudable but the pretext of former injuries and the
+ possession of power. The defence set up for Mahomet is equally
+ availing for every sanguinary and revengeful tyrant; and men,
+ instead of being bound together by the ties of clemency and mutual
+ forgiveness of injuries, are transformed into fiends, watching for
+ the opportunity of destroying each other."[24]
+
+There was no pretence of former injuries on the part of the Moslems to
+make war on the Koreish. They were actually attacked by the Koreish and
+were several times threatened with inroads by them and their allies. So
+it was not until they were attacked by the enemy that they took up arms
+in their own defence, and sought to repel and prevent hostilities of
+their enemies. The defence set up for Mohammad is not equally availing
+of every sanguinary and revengeful tyrant. It was not only that Mohammad
+was wronged or attacked, but all the Moslems suffered injuries and
+outrages at Mecca, and when expelled therefrom, they were attacked upon,
+were not allowed to return to their homes, and to perform the pilgrimage
+there. The social and religious liberty, a natural right of every
+individual and nation, was denied them. A cruel or revengeful tyrant may
+not be justified in taking up arms in his own defence, or in seeking to
+redress his personal wrongs and private injuries; but the whole Moslem
+community at Mecca was outraged, persecuted and expelled,--and the
+entire Mohammadan commonwealth at Medina was attacked, injured and
+wronged,--their natural rights and privileges were disregarded--after
+such miseries the Moslems took up arms to protect themselves from the
+hostilities of their enemies and to repel force by force; and were
+justified by every law and justice.
+
+The right of self-defence is a part of the law of nature, and it is the
+indispensable duty of civil society to protect its members. Even if a
+sanguinary and revengeful tyrant were to do so in his own behalf, he
+would be quite justified in this particular act. A just war, that is one
+undertaken for just causes to repel or revert wrongful force, or to
+establish a right, cannot be impeached on any ground, religious, moral,
+or political. But the Moslems had tried every possible means of
+obtaining a pacific solution of the difficulty which had arisen between
+them and their enemies, the Koreish and the Jews, to avert war and its
+horrors. Mohammad had repeatedly informed the Koreish that if they
+desist they will be forgiven.
+
+ 88. "But if they desist, then verily God is gracious, merciful."
+
+ 189. "But if they desist, then let there be no hostility, save
+ against wrong-doers."--_Sura II._
+
+ 19. "_O Meccans!_ if ye desired a decision, now hath the decision
+ come to you. It will be better for you to give over _the struggle_.
+ If ye return _to it_, we will return; and your forces, though they
+ be many, shall by no means avail you aught, because God is with the
+ faithful."
+
+ 39. "Say to the infidels: If they desist what is now past shall be
+ forgiven them; but if they turn _to it_, they have already before
+ them the doom of the former."--_Sura VIII._
+
+And the same was the case regarding the Jews.
+
+ 104. "Many of those who have Scripture would like to bring you back
+ to unbelief after you have believed, out of selfish envy, even
+ after the truth hath been shown to them. Forgive them then, and
+ shun them till God shall come with his decree. Truly God hath power
+ over all things."--_Sura II._
+
+ 63. "But if they lean to peace, lean thou also to it; and put thy
+ trust in God. He verily is the hearing, the knowing."--_Sura VIII._
+
+ 16. ... "Thou wilt not cease to discover the treacherous ones among
+ them, except a few of them. But forgive them and pass it over.
+ Verily God loveth those who act generously."--_Sura V._
+
+But there could be no peace or mutual agreement on the part of the enemy
+until the truce of Hodeibia, which was also violated by them in a short
+time.
+
+Even in the wars which were waged for self-preservation, the Prophet had
+very much mitigated the evils which are necessarily inflicted in the
+progress of wars. Fraud, perfidy, cruelty, killing women, children and
+aged persons were forbidden by Mohammad;[25] and a kind treatment of the
+prisoners of war enjoined. But foremost of these all--slavery, and
+domestication of concubinary slaves, the concomitant evils of war--were
+abolished by him, ordering at the same time that prisoners of war should
+be either liberated gratis or ransomed. Neither they were to be enslaved
+nor killed. (_Vide_ Sura XLVII, verses 4 and 5; and Appendix B of this
+work.) Attacking offensively was forbidden by the Koran (II, 186 _La
+Taatadú_, _i.e._ 'Do not attack first'). Mohammad had taken oaths from
+the Moslems to refrain from plundering (_vide_ page 58 of this book).
+
+ "All hostilities and plundering excursions between neighbouring
+ tribes that had become Musalman he forbade on pain of death; and
+ this among those who had hitherto lived by plunder or by war, and
+ who he knew might be deterred by such prohibition from joining him.
+ 'Let us make one more expedition against the Temim,' said a tribe
+ that was almost, but not altogether, persuaded to embrace the
+ faith, 'and then we will become Musalmans.'"[26]
+
+ "In avenging my injuries," said he (Mohammad), "molest not the
+ harmless votaries of domestic seclusion; spare the weakness of the
+ softer sex, the infant at the breast, and those who in the course
+ of nature are hastening from this scene of mortality. Abstain from
+ demolishing the dwellings of the unresisting inhabitants; destroy
+ not their means of subsistence, respect their fruit trees, and
+ touch not the palm, so useful to the Syrians for its shade, and
+ delightful for its verdure."[27]
+
+ "The Bani Bakr," writes Sir W. Muir, "meanwhile, foreseeing from
+ the practice of the Prophet that, under the new faith, their mutual
+ enmities would be stifled, resolved upon a last passage of arms
+ with their foes. The battle of _Shaitain_ fought at the close of
+ 630 A.D. was a bloody and fatal one to the Bani Tamím."[28]
+
+[Footnote 23: "Decline and Fall, Chap. 1."]
+
+[Footnote 24: The Life of Mahomet, founder of the religion of Islamism
+and of the Empire of the Saracens, by the Rev. Samuel Green, page 126:
+London, 1877.]
+
+[Footnote 25: Mohammad's instruction to Abdal-Rahman was--"In no case
+shalt thou use deceit or perfidy, nor shalt thou kill any child."--Muir,
+Vol. IV, p. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 26: 'Quoted by Dr. Cazenove,' "Christian Remembrancer,"
+January, 1855, page 71, from Caussin de Perceval. Mohammed &
+Mohammedanism. By R. Bosworth Smith, Second Edn., pp. 257 & 258. London,
+1876.]
+
+[Footnote 27: An History of Mohammedanism; comprising the Life and
+Character of the Arabian Prophet; by Charles Mills, page 27. London
+1818.]
+
+[Footnote 28: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. I, Intro., p. ccxxvii. London,
+1861.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Another view of the wars of Mohammad.]
+
+16. There is another view of the wars of Mohammad held by some of the
+European and American writers that he commenced hostilities on the
+caravans of the Koreish which passed from Medina by way of reprisal and
+retaliation,[29] and that he at first took up arms in his self-defence,
+but at last he proclaimed, and waged, offensive wars against the
+Koreish.[30] I have already shown how improbable the line of action was
+on the part of Mohammad under the circumstances at Medina; and this line
+of policy is quite contrary to the several verses of the Koran on the
+subject, all enjoining the waging of wars in self-defence. But supposing
+that hostilities were first commenced by Mohammad after the Hegira, the
+state of war having commenced at the expulsion of the Moslems from
+Mecca, it was lawful for him to take up arms to redress the wrongs of
+the Moslems and to establish their lawful right by force of arms. A war
+commenced on these grounds is a defensive war, though from a military
+point of view it may be an offensive one.[31]
+
+ "The right of self-defence," writes Kent, a great authority on the
+ International Law, "is part of the law of our nature, and it is the
+ indispensable duty of civil society to protect its members in the
+ enjoyment of their rights, both of person and property. This is the
+ fundamental principle of the social compact.... The injury may
+ consist, not only in the direct violation of personal or political
+ rights, but in wrongfully withholding what is due, or in the
+ refusal of a reasonable reparation for injuries committed, or of
+ adequate explanation or security in respect to manifest and
+ impending danger."[32]
+
+[Footnote 29: Sir W. Muir doubts the intense hatred and bitter cruelty
+attributed by tradition to the Koreish, and says: "In accordance with
+this view is the fact that the first aggressions, after the Hegira, were
+solely on the part of Mahomet and his followers. It was not until
+several of their caravans had been waylaid and plundered and blood had
+thus been shed that the people of Mecca were forced in self-defence to
+resort to arms." The Life of Mahomet, Vol. II, page 265, foot-note.
+London, 1861. This note disappears in the new edition of 1877. In his
+work "The Coran," page 24, London, 1878, Sir W. Muir says: "The caravans
+of Mecca offered a tempting opportunity for reprisals, and several
+expeditions were organized against them."]
+
+[Footnote 30: Mr. G. Sale writes: "He gave out that God had allowed him
+and his followers to defend themselves against the infidels; and at
+length, as his forces increased, he pretended to have the divine leave
+even to attack them." _The Prelim. Dis. Sect. 11._ Mr. Henry Coppée
+writes regarding Mohammad: "But he soon found that he must take up arms
+in self defence, and in the thirteenth year of his mission, he announced
+that God permitted him not only to fight in his self-defence, but to
+propagate his religion by the sword." History of the Conquest of Spain
+by the Arab-Moors, by Henry Coppée. Vol. I, page 39. Boston, 1881. But
+Dr. A. Sprenger makes the object of the wars of Mohammad purely
+defensive. He writes:--"The Prophet now promulgated, in the name of God,
+the law to fight their enemies, in order to put a stop to persecutions;
+and this became henceforth the watchword of his bloody religion." The
+Life of Mohammad, p. 207: Allahabad, 1851.]
+
+[Footnote 31: M. Bluntschili, a modern authority on the International
+Law, holds: "A war undertaken for defensive motives is a defensive war,
+notwithstanding that it may be militarily offensive." The International
+Law, by William Edward Hall, M.A., Oxford, 1880, page 320.]
+
+[Footnote 32: Kent's Commentary on International Law. Edited by J.T.
+Abdy, LL.D., Second Edition, page 144.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Caravans, if waylaid, were by reprisal.]
+
+17. As regards the threatened attack on the caravans or capturing of it,
+there are not any satisfactory grounds of proof; but if they were
+attacked and captured, I do not see any reason why they should be
+objected to. When hostilities commence, the first objects that naturally
+present themselves for detection and seizure are the person and property
+of the enemy. Even under the International Law of most civilized
+countries, the legitimacy of appropriating the enemy's property rests on
+the commencement of the state of war. Under the old customs of war a
+belligerent possessed the right to seize and appropriate all the
+property belonging to an enemy's state or its subjects, of whatever kind
+they be or in whatsoever place where the acts of war are permissible. So
+those who object to the early Moslems' threatening, or capturing, or
+appropriating the person or property of the enemy, and call them
+robbery, rapine or brigandage, show their complete ignorance of the
+International Law, ancient or modern.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Intolerance--no compulsory conversion enjoined, or took
+place during Mohammad's life-time.]
+
+18. The subject of the alleged intolerance on the part of Mohammad, the
+Prophet, towards the unbelievers has been fully discussed in paragraphs
+34-39 (pp. 41-51). It is altogether a wrong assumption of European
+writers that the Koran enjoins compulsory conversion of the unbeliever,
+or that Mohammad proselytized at the point of the sword. Sir W. Muir
+writes:--
+
+[Sidenote: Sir W. Muir quoted.]
+
+ "Persecution, though it may sometimes have deterred the timid from
+ joining his ranks, was eventually of unquestionable service to
+ Mahomet. It furnished a plausible excuse for casting aside the garb
+ of toleration; for opposing force to force against those who
+ obstructed the ways of the Lord; and last of all for the compulsory
+ conversion of unbelievers."[33]
+
+Opposing force to force and even redressing our wrongs and
+re-establishing our imperilled rights is not 'intolerance.' Mohammad did
+repel the force of his enemies when it was quite necessary for the
+Moslem self-preservation and protection, but he never compelled any of
+his enemies or unbelievers, whether a single individual, or a body of
+men, or a whole tribe, to believe in him. The Koran and history
+contradict such an allegation. The Koran everywhere in the Meccan and
+Medinite Suras preaches complete toleration of every religion. History
+nowhere authentically records any instance of Mohammad's enforcing
+conversion by means of the sword.
+
+[Footnote 33: The Life of Mahomet from original sources, by Sir W. Muir,
+LL.D. New Edition, page 68, London, 1877. See also page 57 of the
+same.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: A brief sketch of the propagation of Islam at Mecca.]
+
+[Sidenote: Conversion at Nakhla.]
+
+19. Mohammad propagated his religion both at Mecca and Medina before, as
+well as after, the Hegira, by persuasion and preaching sustained by
+reasonable evidence. It prevailed against all persecution and opposition
+of the Koreish and Jews. In fact, it flourished and prospered under the
+severe persecutions and crushing oppositions by the mere dint of its own
+truth.[34] Sometimes the persecution of the Koreish itself was the cause
+of conversion to the Moslem faith.[35] The number of converts during the
+first three years after the assumption by Mohammad of his prophetical
+office is estimated at fifty. Then commenced the general persecution and
+the overwhelming opposition. Mohammad had, in order to prosecute his
+endeavours peaceably and without interruption, occupied the house of
+Arqam, one of his early converts, and there preached and recited the
+Koran to those who used to be conducted to him. A great multitude
+believed therein; but the brunt of the jealousy and enmity of the
+Koreish fell upon the converted slaves, as well as upon strangers and
+believers among the lower classes, who had no patron nor protector. Some
+believers, sixteen in number, had already left for Abyssinia. Some came
+back and brought tidings of their kind reception there. At this time
+about a hundred Moslems emigrated to Abyssinia.[36] This shows the
+increasing number of the converts, who represented for the most part
+fugitives of Mecca. There were some Christian converts to Islam at
+Abyssinia also.[37] The Koreish being disquieted by the hospitable
+reception of the refugees at Abyssinia, and enraged by the refusal of
+Najashee to surrender them, sought to stay the progress of secession
+from their ranks by utterly severing the party of the Prophet from
+social and friendly communication with them. In the seventh year of the
+Prophet's mission the ban commenced, and lasted for full three years.
+There could be very few conversions during the period of this weary
+seclusion. The efforts of the Prophet were chiefly confined to the
+conversions of the members of his own noble clan, the Bani Hàshim, who,
+though unbelievers in his mission, had resolved to defend his person,
+and were with him in their confinement. The time of pilgrimage alone
+afforded Mohammad a wider field. He preached against idolatry at the
+fairs and assemblages of the pilgrims[38]. After his release from
+imprisonment in the tenth year of his mission, he went to preach at
+Tàyif, but was ignominiously expelled the city[39]. On his return to
+Mecca he converted a party of the tribe of Jinn[40] (not Genii according
+to the vulgar notion)[41] at Nakhla. After his return from Tàyif he
+preached to an audience of six or seven persons from Medina, who
+believed and spread Islam there.
+
+[Footnote 34: I do not mean to say that flourishing under persecution is
+a convincing proof of the divine origin of a religion. Not that a
+religion established by force is altogether of human invention. Almost
+all religions are divine however they may have been established, but
+flourishing under opposition and persecution is a natural course.
+Christianity suffered from persecutions and other harrowing evils for
+300 years, after which time it was established, and paganism abolished
+by public authority, which has had great influence in the propagation of
+the one and destruction of the other ever since.]
+
+[Footnote 35: "The severity and injustice of the Cureish, overshooting
+the mark, aroused personal and family sympathies; unbelievers sought to
+avert or to mitigate the sufferings of the followers of the Prophet; and
+in so doing they were sometimes themselves gained over to his side." The
+Life of Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, Second Edition, page 68.]
+
+[Footnote 36: Among them were the representatives of the following
+tribes or clans of the Koreish, the Háshimites, Omiyyiads, Bani Abd
+Shams, Bani Asad, Bani Abd bin Kosáyy, Bani Abd-ud-Dár, Bani Zohrá, Bani
+Taym bin Morra, the Mukwhumites, the Jomahites, and the Bani Sahm.
+_Vide_ Sprenger, page 190, Allahabad, 1851.]
+
+[Footnote 37: _Vide_ Hishamee, page 259. An allusion to these converts
+may be found in Sura V, verses 85 and 86, if it does not refer to those
+of Najrán.]
+
+[Footnote 38: He preached to the following tribes among others:--Bani
+Aamr bin Sasaa, Bani Mohárib, Bani Hafasa (or Khafasa), Bani Fezára,
+Bani Ghassán, Bani Kalb, Bani Háris, Bani Kab, Bani Ozra, Bani Murra,
+Bani Hanifa, Bani Suleim, Bani Abs, Bani Nazr, Bani Bakka, Bani Kinda,
+and Bani Khozaimah.]
+
+[Footnote 39: "There is something lofty and heroic in this journey of
+Mahomet to Tâyif; a solitary man, despised and rejected by his own
+people, going boldly forth in the name of God,--like Jonah to
+Nineveh--and summoning an idolatrous city to repentance and to the
+support of his mission. It sheds a strong light on the intensity of his
+own belief in the divine origin of his calling."--The Life of Mahomet,
+by Sir W. Muir, Vol. II, page 207.]
+
+[Footnote 40: The Arabs also had a similar clan named Bani Shaitán, a
+clan of the Hinzala tribe, the descendants of Tamim, through Zeid Monat
+of the Moaddite stock. The Bani Shaitán (the children of Satan) dwelt
+near Kúfa.--_Vide_ Qalqashandi's Dictionary of Arab Tribes.]
+
+[Footnote 41: Sura XLVI, verses 28, 29. These people were from Nisibin
+and Nineveh in Mesopotamia. They were Chaldeans, soothsayers, and
+cabalists. In the book of Daniel the Chaldeans are classed with
+magicians and astronomers, and evidently form a sort of the priest class
+who have a peculiar "tongue" and "learning" (Dan. I. 4). In Arabic,
+persons of similar professions were called _Kahins_. Some of this class
+of people pretended to receive intelligence of what was to come to pass
+from certain satans or demons, whom they alleged to hear what passed in
+the heavens. Others pretended to control the stars by enchanting them.
+They produced eclipses of the sun and moon by their alleged efficiency
+in their own enchantments. They practised astrology as well as astronomy
+and fortune-telling.
+
+It appears that the Chaldeans (Kaldai or Kaldi) were in the earliest
+times merely one out of the many Cushite tribes inhabiting the great
+alluvial plain known afterwards as Chaldea or Babylonia. In process of
+time as the Kaldi grew in power, their name prevailed over that of the
+other tribes inhabiting the country; and by the era of the Jewish
+captivity it had begun to be used generally for all the inhabitants of
+Babylonia. It had thus come by this time to have two senses, both
+ethnic: in the one, it was the special appellative of a particular race
+to whom it had belonged from the remotest times; in the other, it
+designated the nation at large in which the race was predominant.
+Afterwards it was transferred from an ethnic to a mere restricted sense,
+from the name of a people to that of a priest caste or sect of
+philosophers. The Kaldi proper belonged to the Cushite race. While both
+in Assyria and in Babylonia, the sernitic type of speech prevailed for
+special purposes, the ancient Cushite dialect was purely reserved for
+scientific and religious literature. This is no doubt the "learning" and
+the "tongue" to which reference is made in the Bible (Dan. I. 4). It
+became gradually inaccessible to the great mass of people who had
+emigrated by means, chiefly, of Assyrian influence. But it was the
+Chaldean learning in the old Chaldean or Cushite language. Hence all who
+studied it, whatever their origin or race, were, on account of their
+knowledge, termed Chaldeans. In this sense Daniel himself, "the master
+of Chaldeans" (Dan. V. 11.), would, no doubt, have been reckoned among
+them, and so we find Seleucas, a Greek, called a Chaldean by Strabo
+(XVI. 1, § 6). The Chaldeans were really a learned class, who by their
+acquaintance with the language of science became its depositaries. They
+were priests, magicians or astronomers, as their preference for one or
+other of those occupations inclined them; and in the last of these three
+capacities they probably effected discoveries of great importance. The
+Chaldeans, it would appear, congregated into bodies forming what we may
+perhaps call universities, and they all engaged together in it for their
+progress. They probably mixed up to some extent astrology with their
+astronomy, even in the earlier times, but they certainly made great
+advance in astronomical science to which their serene sky and
+transparent atmosphere specially invited them. In later times they seem
+certainly to have degenerated into mere fortune-tellers (_vide_ Smith's
+Dict. of the Bible, Art. _Chaldeans_).
+
+In their practice of astromancy or enchanting the stars, and in
+pretending to overhear what passed in the heavens, they, the Jinns, used
+to sit on the tops of lofty mansions at night-time for hours offering
+sacrifices to the stars and enchanting them. In their peculiar tongue
+and learning they called this practice "stealing a hearing" and "sitting
+for listening" (Suras XV, verse 17, and LXXII, verses 8, 9).
+
+Now at the time of Mohammad's assuming the Prophet's office there had
+been an unusually grand display of numerous falling stars, which at
+certain periods are known to be specially abundant. At the same time
+there were good many comets visible in different parts of heavens, which
+certainly might have smitten with terror these Jinns, _i.e._, the
+astromancers and soothsayers. There was one comet visible in 602 A.D.,
+and other two appeared in 605 A.D. In 607 A.D. two more comets were
+visible; another one appeared in 608 A.D. Each of the years 614 and 615
+had one comet. There were also comets visible in 617 A.D. (_vide_
+Chambers's Descriptive Astronomy). These comets are most probably
+noticed in the contemporary record (_i.e._ the Koran). A comet is called
+_Tariq_, or "night comer," in Sura LXXXVI, verse 1; and described as the
+star of piercing radiance. (_Annajmus Saqib. Ibid_ 3.)
+
+The _Kahins_ were very much alarmed at the stupendous phenomena of the
+falling stars and the comets; and had stopped their soothsaying and
+divinations. Whenever they used to sit on their places of listening,
+enchanting, and divination during night-time, looking at the heavens,
+their eyes met with showers of shooting stars and brilliant comets which
+bewildered them very much. It is said that the first whose attention was
+attracted to the unusual shooting stars was a clan of the Sakeefites of
+Us-Tayif (Ibn Hisham, page 131). These Jinns, when they were converted
+to Islam at Nakhla near Tayif, expressed their bewilderment from the
+unusual shower of falling stars and the appearance of numerous comets in
+their peculiar language:--
+
+"The heaven did we essay but found it filled with mighty garrison and of
+darting flames."
+
+"We sat on some of the seats to listen, but whoever now listeneth
+findeth a darting flame in ambush for him."
+
+"We know not whether evil be meant for them that are on earth, or
+whether their Lord meaneth true guidance for them."--Sura LXXII, verses
+8-10.
+
+So the pretenders of hearing the discourses of heavenly bodies being
+quite harassed by the extraordinary showers of the falling stars, and
+the appearances of numerous comets, had stopped their divination. This
+was taken notice of in the Koran:--
+
+"They overhear not exalted chiefs, and they are darted from every side."
+
+"Driven off and consigned to a lasting torment; while if one steal by
+stealth then a glistering flame pursueth him."--Sura XXXVII, verses
+8-10.
+
+"Save such as steal a hearing, and him do visible flames pursue."--Sura
+XV, verse 18.
+
+"The satans were not sent down with this _Koran_. It beseemed them not,
+and they had not the power. For they are far removed from the
+hearing."--Sura XXVI, verses 210-212.
+
+As an instance of terror and bewilderment caused by meteors and shooting
+stars among credulous people, I will quote the following anecdote:
+
+About the middle of the tenth century an epidemic terror of the end of
+the world had spread over Christendom. The scene of the last judgment
+was expected to be in Jerusalem.
+
+In the year 999 the number of pilgrims proceeding eastwards, to await
+the coming of the Lord in that city, was so great that they were
+compared to a desolating army. During the thousandth year the number of
+pilgrims increased. Every phenomenon of nature filled them with terror.
+A thunderstorm sent them all upon their knees. Every meteor in the sky
+seen at Jerusalem brought the whole Christian population into the
+streets to weep and pray. The pilgrims on the road were in the same
+alarm. Every shooting star furnished occasion for a sermon, in which the
+sublimity of the approaching judgment was the principal topic (_vide_
+Extraordinary Popular Delusions by Charles Mackay, LL.D., London, pp.
+222 and 223).
+
+It was a conceit or imposture of the _Kahins_ to pretend that their
+demons had access to the outskirts of the heavens, and by assiduous
+eavesdropping secured some of the secrets of the upper world and
+communicated the same to the soothsayers or diviners upon earth. The
+Jews had a similar notion of the demons (schedim), learning the secrets
+of the future by listening behind the veil (pargôd). The Koran falsified
+them in their assertions. It says that the heavens (or the stars) are
+safe and protected against the eavesdropping (or enchantments) of the
+soothsayers.
+
+"We have set the signs of Zodiac in the heavens, and we have decked them
+forth for the bewilders."
+
+"And we guard them from every stoned satan."--Sura XV, verses 16, 17.
+
+"Verily we have adorned the lower heaven with the adornment of the
+stars;"
+
+"And we have guarded them against every rebellious satan."--Sura XXXVII,
+verses 6, 7.
+
+"... And we have furnished the lower heaven with lights and have
+protected it...."--Sura XLI, verse 11.
+
+The Koran further says that the soothsayers impart to their votaries or
+to those who go to consult them what they have heard from other people
+and are liars:--
+
+"They impart what they have heard, but most of them are liars."--Sura
+XXVI, verse 223.
+
+It is nowhere said in the Koran that the stars are darted or hurled at
+the Satans. Sura LXVII, verse 5, literally means, "of a surety we have
+decked the lower heaven with lights and have made them to be (means of)
+'_Rojúm_' conjectures to the (or for the) devils, _i.e._ the
+astrologer." The primary meaning of _Rajm_ is a thing that is thrown or
+cast like a stone: pl. '_Rojúm_,' but it generally means speaking of
+that which is hidden, or conjecturing or speaking by conjecture, as in
+Sura XVIII, verse 21. In Sura XIX, verse 47, the word "_La-arjomannaka_"
+has been explained both ways, meaning (1) "I will assuredly cast stones
+at thee," and (2) "I will assuredly say of thee, (though) speaking of
+that which is hidden (from me) or unknown (by me), what thou dislikest
+or hatest." _Vide_ Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, page 1048.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Rapid stride of Islam at Medina.]
+
+20. Next year twelve new converts were made from persons who had come to
+see the Prophet from Medina. They returned as missionaries of Islam, and
+Islam spread rapidly in Medina from house to house and from tribe to
+tribe. The Jews looked on in amazement at the people whom they had in
+vain endeavoured from generations to convince of the errors of
+polytheism, and to dissuade from the abominations of their idolatry,
+suddenly of their own accord casting away idols and professing belief in
+the one True God.[42] Thus speedily without let or hindrance, force or
+compulsion, did Islam take firm root at Medina and attain to a full and
+mature growth. There remained not a single house among the Aws and
+Khazraj tribes[43] of Medina in which there were not believing men and
+women, excepting the branch of the Aws Allah, who were not converts till
+after the siege of Medina. At this time there were many Moslems in
+Mecca, Medina, and Abyssinia, and not a single one of them could be said
+to have been converted to Islam by compulsion: on the contrary, they
+were used to be forced to renounce Islam.
+
+[Footnote 42: "After five centuries of Christian evangelization, we can
+point to but a sprinkling here and there of Christian converts;--the
+Bani Hârith of Najrân: the Bani Hanîfa of Yemâma; some of the Bani Tay
+at Tayma, and hardly any more. Judaism, vastly more powerful, had
+exhibited a spasmodic effort of proselytizm under Dzu Nowâs; but, as an
+active and converting agent the Jewish faith was no longer
+operative."--Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. I, page ccxxxix.]
+
+[Footnote 43: The Aws or Khazraj were two branches of the Azdite tribes
+of Yemen from the Kahlanite stock. After their emigration to the North
+they separated themselves from the Ghassinides and returned to Medina,
+where they settled.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: The increasing number of Moslem converts at Mecca after the
+Hegira.]
+
+21. When the Moslems were obliged to emigrate from Mecca under the
+severe Koreishite persecutions, all the followers of the Prophet with
+the exception of those detained in confinement or unable to escape from
+slavery had emigrated with their families to Medina. But there were many
+new converts at Mecca since the expulsion of the Moslems. Those unable
+to fly from Mecca in the teeth of the oppressions of the wrathful
+Koreish (Sura IV., 77, 79, 100) were increasing. They appealed for
+deliverance and aid, while the Moslem pilgrims were near Mecca at
+Hodeibia, six years after the Hegira, and an allusion is made to the
+great number of the Meccan converts, living at Mecca during that time in
+Sura XLVIII, 25.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Disturbed state of the public peace among the tribes
+surrounding Medina. Internecine wars an obstacle to the propagation of
+Islam.]
+
+22. Irrespective of the wars prosecuted by the Koreish from the South
+against Mohammad at Medina, and the constant danger of inroad and attack
+upon Medina from the neighbouring tribes--a great obstacle in the
+propagation of Islam which could only be successfully accomplished in a
+state of peace and tranquility of both parties,--the most important and
+great tribes in the North and Centre of Arabia were at war against each
+other during the life of Mohammad, either before his mission from 570 to
+610 A.D. or during his public mission from 610 to 632 A.D. The
+disastrous internecine wars were kept up for scores of years and the
+evils necessarily inflicted in their progress were not confined to the
+belligerents only. It required years to remove the evils of war and to
+efface the traces of misery and sorrow the wars had brought.[44]
+
+[Footnote 44: The same remarks apply to the wars fought during
+Mohammad's lifetime but before his public mission.]
+
+
+23. Here I will give a brief sketch of the internecine wars which took
+place among the various Arab tribes during the time of Mohammad.
+
+*Wars during Mohammad's Lifetime, between the Arabian Tribes in the North
+and Centre of Arabia.*
+
+_Before his mission_, 570-610, A.D.
+
+(1.) The battle of Rahrahán between Bani Aamir bin Saasaa and Bani Tamim
+in Najd, 578, A.D.
+
+(2.) The Bani Abs on the side of Bani Aamir and Bani Zobian on the side
+of Tamim, 579, A.D., at _Sheb Jabala_.
+
+(3.) Sacrilegious war at Táyif called Harb fi-jár, 580-590, A.D.
+
+(4.) Several battles between Bani Bakr and Tamim in 604, A.D. and the
+following years.
+
+_During his mission._
+
+(A)--_While at Mecca, 610-622, A.D._
+
+(1.) The war of Dáhis between Bani Abs and Zobian, the branches of
+Ghatafán in Central Arabia; lasted forty years, 568 to 609, A.D.
+
+(2.) The battle of Zú-kár between the Bani Bakr and the Persians in the
+Kingdom of Hira, 611, A.D.
+
+(3.) The Bani Kinda and Bani Háris attacked Bath Tamim when they had
+retired to Kuláb in the confines of Yemen and repulsed them.
+
+(4.) The Bani Aws and Khazraj of Medina were at war. The battle of Boás
+was fought in 615, A.D. The Bani Aws were assisted by two tribes of
+Ghassan, by Mozeima and the Jewish tribes Nazeer and Koreiza. The Bani
+Khazraj were supported by Joheina, Ashja and the Jews of Kainuka.
+
+(B)--_While at Medina_, 622 to 632, _A.D._
+
+(1.) The standing warfare between the Bani Hawázin and the Bani Abs,
+Zobian, and Ashja of Ghatafán was kept up by assassinations and petty
+engagements till they become converts to Islam.
+
+(2.) The Koreish fought two battles of Badr and Ohad against the Moslems
+at Medina in 624 and 625, A.D., respectively.
+
+(3.) Several clans of the great Ghatafán family (the Bani Murra, Ashja
+and Fezára) the Bani Suleim and Sád, a branch of Hawázin, and Bani Asad
+from Najd Bedouin tribes, and Bani Koreiza the Jews, had besieged Medina
+in 627, A.D., in confederation with the Koreish.
+
+(4.) Bani Tamim and Bani Bakr renewed their hostilities, and from 615 to
+630, A.D., several battles occurred between them. The last battle was
+that of Shaitain in 630, A.D.
+
+In this year, after the battle, both the tribes were converted to
+Islam.
+
+(5.) The Bani Ghaus and Jadila branches of Bani Tay in the north of
+Medina warred against each other. The war of Fasád continued twenty-five
+years till they embraced Islam in 632, A.D.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Spread of Islam in the surrounding tribes at Medina after the
+Hegira I-VI.]
+
+24. During the six eventful years of Mohammad's sojourn at Medina, from
+the Hegira to the truce of Hodeibia, where he was every year attacked or
+threatened by other hostile Arab tribes, acting always in self-defence,
+he had converted several members or almost entire tribes residing round
+Medina.
+
+Among them were the following:--
+
+ 1. The Bani Aslam.[45]
+ 2. Joheina.[46]
+ 3. Mozeina.[47]
+ 4. Ghifár.[48]
+ 5. Saad-bin-Bakr.[49]
+ 6. Bani Ashja.[50]
+
+We never find a single instance even in the _Magházis_ (accounts of the
+campaigns of Mohammad, however untrustworthy they be) of Mohammad's
+converting any person, families, or branches of tribes by the scimitar
+in one hand and the Koran in the other.
+
+[Footnote 45: The Bani Aslam tribe settled north of Medina in the valley
+of Wady-al-Koraa. They were a branch of the Kozaaite tribes descended
+from Himyar.]
+
+[Footnote 46: Joheina were a branch of Kozaa, the descendants of Himyar.
+This tribe inhabited in the vicinity of Yenbo, north of Medina.]
+
+[Footnote 47: Mozeina were a tribe of the Moaddite stock of Mecca. They
+inhabited in Najd, north-east of Medina.]
+
+[Footnote 48: Ghifár were sons of Moleil-bin-Zamra, the descendants of
+Kinána, one of the Moaddite tribes.]
+
+[Footnote 49: Saad-bin-Bakr were a branch of Hawazin. Mohammad had been
+nursed among them.]
+
+[Footnote 50: The Bani Ashja were a branch of the Ghatafán of the Meccan
+stock of the Moaddites. The Bani Ashja appear all to have been hostile
+to Mohammad. They fought against the Prophet at the siege of Medina with
+four hundred warriors in their contingent. Sir W. Muir says, "The Bani
+Ashjâ, who had joined in the siege of Medina, gave in their adhesion
+shortly after the massacre of the Coreitza; they told Mahomet that they
+were so pressed by his warring against them, that they could stand out
+no longer.--K. Wackidi, page 60." Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, 107,
+_footnote_. This story is altogether false. We never hear of Mohammad
+warring against Bani Ashja; on the contrary, they had themselves invaded
+Medina.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Mecca a barrier against the conversion of the southern
+tribes.]
+
+25. Up to this time, notwithstanding the persecutions, exiles and wars
+against Islam, it had spread by the mere force of persuasion among the
+Meccans, some of whom had emigrated to Abyssinia and most to Medina, the
+whole of the influential tribes of Aws and Khazraj at Medina, as well as
+among the Jews there, and among some of the tribes in the north, and
+east of Medina and the centre of Arabia. But as Mecca in the south had
+declared war against Islam, most of the Arab tribes connected somehow
+with the Meccans, and those inhabiting the southern and south-eastern
+parts of Arabia, to whom Mecca served geographically as a barrier,
+watched the proceedings of the war and the fate of Islam, and had no
+opportunity of coming to Medina to embrace Islam, nor of having friendly
+intercourse with the Moslems, nor of receiving Mohammadan missionaries
+in the face of the wars waged by the Koreish who were looked upon as the
+guardians of the Kaaba, the spiritual or religious centre of the
+idolatrous Arabs. At the end of the last or the fifth year many Bedouin
+tribes, among whom might be counted the Bani Ashja, Murra, Fezara,
+Suleim, Sad-bin-Bakr and Bani Asad, had furnished several thousand Arabs
+to the Koreish for the siege of Medina. Only when the aggressions of the
+Koreish against the Moslems were suspended that the warring tribes and
+those of the Central, Southern and Eastern Arabia could think of what
+they had heard of the reasonable preaching of Islam against their
+idolatry and superstitions.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Tribal conversions in the sixth year.]
+
+26. Since the truce of Hodeibia at the end of the sixth year after the
+Hegira Mecca was opened for intercourse, where there were some more and
+fresh conversions. The Bani Khozaa, descendants of Azd, were converted
+to Islam at the truce of Hodeibia. At the pilgrimage in the following
+year some influential men of Mecca adopted Islam. The movement was not
+confined to these leading men, but was wide and general. In the seventh
+year the following tribes were converted to Islam and their deputations
+joined Mohammad at Khyber:
+
+ 1. Bani Ashár.[51]
+ 2. Khushain.[52]
+ 3. Dous.[53]
+
+[Sidenote: Conversions among several other tribes of the North and
+North-east in A.H., 8.]
+
+During the same year Mohammad converted several other tribes in the
+north and north-east of Arabia. Among them were--
+
+ 1. Bani Abs.
+ 2. Zobián.
+ 3. Murra.
+ 4. Fezara.[54]
+ 5. Suleim.[55]
+ 6. Ozra.
+ 7. Bali.
+ 8. Juzám.[56]
+ 9. Sálaba.[57]
+ 10. Abdul Kays.[58]
+ 11. Bani Tamim.[59]
+ 12. Bani Asad.[60]
+
+[Footnote 51: The Bani Ash-ár inhabited Jedda. They were of the
+Kahlánite stock, the descendants of Al-Azd.]
+
+[Footnote 52: The Bani Khushain were a clan of Kozaá, of Himiarite
+stock.]
+
+[Footnote 53: The Bani Dous belong to the Azdite tribe of the stock of
+Kahtán. They lived at some distance south of Mecca. They had joined
+Mohammad at Khyber.]
+
+[Footnote 54: These were the sub-tribes of Ghatafán of the Meccan stock.
+The chief families of Ghatafán were the Bani Ashja, Zobian, and the Bani
+Abs. Murra and Fezára were the branches of Zobian. They all inhabited
+Najd. Uyenia, the chief of the Bani Fezára, had committed an inroad upon
+Medina in A.H. 6. In the same year the Bani Fezára had waylaid a Medina
+caravan and plundered it.]
+
+[Footnote 55: The Bani Suleim, a branch of the Bani Khasafa and a sister
+tribe to Hawázin, who lived near Mecca, and in whose charge, Mohammad,
+when but an infant, was placed, were also a tribe of the Meccan stock
+descended through Khasafa from Mozar and Moádd. Bani Suleim, like Bani
+Murra and Fezára, branches of Ghatafán, had long continued to threaten
+Mohammad with attacks. The Bani Suleim having joined Aamir bin Tofeil,
+chief of Bani Aamir, a branch of the tribe of Hawázin with their clans
+Usseya, Ril, and Zakawán, had cut to pieces a party of Moslem
+missionaries at Bir Mauna, invited by Abu Bera Amr ibn Málik, a chief of
+the Bani Aamir, who had pledged for their security. The Bani Suleim had
+joined also the Koreish army at the siege of Medina. In the seventh
+year, they had slain another body of Moslem missionaries sent to them.]
+
+[Footnote 56: The Bani Ozra were a tribe of Kozaá, like Joheina. They,
+together with the Bani Bali and Juzám, inhabited the north of Arabia in
+the part of the territory belonging to Ghassan. The family of Himyar,
+descendants from Kahtán in Yemen, had flourished through the line of
+Kozaá, the Bani Ozza, Joheina and other important tribes to the north of
+the Peninsula on the border of Syria. It has been quoted by Sir W. Muir
+from Katib Wakidi that the chief of the Bani Juzám carried back to them
+a letter from Mohammad to this tenor: "Whoever accepteth the call of
+Islam, he is among the confederates of the Lord; whoever refuseth the
+same, a truce of two months is allowed for him for consideration."
+(Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 107, _foot-note_). The words "for
+consideration" are not in the original Arabic.--_Vide_ Ibn Hisham, p.
+963. It is not clear what was meant by the two months' truce he was
+advised to give them, to make terms before he could commence
+hostilities, if the tradition for which there is no authority be true.
+This has nothing to do with their compulsory conversions.]
+
+[Footnote 57: Salaba was a branch of the Zobián.]
+
+[Footnote 58: The Bani Abd-ul-Kays are a Moaddite tribe, the descendants
+of Rabia. They inhabited Bahrein on the Persian Gulf.]
+
+[Footnote 59: The Bani Tamim were branch of Tábikha, a tribe of the
+Moaddite stock of Mecca and a sister tribe of Mozeina. They are famous
+in the history of Najd, a province north-east of Medina, from the
+confines of Syria to Yemen. Some of these branches were with Mohammad at
+the expeditions to Mecca and Honain. All the branches of the tribes that
+had not yet embraced Islam were now converted.]
+
+[Footnote 60: The Bani Asad ibn Khozeima were a powerful tribe residing
+near the hill of Katan in Najd. They were of the Moaddite tribe of the
+Meccan stock. Tuleiba, their chief, had assembled a force of cavalry and
+rapid camel-drivers to make a raid upon Medina in A.H. 4. They were
+dispersed by the Moslems. In the next year they joined the Koreish in
+the siege of Medina.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Surrender of Mecca. A.H., 8.]
+
+27. The position of Islam at Mecca was greatly strengthened since the
+truce in A.H. 6, by increase in the number of Moslems, influential and
+leading, as well as of persons of minor note and importance there,
+consequently the advocates of Islam, peace and compromise were growing
+in number and confidence. Among the idolatrous Koreish there were no
+chiefs of marked ability or commanding influence left at Mecca; almost
+all of them had gone over to the cause of Islam. In the meantime the
+infraction of the terms of the truce by the Bani Bakr and Koreish caused
+the surrender of Mecca without bloodshed.
+
+
+[Sidenote: The Meccans not compelled to believe.]
+
+28. Though Mecca had surrendered, all its inhabitants had not already
+become converts to Islam. Mohammad did not take any compulsory means to
+convert the people: "Although the city had cheerfully accepted his
+supremacy," writes Sir W. Muir, "all its inhabitants had not yet
+embraced the new religion, or formally acknowledged his prophetical
+claim. Perhaps he intended to follow the course he had pursued at Medina
+and leave the conversion of the people to be gradually accomplished
+without compulsion."[61]
+
+[Footnote 61: The Life of Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, page 136.
+Those who had newly joined the Moslem Camp at Mecca to repel the
+threatening gathering of Hawázin, and those of them who preferred
+submission to the authority of Mohammad, are called by Sir W. Muir "his
+new converts." (IV., 149). But in fact they were not called believers.
+They are called simply _Muallafa Qolubohum_ in the Koran (IX., 60) which
+means whose hearts are to be won over.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: The wholesale conversion of the remaining tribes in A.H., 9
+& 10.]
+
+29. Now it was more than twenty years that the Koran had been constantly
+preached to the surrounding tribes of Arabs at Mecca at the time of
+fairs[62] and at the annual pilgrimage gatherings,[63] by Mohammad, and
+by special missionaries of Islam from Medina, and through the reports of
+the travellers and merchants coming and going from Mecca and Medina to
+all parts of Arabia. The numbers of different distant tribes, clans and
+branches had spread the tidings of Islam. There were individual converts
+in most of the tribes. Those tribes already not brought over to Islam
+were ready to embrace it under the foregoing circumstances. Idolatry,
+simple and loathsome, had no power against the attacks of reason
+displayed in the doctrines of the Koran. But the idolatrous Koreish
+opposed and attacked Islam with persecution and the sword, and
+strengthened idolatry with earthly weapons. The distant pagan tribes on
+the side of the Koreish, geographically or genealogically, were
+prevented by them from embracing the new faith. As soon as the
+hostilities of the Koreish were suspended at the truce of Hodeibia, the
+Arabs commenced to embrace Islam as already described, and no sooner
+they surrendered and Kaaba[64] stripped of its idols--and the struggle
+of spiritual supremacy between idolatry and Islam was practically
+decided--all the remaining tribes on the south and east who had not
+hitherto adhered to Islam hastened to embrace it hosts after hosts
+during the 9th and 10th year of the Hegira.
+
+[Footnote 62: Okáz between Táyif and Nakhla. Mujanna in the vicinity of
+Marr-al Zahrán, and Zul-Majáz behind Arafat, both near Mecca.]
+
+[Footnote 63: "From time immemorial, tradition represents Mecca as the
+scene of a yearly pilgrimage from _all_ quarters of Arabia:--from Yemen,
+Hadhramaut and the shores of the Persian Gulph, from the deserts of
+Syria, and from the distant environs of Híra and Mesopotamia."--Muir, I,
+ccxi.]
+
+[Footnote 64: Sir W. Muir thinks: "The possession of Mecca now imparted
+a colour of right to his pretensions; for Mecca was the spiritual centre
+of the country, to which the tribes from every quarter yielded a
+reverential homage. The conduct of the annual pilgrimage, the custody of
+the holy house, the intercalation of the year, the commutation at will
+of the sacred months,--institutions which affected all Arabia,--belonged
+by ancient privilege to the Coreish and were now in the hands of
+Mahomet.... Moreover, it had been the special care of Mahomet artfully
+to interweave with the reformed faith all essential parts of the ancient
+ceremonial. The one was made an inseparable portion of the other."--The
+Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 169. But the remaining tribes who had not
+hitherto embraced Islam, and the chiefs of the Southern and Eastern
+Arabia, did not adopt Islam, because Mohammad possessed Mecca, a
+position of no political supremacy. No paramount authority throughout
+the Peninsula had ever been vested in the chief who possessed Mecca.
+Mohammad on the surrender of Mecca had abolished all the idolatrous
+institutions which might have served as political or social inducements
+to the Pagan Arabs to embrace Islam. The intercalation of the year and
+commutation of the sacred months were cancelled for ever in the plain
+words of the Koran: "Verily, twelve months is the number of months with
+God, according to God's book, _since_ the day when He created the
+Heavens and the earth, of these, four are sacred; this is the right
+usage." ... "To carry over _a sacred month to another_ is an increase of
+unbelief only. They who do not believe are led into error by it. They
+allow it one year and forbid it another, that they may make good the
+number of _months_ which God hath hallowed, and they allow that which
+God hath prohibited. The evil of their deeds hath been prepared for them
+_by Satan_; for God guideth not the people who do not believe."--Sura
+IX, verses 36, 37. The custody of the house was no more an office of
+honour or privilege. The ancient ceremonial of pilgrimage was not
+interwoven with the reformed faith. The rites of Kaaba were stripped of
+every idolatrous tendency. And the remaining and essential part of the
+pilgrimage was depreciated. "By no means can their flesh reach unto God,
+neither their blood; but piety on your part reacheth Him."--Sura XXII,
+verse 38. And after all the idolaters were not allowed to enter it. "It
+is not for the votaries of other gods with God, witnesses against
+themselves of infidelity, to visit the temples of God."--Sura IX, verse
+28. Sir W. Muir himself says regarding Mohammad: "The rites of Kaaba
+were retained, but stripped by him of every idolatrous tendency; and
+they still hang, a strange unmeaning shroud, around the living theism of
+Islam."--Vol. I, Intro., p. ccxviii.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: The various deputations and embassies in the 9th and 10th
+year of the Hegira.]
+
+30. During these two years deputations of conversion to Islam were
+received by Mohammad at Medina from the most distant parts of the
+Peninsula, from Yemen and Hazaramaut from Mahra Oman and Bahrein in the
+south, and from the borders of Syria and the outskirts of Persia. Many
+of the chiefs and princes of Yemen and Mahra, of Oman, Bahrein and
+Yemama--christians and pagans--intimated by letter or by embassy their
+conversion to Islam. The Prophet used to send teachers with deputations
+and embassies, where they were not already sent, to instruct the newly
+converted people the duties of Islam and to see that every remnant of
+idolatry was obliterated.
+
+
+[Sidenote: List of the deputations of conversion received by Mohammad at
+Medina during A.H. 9 and 10.]
+
+31. Here is a list of the important deputations and embassies as well as
+the conversion of notable personages during these two years arranged in
+alphabetical order with geographical and genealogical notes.[65] Sir W.
+Muir thinks it "tedious and unprofitable" to enumerate them all,[66]
+while he takes notice of every apocryphal tradition and devours with
+eagerness all fictions unfavourable to the cause of Islam.
+
+ Bani Aámir.[67]
+ Bani Abd-ul-Kays.[68]
+ Bani Ahmas.[69]
+ Bani Anaza.[70]
+ Bani Asad.[71]
+ Bani Azd (Shanovah).[72]
+ Bani Azd (Oman).[73]
+ Bani Báhila.[74]
+ Bani Bahra.[75]
+ Bani Bajíla.[76]
+ Bani Baka.[77]
+ Bani Bakr bin Wail.[78]
+ Bani Bali.[79]
+ Bani Báriq.[80]
+ Bani Dáree.[81]
+ Farwa.[82]
+ Bani Fezára.[83]
+ Bani Gháfiq.[84]
+ Bani Ghánim.[85]
+ Bani Ghassán.[86]
+ Bani Hamadán.[87]
+ Bani Hanífa.[88]
+ Bani Háris of Najrán.[89]
+ Bani Hilál bin Aamir bin Sáasáa.[90]
+ Bani Himyar.[91]
+ Bani Jaad.[92]
+ Bani Jaafir bin Kelab bin Rabia.[93]
+ Jeifer bin al Jalandi.[94]
+ Bani Joheina.[95]
+ Bani Jufi.[96]
+ Bani Kalb.[97]
+ Bani Khas-am bin Anmár.[98]
+ Bani Khaulán.[99]
+ Bani Kiláb.[100]
+ Bani Kinána.[101]
+ Bani Kinda.[102]
+ Bani Mahrah.[103]
+ Bani Mohárib.[104]
+ Bani Morád.[105]
+ Bani Muntafiq.[106]
+ Bani Murrah.[107]
+ Bani Nakhá.[108]
+ Bani Nohd.[109]
+ Bani Ozra.[110]
+ Bani Raha.[111]
+ Bani Rawasa.[112]
+ Bani Saad Hozeim.[113]
+ Bani Sadif.[114]
+ Bani Sadoos.[115]
+ Bani Sahim.[116]
+ Bani Sakeef.[117]
+ Bani Salámáni.[118]
+ Bani Shaibán.[119]
+ Bani Sodaa.[120]
+ Bani Taghlib.[121]
+ Bani Tajeeb.[122]
+ Bani Tamim.[123]
+ Bath Tay.[124]
+ Bani Zobeid.[125]
+
+[Footnote 65: For these deputations see Ibn Is-hak (died 151), Hishamee
+(died 213), Ibn Sad (died 213), Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, Chap.
+30th, Seerat Shámí (died 942), and Halabí (died 1044). For the
+genealogies of these tribes consult Qalqashandi's Dictionary of Tribes,
+and Ibn Khaldún's History. Regarding the geographical positions of these
+tribes the reader is referred to the most valuable map of Arabia in Sir
+W. Muir's Annals of Early Caliphate, London 1882.]
+
+[Footnote 66: The Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, pp. 181 and
+226.]
+
+[Footnote 67: A branch of Hawázin and sister tribe of the Sakeef
+inhabited the province of Najd and were of the Moaddite stock. The tribe
+had taken little share with the rest of the Bani Hawázin at the battle
+of Honain against the Moslems A.H. 8. The famous poet Lebid, author of
+one of the Moallakas, belonged to that tribe. [See the Life of Lebid
+from Ketab-ul-Aghani, in an article on the Moallaqah by Lebid, by C.J.
+Lyall, C.S., in the Journals of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, No. 1,
+1877, pp. 62-76: Calcutta.]]
+
+[Footnote 68: Bani Abd-ul-Kays from Bahrein. The tribe has been
+described at page 47. There were many persons in the embassy. They were
+Christians before they embraced Islam.]
+
+[Footnote 69: Descended from Anmár of the Kahtanite stock of Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 70: A sub-tribe of Asad, descendants of Rabia of the Moaddite
+stock. These are the Aneze of Burkhardt.]
+
+[Footnote 71: Already described at p. 47. The rest of them now embraced
+Islam. It is said that Sura xlix, 17, refers to them.]
+
+[Footnote 72: Bani Azd (Shanovah) from Yemen. This tribe was a portion
+of the Azdite tribe left at Yemen at the time of the northern emigration
+of Azd. They were a branch of Kahtan of the Kahtanite stock. In their
+emigration northward from Yemen they resided a long time in Hijaz at
+Batn Murr near Mecca. In their journey further on to the north of Syria,
+leaving Kozaa, they changed their name to Ghassán from their long
+residence, by the way, near a fountain of that name. The tribes Aus and
+Khazraj had separated afterwards from these Ghassanides, and settled at
+Yathrib, afterwards known as Medina. One Surad was the chief of the
+embassy of Azd from Yemen to Mohammad at Medina. Sir W. Muir says: "This
+person was recognized by Mahomet as the ruler of his clan, and
+commission was given to him to war against the heathen tribes in his
+neighbourhood." (The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 219.) The Arabic
+word "_yojáhid_," in the original biographies, only means "to strive,"
+and does not mean "to make war," as understood by Sir W. Muir. He has
+himself translated the same word as "striving" in Vol. III, page 32. At
+page 265 of the same volume he translates it by "to do utmost." I have
+discussed the subject in full in Appendix A. of this work.]
+
+[Footnote 73: Another branch of the Azd described above.]
+
+[Footnote 74: Bani Báhila, otherwise called Sáad Manát, descendants of
+Ghatafán of the Moaddite stock.]
+
+[Footnote 75: Bani Bahra (bin Amr bin Al-Háf bin Kozaá), who were a
+branch of the Kozaá of the Himyarite stock, had emigrated to the north,
+and settled in the Ghassanide territory.]
+
+[Footnote 76: Bani Bajíla, a sister of Khas-am and descendants of Anmar
+bin Nizar of the Kahtanite stock. They inhabited Yemen. The Bajíla after
+professing Islam had destroyed the famous image of Kholasa.]
+
+[Footnote 77: A branch of Bani Aamir bin Sáasáa in the centre of
+Arabia.]
+
+[Footnote 78: They lived about Yemama and the shores of the Persian
+Gulf. They were one of the Moaddite tribes. The war of Basus between
+Bani Bakr and their sister tribe Bani Taghlib had lasted for forty
+years. There have been famous poets in the Bani Bakr tribe, among whom
+are Tarafa, Haris bin Hiliza, and Maimún Al-Asha. The Bani Bakr and Bani
+Tamim were constantly at war, which was abandoned under the influence of
+Islam, when both the parties were converted to it during the lifetime of
+Mohammad.]
+
+[Footnote 79: They were a branch of the Kozaá from the Himyarite stock,
+the descendants of Kahtan, and had settled in the north of Arabia in the
+Ghassanide territory on the borders of Syria.]
+
+[Footnote 80: A sub-tribe of Kozaá.]
+
+[Footnote 81: A clan of the tribe of Lakhm.]
+
+[Footnote 82: An Arab of the Bani Juzam in the north of Arabia and
+Governor of Amman in the Ghassanide territory announced his conversion
+to Mohammad by a despatch in A.H. 8.]
+
+[Footnote 83: They have already been described at page 46. Their
+deputation waited upon Mohammad on his return from Tabúk.]
+
+[Footnote 84: Descendants of Anmár of the Kahtanite stock.]
+
+[Footnote 85: A sub-tribe of Azd at Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 86: Already described under Bani Azd.]
+
+[Footnote 87: Bani Hamadán of the Kahtanite descent. An important tribe
+in the east of Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 88: A Christian branch of the Bani Bakr who inhabited Yemama.
+
+"The account of the embassy of the Bani Hanífa is more decidedly
+unfavourable to Christianity, but its details appear of doubtful
+authority. Moseilama, the false Prophet, was among the number, and there
+are some unlikely anticipations of his sacrilegious claims.
+
+"As the embassy were departing, Mahomet gave them a vessel in which were
+the leavings of the water with which he had performed his lustration;
+and he said,--'_When you reach your country, break down your church, and
+sprinkle its sight with this water, and make in its place a mosque_'....
+
+"The story appears to me improbable, because nowhere else is Mahomet
+represented as exhibiting such antagonism to Christians and their
+churches when they submitted themselves to him."--Muir's Life of
+Mahomet, Vol. II, pp. 303-4, _footnote_. The author changes his opinion
+in the fourth volume of his work and says: "I have there stated (in Vol.
+II) the story to be improbable. But I am now inclined to think that
+during the last year or two of Mahomet's life, there was quite enough of
+antagonistic feeling against Christianity as it presented itself in the
+profession of the Arab and Syrian tribes to support the
+narrative."--Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, page 218,
+_footnote_.
+
+This is a mere presumption on the part of the writer, and there is no
+proof of Mohammad's antagonism towards Christianity at any period of his
+life except against those who waged war with him. The following verse of
+the Koran will show how far I am true:--
+
+"Verily they who believe (Moslems), and they who follow the Jewish
+religion, and the Christians and Sabeites, whoever of those believeth in
+God and the Last Day, and doth that which is right shall have their
+reward with their Lord: Fear shall not come upon them, neither shall
+they be grieved."]
+
+[Footnote 89: Also a Christian tribe in Yemen descended from the
+Kahtanite stock of the Bani Madhij, and collateral therefore with Bani
+Kinda. Two of the embassy, one of them being Akil or Abd-ul-Masih, the
+chief of the deputation, adopted Islam. The rest returned with a full
+guarantee from Mohammad for the preservation of their social and
+religious liberty. Further information regarding the Bani Háris of
+Najrán will be found at pp. 48 and 106 of this book.
+
+"_Kâtib al Wâckidi_, p. 69. The subsequent history of the Najrán
+Christians is there traced. They continued in possession of their lands
+and rights under the treaty during the rest of Mohammad's life and the
+whole of Abu Bakr's Caliphate. Then they were accused of taking usury,
+and Omar expelled them from the land, and wrote as follows:--
+
+"The despatch of Omar, the Commander of the Faithful, to the people of
+Najrán. Whoever of them emigrates is under the guarantee of God. No
+Moslem shall injure them;--to fulfil that which Mahomet and Abu Bakr
+wrote unto them.
+
+"Now to whomsoever of the chiefs of Syria and Irâc they may repair, let
+such chiefs allot them lands, and whatever they cultivate therefrom
+shall be theirs; it is an exchange for their own lands. None shall
+injure or maltreat them; Moslems shall assist them against oppressors.
+Their tribute is remitted for two years. They will not be troubled
+except for evil deeds.
+
+"Some of them alighted in Irâc, and settled in Najránia near to Cufa.
+
+"That the offence of usury is alleged in justification of this measure
+appears to me to disprove the common tradition that a command was said
+to have been given by Mahomet on his deathbed for the Peninsula to be
+swept clear of all other religions but Islam."--Muir's Life of Mahomet,
+Vol. II, pp. 301-2.]
+
+[Footnote 90: Descendants of the great Ghatafán tribe already
+described.]
+
+[Footnote 91: Bani Himyar from Yemen. The Himyarites are too well-known
+to be described. The Himyarite princes of Ro-en, Mu-afir, Hamadan and
+Bazan, all of the Christian faith in Yemen, embraced Islam and announced
+their conversion by letter sent to Mohammad through their emissaries
+which reached him after his return from Tabúk.]
+
+[Footnote 92: Either a clan of Lakhm, or a branch of Bani Aámir.]
+
+[Footnote 93: A sub-tribe of the Bani Aámir bin Sáasáa already
+described.]
+
+[Footnote 94: The King of Omán, together with the people of Omán,
+embraced Islam during A.H. 8 and 9. The people of Omán were of the
+Azdite stock.]
+
+[Footnote 95: Already described at page 43.]
+
+[Footnote 96: A branch of Saad-al-Ashira from the Kahtanite stock. This
+tribe inhabited Yemen. They had some peculiar prejudice against eating
+the heart of an animal. Mohammad had caused their chief to break his
+superstition, which he did by making him eat the roasted heart of an
+animal.
+
+But they returned disgusted when told that his (the chief's) mother who
+had committed infanticide was in hell. However they sent another
+deputation a second time and finally embraced Islam.]
+
+[Footnote 97: They settled in Dumat-ul-Jundal, now Jal-al-Jowf, north of
+Arabia. They were a tribe of the Bani Kozaá descended from Himyar.]
+
+[Footnote 98: A tribe of the Kahtanite stock at Yemen. They lived in a
+hilly country of that name in Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 99: They were a tribe of the Kahtanite stock on the coast of
+Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 100: A clan of the Bani Aámir bin Sáasáa of the Hawázin tribe
+already described.]
+
+[Footnote 101: Descendants of Khazima of the Moaddite stock.]
+
+[Footnote 102: The Bani Kinda princes, Vail bin Hijar and Al-Ash-as bin
+Kays; the former, the chief of the coast, and the latter, the chief of
+the Hazaramaut in the south of Arabia. They with their whole clans
+embraced Islam. Bani Kinda were a powerful tribe of the Kahálánite
+stock.]
+
+[Footnote 103: A clan of Ozra from Kozaá described at page 46.]
+
+[Footnote 104: Descendants of Ghatafán of the Moaddite stock.]
+
+[Footnote 105: They inhabited the sea-coast of Yemen, and were a tribe
+of Muzhie of the Kahtanite stock.]
+
+[Footnote 106: A branch of the tribe of Aámir bin Sáasáa.]
+
+[Footnote 107: A branch of Zobian.]
+
+[Footnote 108: They were a tribe of the Kahtanite stock, residing in
+Yemen. Their deputation consisted of two hundred persons. It is said
+this was the last deputation received by Mohammad. Some time before this
+Ali was sent to the Bani Nakh-a and other tribes of the Mudhij stock in
+Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 109: A tribe of Kozaá of the Himyarite stock at Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 110: A sub-tribe of Kozaá inhabiting Syria described at page
+46.]
+
+[Footnote 111: A tribe of Muzhij of the Kahtanite stock at Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 112: They were a clan of the Bani Aámir bin Sáasáa already
+described.]
+
+[Footnote 113: A tribe of the Kozaá of the Moaddite stock, and according
+to some from Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 114: Descendants of Hazaramaut of the Kahtanite stock at
+Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 115: A clan of the Bani Hanifa, descendants of Bakr bin Wail
+already described.]
+
+[Footnote 116: A clan of the Bani Shaiban, the descendants of Bakr bin
+Wail already mentioned.]
+
+[Footnote 117: The Bani Sakeef (Thackif) were a branch of the Mazar
+tribes of the Moaddite stock. They were a sub-tribe of the Hawázin and
+sister tribe to the Bani Adwán, Ghatafán, and Suleim. They (the Bani
+Sakeef) lived at Tayif and worshipped the idol _Lat_ or _Táqhia_. Orwa,
+a chief of Tayif, had gone to Medina to embrace Islam. His first
+generous impulse was to return to Tayif and invite his fellow-citizens
+to share in the blessings imparted by the new faith. Upon his making
+public his conversion, he was wounded by a mob and suffered martyrdom.
+But he left a favourable impression of Islam at Tayif. Their deputation
+consisted of six chiefs with fifteen or twenty followers. The Prophet
+received them gladly and pitched a tent for their accommodation in the
+court of his mosque. Every evening after supper he paid them there a
+visit and instructed them in the faith till it was dark. Sir W. Muir
+writes:--"The martyrdom of Orwa compromised the inhabitants of Tayif,
+and forced to continue the hostile course they had previously been
+pursuing. But they began to suffer severely from the marauding attacks
+of Bani Hawazin under Malik. That chief, according to his engagement,
+maintained the increasing predatory warfare against them."--Life of
+Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 204. At page 155 he says regarding Malik,--"being
+confirmed in his chiefship he engaged to maintain a constant warfare
+with the citizens of Tayif." But there was no such engagement with
+Málik. The authority (Hishamee) referred to by Sir W. Muir does not
+speak anything of the alleged engagement. _Vide_ Hishamee, page 879.
+Hishamee has only so much that Mohammad made Malik chief of those who
+were converted from the tribe. These were the clans of Somála, Salma,
+and Fahm, and that he used to fight with them against the Sakifites. Sir
+W. Muir further writes that the inhabitants of Tayif said among
+themselves: "We have not strength to fight against the Arab tribe all
+around that have plighted their faith to Mahomet, _and bound themselves
+to fight in his cause_" (Vol. IV, p. 205). The italics are mine and
+these words are not to be found in the original authorities. Hishamee
+(page 914) has _Bayaoo va Aslamoo_, _i.e._, they have plighted and
+submitted (or converted to Islam).]
+
+[Footnote 118: Descendants of the Kozaá inhabited the hills of that name
+(Salámán).]
+
+[Footnote 119: Descendants and branch of Bakr bin Wail.]
+
+[Footnote 120: A tribe of the Kahtanite stock from Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 121: The Bani Taghlib bin Wail were a tribe of the Moaddite
+stock of Meccan origin and a sister tribe to the Bani Bakr bin Wail.
+Their wars are famous in the annals of Arabia. The war of Basús has been
+already alluded to under Bani Bakr. These tribes, the Bani Bakr and
+Taghlib, were located in Yemama, Bahrein, Najd, and Tihama, but lastly
+the Bani Taghlib had emigrated to Mesopotamia and professed the
+Christian faith. The members of their deputation to Mohammad wore golden
+crosses. When invited to Islam, they did not embrace it, but promised to
+allow their children to become Moslems. Mohammad allowed them to
+maintain unchanged their profession of Christianity. Their Christianity
+was of a notoriously superficial character. "The Taghlib," said Ali, the
+fourth Khalif, "are not Christians; they have borrowed from Christianity
+only the custom of drinking wine."--Dozy _Historie_, i, 20.]
+
+[Footnote 122: A clan of Kinda from the sub-tribe of Sakun at Yemen.]
+
+[Footnote 123: The Bani Tamim were descendants of Tabikha bin Elyas of
+the Moaddite stock. They are famous in the history of Najd, the
+northeastern desert of which from the confines of Syria to Yemama they
+inhabited. They were at constant warfare with the Bani Bakr bin Abd
+Monát, descendants of Kinána of the Moaddite stock, from 615 to 630 A.D.
+All the branches of the tribe which had not yet converted to Islam were
+now converted in A.H. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 124: The Bani Tay was a great tribe of the Kahtanite stock of
+Yemen, had moved northwards, and settled in the mountains of Ajá and
+Salmá to the north of Najd and Hijaz and the town of Tyma. They had
+adopted Christianity, but some of them were Jews and Pagans. Their
+intertribal war has been alluded to in para. 26. The whole tribe now
+embraced Islam. "A deputation from the Bani Tay, headed by their chief,
+Zeid-al-Khail, came to Medina to ransom the prisoners, soon after Ali's
+expedition. Mahomet was charmed with Zeid, of whose fame both as a
+warrior and a poet he had long heard. He changed his name to Zeid _al
+Kheir_ (_the beneficent_), granted him a large tract of country, and
+sent him away laden with presents."
+
+Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 178.]
+
+[Footnote 125: They were a branch of Sad-al-Ashirá of the Mazhij tribe
+of the Kahtanite stock. They inhabited the sea-coast of Yemen.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: All the conversions, individual and tribal, without any
+compulsion.]
+
+32. Thus all these tribal conversions and the speedy spread of Islam in
+the whole of Arabia was accomplished without any resort to arms,
+compulsion, threat, or "the scymitar in one hand and the Koran in the
+other." The Pagan Arabs, the Christians and the Jews, those who embraced
+Islam, adopted it joyfully and voluntarily. Islam had been much
+persecuted for many years from the third year of its Prophet's mission
+to the sixth year after the Hegira--a period of about sixteen years, but
+it flourished alike during persecutions and oppositions as well as
+during periods of peace and security of the Moslems. It was the result
+of Mohammad's staunch adherence to the uncompromising severity of his
+inflexible principles of preaching the divine Truth and his sincere
+belief in his own mission that he bore steadfastly all the hardships of
+persecutions at Mecca and the horrors of the aggressive wars of the
+Koreish and others at Medina, and persuaded the whole of Arabia, Pagan,
+Jewish and Christian, to adopt Islam voluntarily.[126]
+
+[Footnote 126: The rebellion of almost the whole of Arabia--wrongly
+called apostasy--after the death of Mohammad was chiefly against the
+Government of Abu Bakr, the first Khalifa of the Republic of Islam. No
+such paramount power over the whole of Arabia was ever vested in the
+chiefs of Mecca, and the Arabs were unaccustomed to this new form of
+Government. They had neither rebelled against Islam, nor apostatized
+from their religion, except a very few of them who had attached
+themselves to Moseilama for a short time.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Mohammad was not favoured with circumstances round him.]
+
+33. It was not an easy task for Mohammad to have converted the Arabs
+from their national idolatry to a religion of pure and strict
+monotheism. The aspect of Arabia was strictly conservative, and there
+were no prospects of hopeful changes. The indigenous idolatry and
+deep-rooted superstition, the worship of visible and material objects of
+devotion,--idols and unshaped stones,--something that the eyes can see
+and the hands can handle,--and the dread of invisible genii and other
+evil spirits, held the Arab mind in a rigorous and undisputed thraldom.
+Arabia was obstinately fixed in the profession of idolatry which the
+Peninsula being thickly overspread, widely diffused and thoroughly
+organized, was supported by national pride and latterly by the sword.
+
+ "It was," writes Dr. Marcus Dods, "certainly no hopeful task which
+ Mohammed undertook when he proposed by the influence of religion to
+ combine into one nation tribes so incapable of being deeply
+ influenced by any religion, and so irreconcilably opposed to one
+ another; to abolish customs which had the sanction of immemorial
+ usage; and to root out an idolatry, which, if it had no profound
+ hold upon the spiritual nature, was at least bound up with old
+ family traditions and well-understood tribal interests."[127]
+
+The sacrifices made to, and the requirements essential to Islam, its
+numerous positive prohibitions, the immediate repudiation of old
+prejudices, the renunciation of all sorts of idolatry and superstition,
+the throwing aside of favourite idols and the abandoning of licentious
+rites and customs, the total abstinence from much-relished vices, the
+demand for producing practical effect on the will and character, and the
+reaping of material fruits from holy and religious life--were barriers
+insurmountable for the speedy progress of Islam.
+
+Notwithstanding these impediments Mohammad succeeded, by the influence
+of his religion, in combining into one nation the wild and independent
+tribes, and putting a stop to their internecine wars; in abolishing the
+custom which had the sanction of immemorial usage; and in rooting out
+the national idolatry of indigenous growth, without compromising his
+inflexible principles of truth and sincerity and honesty; and without
+adopting the superstitions and vices of the people.
+
+ Dr. Mosheim thinks that, "the causes of this new religion's rapid
+ progress are not difficult to be discovered: Mahomet's law itself
+ was admirably fitted to the natural disposition of man, but
+ especially to the manners, opinions and vices prevalent among the
+ people of the East; for it was extremely simple proposing few
+ things to be believed; nor did it enjoin many and difficult duties
+ to be performed, or such as laid severe restraints on the
+ propensities."[128]
+
+It is manifest from the history of religions that the people generally
+try their best to obtain religion's sanction for the vices prevalent
+among them. But there is no doubt in this that Mohammad never sanctioned
+the idolatries and superstitions of the Arabs, nor he framed his
+doctrines according to the opinions and fancies of the people. He
+preached vehemently against everything he found blamable in the people;
+he spared not their dear idols and beloved gods and the dreaded genii,
+nor accommodated his preaching and reform to indulge them in their evil
+practices; nor did he adopt any of the vices current among the people
+into his system.
+
+Mohammad certainly did lay stress on the propensities of the mind and
+made the actions of the heart answerable to God, and preferred inward
+holiness to outside form.
+
+ 53. "The heart is prone to evils."--Sura XII.
+
+ 38. "The hearing and the sight and the heart, each of these shall
+ be inquired of."--Sura XVI.
+
+ 225. "God will not punish you for a mistake in your oaths; but He
+ will punish you for that which your hearts have assented to. God is
+ gracious, merciful."
+
+ 284. "Whatever is in the Heavens and in the Earth is God's, and
+ whether ye disclose what is in your minds or conceal it, God will
+ reckon with you for it; and whom He pleaseth will He forgive, and
+ whom he pleaseth will He punish; for God is All-powerful."--Sura
+ II.
+
+ 5. "And unless made with intent of heart, mistakes in this matter
+ shall be no crimes in you."--Sura XXXIII.
+
+The teachings of the Koran make our natural inclination subject to
+regulation. It lays stress upon the heart of men. Note the following
+injunctions regarding internal purity:
+
+ 120. "Abandon the outside iniquity and its inside."--Sura VI.
+
+ 152. "Come not near the pollutions outside or inward."--_Ibid._
+
+ 31. "Say: Truly my Lord hath forbidden filthy actions whether open
+ or secret, and iniquity and unjust violence."--Sura VIII.
+
+Referring to Dr. Mosheim's cause of the spread of Islam, I will quote
+Henry Hallam's opinion regarding the causes of the success of Islam.
+
+Henry Hallam, after enumerating the three important causes of the
+success of Islam, the first of which is "those just and elevated notions
+of the divine nature and of moral duties, the gold-ore that pervades the
+dross of the Koran, which were calculated to strike a serious and
+reflecting people," and explaining the two others which are not against
+us, he says:--
+
+ "It may be expected that I should add to this what is commonly
+ considered as a distinguishing mark of Mohammedanism,--its
+ indulgence to voluptuousness. But this appears to be greatly
+ exaggerated. Although the character of its founder may have been
+ tainted by sensuality as ferociousness, I do not think that he
+ relied upon inducements of the former kind for the diffusion of his
+ system. We are not to judge of this by rules of Christian purity,
+ or of European practice. If polygamy was a prevailing usage in
+ Arabia, as is not questioned, its permission gave no additional
+ license to the proselytes of Mohammed, who will be found rather to
+ have narrowed the unbounded liberty of oriental manners in this
+ respect; while his decided condemnation of adultery and of
+ incestuous connections, so frequent among barbarous nations, does
+ not argue a very lax and accommodating morality. A devout Mussulman
+ exhibits much more of the stoical than the epicurean character. Nor
+ can any one read the Koran without being sensible that it breathes
+ an austere and scrupulous spirit. And in fact, the founder of a new
+ religion or sect is little likely to obtain permanent success by
+ indulging the vices or luxuries of mankind. I should rather be
+ disposed to reckon the severity of Mohammed's discipline among the
+ causes of its influence. Precepts of ritual observance, being
+ always definite and unequivocal, are less likely to be neglected,
+ after their obligation has been acknowledged than those of moral
+ virtue. Thus the long fasting, the pilgrimages, and regular prayers
+ and ablutions, the constant almsgiving, the abstinence from
+ stimulating liquors, enjoined by the Koran, created a visible
+ standard of practice among its followers, and preserved a continual
+ recollection of their law.
+
+ "But the prevalence of Islam in the lifetime of its Prophet, and
+ during the first ages of its existence, was chiefly owing to the
+ spirit of martial energy that he infused into it. The religion of
+ Mohammed is as essentially a military system as the institution of
+ chivalry in the west of Europe. The people of Arabia, a race of
+ strong passions and sanguinary temper, inured to habits of pillage
+ and murder, found in the law of their native prophet not a license,
+ but a command, to desolate the world, and the promise of all that
+ their glowing imaginations could anticipate of Paradise annexed to
+ all in which they most delighted upon earth."[129]
+
+This is sufficient to refute the opinion of Dr. Mosheim. But what
+Hallam says regarding the prevalence of Islam in the lifetime of the
+Prophet, and during the first ages of its existence, that "the people of
+Arabia, a race of strong passions and sanguinary temper, inured to
+habits of pillage and murder, found in the law of their native prophet
+not a license, but a command, to desolate the world," is untenable.
+There was neither a command nor a license to desolate the world, nor was
+any person or tribe converted to Islam with that object in view. All the
+teachings of the Koran and the history of the early spread of Islam
+falsify such an idea.
+
+[Footnote 127: Mohammed, Buddha and Christ, by Marcus Dods, D.D., page
+83.]
+
+[Footnote 128: Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, Book II, Chap. III,
+page 73.]
+
+[Footnote 129: Hallam's Middle Ages, Vol. II, pp. 118-9.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Mohammad's unwavering belief in his own mission and his
+success show him to be a true prophet.]
+
+34. I will pause here for a while, and ask the indulgence of the reader
+to reflect upon the circumstances of the persecutions, insults and
+injuries, expulsion and attack suffered by Mohammad and his early
+followers,[130] and his unwavering adherence to preach against the
+gross idolatry and immorality of his people, which all show his sincere
+belief in his own mission, and his possession of an irresistible inward
+impulse to publish the Divine Truth of his Revelations regarding the
+unity in the Godhead and other moral reforms. His preachings of
+monotheism, and his enjoining righteousness, and forbidding evil deeds,
+were not attended to for many years with material success. In proportion
+as he preached against the gross idolatry and superstition of his
+people, he was subjected to ridicule and scorn, and finally to an
+inveterate persecution which ruined his and his follower's fortune. But
+he unflinchingly kept his path; no threats and no injuries hindered him
+from still preaching to the ungodly people a purer and higher theology
+and better morality than had ever been set before them. He claimed no
+temporal power, no spiritual domination; he asked but for simple
+toleration, for free permission to win men by persuasion into the way of
+truth. He declared he was sent neither to compel conviction by
+miracles, nor to constrain outward profession by the sword.[131] Does
+this leave any doubt of the strong conviction in his mind, as well as in
+the truth of his claim, to be a man sent by God to preach the Divine
+Perfection, and to teach mankind the ways of righteousness? He honestly
+and sincerely conveyed the message which he had received or which he
+conscientiously or intuitively believed to have received from his God
+and which had all the signs and marks of truth in itself. What is meant
+by a True Prophet or a Revelation is not more than what we find in the
+case of Mohammad.[132]
+
+The general office and main business of a prophet is to proclaim to
+mankind the Divine Perfection, to teach publicly purer theology and
+higher morality, to enjoin the people to do what is right and just, and
+to forbid what is wrong and bad. It is neither a part of the prophet to
+predict future events, nor to show supernatural miracles. And further, a
+prophet is neither immaculate nor infallible. The Revelation is a
+natural product of human faculties. A prophet feels that his mind is
+illumined by God, and the thoughts which are expressed by him and spoken
+or written under this influence are to be regarded as the words of God.
+This illumination of the mind or the effect of the Divine Influence
+differ in any prophet according to the capacity of the recipient, or
+according to the circumstances--physical, moral, and religious--in which
+he is placed.
+
+[Footnote 130: The early followers of Mohammad bore persecutions and
+exile with patience and steadfastness; and never recanted. Look to the
+increasing number of these early Moslems, their magnanimous forbearance,
+and the spontaneous abandonment of their dear homes and relations, and
+their defending their Prophet with their blood. The number of Christian
+believers during the whole lifetime of Christ was not more than 120 (Act
+I, 15). They had a material view of the Messiah's kingdom, and had fled
+at the first sound of danger. Two of the disciples when walking to
+Emmaus observed, "We trusted that it had been He who should have
+redeemed Israel," and the apostle asked Jesus after the so-called
+resurrection, "Lord, wilt Thou at this time restore the kingdom of
+Israel?"
+
+"During the periods thus indicated as possible for comparison,
+persecution and rejection were the fate of both. But the thirteen years'
+ministry of Mahomet had brought about a far greater change to the
+external eye than the whole lifetime of Christ. The apostles fled at the
+first sound of danger, and however deep the inner work may have been in
+the 500 by whom our Lord was seen, it had produced as yet but little
+outward action. There was among them no spontaneous quitting of their
+homes, nor emigration by hundreds, such as distinguished the early
+Moslems; nor any rapturous resolution by the converts of a foreign city
+to defend the Prophet with their blood."--The Life of Mahomet by Sir W.
+Muir, Vol. II, page 274.]
+
+[Footnote 131: "Let us for a moment look back to the period when a ban
+was proclaimed at Mecca against all the citizens, whether professed
+converts or not, who espoused his cause; when they were shut up in the
+_Sheb_ or quarter of Abu Tâlib, and there for three years without
+prospect of relief endured want and hardship. Those must have been
+steadfast and mighty motives which enabled him amidst all this
+opposition and apparent hopelessness of success, to maintain his
+principles unshaken. No sooner was he relieved from confinement, than,
+despairing of his native city, he went forth to Tâyif and summoned its
+rulers and inhabitants to repentance; he was solitary and unaided, but
+he had a message, he said, from his Lord. On the third day he was driven
+out of the town with ignominy, blood trickling from the wounds inflicted
+on him by the populace. He retired to a little distance, and there
+poured forth his complaint to God: then he returned to Mecca, there to
+carry on the same outwardly hopeless cause with the same high confidence
+in its ultimate success. We search in vain through the pages of profane
+history for a parallel to the struggle in which for thirteen years the
+Prophet of Arabia in the face of discouragement and threats, rejection
+and persecution retained his faith unwavering, preached repentance, and
+denounced God's wrath against his godless fellow-citizens. Surrounded by
+a little band of faithful men and women, he met insults, menaces,
+dangers, with a high and patient trust in the future. And when at last
+the promise of safety came from a distant quarter, he calmly waited
+until his followers had all departed, and then disappeared from amongst
+his ungrateful and rebellious people."--Muir, Vol. IV, pages 314-15.]
+
+[Footnote 132: "That he was the impostor pictured by some writers is
+refuted alike by his unwavering belief in the truth of his own mission,
+by the loyalty and unshaken confidence of his companions, who had ample
+opportunity of forming a right estimate of his sincerity, and finally,
+by the magnitude of the task which he brought to so successful an issue.
+No impostor, it may safely be said, could have accomplished so mighty a
+work. No one unsupported by a living faith in the reality of his
+commission, in the goodness of his cause, could have maintained the same
+consistent attitude through long years of adverse fortune, alike in the
+day of victory and in the hour of defeat, in the plenitude of his power
+and at the moment of death."--Islam and its Founder, by J.W.H. Stobart,
+M.A., page 23.
+
+"Of the sincerity of his belief in his own mission there can be no
+doubt. The great merit is his that among a people given up to idolatry
+he rose to a vivid perception of the Unity of God, and preached this
+great doctrine with firmness and constancy, amid ridicule and
+persecution. But there it seems to me that the eulogy of the Prophet
+ought to cease."--Islam under the Arabs by R.D. Osborn. London 1876, p.
+90.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Striking effects of Mohammad's reforms.]
+
+35. Although his mission was only to convey the message and preach
+publicly what was revealed to him, and he was not responsible for the
+conversion of the ungodly polytheists to the purer theology and higher
+morality, or in other words, to the faith of Islam, yet whatever success
+and beneficial results in the sphere of theology, morality, and reforms
+in social matters he achieved was a strong evidence of his Divine
+mission. In the name of God and in the character of His Apostle, he
+wrought a great reform according to his light in his own country. "Every
+good tree bringeth forth good fruit."--(Matt. VII, 17). Facts are
+stubborn things, and facts are conclusive in these points.
+
+The effects produced by his preaching, and the changes wrought by them
+in the religious, social, and political sphere of the polytheists, the
+idolatrous and grossly superstitious Arabs within a comparatively short
+period, mostly consisting of persecutions at Mecca, and struggles at
+Medina, were very striking. From an indiscriminate mass of polytheism
+and gross superstitious belief in gods, genii, the sons and daughters of
+God, he gave them a pure monotheistic belief, recognizing no other
+superior power but the Almighty. He raised the moral standard of his
+countrymen, ameliorated the condition of women, curtailed and mitigated
+polygamy and slavery, and virtually abolished them as well as
+infanticide. He most sternly denounced and absolutely forbade many
+heinous evils of the Arab society. He united a number of wild and
+independent tribes into a nation and abolished their internecine wars.
+
+Sir W. Muir says:--
+
+ "Few and simple as the positive precepts of Mahomet up to this time
+ appear, they had wrought a marvellous and a mighty work. Never,
+ since the days when primitive Christianity startled the world from
+ its sleep, and waged a mortal combat with Heathenism, had men seen
+ the like arousing of spiritual life, the like faith that suffered
+ sacrifice and took joyfully the spoiling of goods for conscience
+ sake.
+
+ "From time beyond memory, Mecca and the whole Peninsula had been
+ steeped into spiritual torpor. The slight and transient influence
+ of Judaism, Christianity, or Philosophy upon the Arab mind, had
+ been but as the ruffling here and there the surface of a quiet
+ lake;--all remained still and motionless below. The people were
+ sunk in superstition, cruelty, and vice. It was a common practice
+ for the eldest son to marry his father's widows inherited as
+ property with the rest of the estate. Pride and poverty had
+ introduced among them, as it has among the Hindus, the crime of
+ female infanticide. Their religion consisted in gross idolatry, and
+ their faith was rather the dark superstitious dread of unseen
+ beings, whose goodwill they sought to propitiate, and to avert
+ their displeasure, than the belief in an over-ruling Providence.
+ The Life to come and Retribution of good and evil were, as motives
+ of action, practically unknown.
+
+ "Thirteen years before the Hegira, Mecca lay lifeless in this
+ debased state. What a change those thirteen years had now produced!
+ A band of several hundred persons had rejected idolatry, adopted
+ the worship of one great God, and surrendered themselves implicitly
+ to the guidance of what they believed a revelation from
+ Him;--praying to the Almighty with frequency and fervour, looking
+ for pardon through His mercy, and striving to follow after good
+ works, almsgiving, chastity and justice. They now lived under a
+ constant sense of the Omnipotent power of God, and of His
+ providential care over the minutest of their concerns. In all the
+ gifts of nature, in every relation of life, at each turn of their
+ affairs, individual or public, they saw His hand. And, above all,
+ the new spiritual existence in which they joyed and gloried, was
+ regarded as the mark of His especial grace, while the unbelief of
+ their blinded fellow-citizens was the hardening stamp of His
+ predestined reprobation. Mahomet was the minister of life to
+ them,--the source under God of their new-born hopes; and to him
+ they yielded a fitting and implicit submission.
+
+ "In so short a period, Mecca had, from this wonderful movement,
+ been rent into two factions, which, unmindful of the old land-marks
+ of tribe and family, were arrayed in deadly opposition one against
+ the other. The believers bore persecution with a patient and
+ tolerant spirit. And though it was their wisdom so to do, the
+ credit of a magnanimous forbearance may be freely accorded to
+ them. One hundred men and women, rather than abjure the precious
+ faith, had abandoned their homes, and sought refuge, till the storm
+ should be overpast, in Abyssinian exile. And now even a larger
+ number, with the Prophet himself, emigrated from their fondly-loved
+ city, with its sacred temple,--to them the holiest spot on
+ earth,--and fled to Medîna. There the same wonder-working charm had
+ within two or three years prepared for them a brotherhood ready to
+ defend the Prophet and his followers with their blood. Jewish truth
+ had long sounded in the ears of the men of Medîna, but it was not
+ till they heard the spirit-stirring strains of the Arabian prophet,
+ that they too awoke from their slumber, and sprang suddenly into a
+ new and earnest life."[133]
+
+Further on Sir W. Muir says:--
+
+ "And what have been the effects of the system which, established by
+ such instrumentality, Mahomet has left behind him. We may freely
+ concede that it banished for ever many of the darker elements of
+ superstition which had for ages shrouded the Peninsula. Idolatry
+ vanished before the battle-cry of Islam; the doctrine of the unity
+ and infinite perfections of God, and of a special all-pervading
+ Providence, became a living principle in the hearts and lives of
+ the followers of Mahomet, even as it had in his own. An absolute
+ surrender and submission to the divine will (the very name of
+ _Islam_) was demanded as the first requirement of the religion. Nor
+ are social virtues wanting. Brotherly love is inculcated within the
+ circle of the faith; orphans are to be protected, and slaves
+ treated with consideration; intoxicating drinks are prohibited,
+ and Mahometanism may boast of a degree of temperance unknown to any
+ other creed."[134]
+
+Dr. Marcus Dods writes:--
+
+ "But is Mahommed in no sense a Prophet? Certainly he had two of the
+ most important characteristics of the prophetic order. He saw truth
+ about God which his fellowmen did not see, and he had an
+ irresistible inward impulse to publish this truth. In respect of
+ this latter qualification Mahommed may stand comparison with the
+ most courageous of the heroic prophets of Israel. For the truth's
+ sake he risked his life, he suffered daily persecutions for years,
+ and eventually banishment, the loss of property, of the goodwill of
+ his fellow-citizens, and the confidence of his friends--he suffered
+ in short as much as any man can suffer short of death, which he
+ only escaped by flight, and yet he unflinchingly proclaimed his
+ message. No bribe, threat or inducement could silence him. 'Though
+ they array against me the sun on the right hand, and the moon on
+ the left, I cannot renounce my purpose.' And it was this
+ persistency, this belief in his call, to proclaim the Unity of God
+ which was the making of Islam. Other men have been monotheists in
+ the midst of idolaters, but no other man has founded a strong and
+ enduring monotheistic religion. The distinction in his case was his
+ resolution that other men should believe.... His giving himself out
+ as a prophet of God was, in the first instance, not only sincere,
+ but probably correct in the sense in which he himself understood
+ it. He felt that he had thoughts of God which it deeply concerned
+ all around him to receive, and he knew that these thoughts were
+ given him by God, although not, as we shall see, a revelation
+ strictly so called. His mistake lay by no means in his supposing
+ himself to be called upon by God to speak for him and introduce a
+ better religion, but it lay in his gradually coming to insist quite
+ as much on men's accepting him as a prophet as on their accepting
+ the great truth he preached. He was a prophet to his countrymen in
+ so far as he proclaimed the Unity of God, but this was no
+ sufficient ground for his claiming to be their guide in all matters
+ of religion, still less for his assuming the lordship over them in
+ all matters civil as well...."
+
+The learned doctor further on in his book, "Mohammed, Buddha, and
+Christ," remarks:--
+
+ "But as we endeavour to estimate the good and evil of Islam, it
+ gradually appears that the chief point we must attend to is to
+ distinguish between its value to Arabia in the seventh century and
+ its value to the world at large. No one, I presume, would deny that
+ to Mohammed's contemporaries his religion was an immense advance on
+ anything they had previously believed in. It welded together the
+ disunited tribes, and lifted the nation to the forefront of the
+ important powers in the world. It effected what Christianity and
+ Judaism had alike failed to effect--it swept away, once and for
+ ever, idolatry, and established the idea of one true God. Its
+ influence on Arabia was justly and pathetically put by the Moslem
+ refugees in Abyssinia, who when required to say why they should not
+ be sent back to Mecca, gave the following account of their religion
+ and what it had done for them: 'O king, we were plunged in
+ ignorance and barbarism; we worshipped idols; we ate dead bodies;
+ we committed lewdness; disregarded family ties and the duties of
+ neighbourhood and hospitality; we knew no law but that of the
+ strong, when God sent among us a messenger of whose truthfulness,
+ integrity, and innocence we were aware; and he called us to the
+ unity of God, and taught us not to associate any god with him; he
+ forbade us the worship of idols, and enjoined upon us to speak the
+ truth, to be faithful to our trusts, to be merciful, and to regard
+ the rights of others; to love our relatives and to protect the
+ weak; to flee vice and avoid all evil. He taught us to offer
+ prayers, to give alms, and to fast. And because we believed in him
+ and obeyed him, therefore are we persecuted and driven from our
+ country to seek thy protection.'"[135]
+
+But after all we have here seen of the opinions of Dr. Marcus Dods and
+Sir W. Muir, let us turn to what the Rev. Stephens thinks of Mohammad:--
+
+ "The aim of Mahomet was to revive among his countrymen the Arabs,
+ as Moses revived among his countrymen the Jews, the pure faith of
+ their common forefather Abraham. In this he succeeded to a very
+ great extent. For a confused heap of idolatrous superstitions he
+ substituted a pure monotheistic faith; he abolished some of the
+ most vicious practices of his countrymen, modified others; he
+ generally raised the moral standard, improved the social condition
+ of the people, and introduced a sober and rational ceremonial in
+ worship. Finally he welded by this means a number of wild
+ independent tribes, mere floating atoms, into a compact body
+ politic, as well prepared and as eager to subdue the kingdoms of
+ the world to their rule and to their faith, as ever the Israelites
+ had been to conquer the land of Canaan.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ "The Koran also enjoins repeatedly and in very emphatic language
+ the duty of showing kindness to the stranger and the orphan, and of
+ treating slaves, if converted to the faith, with the consideration
+ and respect due to believers. The duty even of mercy to the lower
+ animals is not forgotten, and it is to be thankfully acknowledged
+ that Mohammedanism as well as Buddhism shares with Christianity the
+ honour of having given birth to hospitals and asylums for the
+ insane and sick.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ "The vices most prevalent in Arabia in the time of Mahomet which
+ are most sternly denounced and absolutely forbidden in the Koran
+ were drunkenness, unlimited concubinage and polygamy, the
+ destruction of female infants, reckless gambling, extortionate
+ usury, superstitious arts of divination and magic. The abolition of
+ some of these evil customs, and the mitigation of others, was a
+ great advance in the morality of the Arabs, and is a wonderful and
+ honourable testimony to the zeal and influence of the reformer. The
+ total suppression of female infanticide and of drunkenness is the
+ most signal triumph of his work."[136]
+
+The reverend gentleman quoted above continues:
+
+ "First of all, it must be freely granted that to his own people
+ Mahomet was a great benefactor. He was born in a country where
+ political organization, and rational faith, and pure morals were
+ unknown. He introduced all three. By a single stroke of masterly
+ genius he simultaneously reformed the political condition, the
+ religious creed, and the moral practice of his countrymen. In the
+ place of many independent tribes he left a nation; for a
+ superstitious belief in gods many and lords many he established a
+ reasonable belief in one Almighty yet beneficent Being; taught men
+ to live under an abiding sense of this Being's superintending care,
+ to look to Him as the rewarder, and to fear Him as the punisher of
+ evil-doers. He vigorously attacked, and modified and suppressed
+ many gross and revolting customs which had prevailed in Arabia down
+ to his time. For an abandoned profligacy was substituted a
+ carefully regulated polygamy, and the practice of destroying female
+ infants was effectually abolished.
+
+ "As Islam gradually extended its conquest beyond the boundaries of
+ Arabia, many barbarous races whom it absorbed became in like manner
+ participators in its benefits. The Turk, the Indian, the Negro, and
+ the Moor were compelled to cast away their idols, to abandon their
+ licentious rites and customs, to turn to the worship of one God, to
+ a decent ceremonial and an orderly way of life. The faith even of
+ the more enlightened Persian was purified: he learned that good and
+ evil are not co-ordinate powers, but that just and unjust are alike
+ under the sway of one All-wise and Holy Ruler, who ordereth all
+ things in heaven and earth.
+
+ "For barbarous nations, then, especially--nations which were more
+ or less in the condition of Arabia itself at the time of
+ Mahomet--nations in the condition of Africa at the present day,
+ with little or no civilisation, and without a reasonable
+ religion--Islam certainly comes as a blessing, as a turning from
+ darkness to light and from the power of satan unto God."[137]
+
+[Footnote 133: The Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, LL.D., Vol. II, pp.
+269-71.]
+
+[Footnote 134: The Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, pp. 320-21.]
+
+[Footnote 135: Mohammed, Buddha and Christ, by Marcus Dods, D.D., pp.
+17-19 & 119.]
+
+[Footnote 136: Christianity and Islam: The Bible and the Koran, by Rev.
+W.R.W. Stephens, pp. 94, 104, 112, London, 1877.]
+
+[Footnote 137: Christianity and Islam: The Bible and the Koran, by the
+Rev. W.R.W. Stephens, pp. 129-30, London, 1877.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Indictment against Mohammad.]
+
+36. What the opponents of Mohammad can possibly say against his mission
+is his alleged moral declension at Medina.[138] They accuse him of
+cruelty[139] and sensuality[140] during his sojourn in that city after
+he had passed without any blame more than fifty-five years of his age,
+and had led a pious missionary life for upwards of fifteen years. These
+moral stains cannot be inconsistent with his office of being a prophet
+or reformer. It is no matter if a prophet morally degrades his character
+under certain circumstances, or morally degrades his character at the
+end of his age--after leading for upwards of fifty-five years a life of
+the highest moral principles, and as a paragon of temperance and
+high-toned living--while he has faithfully conveyed the message, and has
+sincerely and honestly preached religious reforms, and the sublimity of
+his preachings have in themselves the marks of divine truth.
+
+If the said prophet defends his stains or immoral deeds by professed
+revelations, and justifies himself in his flagrant breaches of morality
+by producing messages from heaven, just and equally as he does when he
+teaches the purer theology and higher morality for which he is
+commissioned, then and from that time only we will consider him as an
+impostor, guilty of high blasphemy in forging the name of God for his
+licentious self indulgences.
+
+But in the case of Mohammad, in the first place, the charges of cruelty
+and sensuality during a period of six or seven years towards the end of
+his life, excepting three years, are utterly false; and secondly, if
+proved to have taken place, it is not proved that Mohammad justified
+himself by alleging to have received a divine sanction or command to the
+alleged cruelties and flagrant breaches of morality. The charges of
+assassinations and cruelties to the prisoners of war and others, and of
+the alleged perfidy and craftiness enumerated by Sir W. Muir, have been
+examined and refuted by me in this book. _Vide_ pp. 60-73 and pp. 76-97.
+The cases of Maria, a slave-girl, and Zeinab not coming directly under
+the object of this book have been treated separately in Appendix B, pp.
+211-220 of this work.
+
+Mohammad, in his alleged cruelties towards his enemies, is not
+represented by Sir W. Muir to have justified himself by special
+revelation or sanction from on high, yet the Rev. Mr. Hughes, whose work
+has been pronounced as having "_the rare merit of being accurate_,"
+makes him (Mohammad) to have done them under the sanction of God in the
+Koran.
+
+ "The best defenders of the Arabian Prophet[141] are obliged to
+ admit that the matter of Zeinab, the wife of Zeid, and again of
+ Mary, the Coptic slave, are 'an indelible stain' upon his memory;
+ that he is untrue once or twice to the kind and forgiving
+ disposition of his best nature; that he is once or twice
+ unrelenting in the punishment of his personal enemies, and that he
+ is guilty even more than once of conniving at the assassination of
+ inveterate opponents; but they do not give any satisfactory
+ explanation or apology for all this being done _under the supposed
+ sanction_ of God in the Qurán."[142]
+
+Such is the rare accuracy of Mr. Hughes' work. It is needless for me to
+repeat here that none of these allegations are either true or facts, or
+alleged to have been committed under the sanction of God in the Koran.
+
+The Rev. Marcus Dods writes regarding the character of Mohammad:--
+
+ "The knot of the matter lies not in his polygamy, nor even in his
+ occasional licentiousness, but in the fact that he defended his
+ conduct, when he created scandal, by professed revelations which
+ are now embodied as parts of the Koran. When his wives murmured,
+ and with justice, at his irregularities, he silenced them by a
+ revelation giving him conjugal allowances which he had himself
+ proscribed as unlawful. When he designed to contract an alliance
+ with a woman forbidden to him by his own law, an inspired
+ permission was forthcoming, encouraging him to the
+ transgression."[143]
+
+Both of these alleged instances given above are mere fabrications. There
+was no revelation giving Mohammad conjugal allowances which he had
+himself proscribed as unlawful, nor any permission was brought forward
+to sanction an alliance forbidden to him by his own law. This subject
+has been fully discussed by me in my work "Mohammad, the True Prophet,"
+and the reader is referred to that work.[144] A few verses on the
+marital subject of Mohammad are greatly misunderstood by European
+writers on the subject, and Dr. Dods shares the generally wrong idea
+when he says:--
+
+ "He rather used his office as a title to license from which
+ ordinary men were restrained. Restricting his disciples to four
+ wives, he retained to himself the liberty of taking as many as he
+ pleased." (Page 23.)
+
+This is altogether a gross misrepresentation of the real state of
+things. Mohammad never retained to himself the liberty of taking as many
+wives as he pleased. On the contrary, Sura XXXIII, 52, expressly forbade
+him all women except those he had already with him, giving him no option
+to marry in the case of the demise of some or all of them. This will
+show that he rather used his office as a restraint against himself of
+what was lawful for the people in general to enjoy. The only so-called
+privilege above the rest of the believers (Sura XXXIII, 49) was not "to
+retain to himself the liberty of taking as many wives as he pleased,"
+but to retain the wives whom he had already married and whose number
+exceeded the limit of four under Sura IV, 3. Other believers having more
+wives than four as in the case of Kays, Ghailán, and Naofal, were
+requested to separate themselves from the number exceeding the limit
+prescribed for the first time. This was before polygamy was declared to
+have been virtually abolished, _i.e._, between the publication of _vv._
+3 and 128 of Sura IV. There was neither any breach of morality, nor
+anything licentious in his retaining the marriages lawfully contracted
+by him before the promulgation of Sara IV, 3. Even this privilege (Sura
+XXXIII, 49) was counterbalanced by _Ibid_, 52, which runs thus:--
+
+ "Women are not allowed thee hereafter, nor to change them for other
+ women, though their beauty charm thee, except those already
+ possessed by thee."
+
+Mr. Stanley Lane Poole suffers under the same misrepresentation as other
+European writers[145] do when he says that:--
+
+ "The Prophet allowed his followers only four wives, he took more
+ than a dozen himself."
+
+He writes:--
+
+ "When, however, all has been said, when it has been shown that
+ Mohammad was not the rapacious voluptuary some have taken him for,
+ and that his violation of his own marriage-law may be due to
+ motives reasonable and just from his point of view rather than to
+ common sensuality."
+
+ "Did Mohammad believe he was speaking the words of God equally when
+ he declared that permission was given him to take unto him more
+ wives, as when he proclaimed, 'There is no god but God?'"[146]
+
+Mohammad did not violate his own marriage-law, and never pretended that
+permission was given to him to take more wives than what was allowed for
+other people. All his marriages (which are wrongly considered to have
+been about a dozen) were contracted by him before he published the law
+unjustly said to have been violated by him. He retained these wives
+after the law was promulgated, and their number exceeded four, but he
+was interdicted to marry any other women in the place of these in case
+of their demise or divorce. Other believers were advised after the
+promulgation of the law to reduce the number of their wives exceeding
+four, but were at liberty to replace their wives within the limit
+assigned in the case of their demise or divorce. Mohammad's case had no
+breach of morality or sensual license in it. It was very wise of
+Mohammad to retain all the wives he had married before Sura IV, 3, came
+into force, for the reason that the wives thus repudiated by him might
+have married some of the unbelievers, even some of his enemies, which
+would have been derogatory to the Prophet in the eyes of his
+contemporaries and a laughing-stock for his enemies.
+
+[Footnote 138: "We may readily admit that at the first Mahomet did
+believe, or persuaded himself to believe, that his revelations were
+dictated by a divine agency. In the Meccan period of his life there
+certainly can be traced no personal ends or unworthy motives to belie
+this conclusion. The Prophet was there, what he professed to be, 'a
+simple Preacher and a Warner;' he was the despised and rejected teacher
+of a gainsaying people; and he had apparently no ulterior object but
+their reformation. Mahomet may have mistaken the right means to effect
+this end, but there is no sufficient reason for doubting that he used
+those means in good faith and with an honest purpose.
+
+"But the scene altogether changes at Medîna. There the acquisition of
+temporal power, aggrandisement, and self-glorification mingled with the
+grand object of the Prophet's previous life, and they were sought after
+and attained by precisely the same instrumentality. Messages from Heaven
+were freely brought forward to justify his political conduct, equally
+with his religious precepts. Battles were fought, wholesale executions
+inflicted, and territories annexed, under pretext of the Almighty's
+sanction. Nay, even baser actions were not only excused, but encouraged
+by the pretended divine approval or command. A special license was
+produced, allowing Mahomet a double number of wives; the discreditable
+affair of Mary the Coptic slave was justified in a separate Sura; and
+the passion for the wife of his own adopted son and bosom friend was the
+subject of an inspired message in which the Prophet's scruples were
+rebuked by God; a divorce permitted, and marriage with the object of his
+unhallowed desires enjoined."--Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp.
+317-8.]
+
+[Footnote 139: "But the darker shades of character as well as the
+brighter must be depicted by a faithful historian. Magnanimity or
+moderation are nowhere discernible as features in the conduct of Mahomet
+towards such of his enemies as failed to tender a timely allegiance.
+Over the bodies of the Coreish who fell at Badr he exulted with savage
+satisfaction; and several prisoners, accused of no crime but that of
+scepticism and political opposition, were deliberately executed at his
+command. The prince of Kheibar, after being subjected to inhuman torture
+for the purpose of discovering the treasures of his tribe, was, with his
+cousin, put to death on the pretext of having treacherously concealed
+them; and his wife was led away captive to the tent of the conqueror.
+Sentence of exile was enforced by Mahomet with rigorous severity on two
+whole Jewish tribes at Medîna; and of a third like his neighbours, the
+women and children were sold into distant captivity, while the men
+amounting to several hundreds were butchered in cold blood before his
+eyes.
+
+"In his youth Mahomet earned among his fellows the honourable title of
+'the Faithful.' But in later years, however much sincerity and good
+faith may have guided his conduct in respect of his friends, craft and
+deception were certainly not wanting towards his foes. The perfidious
+attack at Nakhla, where the first blood in the internecine war with the
+Coreish was shed, although at first disavowed by Mahomet, for its
+scandalous breach of the sacred usages of Arabia, was eventually
+justified by a pretended revelation. Abu Basîr, the freebooter, was
+countenanced by the Prophet in a manner scarcely consistent with the
+letter, and certainly opposed to the spirit, of the truce of Hodeibia.
+The surprise which secured the easy conquest of Mecca was designed with
+craftiness, if not with duplicity. The pretext on which the Bani Nadhîr
+were besieged and expatriated (namely, that Gabriel had revealed their
+design against the prophet's life), was feeble and unworthy of an honest
+cause. When Medîna was beleaguered by the confederate army, Mahomet
+sought the services of Nueim, a traitor, and employed him to sow
+distrust among the enemy by false and treacherous reports; 'for,' said
+he, 'what else is war but a game at deception?' In his prophetical
+career, political and personal ends were frequently compassed by the
+flagrant pretence of _Divine_ revelations, which a candid examination
+would have shewn him to be nothing more than the counterpart of his own
+wishes. The Jewish and Christian systems, at first adopted honestly as
+the basis of his own religion, had no sooner served the purpose of
+establishing a firm authority, than they were ignored, if not disowned.
+And what is perhaps worst of all, the dastardly assassination of
+political and religious opponents, countenanced and frequently directed
+as they were in all their cruel and perfidious details by Mahomet
+himself leaves a dark and indelible blot upon his character."--Muir's
+Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 307-9.
+
+"The reader will observe that simultaneously with the anxious desire to
+extinguish idolatry, and to promote religion and virtue in the world,
+there was nurtured by the Prophet in his own heart a licentious
+self-indulgence; till in the end, assuming to be the favourite of
+Heaven, he justified himself by 'revelations' from God in the most
+flagrant breaches of morality. He will remark that while Mahomet
+cherished a kind and tender disposition, 'weeping with them that wept,'
+and binding to his person the hearts of his followers by the ready and
+self-denying offices of love and friendship, he could yet take pleasure
+in cruel and perfidious assassination, could gloat over the massacre of
+an entire tribe, and savagely consign the innocent babe to the fires of
+hell."--Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 322-3.]
+
+[Footnote 140: "In domestic life the conduct of Mahomet with one grave
+exception was exemplary. As a husband his fondness and devotion was
+entire, bordering, however, at times upon jealousy. As a father he was
+loving and tender. In his youth he is said to have lived a virtuous
+life. At the age of twenty-five he married a widow forty years old; and
+for five and twenty years he was a faithful husband to her alone. Yet it
+is remarkable that during this period was composed most of those
+passages of the Coran in which the black-eyed Houris, reserved for
+believers in Paradise, are depicted in such glowing colours. Shortly
+after the death of Khadija the Prophet married again; but it was not
+till the mature age of fifty-four that he made the dangerous trial of
+polygamy, by taking Ayesha, yet a child, as the rival of Sauda. Once the
+natural limits of restraint were overpassed, Mahomet fell an easy prey
+to his strong passion for the sex. In his fifty-sixth year he married
+Haphsa; and the following year, in two succeeding months, Zeinab bint
+Khozeima and Omm Salma. But his desires were not to be satisfied by the
+range of a harem already greater than was permitted to any of his
+followers; rather as age advanced, they were stimulated to seek for new
+and varied indulgence. A few months after his nuptials with Zeinab and
+Omm Salma, the charms of a second Zeinab were by accident discovered too
+fully before the Prophet's admiring gaze. She was the wife of Zeid, his
+adopted son and bosom friend; but he was unable to smother the flame she
+kindled in his breast; and, by _divine_ command, she was taken to his
+bed. In the same year he married a seventh wife, and also a concubine.
+And at last, when he was full three score years of age, no fewer than
+three new wives, besides Mary the Coptic slave, were within the space of
+seven months added to his already well-filled harem."--Muir's Life of
+Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 309-10.]
+
+[Footnote 141: "_Vide_ Muhammad and Muhammadanism, by Mr. R. Bosworth
+Smith, M.A., an Assistant Master of Harrow School."]
+
+[Footnote 142: Notes on Muhammadanism, by the Rev. T.P. Hughes,
+Missionary to the Afghans, Peshawar; Second Edition, page 4, London,
+1877.]
+
+[Footnote 143: Mohammed, Buddha and Christ, by Marcus Dods, D.D., pp. 24
+& 25.]
+
+[Footnote 144: _Vide_ pp. 48-61. This work is being printed at Education
+Society's Press, Byculla, Bombay. It appears that Dr. Dods, in the first
+instance, had in view Sura XXXIII, 51. This is by no means giving
+Mohammad conjugal allowances which he himself had proscribed as
+unlawful. As a preliminary measure to abolish polygamy and to accustom
+the people to monogamy, Mohammad, when reducing the unlimited polygamy
+practised in Arabia, had put a strong condition to treat their wives,
+when more than one, equitably in every sense of the word,--_i.e._, in
+the matter of social comfort, love and household establishment (Sura IV,
+3). When the measure had given a monogamous tendency to the Arab
+society, it was declared that it was impossible practically to treat
+equitably in all respects the contemporary wives (Sura IV, 128), and
+those who had already contracted contemporaneous marriage before the
+measure referred to above was introduced were absolved from the
+condition laid down in Sura IV, 3, but were advised, regarding their
+then existing wives, not to yield wholly to disinclination. Similarly
+Mohammad was also relieved from that condition in Sura XXXIII, 51,
+without "giving him any conjugal allowance which he had himself
+pronounced unlawful." The second instance is of Zeinab's case I suppose.
+Zeinab was in no way, when divorced by Zeid, "a woman forbidden to him
+by his own laws."]
+
+[Footnote 145: "The Apostle becomes a creature so exalted that even the
+easy drapery of Mohammadan morality becomes a garment too tight-fitting
+for him. 'A peculiar privilege is granted to him above the rest of the
+believers.' He may multiply his wives without stint; he may and he does
+marry within the prohibited degrees."--_Islam under the Arabs_, by R.D.
+Osborn, London 1876, p. 91.]
+
+[Footnote 146: Studies in a Mosque, by S.L. Poole, pp. 77 and 80,
+London, 1880.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Finality of the social reforms of Mohammad.]
+
+[Sidenote: Positive precepts.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ceremonial law.]
+
+[Sidenote: Concrete morals of the Koran.]
+
+[Sidenote: Want of adaptibility of the Koran to surrounding
+circumstances.]
+
+37. It has been said with much stress regarding the teachings of
+Mohammad: (1) That although under the degraded condition of Arabia, they
+were a gift of great value, and succeeded in banishing those fierce
+vices which naturally accompany ignorance and barbarism, but an
+imperfect code of ethics has been made a permanent standard of good and
+evil, and a final and irrevocable law, which is an insuperable barrier
+to the regeneration and progress of a nation. It has been also urged
+that his reforms were good and useful for his own time and place, but
+that by making them final he has prevented further progress and
+consecrated half measures. What were restrictions to his Arabs would
+have been license to other men.[147] (2) That Islam deals with positive
+precepts rather than with principles,[148] and the danger of a precise
+system of positive precepts regulating the minute detail, the ceremonial
+worship, and the moral and social relations of life, is, that it should
+retain too tight a grip upon men when the circumstances which justified
+it have changed and vanished away, and therefore the imposition of a
+system good for barbarians upon people already possessing higher sort of
+civilization and the principles of a purer faith is not a blessing but a
+curse. Nay more, even the system which was good for people when they
+were in a barbarous state may become positively mischievous to those
+same people when they begin to emerge from their barbarism under its
+influence into a higher condition.[149] (3) That the exact ritual and
+formal observations of Islam have carried with them their own Nemesis,
+and thus we find that in the worship of the faithful formalism and
+indifferences, pedantic scrupulosity and positive disbelief flourish
+side by side. The minutest change of posture in prayer, the displacement
+of a simple genuflexion, would call for much heavier censure than
+outward profligacy or absolute neglect.[150] (4) That morality is viewed
+not in the abstract, but in the concrete. That the Koran deals much more
+with sin and virtue in fragmentary details than as a whole. It deals
+with acts more than principles, with outward practice more than inward
+motives, with precepts and commands more than exhortation. It does not
+hold up before man the hatefulness and ugliness of _all_ sin _as a
+whole_.[151] (5) "That Islam is stationary; swathed in the rigid bands
+of the Coran, it is powerless, like the Christian dispensation,[152] to
+adapt itself to the varying circumstances of time and place, and to keep
+pace with, if not to lead and direct, the progress of society and the
+elevation of the race. In the body politic the spiritual and secular are
+hopelessly confounded, and we fail of perceiving any approach to free
+institutions or any germ whatever of popular government."[153]
+
+[Footnote 147: _Vide_ Islam and its Founder, by J.W.H. Stobart, B.A.,
+page 229, London, 1878; and Mohammed, Buddha and Christ, by Marcus Dods,
+D.D., pp. 122-23, London, 1878. Major Osborn writes, "But to the polity
+erected on these rude lines was given the attribute of finality. In
+order to enforce obedience and eliminate the spirit of opposition,
+Mohammad asserted that it was, down to the minutest details, the work of
+a Divine Legislature."--_Islam under the Arabs_, pp. 45 and 46.]
+
+[Footnote 148: _Vide_ The Faith of Islam, by the Rev. Edward Sell, page
+7, London, 1880.]
+
+[Footnote 149: _Vide_ Christianity and Islam, the Bible, and the Koran,
+by the Rev. W.R.W. Stephens, pp. 95 and 131, London, 1877.]
+
+[Footnote 150: _Vide_ Islam and its Founder, by J.W.H. Stobart, B.A.,
+page 237; and Stephens' Christianity and Islam, page 121. Major Osborn
+writes: "From the hour of his birth the moslem becomes a member of a
+system in which every act of his life is governed by a minute ritual. He
+is beset on every side with a circle of inflexible formalities."--_Islam
+under the Khalifs of Baghdad_, pp. 78-9. He further writes in a
+footnote, p. 79: "Thus prayer is absolutely useless if any matter,
+legally considered impure, adheres to the person of the worshipper, even
+though he be unconscious of its presence. Prayer also is null and void
+unless the men and women praying are attired in a certain prescribed
+manner."]
+
+[Footnote 151: _Vide_ Christianity and Islam, by W.R.W. Stephens, pp.
+122-23. Major Osborn writes: "The Prophet knew of no religious life
+where the external rite was not deemed of greater importance than the
+inner state, and, in consequence, he gave that character to Islam also.
+Hence there are no moral gradations in the Koran. All precepts proceed
+from the will of God, and all are enforced with the same threatening
+emphasis. A failure of performance in the meanest trivialities of civil
+life involves the same tremendous penalties as apostacy and
+idolatry."--_Islam under Khalifs_, p. 5. He further says: "In their
+religious aspect, these traditions are remarkable for that strange
+confusion of thought which caused the Prophet to place on one level of
+wickedness serious moral crimes, breaches of sumptuary regulations, and
+accidental omissions in ceremonial observations. Sin, throughout, is
+regarded as an external pollution, which can, at once, be rectified by
+the payment of a fine of some kind." _Ibid_, page 62.]
+
+[Footnote 152: "Occasionally our author would seem to write what he
+certainly does not mean; thus, in the middle of an excellent summary of
+the causes of Islam's decadence, it is stated,--'Swathed in the rigid
+bands of the Koran, _Islam is powerless like the Christian dispensation_
+to adapt itself to the varying circumstances of time and place.'"--_The
+Saturday Review_, June 23, 1883.]
+
+[Footnote 153: _Vide_ Annals of the Early Caliphate, by Sir W. Muir,
+K.C.S.I., LL.D., D.C.L., page 456, London, 1883.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: The preceding objections not applicable to the Koran.]
+
+38. All these objections more or less apply rather to the teachings of
+the Mohammadan Common Law (canon and civil), called _Fiqah_ or _Shara_,
+than to the Koran, the Mohammadan Revealed Law. Our Common Law, which
+treats both ecclesiastical and the civil law, is by no means considered
+to be a divine or unchangeable law. This subject has been treated by me
+in a separate work[154] on the Legal, Political and Social Reforms to
+which the reader is referred. The space allowed to me in this
+Introduction, which has already exceeded its proper limit, does not
+admit a full and lengthy discussion of the objections quoted above, but
+I will review them here in as few words as possible.
+
+[Footnote 154: Reforms, Political, Social and Legal, under the Moslem
+Rule, Bombay Education Society's Press, 1883.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Finality of the social reforms of Mohammad.]
+
+39. (1) Mohammad had to deal with barbarous nations around him, to be
+gradually reformed, and besides this the subject of social reforms was a
+secondary question. Yet it being necessary to transform the character of
+the people and to reform the moral and social abuses prevailing among
+them, he gradually introduced his social reforms which proved immense
+blessings to the Arabs and other nations in the seventh century. Perhaps
+some temporary but judicious, reasonable and helpful accommodations had
+to be made to the weakness and immaturity of the people, as halting
+stages in the march of reforms only to be set aside at their adult
+strength, or to be abolished when they were to begin to emerge from
+their barbarism under its influence to a higher civilization.
+Consequently gradual amelioration of social evils had necessarily to
+pass several trials during progress of reform. The intermediate stages
+are not to be taken as final and irrevocable standard of morality and an
+insuperable barrier to the regeneration of the Arabian nation. Our
+adversaries stick indiscriminately to these temporary measures or
+concessions only, and call them half measures and partial reforms made
+into an unchangeable law which exclude the highest reforms, and form a
+formidable obstacle to the dawn of a progressive and enlightened
+civilization. I have in view here the precepts of Mohammad for
+ameliorating the degraded condition of women for restricting the
+unlimited polygamy and the facility of divorce, together with servile
+concubinage and slavery.[155] Mohammad's injunctions and precepts,
+intermediary and ultimate, temporary and permanent, intended for the
+removal of these social evils, are interwoven with each other,
+interspersed in different Suras and not chronologically arranged, in
+consequence of which it is somewhat difficult for those who have no deep
+insight into the promiscuous literature of the Koran to find out which
+precept was only a halting stage, and which the latest. It was only from
+some oversight on the part of the compilers of the Common Law that, in
+the first place, the civil precepts of a transitory nature and as a
+mediate step leading to a higher reform were taken as final; and in the
+second place, the civil precepts adapted for the dwellers of the Arabian
+desert were pressed upon the neck of all ages and countries. A social
+system for barbarism ought not to be imposed on a people already
+possessing higher forms of civilizations.
+
+[Footnote 155: "The cankerworm of polygamy, divorce, servile concubinage
+and veil lay at the root. They are bound up in the character of its
+existence. A reformed Islam which should part with the divine ordinances
+on which they rest, or attempt in the smallest degree to change them by
+a rationalistic selection, abetment or variation would be Islam no
+longer." Annals of the Early Caliphate by Sir W. Muir, page 458.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Positive precepts.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ceremonial law.]
+
+40. (2) In fact the Koran deals with positive precepts as well as with
+principles, but it never teaches a precise system of precepts regulating
+in minute details the social relations of life and the ceremonial of
+worship. On the contrary, its aim has been to counteract the tendency to
+narrowness, formality, and severity which is the consequence of a living
+under a rigid system of positive precepts. Mohammad had to transform the
+character of the Arab barbarians who had no religious or moral teacher
+or a social reformer before his advent. It was therefore necessary to
+give them a few positive precepts, moulding and regulating their moral
+and social conduct, to make them 'new creatures' with new notions and
+new purposes, and to remodel the national life. (3) But lest they should
+confuse virtue as identical with obedience to the outward requirements
+of the ceremonial law,--the formal ablutions, the sacrifices in
+pilgrimages, the prescribed forms of prayers, the fixed amount of alms,
+and the strict fasts, the voice of the Koran has ever and anon been
+lifted up to declare that a rigid conformity to practical precepts,
+whether of conduct or ceremonial, would not extenuate, but rather
+increase in the eyes of God the guilt of an unprincipled heart and an
+unholy life.
+
+[Sidenote: Pilgrimage.]
+
+Regarding the pilgrimage[156] or the sacrifices (its chief ceremony),
+the Koran says:--
+
+ "By no means can their flesh reach unto God, neither their blood,
+ but piety on your part reacheth him. Thus hath he subjected them to
+ you, that ye might magnify God for his guidance: and announce glad
+ tidings to the doers of good."--Sura XXII, 38.
+
+[Sidenote: Kibla.]
+
+Regarding the _Kibla_ in prayers it is said in the Koran:--
+
+ "The west and the east is God's: therefore whichever way ye turn
+ there is the face of God."--Sura II, 109.
+
+ "All have a quarter of the Heavens to which they turn them; but
+ wherever ye be, hasten emulously after good."--_Ibid_, 143.
+
+ "There is no piety in turning your faces toward the east or west,
+ but he is pious who believeth in God and the last day, and the
+ angels and the scripture, and the prophets; who for the love of God
+ disburseth his wealth to his kindred; and to the orphans, and the
+ needy, and the wayfarer, and those who ask, and for ransoming; who
+ observeth the prayer, and payeth alms, and who is of those who are
+ faithful to their engagements when they have engaged in them, and
+ patient under ills and hardships, and in time of trouble, these are
+ they who are just, and these are they who fear the Lord."--_Ibid_,
+ 172.
+
+[Sidenote: Amount of alms.]
+
+In the place of a fixed amount of alms the Koran only says to give what
+ye can spare.
+
+ "They will ask thee also what shall they bestow in alms:
+
+ "Say: What ye can spare."--_Ibid_, 216, 217.
+
+[Sidenote: Fasts.]
+
+Instead of imposing a very strict fast, which in the middle of summer is
+extremely mortifying, the Koran makes its observance optional.
+
+ "And as for those who are able to keep it and yet observe it not,
+ the expiation of this shall be the maintenance of a poor man. And
+ he who of his own accord performeth a good work, shall derive good
+ from it: and good shall it be for you to fast, if ye knew
+ it."--_Ibid_, 180.
+
+[Sidenote: No prescribed forms of prayer.]
+
+The Koran does not teach any prescribed forms of worship and other
+ritualistic prayers. No attitude is fixed, and no outward observance of
+posture is required. There is no scrupulosity and punctiliousness,
+neither the change of posture in prayer nor the displacement of a
+single genuflexion calls any censure on the devotee in the Koran. Simply
+reading the Koran (Suras LXXIII, 20; XXIX, 44), and bearing God in mind,
+standing and sitting; reclining (III, 188; IV, 104) or bowing down or
+prostrating (XXII, 76) is the only form and ritual, if it may be called
+so, of prayer and worship taught in the Koran.
+
+ "Recite then as much of the Koran as may be easy to you."--Sura
+ LXXIII, 20.
+
+ "Recite the portions of the Book which have been revealed to thee
+ and discharge the duty of prayer; verily prayer restraineth from
+ the filthy and the blameworthy. And assuredly the gravest duty is
+ the remembrance of God; and God knoweth what ye do."--Sura XXIX,
+ 44.
+
+ "And when the Koran is rehearsed, then listen ye to it and keep
+ silence: haply ye may obtain mercy."
+
+ "And think within thine ownself on God, with lowliness and with
+ fear and without loud-spoken words, at even and at morn; and be not
+ of the heedless."--Sura VII, 203, 204.
+
+[Sidenote: Pretentious prayers and ostentatious almsgiving condemned.]
+
+The Koran condemns pretentious prayers and ostentatious almsgiving.
+
+ "Verily the hypocrites would deceive God; but he will deceive them!
+ When they stand up for prayer, they stand carelessly to be seen of
+ men, and they remember God but little"--Sura IV, 141.
+
+ "Woe then to those who pray,"
+
+ "Who in their prayer are careless;"
+
+ "Who make a show of devotion,"
+
+ "But refuse help _to the needy_."--Sura CVII, 4-7.
+
+ "And they fall down on their faces weeping, and it increaseth the
+ humility."--Sura XVII, 110.
+
+ "O ye who believe! make not your alms void by reproaches and
+ injury; like him who spendeth his substance to be seen of men, and
+ believeth not in God and in the latter day. The likeness of such an
+ one is that of a rock with a thin soil upon it, on which a heavy
+ rain falleth, but leaveth it hard. No profit from their works shall
+ they be able to gain; for God guideth not the unbelieving
+ people."--Sura II, 266.
+
+ "We have made ready a shameful chastisement for the unbelievers,
+ and for those who bestow their substance in alms to be seen of men,
+ and believe not in God and in the last day. Whoever hath satan for
+ his companion, an evil companion hath he!"--Sura IV, 42.
+
+[Sidenote: No indispensable hours or places for prayers.]
+
+There are no indispensable hours or places to be observed for prayers.
+In Suras XI, 116; and IV, 104, the time of prayer is set down in general
+terms without specifying any fixed hour. There are some more times named
+in Suras XVII, 81, 82; XX, 130; L, 38, 39; and LII, 48, 49, but they are
+special cases for Mohammad himself, and "as an excess in the service."
+_Vide_ Sura XVII, 81. On this subject Dr. Marcus Dods observes:--
+
+ "There are two features of the devout character which the
+ Mohammedans have the merit of exhibiting with much greater
+ distinctness than we do. They show not the smallest hesitation or
+ fear in confessing God, and they reduce to practice the great
+ principle that the worship of God is not confined to temples or
+ any special place:--
+
+ "Most honour to the men of prayer,
+ Whose mosque is in them everywhere!
+ Who amid revel's wildest din,
+ In war's severest discipline,
+ On rolling deck, in thronged bazaar,
+ In stranger land, however far,
+ However different in their reach
+ Of thought, in manners, dress or speech,--
+ Will quietly their carpet spread.
+ To Mekkeh turn the humble head,
+ And, as if blind to all around,
+ And deaf to each distracting sound,
+ In ritual language God adore,
+ In spirit to his presence soar,
+ And in the pauses of the prayer,
+ Rest, as if rapt in glory there."
+
+ "There are of course formalists and hypocrites in Islam as well as
+ in religions of which we have more experience. The uniformity and
+ regularity of their prostrations resemble the movements of a
+ well-drilled company of soldiers or of machines, but the Koran
+ denounces "woe upon those who pray, but in their prayers are
+ careless, who make a show of devotion, but refuse to help the
+ needy;" while nowhere is formalism more pungently ridiculed than in
+ the common Arabic proverb, "His head is towards the Kibleh, but his
+ heels among the weeds." We could almost excuse a touch of formalism
+ for the sake of securing that absolute stillness and outward
+ decorum in worship which deceives the stranger as he enters a
+ crowded mosque into the belief that it is quite empty. Persons who
+ hold themselves excused from the duty of worship by every slight
+ obstacle might do worse than get infected with the sublime
+ formalism of Cais, son of Sad, who would not shift his head an inch
+ from the place of his prostration, though a huge serpent lifted its
+ fangs close to his face and finally coiled itself round his neck.
+ And if some are formal, certainly many are very much in
+ earnest."[157]
+
+[Sidenote: Ablutions.]
+
+The ablutions have not been imposed as burdens, or as having any
+mysterious merit, but merely as a measure of cleanliness.
+
+ "God desireth not to lay a burden upon you, but he desireth to
+ purify you."
+
+[Footnote 156: The institution of pilgrimage is a harmless one, and
+conducive to unity in religion for Arabs, and gives moreover an impetus
+to trade at large.]
+
+[Footnote 157: Mohammed, Buddha, and Christ, by Marcus Dods, D.D., pp.
+30-1.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Koran both abstract and concrete in morals.]
+
+41. (4) The Koran seems fully aware of the danger of the precise and
+fixed system of positive precepts moulding and regulating every
+department of life. The danger is that the system of formalism in which
+men are tied down to the performance of certain religious functions,
+minutely and precisely fixed in respect to time, place and manner, so
+that neither less nor more is required of them, retains too tight a grip
+upon them, when the circumstances which justified it have changed or
+vanished away. The moral growth of those who live under such a system of
+minute and punctilious restraint is stunted and retarded. The tendency
+of mankind to formalism is so strong that they very commonly, though
+often unconsciously, fall into the error of imagining that there is a
+peculiar intrinsic merit and virtue in the mere discharge of those
+prescribed forms of duties and religious ceremonies. Morality is with
+them not in the abstract but in the concrete, as consisting of a mass of
+religious observances, rather than of a certain disposition of heart
+towards God and man. The Koran deals with vice and virtue as a whole as
+well as in fragmentary details. It treats of inward motives as much as
+of outward practice, of exhortations equally with precepts and commands.
+It holds up before man the hatefulness and ugliness of vice _as a
+whole_. It does not enclose the whole of the practical morality and
+piety within the narrow compass of a fixed number of precepts. It lays
+the foundation of that far-reaching charity which regards all men as
+equal in the sight of God, and recognizes no distinction of races and
+classes.
+
+ 120. "And abandon the semblance of wickedness and wickedness
+ itself. They, verily, whose _only_ acquirement is iniquity shall be
+ repaid for what they have gained."
+
+ 152. "Say: Come, I will rehearse what your Lord hath made binding
+ on you, that ye assign not aught to Him as sharers of his Divine
+ honour, and that ye be good to your parents; _and_ that ye slay not
+ your children because of poverty, for them and for you will We
+ provide; and that ye come not near to pollutions, outward or
+ inward; and that ye slay not anyone whom God hath forbidden you,
+ unless for a just cause. This hath He enjoined on you: haply ye
+ will understand."--Sura VI.
+
+ 31. "Say: Only hath my Lord forbidden filthy actions, whether open
+ or secret, and iniquity, and unjust violence, and to associate with
+ God that for which He hath sent down no warranty, and to speak of
+ God that of which ye have no knowledge."--Sura VII.
+
+ 33. "To those who avoid great crimes and scandals, but commit only
+ lighter faults, verily, thy Lord will be rich in forgiveness. He
+ well knew you when He produced you out of the earth, and when ye
+ were embryos in your mothers' womb. Assert not then your own
+ purity. He best knoweth who feareth him."--Sura LIII.
+
+ 13. "O men! verily We have created you of a male and a female: and
+ We have divided you into peoples and tribes that ye might take
+ knowledge one of another. Truly the most worthy of honour in the
+ sight of God is he who feareth Him most. Verily God is Knowing,
+ Cognizant."--Sura XLIX.
+
+ 143. "And every _nation_ has a quarter _of the Heavens_. It is God
+ who turneth them _towards it_: hasten then emulously after good:
+ wheresover ye be, God will one day bring you all together: verily
+ God is all powerful."--Sura II.
+
+ 52. "And to thee We have sent down the Book _of the Koran_ with
+ truth, confirmatory of previous scripture and its safeguard. Judge
+ therefore between them by what God hath sent down, and follow not
+ their desires, after the truth which hath come unto thee. To
+ everyone of you have We given a rule and an open way."
+
+ 53. "And if God had pleased He had surely made you all one people;
+ but He would test you by what He hath given to each. Be emulous
+ then in good deeds. To God do ye _all_ return, and He will tell you
+ concerning the subjects of your disputes."--Sura V.
+
+ 127 "And vie in haste for pardon from your Lord, and a Paradise,
+ vast as the Heavens and the Earth, prepared for the God-fearing."
+
+ 128. "Who gives alms, _alike_ in prosperity and _in_ distress, and
+ who master their anger, and forgive others! And God loveth the doer
+ of good."
+
+ 129. "And who, after they have done a base deed or committed a
+ wrong against their own souls, remember God and implore forgiveness
+ of their sins--and who can forgive sins but God only?--and
+ persevere not in what they have willingly done amiss."--Sura III.
+
+ 21. "Vie in hasting after pardon from your Lord, and
+ Paradise--whose outspread is as the outspread of the Heaven and of
+ the Earth. Prepared is it for those who believed in God and his
+ apostles. Such is the bounty of God: to whom He will He giveth it:
+ and of immense bounty is God!"--Sura LII.
+
+ 183. "Ye shall assuredly be tried in your possessions and in
+ yourselves. And many hurtful things shall ye assuredly hear from
+ those to whom the scriptures were given before you, and from those
+ who join other gods with God. But if ye be steadfast and fear God,
+ then this verily is _God's_ decree for the affairs of
+ _life_."--Sura III.
+
+ 16. "O my son! observe prayer and enjoin the right and forbid the
+ wrong, and be patient under whatever shall betide thee: verily this
+ is a bounden duty."--Sura XXXI.
+
+ 38. "Yet let the recompense of evil be only a like evil; but he who
+ forgiveth and maketh peace, shall find his reward for it from God;
+ verily He loveth not those who act unjustly."
+
+ 39. "And there shall be no way _open_ against those who, after
+ being wronged, avenge themselves."
+
+ 40. "Only shall there be a way _open_ against those who unjustly
+ wrong others, and act insolently on the earth in disregard of
+ justice. These! a grievous punishment doth await them."
+
+ 41. "And whoso beareth _wrongs_ with patience and forgiveth,--this
+ verily is a bounden duty."--Sura XLII.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Adaptability of the Koran to surrounding circumstances.]
+
+42. (5) The Koran keeps pace with the most fully and rapidly-developing
+civilization, if it is rationally interpreted, not as expounded by the
+Ulema in the Common Law Book and enforced by the sentiment of a nation.
+It is only the Mohammadan Common Law, with all its traditions or oral
+sayings of the Prophet,--very few of which are genuine reports, and the
+supposed chimerical concurrence of the learned Moslem Doctors and mostly
+their analogical reasonings (called _Hadees_, _Ijma_, and _Kias_),
+passed under the name of _Fiqah_ or _Shariat_, that has blended together
+the spiritual and the secular, and has become a barrier in some respects
+regarding certain social and political innovations for the higher
+civilization and progress of the nation. But the Koran is not
+responsible for this all.
+
+Mr. Stanley Lane Poole writes:--
+
+ "The Koran does not contain, even in outline, the elaborate
+ ritual and complicated law which now passes under the name of
+ Islam. It contains merely those decisions which happened to be
+ called for at Medina. Mohammad himself knew that it did not provide
+ for every emergency, and recommended a principle of analogical
+ deduction to guide his followers when they were in doubt. This
+ analogical deduction has been the ruin of Islam. Commentators and
+ Jurists have set their nimble wits to work to extract from the
+ Koran legal decisions which an ordinary mind could never
+ discover there; and the whole structure of modern Mohammadanism has
+ been built upon the foundation of sand. The Koran is not
+ responsible for it."[158]
+
+I can only differ from the above in the allegation that Mohammad
+recommended a principle of analogical deduction.
+
+[Footnote 158: The Speeches and Table-talk of the Prophet Mohammad, by
+Stanley Lane Poole, pages lii and liii, Introduction, London, 1882.]
+
+
+[Sidenote: Suitability of the Koran to all classes of humanity.]
+
+43. Thus the system of religious and moral teaching of the Koran
+admirably suits the lower and the higher forms of humanity. The precepts
+which regulate some department of social life, moral conduct, and
+religious ceremonial are blessings to the barbarous; and that portion of
+the Koran which inculcates large principles, for the due application of
+which much must be left to the individual conscience, suits the same
+people when they begin to emerge from their barbarism under its
+influence into a higher condition, or to those already possessing the
+higher forms of civilization. For instance, the command to give full
+measure, to weigh with just balance, to abstain from wine and gambling,
+and to treat persons with kindness are intended for men not reaching
+the high forms of civilization. The teachings of the Koran regarding the
+graces of truth, honesty and temperance and mercy, the virtues of
+meekness, and the stress laid upon thoughts and inclinations are fit to
+instruct persons who have attained the higher forms of civilization, and
+have outgrown the need of positive precepts of minute detail.
+
+ C. Ali.
+
+ Hyderabad,
+ Deccan,
+ _March 1884_.
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: Despite the reference to a "Note" on page cv in
+the Table of Contents, no such page exists in this edition of the
+printed book.]
+
+
+
+
+ KAHTAN.
+ |
+ .--------------------+-------------------.
+ | |
+ Yarab. Hazaramaut.
+ | *
+ Yoshjab. *
+ | Sadif.
+ Saba.
+ |
+ .-----------------------------.
+ | |
+ Himyar. Kahlan.
+ * |
+ * .-----------------+----------.
+ Kozaa. | |
+ | Rabia. Zeid.
+ Al-Hafi. * |
+ | * .-----------------------.
+ | Hamadan. | |
+ | Abad. *
+ .-----+-----+----------. * *
+ | | | * Ghous.
+ Aslom. Amran. Amr. | |
+ * * | .------+--+-----+------. |
+ * * .-----+-----. | | | | |
+ Zeid. | | | | Murrah. Muzhij. Tay. Ash-ar. |
+ | .-------+. Bahra. * Bali. | | | |
+ | | | * .---+---. | .--+-----. |
+ | Jarm. Taghlib. Mahra. | | | | | |
+ | | Adi. Khaulan. | Ghous. Kharija. |
+ | Vabra. | | | |
+ | | .--------------. | Jadila. |
+ | .---------. | | | | |
+ | | | Lakhm. Ofeir. Juzam. | |
+ | Kalb. Khoshain. | | .------+------. |
+ | | Dar. Kinda. | | | |
+ | Taym Allat. | Ans. Illah. | |
+ | Sukun. | | | |
+ .---+-------+-----. Morad. | Saad-ul-Ashira |
+ | | | | | |
+ Joheina. Saad. Nohd. .------------------. Jufi. |
+ | | | |
+ Ozra. Harb. Amr. |
+ | | |
+ .----------. Nakha. |
+ | | |
+ Raha. Sada. .-----------------------.
+ |
+ .----------+----------.
+ | |
+ Azd. Anmar.
+ | |
+ .---------------+---. .------+-+-------.
+ | | | | |
+ Mazin. Shahnvah. Khas-am. Ghous. Ghafiq.
+ | | | |
+ .----------+----------. .-------+-------. Bajila. Ahmas.
+ | | | | | |
+ Saalba. Harisa. | Samala. Doos. Haddan.
+ | | Jafna.
+ .--+----. | (The Ghassinides).
+ | | |
+ Aus. Khazraj. |
+ |
+ .-----+---+----------.
+ | | |
+ Adi. Afsa. Lohay.
+ | | |
+ Bariq. Aslam. Khozaa.
+ | |
+ Salaman. Mustalik.
+
+
+
+
+ MOADD.
+ *
+ *
+ NIZAR.
+ |
+ .-----------+---------------------------------.
+ | |
+ Mozar (Modhar). Rabia.
+ | *
+ .------+----------------------------------. *
+ | | |
+ Al-Nás. Al-Yás. .-----.
+ | * | |
+ Kays. * Anaza. |
+ | Khundif. |
+ Aylan. | Jadila.
+ | .-------+-----. *
+ .------+-----------. | | *
+ | | Tábikha. Modrika. |
+ Khasafa. Ghatafan. | * |
+ * | Add. * |
+ * .----+------. | | |
+ Mansúr. | | .--------+-----. .+---. |
+ | Aasir. Reis. | | | | | |
+ .----+---. | | Tamim. * Mozeina. | Hozeil. |
+ | | .+-----. | * | | |
+ Suleim. Hawazan. | | | * * Khozeima. | |
+ | | Sad Monat | | Darim. | | | |
+ .--+--. Bakr. Bahila. | | | | Lahyán. |
+ | | * | | Saliba bin Sád. | |
+ Makwan. * * Movahib. | Kinana. |
+ | .+--------. | |
+ * .+--------+------. | | .----+-----. |
+ | | | | Asha. Baghiz. | | |
+ .-----+. Sakeef. Saad. Saasaa. | Abd Monat. Nazar. |
+ | | | .---+---. | | |
+ Ussya. Ril. Aamir. | | .---+-. Malik. |
+ | Zobian. Abs. | | | |
+ .-------------+-. * * Bakr. Fahr or |
+ | | * * | Koreish. |
+ Rabia. Hilal. | | Zamra. | |
+ | | Mudlij. | Ghalib. |
+ .----------+--+-------------. | Ghifar. | |
+ | | | .-+-----+------. Loway. |
+ Kilab. Kaab. Aamir. | | | | |
+ * | * Shahm. Murra. Fezára. | |
+ * .----+-+----. * | |
+ | | | | | .---------------------+ |
+ Rivas. Kosheir. * Jaada. Baka. | | |
+ | Káb Khozeima. |
+ * | |
+ | .----------------+-. .--------+-----+
+ Muntafiq. | | | |
+ Murrah. * * Abd-ul-Kays.
+ | * *
+ .-------+-+-----. | |
+ | | | .----+-. .-+---+----.
+ Kilab. Taym. Mukhzum. | | | | |
+ | Sahm. Jamah. | | Aus Allat.
+ .--+------. | |
+ | | Taym Allah. |
+ Kossay. Zohra. |
+ | Wail.
+ .-----------+---------------. |
+ | | | .-----+---.
+ * Abd Manaf. Abd-ud-Dár. | |
+ * | Taghlib. Bakr.
+ | .-----+----------------------. *
+ Asad. | | *
+ Hashim. Abd Shams. |
+ | | Hanifa.
+ Abd-ul-Muttálib. Omayya. *
+ | | *
+ .-------+----+-----------. Harab. |
+ | | | (Sakhr). .------.
+ Abbas. Abdullah. Abu Talib. | | |
+ | | | Abu Sofian. Taheem *
+ Ibn Abbas. Mohammad. Ali. | *
+ Moavia. |
+ Shaiban.
+ *
+ *
+ |
+ Sadús.
+
+
+
+
+ALL THE WARS OF MOHAMMAD WERE DEFENSIVE.
+
+
+_The Persecutions._
+
+[Sidenote: 1. The early persecutions of Moslems by the people of Mecca.]
+
+The severe persecution which Mohammad and his early converts suffered at
+Mecca at the hands of their fellow-citizens, the Koreish, is a fact
+admitted by all historians.
+
+The Koran, which may be regarded as a contemporary record of the
+ill-feeling manifested towards the Prophet and his followers, bears
+ample testimony to the fact. Not only were the early Moslems persecuted
+for renouncing the pagan religion and obtaining converts to the
+monotheistic religion of Mohammad, but they were also tortured and
+otherwise ill-treated to induce them to return to the religion which
+they had forsaken. The persecution seems to have been so great that
+Mohammad was compelled to recognize those of his followers, who by force
+and cruelty were compelled to renounce Islam and profess paganism, but
+were inwardly steadfast in their belief of the one true God, as true
+Moslems.
+
+The Koran says:
+
+"Whoso after he hath believed in God denieth Him, if he were forced to
+it, and if his heart remain steadfast in the faith, _shall be
+guiltless_; but whoso openeth his breast to infidelity, on them, in that
+case, shall be wrath from God, and a severe punishment awaiteth
+them."--Sura xvi, 108.
+
+"The incarceration and tortures," says Mr. Stobart, "chiefly by thirst
+in the burning rays of the sun, to which these humble converts were
+subjected, to induce their recantation and adoration of the national
+idols, touched the heart of Mahomet, and by divine authority, he
+permitted them, under certain circumstances, to deny their faith so long
+as their hearts were steadfast in it."[159]
+
+[Sidenote: 2. Notices of the persecution in the Koran.]
+
+The oppressions, trials, and sufferings which the early Moslems
+underwent compelled them to fly from their homes, leaving their families
+and property in the hands of their oppressors. They chose this course
+rather than revert to paganism. They held steadfastly to the one true
+God whom their Prophet had taught them to trust and believe. All these
+facts are clearly outlined in the following verses of the Koran:--
+
+"And as to those who when oppressed have fled their country for the sake
+of God, We will surely provide them a goodly abode in this world, but
+greater the reward of next life, did they but know it."
+
+"They who bear ills with patience, and put their trust in the
+Lord!"--xvi, 43, 44.
+
+"To those also who after their trials fled their country, then did their
+utmost and endured with patience, verily, thy Lord will afterwards be
+forgiving, gracious."--_Ibid_, 111.
+
+"But they who believe, and who fly their country, and do their utmost in
+the cause of God, may hope for God's mercy: and God is Gracious,
+Merciful."--ii, 215.
+
+"And they who have fled their country and quitted their homes and
+suffered in my cause and have fought and fallen--I will blot out their
+sins from them and will bring them into gardens beneath which the
+streams do flow."--iii, 194.
+
+"And as to those who fled their country for the cause of God, and were
+afterwards slain, or died, surely with goodly provision will God provide
+for them! for verily, God is the best of providers!"--xxii, 57.
+
+"Those believers who sit at home free from trouble, and those who toil
+in the cause of God with their substance and their persons, shall not be
+treated alike. God hath assigned to those who strive with their persons
+and with their substance, a rank above those who sit at home. Goodly
+promises hath He made to all: But God hath assigned to those who make
+efforts a rich recompense above those who sit still at home."
+
+"The angels, when they took the souls of those who had been unjust to
+their own weal, demanded, 'What hath been your state?' They said, 'We
+were the weak ones of the earth.' They replied, 'Was not God's earth
+broad enough for you to flee away in?' These! their home shall be Hell,
+and evil the passage to it"--
+
+"Except the men and women and children who were not able through their
+weakness to find the means _of escape_, and were not guided on their
+way. These haply God will forgive: for God is Forgiving,
+Pardoning."--iv, 97, 99, 100.
+
+"God doth not forbid you to deal with kindness and fairness towards
+those who have not made war upon you on account of your religion, or
+driven you forth from your homes: verily, God loveth those who act with
+fairness."
+
+"Only doth God forbid you to make friends of those who, on account of
+your religion, have warred against you, and have driven you forth from
+your homes, and have aided your expulsion: and whoever maketh friends of
+them, these therefore are evil-doers."--lx, 8, 9.
+
+[Sidenote: 3. Insults suffered by Mohammad.]
+
+The Prophet himself suffered insults and personal injuries from the
+hands of his persecutors. He was prevented from offering his prayers
+(xcvi, 10). He allowed himself to be spat upon, to have dust thrown upon
+him, and to be dragged out of the Kaaba by his own turban fastened to
+his neck. He bore all these indignities with the utmost humility, and he
+daily beheld his followers treated oppressively. After his uncle's death
+his life was attempted, but he escaped by flying to Medina.
+
+"And _call to mind_ when the unbelievers plotted against thee, to detain
+thee prisoner or to kill thee or to banish thee: they plotted--but God
+plotted; and of plotters is God the best."--viii, 30.
+
+[Sidenote: 4. Historical summary of the persecutions.]
+
+About 615 of the Christian era, the Koreish of Mecca began to persecute
+the faith of Islam. Those who had no protection among the early Moslems
+were hard pressed, as related above. A body of eleven men, some with
+their families, fled the country, and found refuge, notwithstanding
+their pursuit by the Koreish, across the Red Sea at the Court of
+Abyssinia. This was the first Hegira, or flight of the persecuted
+Moslems. After some time, the persecution being resumed by the Koreish
+more hotly than ever, a larger number of Moslems, more than hundred,
+emigrated to Abyssinia. This was the second flight of the Moslems. The
+Koreish had sent an embassy to the Court of Abyssinia to fetch back the
+refugees. The king denied their surrender. About two years later the
+Koreish formed a hostile confederacy, by which all intercourse with the
+Moslems and their supporters was suspended. The Koreish forced upon the
+Moslems, by their threats and menaces, to retire from the city. For
+about three years, they, together with the Prophet and the Hashimites
+and their families, had to shut themselves up in the _Sheb_ of Abu
+Tálib. They remained there, cut off from communication with the outer
+world. The ban of separation was put rigorously in force. The terms of
+the social and civil ban put upon them were, that they would neither
+intermarry with the proscribed, nor sell to or buy from them anything,
+and that they would entirely cease from all intercourse with them.
+Mohammad, in the interval of the holy months, used to go forth and
+mingle with the pilgrims to Mecca, and preached to them the abhorrence
+of idolatry and the worship of the One True God. The _Sheb_, or quarter
+of Abu Tálib, lies under the rocks of Abu Cobeis. A low gateway cut them
+off from the outer world, and within they had to suffer all privations
+of a beleaguered garrison. No one would venture forth except in the
+sacred months, when all hostile feelings and acts had to be laid aside.
+The citizens could hear the voices of the half-famished children inside
+the _Sheb_ and this state of endurance on the one side, and persecution
+on the other, went on for some three years. Five of the chief
+supporters of the adverse faction detached from the league and broke up
+the confederacy and released the imprisoned religionists. This was in
+the tenth year of Mohammad's ministry. Soon after Mohammad and the early
+Moslems suffered a great loss in the death of his venerable uncle and
+protector Abu Tálib. Thus, Mohammad and his followers became again
+exposed to the unchecked insults and persecutions incited by Abú Sofian,
+Abu Jahl, and others; and being a handful in the hostile city, were
+unable to cope with its rich and powerful chiefs. At this critical
+period, either because he found it unsafe to remain at Mecca, or because
+he trusted his message would find more acceptance elsewhere, Mohammad
+set off to Tayef of the Bani Thakif,--the town was one of the great
+strongholds of idolatry. There was a stone image, called Al-Lât, adorned
+with costly vestments and precious stones, was an object of worship, and
+esteemed to be one of the daughters of God. Here Mohammad preached to
+unwilling ears, and met with nothing but opposition and scorn from the
+chief men, which soon spread to the populace. He was driven out of the
+town, maltreated, and wounded. He could not return to and enter Mecca
+unless protected by Mut-im, a chief of the blood of Abd Shams.
+
+At the yearly pilgrimage, a little group of worshippers from Medina was
+attracted and won over by the preaching of Islam; and the following
+year it increased to twelve. They met Mohammad and took an oath of
+allegiance. A teacher was deputed by Mohammad to Medina, and the new
+faith spread there with a marvellous rapidity. Again the time of
+pilgrimage arrived, and more than seventy disciples from Medina pledged
+themselves to receive and defend him at the risk of their lives and
+property. This was all done in secret; but the Koreish, having got
+notice of it, renewed such severities and persecutions, including, in
+some cases, imprisonment, as hastened the departure of the Moslems to
+Medina, their city of refuge.
+
+[Sidenote: 5. The Hegira.]
+
+Mohammad, being much troubled by the intolerance of the people and the
+personal safety and security of himself and his followers being
+endangered, and mutual intercourse denied, saw that it was hopeless to
+expect any forbearance on the part of the Koreish, who would not permit
+him to live and preach his religion at home, and looked for assistance
+and protection from a strange land. He asked the people of Medina to
+receive and protect him. The Medina converts, who had come to Mecca on
+pilgrimage, pledged themselves to Mohammad, and promised to defend him
+as they would defend their wives and children. The Medina converts,
+although not acting on the offensive, became at once objects of
+suspicion to the Koreish, who endeavoured to seize those who were in
+Mecca. They maltreated one of the Medina converts who fell into their
+hands, and the work of persecution was recommenced in right
+earnest.[160] Two months elapsed before the believers, except those
+detained in confinement or who were unable to escape from slavery, or
+women and children, could emigrate. Families after families silently
+disappeared, and house after house was abandoned. One or two quarters of
+the city were entirely deserted. The Koreish held a council and
+proscribed Mohammad, who escaped together with Abu Bakr, leaving Ali in
+his house, around whom, to lull the suspicions of his neighbours, he
+threw his own mantle, and desired him to occupy his bed. Mohammad and
+his follower took refuge in a cave. The Koreish despatched scouts in all
+directions to search for Mohammad, but in vain. After hiding for three
+days in the cave, Mohammad and Abu Bakr started for Medina, where they
+arrived safely.
+
+The foregoing circumstances would have fully justified immediate
+hostilities on the part of Mohammad, but he did not take up arms until
+compelled to do so by the attacks of the Meccans.
+
+[Sidenote: 6. The persecution of the Moslems by the Koreish after their
+flight from Mecca.]
+
+Notwithstanding the flight of the Prophet and of all the early Moslem
+converts who were able to effect an escape except their families, women
+and children, and those weak Moslems who could not leave Mecca, the
+Meccans or the Koreish did not forgive the fugitives and did not abstain
+from their aggressions against them. They maltreated the children and
+weak Moslems left at Mecca (iv, 77, 99 and 100), expelled the Moslems
+from their houses, and would not allow them to come back to Mecca for a
+pilgrimage (ii, 214). The Meccans several times invaded the Medina
+territory with the avowed intention of making war upon the Moslems (and
+actually fought the battles of Bedr, Ohad, Khandak or Ahzáb, at Medina),
+consequently the Moslems were forced to resort to arms in pure
+self-defence.
+
+These were sufficient grounds for the Moslems to assume the offensive.
+They were desirous also of rescuing their families and those who had
+been unable to join in the flight from the tyranny and oppression of the
+Meccans. Yet they were in no instance the aggressors. Driven from their
+homes and families they did not resort to arms until absolutely
+compelled to do so in self-defence.
+
+All that Mohammad claimed for himself and his followers was, full
+liberty of conscience and actions, and permission to preach and practice
+his religion without being molested. This being refused, he advised his
+followers to leave the city and seek refuge elsewhere. They emigrated
+twice to Abyssinia, and for the third time were expelled to Medina,
+where he himself followed, when his own life was attempted.
+
+[Footnote 159: Islam and its Founder, by J.W.H. Stobart, B.A., page 76.
+
+But, in fact, there was no such permission. The verse quoted above says,
+that the wrath and punishment of God will be on those who deny God,
+except those who do so by being forced. The latter were not put on the
+same footing as the former; in short, those who denied God under
+compulsion were not counted unbelievers.]
+
+[Footnote 160: "The support of the Medina adherents, and the suspicion
+of an _intended_ emigration, irritated the Koreish to severity; and this
+severity forced the Moslems to petition Mahomet for leave to emigrate.
+The two causes might co-exist and re-act one another; the persecution
+would hasten the departure of the converts, while each fresh departure
+would irritate the Koreish to greater cruelty."--William Muir's Life of
+Mahomet, Vol. II, pp. 242, 243, foot-note.]
+
+
+_The Meccans or the Koreish._
+
+[Sidenote: 7. A Koreish chieftain commits a raid near Medina.--A.H., I.]
+
+The attitude of the Koreish towards the Prophet and his followers after
+the flight rapidly became more hostile. Kurz-ibn Jábir, one of the
+marauding chieftains of the Koreish, fell upon some of the camels and
+flocks of Medina, while feeding in a plain a few miles from the city,
+and carried them off.
+
+[Sidenote: 8. The Koreish march to attack Medina. Mohammad marches forth
+in defence, and gains the battle at Badr.--A.H., II.]
+
+Still there was no hostile response from Medina, till the aggressors
+(the Koreish) brought from Medina an army of 950 strong, mounted on 700
+camels and 100 horses, to Badr, nine stages from Mecca, advancing
+towards Medina. Then the Prophet set out from Medina at the head of his
+small army of 305 to check the advance of his aggressors. This was the
+first offensive and defensive war between the Koreish and Mohammad
+respectively. The aggressors lost the battle.
+
+[Sidenote: 9. Attack by Abu Sofian upon Medína.--A.H., II.]
+
+After this Abu Sofian, the head of the Koreish, accompanied by 200
+mounted followers, alarmed Mohammad and the people of Medina by a raid
+upon the cornfields and palm gardens two or three miles north-east of
+Medina. The nomad tribes of Suliem and Ghatafán, who were descended from
+a common stock with the Koreish, being probably incited by them, or at
+least by the example of Abu Sofian, had twice assembled and projected a
+plundering attack upon Medina--a task in itself congenial with their
+predatory habits.
+
+[Sidenote: 10. The battle of Ohad.]
+
+The Koreish made great preparations for a fresh attack upon Medina. One
+year after the battle of Badr, they commenced their march,--three
+thousand in number, seven hundred were mailed warriors, and two hundred
+well mounted cavalry. Reaching Medina they encamped in an extensive and
+fertile plain to the west of Ohad.
+
+Mohammad met Abu Sofian at the head of 700 followers and only two
+horsemen, but lost the battle and was wounded.
+
+[Sidenote: 11. Mohammad's prestige affected by the defeat.]
+
+Mohammad's prestige being affected by the defeat at Ohad, many of the
+Bedouin tribes began to assume an hostile attitude towards him. The Bani
+Asad, a powerful tribe connected with the Koreish in Najd and Bani
+Lahyan in the vicinity of Mecca, prepared to make a raid upon Medina.
+The Mohammadan missionaries were killed at Rají and Bír Maúna. The
+marauding bands of Duma also threatened a raid upon the city. Bani
+Mustalik also raised forces to join the Koreish in their threatened
+attack upon Medina.
+
+[Sidenote: 12. Abu Sofian threatened the Moslems with another attack
+next year.]
+
+Abu Sofian, while retiring from the field, victorious as he was,
+threatened the Moslem with a fresh attack the next year as he said to
+Omar: "We shall meet again, let it be after a year, at Badr." Medina and
+the Moslems, however, enjoyed a long exemption from the threatened
+attack of the Koreish.
+
+At length the time came when the forces of the Koreish and the Moslems
+were again to meet at Badr. But the year was one of great draught, and
+the Koreish were desirous that the expedition should be deferred to a
+more favorable season. Accordingly the Koreish engaged Naeem, an Arab of
+a neutral tribe, to repair to Medina, and there to give forth an
+exaggerated account of the preparations of the Koreish, in the hope
+that, with the field of Ohad fresh in memory, it might deter the Moslems
+from setting out to meet them. But Mohammad, with a force of fifteen
+hundred men and only ten horses, set forth for Badr. The Koreish, who
+never appeared mortified at the triumph of Mohammad, began to project
+another grand attack upon him.
+
+[Sidenote: 13. The Koreish again attack Medina with a large army.
+Mohammad defends the city. The enemy retire. (Ditch or Nations.--A.H.,
+V.)]
+
+The winter season in the next year was chosen for the renewal of
+hostilities by the Koreish. They joined an immense force of the Bedouin
+tribes (the entire army was estimated at ten thousand), marched against
+Mohammad, and besieged Medina. Mohammad defended the city by digging a
+Ditch. The army of Medina was posted within the trench, and that of the
+Koreish encamped opposite them. In the meantime Abu Sofian succeeded in
+detaching the Jewish tribe of Koreiza from their allegiance to Mohammad.
+The danger to Medina from this defection was great. The enemy made a
+general attack, which was repulsed. Bad weather set in, and Abu Sofian
+ordered the allied force to break up. The enemy retired, and never came
+again to attack the Moslems. This, therefore, was the last war of
+aggression on the part of the Koreish, and of defence on the part of
+Mohammad.
+
+[Sidenote: 14. Mohammad, with his followers, advanced to perform the
+lesser pilgrimage of Mecca. The Koreish opposed Mohammad, who returned
+disappointed.--A.H. VI.]
+
+Six years had passed since the expulsion of Mohammad and his followers
+from Mecca. They had not since visited the Holy house, nor had they
+joined the yearly pilgrimage, which was an essential part of their
+social and religious life. Mohammad undertook to perform the lesser
+pilgrimage to Mecca in the month of Zalkada, in which war was unlawful
+throughout Arabia. Mohammad, with his followers, the pious and peaceful
+worshippers, fifteen hundred in number, set forth for Mecca. The
+pilgrims carried no arms, but such as were allowed by custom to
+travellers,--_namely_, each a sheathed sword. The Koreish, with their
+allies, the surrounding tribes, hearing of the approach of the
+pilgrims, took up arms. They pushed forward to obstruct the pilgrims.
+Mohammad encamped at Hodeibia, where a treaty of peace was concluded
+between the Koreish and Mohammad. The treaty was to the effect, that war
+should be suspended for ten years, neither party attacking the other.
+Whosoever wished to join Mohammad and enter into treaty with him, should
+have liberty to do so. "If any one goeth over to Mohammad, without the
+permission of his guardian, he shall be sent back to his guardian. But
+if any one from amongst the followers of Mohammad return to the Koreish,
+the same shall not be sent back, provided, on the part of the Koreish,
+that Mohammad and his followers retire from us this year without
+entering our city. In the coming year he may visit Mecca--he and his
+followers--for three days, when we shall retire therefrom. But they may
+not enter it with any weapons, save those of the travellers--_namely_,
+to each a sheathed sword." Bani Khozaá entered into the alliance of
+Mohammad, and Bani Bakr adhered to the Koreish.
+
+[Sidenote: 15. Violation of the treaty by the Koreish, and their
+submission.]
+
+The peace remained unbroken until the Koreish violated the treaty of
+Hodeibia[161] and treacherously killed several men of the Bani Khozaá.
+Mohammad marched against them in the eighth year of the Hegira in
+defence of the injured and oppressed Bani Khozaá, and to chastize the
+Koreish for violation of the treaty. But the Koreish submitted to the
+authority of Mohammad before he arrived at Mecca, and the city was
+occupied without resistance.
+
+[Sidenote: 16. Two other tribes assume the offensive.]
+
+Soon after, the great and warlike tribe of Hawazin and Thakeef assumed
+the offensive. They assembled at Autas, and advanced upon Honain to
+attack Mohammad. He was obliged to leave Mecca and set out to disperse
+them, who were beaten back at Honain (S. ix, 26-28). Taif of the Thakeef
+was besieged, but in vain.
+
+[Footnote 161: Unfortunately several missionary expeditious sent by
+Mohammad were met with unfavorable circumstances. The party sent to Bani
+Suleim, demanding their allegiance to the faith of Islam, was slain.
+Another party sent to Bani Leith was surprised, and its camels
+plundered. A small party sent by Mohammad to Fadak was cut to pieces by
+Bani Murra. Another party sent to Zat Atlah to call upon the people to
+embrace Islam, of which only one person escaped. Mohammad's messenger
+despatched to the Ghassanide Prince at Bostra was murdered by the chief
+of Muta. His army sent to avenge the treachery of the chief was
+defeated. All these mishaps and reverses dangerously affected the
+prestige of Mohammad, and encouraged the Meccans to violate the truce.]
+
+
+_The defensive character of the wars._
+
+[Sidenote: 17. Verses from the Koran in support of the defensive
+character of the wars.]
+
+This brief sketch of the defensive wars of Mohammad with the Koreish
+will fully show, that those who assert that Mohammad was aggressive or
+revengeful in his wars, or that he made war to force his religion upon
+the people, are altogether in the wrong.
+
+I will now quote some verses of the Koran, showing that all the wars of
+Mohammad with the Koreish were defensive wars.
+
+39. "Verily, God will ward off[162] _mischief_ from believers: lo, God
+loveth not the false, the unbeliever."
+
+40. "A sanction is given to those who have been fought,[163] because
+they have suffered outrages, and verily, God is well able to succour
+them"--
+
+41. "Those who have been driven forth from their homes wrongfully, only
+because they say, 'Our Lord is the God.' And if God had not repelled
+some men by others, cloisters and churches and oratories and mosques
+wherein the name of God is ever commemorated, would surely have been
+destroyed! And him who helpeth God will God surely help: Verily, God is
+Strong, Mighty."
+
+42. "They who, if We established them in _this_ land, will observe
+prayer and pay the alms of obligation and enjoin what is recognized _as
+right_--and forbid what is unlawful. And the final issue of all things
+is unto God."--Sura, xxii.
+
+186. "And fight for the cause of God against those who fight against
+you: but commit not the injustice of _attacking them first_: verily, God
+loveth not the unjust."
+
+187. "And kill them wherever ye find them, and eject them from whatever
+place they have ejected you, for (_fitnah_)[164] persecution is worse
+than slaughter: yet attack them not at the sacred mosque, until they
+attack you therein; but if they attack you, then slay them--Such is the
+recompense of the infidels!"--
+
+188. "But if they desist,[165] then verily God is Gracious, Merciful!"
+
+189. "And do battle against them until there be no more (_fitnah_)
+persecution, and the worship be that of God: but if they desist, then
+let there be no hostility, save against wrong-doers."
+
+214. "They will ask thee concerning war in the Sacred Month. Say: The
+act of fighting therein is a grave crime; but the act of turning others
+aside from the path of God, and unbelief in Him, and to prevent access
+to the Sacred Mosque, and to drive out his people, is worse in the sight
+of God; and persecution[166] (_fitnah_[167]) is worse than bloodshed.
+But they will not cease to war against you until they turn you from your
+religion, if they be able: but whoever of you shall turn from his
+religion, and die an infidel, their works shall be fruitless in this
+world and in the next: and they shall be consigned to the fire; therein
+to abide for aye."
+
+215. "But they who believe, and who fly their country, and do their
+utmost in the cause of God, may hope for God's mercy: and God is
+Gracious, Merciful."
+
+245. "And fight in the cause of God; and know that God is He who
+Heareth, Knoweth."
+
+247. "Hast thou not considered the assembly of the children of Israel
+after _the death of_ Moses, when they said to a prophet of
+theirs,--'Raise up for us a king; we will do battle for the cause of
+God?' He said, 'May it not be that if to fight were ordained you, ye
+would not fight?' They said, 'And why should we not fight in the cause
+of God, since we are driven forth from our dwellings and our children?'
+But when fighting was commanded them they turned back, save a few of
+them: But God knew the offenders!"
+
+252. "And by the will of God they routed them; and (Dâood) David slew
+Goliath; and God gave him the kingship and wisdom, and taught him
+according to his will: and were it not for the restraint of one by the
+means of the other imposed on men by God, verily the earth had assuredly
+gone to ruin, but God is bounteous to his creatures."--Sura, ii.
+
+76. "Let those then fight in the cause of God who barter this present
+life for that which is to come; for whoever fighteth on God's path,
+whether he be slain or conquer, We will in the end give him a great
+reward."
+
+77. "But what hath come to you that ye fight not on the path of God, and
+_for_ the weak among men, women and children, who say, 'O our Lord!
+bring us forth from this City whose inhabitants are oppressors; give us
+a champion from thy presence; and give us from thy presence a
+defender?'"
+
+78. "They who believe, fight on the path of God; and they who believe
+not, fight on the path of Thâgoot: Fight then against the friends of
+Satan--Verily, the craft of Satan shall be powerless!"
+
+86. "Fight then on the path of God: lay not burdens on any but thyself;
+and stir up the faithful. The prowess of the infidels, God will haply
+restrain; for God is the stronger in prowess, and the stronger to
+punish."
+
+91. "They desire that ye should be unbelievers as they are unbelievers,
+and that ye should be alike. Take therefore none of them for friends,
+until they have fled their homes for the cause of God. If they turn
+back, then seize them and slay them wherever ye find them; but take none
+of them as friends or helpers."
+
+92. "Except those who seek asylum among your allies, and those who come
+over to you--prevented by their own hearts by making war on you, or from
+making war on their own people. Had God pleased, He would certainly have
+given them power against you, and they would certainly have made war
+upon you! But, if they depart from you, and make not war against you
+and offer you peace, then God alloweth you no occasion against them."
+
+93. "Ye will find others who seek to gain your confidence as well as
+that of their own people: So oft as they return to sedition, they shall
+be overthrown in it: But if they leave you not, nor propose terms of
+peace to you, nor withhold their hands, then seize them, and slay them
+wherever ye find them. Over these have We given you undoubted
+power."--Sura, iv.
+
+19. "_O Meccans!_ If ye desired a decision, now hath the decision come
+to you. It will be better for you if ye give over _the struggle_ (_or
+attacking upon Medina or the Moslem_). If ye return _to it_ we will
+return; and your forces, though they may be many, shall by no means
+avail you aught, because God is with the faithful."
+
+39. "Say to the infidels: If they desist (_from persecuting,
+obstructing, and attacking the Moslems_), what is now past shall be
+forgiven them; but if they return _to it_ (commit again the
+hostilities), they have already before them the doom of the ancients!"
+
+40. "Fight then against them till civil strife be at an end, and the
+religion be all of it God's; and if they desist, verily God beholdeth
+what they do."
+
+41. "But if they turn their back, know ye that God is your protector:
+Excellent protector! and excellent helper!"
+
+73. "... And they who have believed, but have not fled their homes,
+shall have no rights of kindred with you at all, until they too fly
+their country. Yet if they seek aid from you on account of the faith,
+your part it is to give them aid, except against a people between whom
+and yourselves there may be a treaty. And God beholdeth your actions."
+
+74. "And the infidels have the _like_ relationships one with another.
+Unless ye do the same (_i.e., aid the oppressed and repel the
+oppressor_), there will be discord in the land and great
+corruption."--Sura, viii.
+
+(When the Meccans broke the Hodeibia treaty mentioned in the above
+paragraph, the Koreish and Bani Bakr attacked Bani Khozaá, who were in
+alliance with Mohammad. It became incumbent on him to assist Bani Bakr
+and to chastize the aggressors. The following verses were published on
+that occasion, but happily, before the expiration of the fixed period,
+the Koreish submitted and Mecca was taken without bloodshed, and these
+verses were not acted upon:--)
+
+1. "An immunity from God and His Apostle to those with whom ye are in
+league (_and they have violated the same--compare verses 4, 8 and 10_)
+among the polytheist Meccans."
+
+2. "Go ye therefore at large in the land four months (_i.e., four sacred
+months from Shaw-wal. The treaty was violated by the Koreish in Ramzan,
+a month immediately previous to the sacred months. It is announced here
+that four months' time is given to the aggressors, who violated the
+treaty of Hodeibia, to make terms. After the time is over (verse 5) the
+Moslems will commence hostilities to defend their allies, the Bani
+Khozaá_), but know that ye shall not find God feeble, and that those who
+believe not, God will put to shame."
+
+3. "And a proclamation on the part of God and His Apostle to the people
+on the day of the greater pilgrimage, that God is free from _any
+engagement with_ those who worship other gods with God, as is his
+Apostle. If then, ye turn to God, it will be better for you; but if ye
+turn back, then know that ye shall not find God feeble: and to those who
+believe not, announce thou a grievous punishment."
+
+4. "But this concerneth not those Polytheists with whom ye are in
+league, and who have afterwards in no way failed you, and not yet aided
+any one against you. Observe, therefore, your engagement with them
+through the whole time _of their treaty_. Verily, God loveth those who
+fear Him."
+
+5. "And when the sacred months are passed[168] kill those who join other
+gods with God[169] wherever ye find them; and seize them, and besiege
+them, and lay wait for them with every kind of ambush; but if they
+repent and observe prayer and pay the obligatory alms, then let them go
+their way.[170] Verily, God is Gracious, Merciful."
+
+6. "If any one of those who join gods with God ask an asylum of thee,
+grant him an asylum, in order that he hear the Word of God; then let him
+reach his place of safety. This, for that they are people devoid of
+knowledge."
+
+7. "How can they who add gods to God be in league with God and His
+Apostle, save those with whom ye made a league at the sacred temple? So
+long as they are true to you,[171] be ye true to them: verily, God
+loveth those who fear Him."
+
+8. "How _can they_? since if they prevail against you, they will not
+regard in their dealing with you, either ties of blood or good faith:
+With their mouths they content you, but their hearts are averse, and
+most of them are perverse doers."
+
+9. "They sell the signs of God for a mean price, and turn others aside
+from his way; of a truth, evil is it that they do!"
+
+10. "They respect not with a believer either ties of blood or good
+faith; and these are the transgressors!"
+
+11. "Yet if they turn to God and observe prayer, and pay the impost,
+then are they your brethren in religion: and We make clear the signs for
+men of knowledge."[172]
+
+12. "But if, after alliance made, they violate their covenant and revile
+your religion, then do battle with the ringleaders of infidelity--verily
+there is no faith in them! Haply they will desist."
+
+13. "Will ye not do battle with a people (_the Meccans_) who have broken
+their covenant and aimed to expel your Apostle and attacked you first?
+Will ye dread them? God truly is more worthy of your fear if ye are
+believers!"
+
+14. "Make war on them: By your hands will God chastize them and put them
+to shame, and give victory over them, and heal the bosom of a people who
+believe."
+
+36. "... and attack those who join gods with God one and all, as they
+attack you one and all."--Sura, ix.
+
+[Sidenote: 18. What the above-quoted verses show.]
+
+I need not repeat here what these verses and the facts related above
+show, that the wars of Mohammad with the Koreish were merely defensive,
+and the Koreish were the aggressors, and that Mohammad was quite
+justified in taking up arms against them.
+
+"In the state of nature every man has a right to defend," writes Mr.
+Edward Gibbon,[173] "by force of arms, his person and his possessions;
+to repel, or even to repeat, the violence of his enemies, and to extend
+his hostilities to a reasonable measure of satisfaction and retaliation.
+In the free society of the Arabs, the duties of subject and citizen
+imposed a feeble restraint; and Mahommed, in the exercise of a peaceful
+and benevolent mission, had been despoiled and banished by the injustice
+of his countrymen." It has been fully shown in the foregoing paragraphs
+that the Moslems in Mecca enjoyed neither safety nor security. Religious
+freedom was denied to them, though they were harmless and peaceful
+members of the community. Besides this they were expelled from their
+homes, leaving their families and their property in the hands of their
+persecutors, and were prevented from returning to Mecca, and were
+refused access to the Sacred Mosque; and, above all, they were attacked
+by the Meccans in force at Medina.
+
+[Sidenote: 19. Justification of the Moslems in taking up arms against
+their aggressors.]
+
+The persecution of the early Moslems by the Koreish was on religious
+grounds. They would not allow the believers to renounce the religion of
+their forefathers and profess Islam. Their intolerance was so strong and
+harsh that they tortured some of the professors of the new faith to
+renounce the same and to rejoin their former idolatry. "Taking away the
+lives, the fortune, the liberty, any of the rights of our brethren,
+merely for serving their Maker in such manner as they are persuaded they
+ought, when by so doing they hurt not human society, or any member of
+it, materially, is evidently inconsistent with all justice and humanity:
+for it is punishing those who have not injured us, and who, if they
+mistake, deserve only pity from us."[174] The early Moslems had had
+every international right to resent persecution and intolerance of the
+Meccans and to establish themselves by force of arms, to enjoy their
+religious liberty and to practise their religion freely.
+
+[Sidenote 20. The first aggression after the Hegira was not on the part
+of Mohammad.]
+
+Some of the European biographers of Mohammad say, "that the first
+aggressions after the Hegira were solely on the part of Mahomet and his
+followers. It was not until several of their caravans had been waylaid
+and plundered, and blood had thus been shed, that the people of Mecca
+were forced in self-defence to resort to arms."[175]
+
+This is not correct. The aggressors, in the first instance, were the
+Koreish, who, as already shown, followed up their persecution of the
+Moslems by an attack upon the city in which the Prophet and his
+followers had taken refuge. Even taking it for granted that the Moslems
+were the first aggressors after the Hegira, was not the Hegira, or
+expulsion itself (leaving aside the previous persecutions and
+oppressions at Mecca), a sufficient reason for the commencement of
+hostilities by the Moslems, who were anxious to secure their moral and
+religious freedom, and to protect themselves and their relatives from
+further aggressions?
+
+Sir William Muir admits, that "hostilities, indeed, were justified by
+the 'expulsion' of the believers from Mecca."[176] "It may be said,"
+says Major Vans Kennedy, "that, in these wars, Mohammad was the
+aggressor by his having, soon after his flight, attempted to intercept
+the caravans of Mecca. But the first aggression was, undoubtedly, the
+conspiracy of the Koreish to assassinate Mohammad, and when to save his
+life he fled from Mecca, himself and his followers were thus deprived of
+their property, and obliged to depend for their subsistence on the
+hospitality of the men of Medina, it could not be reasonably expected
+that they would allow the caravans of their enemies to pass
+unmolested."[177]
+
+[Sidenote: 21. The alleged instances examined.]
+
+There is no proof that Mohammad, after the Hegira, commenced hostilities
+against the Koreish by intercepting their caravans. The alleged
+instances of the caravans being waylaid by the Moslems at Medina are not
+corroborated by authentic and trustworthy traditions. They have also
+internal evidences of their improbability. The Medina people had pledged
+themselves only to defend the Prophet from attack, and not to join him
+in any aggressive steps against the Koreish.[178] Therefore, it seems
+impossible that they should have allowed Mohammad to take any aggressive
+steps against the Koreish which would have involved them in great
+trouble.
+
+[Sidenote: 22. Hamza and Obeida expedition.]
+
+The alleged expeditions against the Koreish caravans by Hamza and the
+other by Obeida in pursuit of caravans which escaped, are in themselves
+improbable. Mohammad would not send fifty or sixty persons to waylay a
+caravan guarded by two or three hundred armed men.
+
+[Sidenote: 23. The Abwa, Bowat, & Osheira expeditions.]
+
+The alleged expeditions of Abwa, Bowat, and Osheira, said to have been
+led by Mohammad himself to intercept the Mecca caravans, but in vain,
+are altogether without foundation. He might have gone, if he had gone at
+all, to Abwa, and Osheira to negotiate friendly terms with Bani
+Dhumra[179] and Bani Mudlij, as his biographers say, he did.
+
+[Sidenote: 24. The affair at Nakhla.]
+
+The affair of the _Nakhla_ marauding party, as related in the
+traditions, is full of discrepancies, and is altogether inconsistent and
+untrustworthy. The very verse (Sura, ii, verse 214) which the
+biographers say was revealed on the occasion, and which I have quoted
+above (para. 16), contains a reference to the Meccans' fighting against
+the Moslems, which runs counter to the assumption of the European
+biographers, who make it an aggressive attack on the part of Mohammad.
+It is probable that Mohammad might have sent some six or eight scouts to
+bring in news of the movements and condition of the Koreish, whose
+attitude towards Mohammad had become more hostile since his flight to
+Medina. As the Koreish had a regular and uninterrupted route to Syria
+for traffic, it was only reasonable on the part of Mohammad to take
+precautions, and he was always on his guard. The biographers _Ibn
+Is-hak_, _Ibn Hisham_ (p. 424), _Tabri_ (Vol. II, p. 422), _Ibnal Athir_
+in _Kamil_ (Vol. II, p. 87), _Halabi_ in _Insanul Oyoon_ (Vol. III, p.
+318), say, that Mohammad had given written instructions to
+Abdoollah-bin-Jahsh, which was to the effect "bring me intelligence of
+their affairs." They also say that Mohammad was displeased with
+Abdoollah's affair at Nakhla, and said, "I never commanded thee to fight
+in the Sacred Month." The biographers also relate that Mohammad even
+paid blood-money for the slain.
+
+[Sidenote: 25. At Badr Mohammad had come only in his defence.]
+
+Some of the European biographers of Mohammad allege, that the battle of
+Badr was brought by Mohammad himself. They appear to hesitate to justify
+Mohammad in defending himself against the superior numbers of the
+Koreish, who had advanced to attack him as far as Badr, three stages
+from Medina. It is alleged that Mohammad intended to attack the caravans
+returning from Syria, conducted by Abu Sofian, his arch-enemy, therefore
+he set out upon his march with eighty refugees and two hundred and
+twenty-five people of Medina, and halted at Safra to waylay the caravan.
+Abu Sofian, warned of Mohammad's intention, sent some one to Mecca for
+succour. The Koreish, with nine hundred and fifty strong, marched forth
+to rescue the caravan. In the meantime, the caravan had passed
+unmolested, but the Koreish held a council whether to return or go to
+war. On the one hand, the biographers say, it was argued that the object
+for which they had set out having been secured, the army should at once
+retrace its steps. Others demanded that the army should advance. Two
+tribes returned to Mecca, the rest marched onwards; but it is not fair
+to allege that Mohammad had set forth to attack the caravan. Had he any
+such intention, the people of Medina, who had pledged themselves only to
+defend him against personal attack, would not have accompanied him. The
+presence of a large number of the _Ansárs_, the people of Medina, more
+than double that of the _Mohajirins_, the refugees, is a strong proof
+that they had come out only in their defence.
+
+Mohammad, on receiving intelligence of the advancing force of the
+Koreish, set out from Medina to check the advance of the Meccan force,
+and encountered it at Badr, three days' journey from Medina. The Meccan
+army had advanced nine days' journey from Mecca towards Medina. The
+forces met at Badr on the 17th of Ramzan (13th January 623), the Meccans
+had left Mecca on the 8th of Ramzan (4th January), and Mohammad started
+only on the 12th of Ramzan (8th January), about four days after the
+Meccan army had actually set out to attack him. Supposing Abu Sofian had
+some reason for apprehending an attack from Medina, and sent for succour
+from Mecca, but the object of the Meccan army of the Koreish for which
+they had set out having been secured, the caravan having passed
+unmolested, they ought at once to have retraced their steps. The fact
+that Mohammad left Medina four days after the Koreish had left Mecca
+with a large army advancing towards Medina, is strongly in his favour.
+
+[Sidenote: 26. The first aggressions after the Hegira, if from Mohammad,
+might fairly be looked upon as retaliation.]
+
+Even taking it for granted that the first aggressions after the Hegira
+were solely on the part of the Moslems, and that several of the caravans
+of the Koreish had been waylaid and plundered, and blood had been shed,
+it would be unfair to condemn Mohammad. Such attacks, had they been
+made, might fairly be looked upon as a retaliation for the ill-treatment
+of the Moslems before the flight from Mecca. "Public war is a state of
+armed hostility between sovereign nations or governments. It is a law
+and requisite of civilized existence that men live in political
+continuous societies, forming organized units called states or nations,
+whose constituents bear, enjoy and suffer, advance and retrograde
+together, in peace and in war. The citizen or native of hostile country
+is thus an enemy, as one of the constituents of the hostile state or
+nation, and as such is subjected to the hardships of war."[180] The
+almost universal rule of most remote times was, and continues to be with
+barbarous nations, that the private individual of a hostile country is
+destined to suffer every privation of liberty and protection, and every
+description of family ties. But Mohammad protected the inoffensive
+citizen or private individual of the hostile country. He even protected
+those who had actually come out of Mecca to fight at Badr, but were
+reluctant to do so. Mohammad had desired quarters to be given to several
+persons in the Koreish army at Badr. Abul Bakhtari, Zamaa, Hárith Ibn
+Amir, Abbás and other Bani Háshim were amongst those named.
+
+[Footnote 162: Or defend, '_Yadafeo_' repel.]
+
+[Footnote 163: _Yokâtaloona_, or who fight _Yokateloona_. The former
+reading is the authorized and general.]
+
+[Footnote 164: The primary signification of _fitnah_ is burning with
+fire. It signifies a _trial_ or _probation_ and affliction, distress or
+hardship; and particularly an _affliction whereby one is tried, proved,
+or tested_.--_Vide_ Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, p. 2335.]
+
+[Footnote 165: Desist from persecuting you and preventing you to enter
+your native city and prohibiting access to the sacred mosque and
+attacking you, and from religious intolerance.]
+
+[Footnote 166: _i.e._, the religious persecution and intolerance and
+hindrance to visit the sacred mosque being suppressed; you may profess,
+preach and practice your religion freely.]
+
+[Footnote 167: _Vide_ note 2 in p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 168: Shaw-wal, Zulkada, Zulhij, and Moharram, the 10th, 11th,
+12th, and 1st months of the Arabian year.
+
+These verses were promulgated in Ramzan, the 9th month of the year.]
+
+[Footnote 169: And have violated the Hodeibia Truce. Compare verses 4,
+8, and 12.]
+
+[Footnote 170: It is not meant that they should be forced to observe
+prayer or pay obligatory alms, or in other words be converted to Islam;
+the context and general scope of the Koran would not allow such a
+meaning. The next verse clearly enjoins toleration.]
+
+[Footnote 171: The Bani Kinana and Bani Zamara had not violated the
+truce of Hodeibia while the Koreish and Bani Bakr had done so.]
+
+[Footnote 172: This is the same as verse 5. It only means, if meanwhile
+they become converts to Islam, they are to be treated as brethren in
+religion. But it cannot mean that it was the sole motive of making war
+with them to convert them. Such an interpretation is quite contrary to
+the general style of the Koran.]
+
+[Footnote 173: The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
+by Edward Gibbon, Vol. VI, p. 245.]
+
+[Footnote 174: Archbishop Secker's Works, III, p. 271.]
+
+[Footnote 175: Sir W. Muir, II, p. 265.]
+
+[Footnote 176: Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 177: Remarks on the character of Mohammad (suggested by
+Voltaire's Tragedy of Mahomet) by Major Vans Kennedy. _Vide_
+Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay for 1821, Vol. III, p.
+453, reprint Bombay, 1877.]
+
+[Footnote 178: "Mahomet did not send the Medina converts on any hostile
+expedition against the Koreish, until they had warred with him at Badr,
+and the reason is, that they had pledged themselves to protect him only
+at their homes."--K. Wackidi, 48; Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p.
+64, _note_.]
+
+[Footnote 179: "K. Wackidi, 98-1/2. The provisions are noted only
+generally, "that neither party would levy war against the other, nor
+help their enemies." The version quoted by Weil binding the Bani Dhumra
+to fight _for the faith_, &c., is evidently anticipatory and apocryphal.
+It is not given by the Secretary of Wackidi in his chapter of
+treaties."--Muir's Life of Mahomet, III, p. 67, _note_.]
+
+[Footnote 180: Contributions to Political Science by Francis Lieber,
+LL.D., Vol. II of his miscellaneous writings, p. 251, London, 1881.]
+
+
+_The Jews._
+
+[Sidenote: 27. The Jews broke treaties.]
+
+Mohammad, on his first arrival at Medina, made a treaty of alliance with
+the Jews, by which the free exercise of their religion and the
+possession of their rights and property were guaranteed. It was
+stipulated in the treaty that either party, if attacked, should come to
+the assistance of the other. Medina should be sacred and inviolable for
+all who joined the treaty. But the Jews broke their treaty and rebelled.
+They assisted the enemy during the siege of Medina, and committed
+treason against the city.
+
+[Sidenote: 28. Bani Kainúkaá, Bani Nazeer, Koreiza, Khyber, and
+Ghatafán.]
+
+The Bani Kainúkaá were the first among the Jews who broke the treaty and
+fought against Mohammad between the battles of Badr and Ohad.[181]
+
+The Bani Nazeer broke their compact with Mohammad after his defeat at
+Ohad. They had also made a conspiracy to kill Mohammad. They were
+banished; some of them went over to Khyber. The Jewish tribe of Koreiza
+had defected from their allegiance to Mohammad, and entered into
+negotiations with the enemy, when Medina was besieged by the Koreish and
+Bedouin tribes at the battle of the Ditch. They were afterwards besieged
+by Mohammad. They surrendered at the discretion of Sád, who passed a
+bloody judgment against them. The Jews of Khyber (including those of
+Nazeer) and Bani Ghatafán, who had lately besieged Medina with the
+Koreish in the battle of the Ditch, made alliance against Mohammad,[182]
+and were making preparations for an attack on him. They had been
+inciting the Bani Fezára and other Bedouin tribes in their depredations,
+and had combined with Bani Sád-Ibn Bakr to attack upon Medina. They were
+subjected at Khyber, and made tributaries, paying _jizya_ in return of
+the protection guaranteed to them.
+
+[Sidenote: 29. Notices of them in the Koran.]
+
+The treachery of the Bani Kainúkaá, Nazeer and Koreiza, and Khyber is
+noticed in the Koran in the following verses:--
+
+58. "They with whom thou hadst leagued, but who ever afterwards break
+their league, and fear not God!"
+
+59. "And if thou capture them in battle, then (_by the example of their
+fate_) put to flight those who are behind them--they will perhaps be
+warned:"--
+
+60. "Or, if thou fear treachery from any people, throw back _their
+treaty_ to them in like manner: verily, God loveth not the treacherous."
+
+61. "And think not that the infidels shall get the better of Us! Verily,
+they shall not find God to be weak."
+
+62. "Make ready then against them what force ye can, and squadrons of
+horse whereby ye may strike terror into the enemy of God and your enemy,
+and into others beside them whom ye know not, _but_ whom God knoweth;
+And all that you expend for the cause of God shall be repaid you; and ye
+shall not be wronged."
+
+63. "But if they lean to peace, lean thou also to it; and put thy trust
+in God: He verily is the Hearing, the Knowing."
+
+64. "But if they seek to betray thee, then verily God will be
+all-sufficient for thee. He it is who strengthened thee with his help
+and with the faithful and made their heart one. Hadst thou spent all the
+riches of the earth, thou wouldst not have united their hearts; but God
+hath united them: He verily is Mighty, Wise."
+
+65. "O Prophet! God and such of the faithful as follow thee will be
+all-sufficient for thee!"
+
+66. "O Prophet! stir up the faithful to the fight...."--Sura, viii.
+
+26. "And He caused those of the people of the Book (the Jews) who had
+aided _the confederates_, to come down out of their fortresses, and cast
+dismay into their hearts: a part ye slew, a part ye took
+prisoners."--Sura, xxxiii.
+
+29. "Make war upon such of those to whom the Scriptures have been
+given,[183] as believe not in God, or in the last day, and who forbid
+not that which God and his apostles have forbidden, and who profess not
+the profession of the Truth, until they pay tribute out of hand, and
+they be humbled."
+
+124. "Believers! wage war against such of the unbelievers as are your
+neighbours, and let them assuredly find rigour in you: and know that God
+is with those who fear Him."--Sura, ix.
+
+[Sidenote: 30. The judgment of Sâd.]
+
+The Bani Koreiza had surrendered themselves to the judgment of _Sâd_, an
+_Awsite_ of their allies, Bani Aws. To this Mohammad agreed. Sâd decreed
+that the male captives should be slaughtered. Mohammad, disapproving the
+judgment, remarked to Sâd: "Thou hast decided like the decision of a
+king," meaning thereby a despotic monarch. The best authentic tradition
+in Bokhari (Kitáb-ul-Jihád) has the word '_Malik_,' monarch; but in
+other three places of Bokhari, Kitabul Monakib, Maghazi, and Istizan,
+the narrator has a doubt whether the word was _Allah_ or _Malik_.
+Moslim, in his collection, has also '_Malik_,' and in one place the
+sentence is not given at all. It was only to eulogize the memory of Sâd
+after his death, that some of the narrators of the story gave out that
+Mohammad had said that Sâd had decided like the decision of a _Malak_,
+angel; or some narrators interpreted the word _Malik_, king, as meaning
+God; and therefore put the word _Allah_ in their traditions. Mohammad
+never said _Malak_, meaning angel, or _Malik_, allegorically meaning
+_Allah_; he simply said _Malik_, literally meaning a king or monarch.
+
+[Sidenote: 31. Defensive character of the expedition against the Jews
+of Khyber.]
+
+The expedition against the Jews of Khyber was purely defensive in its
+character. They had, since the Jews of the tribe of Nazeer and Koreiza
+being banished from Medina in consequence of their treason against the
+Moslem commonwealth, had joined them, been guilty of inciting the
+surrounding tribes to attack upon Medina, and had made alliance with the
+Bani Ghatafán, who had taken a prominent part among the confederates
+who had besieged Medina at the battle of the Ditch, to make a combined
+attack upon Medina. They, especially Abul Hukeik, the chief of Bani
+Nazeer, had excited the Bani Fezára and other Beduoin tribes to commit
+incursions on Medina. They had made a combination with the Bani Sád-Ibn
+Bakr to make inroads on the Moslims. Bani Sád, a branch of Hawazin, were
+among the confederates who had besieged Medina. Lately, Oseir Ibn Zárim,
+the chief of Nazeer at Khyber, maintained the same relations with Bani
+Ghatafán, as their former chief had, to make a combined attack on
+Medina. The Bani Ghatafán, with their branches of Bani Fezára and Bani
+Murra, in league with those of Khyber, were always plotting mischief in
+the vicinity of Fadak at Khyber. They (the Ghatafán) had continued for a
+long time to alarm Medina with threatened attacks. At the seventh year
+of the Hegira timely information was received by Mohammad of the
+combined preparation of Khyber and Ghatafán. He rapidly set forth in his
+defence, and marched to Khyber at once. He took up a position at Rají,
+between Khyber and Ghatafán, to cut off their mutual assistance. So it
+was not a sudden and unprovoked invasion, as Sir W. Muir calls it. He
+writes: "Mahomet probably waited for some act of aggression on the part
+of the Jews of Kheibar (it was the fertile lands and villages of that
+tribe which he had destined for his followers), or on the part of their
+allies, the Bani Ghatafán, to furnish the excuse for an attack. But no
+such opportunity offering, he resolved, in the autumn of this year, on a
+sudden and unprovoked invasion of their territory."[184] It will appear
+from what I have stated above, that the invasion of Khyber was purely
+defensive in its character.
+
+[Footnote 181: Hishamee, p. 545. Gottengen, 1859; or, The Life of
+Muhammad, by Abd etl Malik ibn Hishám. London: Trübner and Co., 1867.]
+
+[Footnote 182: Hishamee, p. 757.]
+
+[Footnote 183: The Jews of Khyber, if it does not relate to Tabook. Sir
+W. Muir calls this hostile declaration against Jews and Christians, and
+says,--"The exclusion and growingly intolerant position of Islam is
+sufficiently manifested by the ban issued against the Jews and
+Christians, as unfit for the sacred rites and holy precincts of the
+Meccan temple; and by the divine commands to war against them until, in
+confession of the superiority of Islam, they should consent to the
+payment of a tribute."--Life of Mahomet, Vol. II, p. 289. The command
+referred to by Sir W. Muir refers to the treatment of those who took up
+arms against the Mussalmans, rather than to their ordinary condition. No
+ban was issued against the Jews and Christians, as unfit for the sacred
+rites and holy precincts of the Meccan temple. On the contrary, the
+Christians of Najran, when arrived at Medina, were accommodated by the
+Prophet in his Mosque, and they used to say their prayers there.]
+
+[Footnote 184: Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 61.]
+
+
+_The Christians or Romans._
+
+[Sidenote: 32. Tabúk, the last expedition.]
+
+The last expedition of Mohammad was that of Tabúk, and it was also
+purely defensive. The travellers and traders arriving from Syria brought
+news of the gathering of a large army on the borders of Syria. A year's
+pay, they said, had been advanced by the Greek or Roman Emperor, who was
+then at Hims, in order that the soldiers might be well-furnished for a
+long campaign; the tribes of the Syrian desert, the Bani Lakhm, Judzam,
+Amila, and Ghussan were flocking around the Roman Eagles, and the
+vanguard was already at Balcâ. Mohammad at once resolved to meet this
+danger. When he arrived in the vicinity of the Syrian border at Tabúk,
+he found no troops to oppose him. There were no signs of impending
+danger, and he therefore returned with his army to Medina. This was in
+the ninth year of the Hegira.
+
+[Sidenote: 33. The conclusion.]
+
+This concludes the description of all the wars of the Prophet. I hope I
+have shown, on good and reasonable grounds, and from the surest and most
+authentic sources, that the wars were not of an offensive and aggressive
+character; but, on the contrary, they were wars of defence and
+protection. The early Moslems were wronged, because they believed in the
+faith of Mohammad; they were deprived of their civil and religious
+rights, were driven forth from their homes and their properties, and
+after all were attacked first, by the Koreish and their confederates,
+the Jews and other Arabian tribes. They fought neither for revenge, nor
+to impose the faith of Mohammad by force of arms, nor for the plunder of
+the caravans which passed in proximity to their city. The permission to
+fight was only given to the believers because they were fought against
+or were attacked first, and had been wronged and driven from their homes
+without just cause. They therefore took up arms against those who first
+compelled them to fly from their homes, and then attacked them. This was
+in full accordance, therefore, with the law of nations and the sacred
+law of nature. The people of Medina had only pledged themselves to
+protect Mohammad from his enemies. They could not, and would not, have
+gone forth or allowed Mohammad and his _ansárs_ to go forth to plunder
+the caravan of the Koreish passing by Medina.
+
+
+_The Intolerance._
+
+[Sidenote: 34. Mohammad never taught intolerance.]
+
+Those people are greatly mistaken who say, that "the one common duty
+laid upon the Faithful is to be the agents of God's vengeance on those
+who believe not. These are to be slaughtered until they pay tribute,
+when they are allowed to go to Hell in their own way without further
+molestation."[185] Mohammad did not wage war against the Koreish and the
+Jews because they did not believe in his mission, nor because he was to
+be the instrument of God's vengeance on them; on the contrary, he said,
+"He was no more than a warner."
+
+"The truth is from your Lord, let him then who will, believe; and let
+him who will, be an unbeliever."[186]
+
+"Let there be no compulsion in religion."[187] "Verily, they who
+believe, and the Jews, and the Sabeites, and the Christians, whoever of
+them believeth in God and in the last day, and doth what is right, on
+them shall come no fear, neither shall they be put to grief."[188] Even
+during active hostilities, those who did not believe were allowed to
+come and hear the preaching, and were then conveyed to their place of
+safety.[189] Nor were the wars of Mohammad to exact tribute from the
+unbelievers. The tribute was only imposed upon those who had sought his
+protection, and even then they were exempted from other regular taxes
+which the Moslems paid to their Commonwealth.
+
+On the contrary, as has already been shown, Mohammad merely took up
+arms in the instances of self-preservation. Had he neglected to defend
+himself after his settlement at Medina against the continued attacks of
+the Koreish and their allies, he with his followers would, in all
+probability, have been exterminated. They fought in defence of their
+lives as well as their moral and religious liberties.
+
+[Sidenote: 35. In what sense the wars were religious wars.]
+
+In this sense the contest might be called a religious war, as the
+hostilities were commenced on religious grounds. Because the Koreish
+persecuted the Moslems, and expelled them for the reason that they had
+forsaken the religion of their forefathers, _i.e._, idolatry, and
+embraced the faith of Islam, the worship of One True God; but it was
+never a religious war in the sense of attacking the unbelievers
+aggressively to impose his own religion forcibly on them. How much is
+Sir W. Muir in the wrong, who says, that fighting was prescribed on
+religious grounds? "Hostilities," he says, "indeed, were justified by
+the 'expulsion' of the believers from Mecca. But the main and true issue
+of the warfare was not disguised to be the victory of Islam. They were
+to fight '_until the religion became the Lord's alone_.'"[190]
+
+[Sidenote: 36. The alleged verses of intolerance explained.]
+
+The verses of the Koran referred to above are as follows:
+
+186. "And fight for the cause of God against those who fight against
+you: but commit not the injustice of _attacking them first_: verily God
+loveth not the unjust."
+
+187. "And kill them wherever ye shall find them, and eject them from
+whatever place they have ejected you; for (_fitnah_) persecution or
+civil discord is worse than slaughter but attack them not at the sacred
+Mosque, until they attack you therein, but if they attack you, then slay
+them--Such is the recompense of the infidel!"
+
+188. "But if they desist, then verily God is Gracious, Merciful."
+
+189. "And do battle against them until there be no more (_fitnah_)
+persecution or civil discord and the only worship be that of God: but if
+they desist, then let there be no hostility, save against
+wrong-doers."--Sura, ii.
+
+These verses generally, and the last one especially, show that the
+warfare was prescribed on the ground of self-preservation, and to secure
+peace, safety and religious liberty, to prevent (_fitnah_) persecution.
+
+By preventing or removing the persecution (_fitnah_), the religion of
+the Moslems was to be free and pure from intolerance and compulsion to
+revert to idolatry, or in other words, to be the only or wholly of God.
+That is, when you are free and unpersecuted in your religion, and not
+forced to worship idols and renounce Islam, then your religion will be
+pure and free. You shall have no fear of being forced to join other gods
+with God.
+
+The same verse is repeated in Chapter VIII.
+
+39. "Say to the unbelievers: If they desist,[191] what is now past shall
+be forgiven them, but if they return _to it_,[192] they have already
+before them the doom of the former."[193]
+
+40. "Fight then against them till _fitnah_ (civil strife or persecution)
+be at an end, and the religion be all of it God's, and if they desist,
+verily God beholdeth what they do."
+
+This shows that the fighting prescribed here against the Koreish was
+only in the case of their not desisting, and it was only to prevent and
+suppress their _fitnah_, and when their intolerance and persecution was
+suppressed, or was no more, then the Moslem religion was to become all
+of it God's. They were not forced to join any god with the true God.
+
+[Sidenote: 37. Sir W. Muir quoted.]
+
+Sir W. Muir, in his last chapter on the person and character of
+Mohammad, observes in reviewing the Medina period: "Intolerance quickly
+took the place of freedom; force, of persuasion." ... "Slay the
+unbelievers wheresoever ye find them" was now the watchword of
+Islam:--"Fight in the ways of God until opposition be crushed, and the
+Religion becometh the Lord's alone!"[194] Here, Sir W. Muir plainly
+contradicts himself. He has already admitted at the 136th page of the
+fourth volume of his work that the course pursued by Mohammad at Medina
+was to leave the conversion of the people to be gradually accomplished
+without compulsion, and the same measure he intended to adopt at his
+triumphal entry into Mecca. His words are: "This movement obliged
+Mahomet to cut short of his stay at Mecca. Although the city had
+cheerfully accepted his supremacy, all its inhabitants had not yet
+embraced the new religion, or formally acknowledged his prophetic claim.
+Perhaps, he intended to follow the course he had pursued at Medina, and
+leave the conversion of the people to be gradually accomplished without
+compulsion." This was at the end of the eighth year after the Hegira.
+
+Mohammad died at the beginning of the eleventh year, then the question
+naturally comes up, when was that alleged change to intolerance, and
+how Sir W. Muir says, this change is traced from the period of
+Mohammad's arrival at Medina? In the action taken in the fifth year of
+the Hegira against the Jewish tribe of Koreiza, who had treasoned
+against the city, Sir W. Muir admits that up to that period Mohammad did
+not profess to force men to join Islam, or to punish them for not
+embracing it. His words are: "The ostensible grounds upon which Mahomet
+proceeded were purely political, for as yet he did not profess _to
+force_ men to join Islam, or to punish them for not embracing it."[195]
+In a foot-note he remarks: "He still continued to reiterate in his
+Revelations the axiom used at Mecca, 'I am only a public preacher,' as
+will be shown in the next chapter." Further, Sir W. Muir, in his account
+of the first two years after Mohammad's arrival at Medina, admits in a
+foot-note (p. 32, Vol. III), that "as yet we have no distinct
+development of the intention of Mahomet to impose his religion on others
+by force: it would have been dangerous in the present state of parties
+to advance this principle."
+
+[Sidenote: 38. Comment on the above quotation.]
+
+It will appear from the foregoing statements that in each of the three
+distinct periods of Mohammad's sojourn in Medina, _i.e._, the first two
+years, the fifth year, and the eighth year, Sir W. Muir has himself
+admitted that Mohammad had no intention to impose his religion by force,
+and did not profess to force people to join Islam, or punish them for
+not embracing it, and that the conversion of the people at Medina was
+gradually accomplished without compulsion, and the same course he
+followed at his taking of Mecca. Then there is no room left for the
+uncalled for and self-contradictory remark of Sir W. Muir, that at
+Medina "Intolerance quickly took place of freedom; force, of
+persuasion." Up to the end of the eighth year when Mecca was captured,
+there was admittedly no persecution or constraint put in requisition to
+enforce religion. Mohammad breathed his last early in the eleventh year.
+During the two years that intervened, the din of war had ceased to
+sound, deputations continued to reach the Prophet from all quarters of
+Arabia, and not a single instance of intolerance or compulsory adoption
+of faith is found on record.[196]
+
+Mohammad, neither sooner, nor later, in his stay at Medina, swerved
+from the policy of forbearance and persuasion he himself had chalked out
+for the success of his mission. At Medina, he always preached his
+liberal profession of respect for other creeds, and reiterated
+assurances to the people that he was merely a preacher, and expressly
+gave out that compulsion in religion was out of question with him.
+
+These are his revelations during the Medina period. "Verily, they who
+believe (Moslems), and they who follow the Jewish religion, and the
+Christians, and the Sabeites,--whoever believeth in God and the last
+day, and doeth that which is right, shall have their reward with their
+Lord: and fear shall not _come_ upon them, neither shall they be
+grieved."
+
+ _Sura II_, 59.
+
+"And say to those who have been given the Scripture, and to the common
+folk, Do you surrender yourselves unto God? Then, if they become
+Moslems, are they guided aright; but if they turn away, then thy duty is
+only preaching and God's eye is on his servants."
+
+ _Sura III_, 19.
+
+"The Apostle is only bound to preach: and God knoweth what ye bring to
+light, and what ye conceal."
+
+ _Sura V_, 99.
+
+"Say: Obey God and obey the Apostle. But if ye turn back, _still_ the
+burden of his duty is on him only, and the burden of your duty rests on
+you. And if ye obey him, ye shall have guidance; But plain preaching is
+all that devolves upon the Apostle."
+
+ _Sura XXIV_, 53.
+
+"Let there be no compulsion in religion. Now is the right way made
+distinct from error; whoever therefore denieth Tâghoot,[197] and
+believeth in God, hath taken hold on a strong handle that hath no flaw
+therein: And God is He who Heareth, Knoweth."
+
+ _Sura II_, 237.
+
+"Whoso obeyeth the Apostle, in so doing obeyeth God and _as to those_
+who turn back _from thee_, We have not sent thee to be their keeper."
+
+ _Sura IV_, 82.
+
+[Sidenote: 39. The object of Mohammad's wars.]
+
+"Slay the unbelievers wherever ye find them" was never the watchword of
+Islam. It was only said in self-preservation and war of defence, and
+concerned only those who had taken up arms against the Moslems.
+
+The verses--Suras II, 189; and VIII, 40--have been quoted above in
+paras. 17 and 37 (pp. 18, 21, 44 and 45), and they fully show by their
+context and scope that they only enjoined war against the Meccans, who
+used to come to war upon the Moslems. The object of making war is
+precisely set forth in these verses, and appears to mean that civil
+feuds and persecutions be at an end. But Sir W. Muir wrongly translates
+_Fitnah_ as _opposition_. He himself has translated the meaning of the
+word in question as _persecution_, in Vol. II, p. 147, foot-note; in
+translating the tenth verse of the Sura LXXXV he writes: "Verily, they
+who persecute the believers, male and female, and repent themselves
+not." The original word there is _Fatanoo_,[198] from _Fitnah_. I do not
+know why he should put a twofold version on the same word occurring in
+the same book. (Suras II, 187; VIII, 40.)
+
+[Footnote 185: Islam under the Arabs, by Major R.D. Osborne, London,
+1876, p. 27.]
+
+[Footnote 186: XVIII, 28.]
+
+[Footnote 187: II, 257.]
+
+[Footnote 188: V, 73.]
+
+[Footnote 189: IX, 6.]
+
+[Footnote 190: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 191: From attacking and persecuting you and preventing you
+from entering your homes and visiting the sacred mosque.]
+
+[Footnote 192: That is, if again attack you and commit aggressions.]
+
+[Footnote 193: Meaning those who were defeated at Badr.]
+
+[Footnote 194: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 319.]
+
+[Footnote 195: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 282.]
+
+[Footnote 196: There is only one instance of intolerance, _i.e._, making
+converts at the point of sword, which Sir W. Muir, so zealous in
+accusing Mohammad of religious persecution during the Medina period, has
+succeeded in finding out during the ten eventful years of Mohammad's
+sojourn in Medina. I refer to the story of Khalid's mission in the
+beginning of the tenth year A.H., to Bani Haris, a Christian tribe at
+Najran, whose people had entered into a covenant of peace with Mohammad,
+and to whom an ample pledge had been guaranteed to follow their own
+faith. According to Sir W. Muir, Khalid was instructed to call on the
+people to embrace Islam, and if they declined, he was, after three days,
+to attack and force them to submit (Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p.
+224). The version of the story thus given by the Biographers of Mohammad
+is too absurd to be believed; because it is a well-established fact that
+the Bani Haris, or the Christians of Najran, had sent a deputation to
+Mohammad only a year ago, _i.e._, in A.H. 9, and obtained terms of
+security from him (Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. II, p. 299; Ibn Hisham,
+p. 401). It is quite an unfounded, though a very ingenious, excuse of
+Sir W. Muir to make the Bani Haris consist of two sects,--one of
+Christians, and the other of idolators,--and to say that the operations
+of Khalid were directed against the portion of Bani Haris still
+benighted with paganism; thus reconciling the apocryphal tradition with
+the fact of the Bani Haris being at a treaty of security, toleration and
+freedom, with Mohammad.
+
+"I conclude," he writes in a note, "the operations of Khâlid were
+directed against the portion of Bani Hârith still idolaters:--at all
+events not against the Christian portion already under treaty" (The Life
+of Mahomet, Vol. IV, foot-note, p. 224). See the account of the
+conversion of Bani Hárith to Christianity long before Islam in Hishamee,
+pp. 20-22. Gibbon, Chapter XLII, Vol. V, p. 207, foot-note; and Muir's
+Vol. I, p. ccxxviii.]
+
+[Footnote 197: A name applied to an idol or idols--especially Allat and
+Ozza, the ancient idols of the Meccans.]
+
+[Footnote 198: The past tense, third person plural, of the infinitive
+_Fitnah_.]
+
+
+_The Ninth Chapter, or Sura Barat._
+
+[Sidenote 40. The opening portion of the IXth Sura of the Koran only
+relates to the Koreish who had violated the truce.]
+
+[Sidenote: The injunctions contained in it were not carried out
+owing to the compromise.]
+
+Sir William Muir, while relating the publication of some verses of the
+ninth chapter of the Koran on the occasion of the great pilgrimage A.H.
+9, and referring to the opening verses of the Sura (from 1st to 7th
+inclusive) writes: "The passages just quoted completed the system of
+Mahomet so far as its relations with idolatrous tribes and races were
+concerned. The few cases of truce excepted, uncompromising warfare was
+declared against them all."[199] This is not correct. The mistake, he as
+well as others who follow him commit, lies in their taking the incipient
+verses of Chapter IX, as originally published at the end of the ninth
+year of the Hegira, after the conquest of Mecca, in order to set aside
+every obligation or league with the idolators to wage war with them,
+either within or without the sacred territory, and "they were to be
+killed, besieged, and laid in wait for _wheresoever found_."[200] In
+fact it has no such bearing of generally setting aside the treaties, and
+declaring _uncompromising warfare_, and was not published for the first
+time on the occasion stated above. The opening verses of the ninth Sura
+of the Koran, which I have quoted in full together with necessary notes
+in para. 17 (pp. 22-25), revealed for the first time, were before the
+conquest of Mecca, when the idolators thereof had broken the truce of
+Hodeibia. Their violation of the treaty is expressly mentioned in verses
+4, 8, 10 and 13, and the same verses also enjoin to respect and fulfil
+the treaties of those idolators who had not broken theirs. Therefore
+only those aggressors who had been guilty of a breach of faith, and
+instigated others to take up arms against the Moslems in the attack of
+Bani Bakr, on Khozáa, were to be waged war against, besieged, and taken
+captives after the expiration of four months from the date of the
+publication of the verses in question. But fortunately Abu Sofian
+compromised before the commencement of the sacred months, and before the
+period of the four months had elapsed. The people of Mecca submitted
+without bloodshed, and hence it is obvious that the injunctions
+contained in the commencement of the ninth chapter of the Koran were
+never carried out. They remained as dead letter, and will, I think, so
+remain perpetually. Almost all European writers, as far as I know,
+labour under the delusion that at the end of the ninth year Mohammad
+published the opening verses of the ninth Sura, commonly designated
+_Súra Barát_. But the fact is that it was published in the eighth year
+of the Hegira before the commencement of the sacred months, probably in
+the month of Shabán, while Mohammad marched in Ramzán against Mecca, not
+with the intention of prosecuting war, for it was to take place after
+the lapse of Zikad, Zelhaj and Moharram, but of taking Mecca by
+compromise and preconcerted understanding between himself and Abu
+Sofian. If it be admitted that the preliminary verses of Sura IX of the
+Koran were revealed or published for the first time in the last month of
+the ninth year of the Hegira, then they--the verses--become aimless,
+without being pregnant of any object in view. They contain injunctions
+for carrying hostile operations against those who had broken certain
+treaties, had helped others against the Moslems, and themselves had also
+attacked them. They proclaimed war against certain tribes, whose people
+did not regard ties of blood and good faith, and had been the first
+aggressors against the Moslems. Not many such persons were in the whole
+of Arabia at and after the time alleged for the promulgation of these
+verses, _i.e._, at the last month of the ninth and the whole tenth year.
+By this time, almost all Arabia had tendered voluntary submission to the
+authority of Mohammad.
+
+Deputations from each tribe of the Arabs continued to reach Medina
+during the whole of this period, and were pledged protection and
+friendship by the founder of the Islamic faith. From Medina the sound of
+drums and the bray of clarions had now died away. Hereupon we are able
+to speak with certainty that these verses could not be, and were not,
+revealed at the end of the ninth year as it has been asserted by several
+writers, both Mohammadan and European. And for the above reasons the
+most suitable occasion for the revelation of these verses is the breach
+of the truce of Hodeibia by the Koreish and their allies during the
+eighth year of the Hegira which caused the reduction of Mecca by
+compromise. Several Mohammadan commentators are unanimous in their
+opinion as to this point. Consequently the verses, ordaining the
+manifestation of arms against the treaty-breakers and aggressors, as
+well as putting them to the sword wherever they were to be found,
+_i.e._, within or without the harem, or the precincts of the Sacred
+Mosque, were not complied with owing to the compromise by the Koreish.
+
+[Footnote 199: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 211]
+
+[Footnote 200: "Islam and its Founder," by J.W.H. Stobart, B.A., p. 179.
+London, 1878.]
+
+
+_The alleged Interception of the Koreishite Caravans._
+
+[Sidenote: 41. The nine alleged interceptions of the Koreish caravans.]
+
+It has been asserted by European biographers of Mohammad that several
+caravans of the Koreish going to and from Syria were intercepted and
+waylaid by the Moslems soon after the Hegira. The alleged incursions are
+as follow:
+
+(1.) Seven months after Mohammad's arrival at Medina, an expedition
+headed by Hamza surprised a caravan under the conduct of Abu Jahl.
+
+(2.) A month later a party led by Obeida was dispatched in the pursuit
+of another caravan guided by Abu Sofian.
+
+(3.) After the expiration of another month, a third inroad headed by Sad
+proceeded to lie in ambush for the Koreish caravan on the way it was
+expected to pass.
+
+(4.) Nearly twelve months after the Hegira, a fourth attempt was
+undertaken to plunder a caravan of the Koreishites by Mohammad himself
+at Abwa.
+
+(5.) In the succeeding month Mohammad again marched to Bowat with the
+sole aim of despoiling a caravan composed of precious freight under the
+immediate escort of Omeya-bin Khalf.
+
+(6.) After the lapse of two or three months Mohammad set out to Osheira
+to make aggression on another rich caravan proceeding to Syria led by
+Abu Sofian.
+
+All these expeditions are said to have been not attended by any success
+on the part of the Moslems, the vigilance of the caravans in all cases
+eluding the pursuit made after them.[201]
+
+(7.) In Rajab A.H. 2, a small band composed of some six persons was
+ordered to march to Nakhla to lie in wait there for the caravan of the
+Koreish. The party had a scuffle at Nakhla, in which a man of the convoy
+was killed; while two prisoners and the pilfered goods were taken to
+Medina. Hereupon Mohammad was much displeased, and told Abdallah-bin
+Jahsh, "I never commanded thee to fight in the sacred month."
+
+(8.) The caravan of the Koreish, which on its passage had safely escaped
+the chase of the Moslems, as already described in No. 6, was on its way
+back to Mecca. Mohammad anticipated their return, and prepared an
+attack, which terminated in the famous battle of Badr.
+
+(9.) All these predatory inroads to intercept the caravans of Mecca are
+said to have happened during the first and the second year of the
+Hegira, or before the battle of Badr. It remains for me now to mention
+the only remaining instance of Moslem's foray upon the Koreishite
+caravan, which took place in the sixth year A.H. at _Al-Is_. The attack
+was completely successful.
+
+[Sidenote: 42. The interceptions were impossible under the circumstances
+in which Mohammad was placed.]
+
+I have already explained (from paras. 21-24) that these early
+expeditions, numbered 1 to 8, are not corroborated by authentic and
+trustworthy traditions, and I have also given the probable nature of
+those marked 4, 5 and 6.
+
+It was impossible for Mohammad and his adherents, situated as they were,
+to make any hostile demonstrations or undertake a pillaging enterprise.
+The inhabitants of Medina, where the Prophet with his followers had
+sought a safe asylum, and at whose invitation he had entered their city,
+had solemnly bound themselves on sacred oaths to defend Mohammad, so
+long as he was not himself the aggressor, from his enemies as they would
+their wives and their children.[202] Mohammad, on his own part, had
+entered into a holy compact with them not to plunder or commit
+depredations.[203]
+
+Upon these considerations it was impossible that the people of Medina
+would have permitted or overlooked the irruptions so often committed by
+Mohammad upon the caravans of the Koreish: much less would they have
+joined with their Prophet, had he or any of his colleagues ventured to
+do so. But granting that the Medinites allowed Mohammad to manifest
+enmity towards the Koreish by a display of arms, or that no restraint
+was put by them upon him when he encroached upon the territories of the
+neighbouring tribes, and that the caravans were molested without any
+grounds of justice, was it possible, I ask, for the people of Medina to
+avoid the troubles they would be necessarily involved in by the refuge
+they had given to their Prophet? They had long suffered from internal
+feuds, and the sanguinary conflict of Boás, a few years ago, which had
+paralyzed their country, and humiliated its citizens, was but too fresh
+in their memory yet.
+
+[Sidenote: 43. The interceptions, if occurred, were justified by way of
+reprisals.]
+
+Let us suppose that these alleged interceptions of the Meccan caravans
+by the Moslems did actually take place, as related by the biographers of
+Mohammad, were they not all justified by the International Code of the
+Arabs, or the ancient usage and military law of nations. It has been
+proved beyond all dispute that the Meccans were the first aggressors in
+persecuting the Moslems, and expelling them from their dear homes at
+Mecca with the unbearable annoyance, they caused the converts of the new
+faith in the peaceful prosecution of their religion; taking all these
+causes of offence into consideration, as well as the International law
+and the law of Nature, the Moslems might be said to have law and justice
+both on their sides in waging war with their harassers for the
+restoration of their property and homes, and even in retaliating and
+making reprisals until they attained the object long sought by them.
+When the Meccans, on their own part, had first trumpeted hostility
+against the Moslems, the right of self-defence, as well as military
+necessity, compelled the latter to destroy their property, and obstruct
+the ways and channels of communication by which their traffic was
+prospering; for, "from the moment one State is at war with another, it
+has, on general principles, a right to seize on all the enemy's
+property of whatsoever kind and wheresoever found, and to appropriate
+the property thus taken to its own use, or to that of the captors."[204]
+
+[Footnote 201: I have closely followed Sir W. Muir in these expeditions;
+_vide_ The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, pp. 64-69.]
+
+[Footnote 202: "The people of Medîna were pledged only to defend the
+Prophet from attack, not to join him in any aggressive steps against the
+Coreish." Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 64.]
+
+[Footnote 203: Bokharee relates from Obada-bin Sámat with the usual
+chain of narrators, that "I am one of the _Nakeebs_ who pledged to the
+Prophet. We pledged that we will not join any other god with the God,
+and will not commit theft, and will not commit fornication, and will not
+commit murder, and will not plunder." Saheeh of Bokharee, Book of
+Campaigns, chapter on Deputations from Ansárs.]
+
+[Footnote 204: Wheaton's Elements of International Law, p. 419, Boston,
+1855; Lieber's Miscellaneous Writings; Political science, Vol. II, p.
+250, Philadelphia, 1881.]
+
+
+_The alleged Assassinations._
+
+[Sidenote: 44. Instances of alleged assassinations cited.]
+
+There were certain executions of culprits who had perpetrated the crime
+of high treason against the Moslem Commonwealth. These executions, and
+certain other cases of murders not grounded on any credible evidences,
+are narrated by European biographers of Mohammad as assassinations
+committed through the countenance and connivance which he lent them.
+They were about five or six in number, and they are styled
+assassinations from there being no trials of the prisoners by a judge
+and a jury, nor by any systematic court-martial. The punishment of death
+was inflicted upon the persons condemned, either from private enmity or
+for the unpardonable offence of high treason against the State, but it
+cannot be said, as I will hereafter show, that these so-called cases of
+assassinations had received the high sanction of Mohammad, or they were
+brought about at his direct instigation and assent for their commission.
+The alleged instances are as follows:--
+
+ 1. Asma-bint Marwán.
+ 2. Abú Afak.
+ 3. Káb-ibn Ashraf.
+ 4. Sofian-ibn Khalid.
+ 5. Abú Ráfe.
+ 6. Oseir-ibu Zárim.
+ 7. The attempted assassination of Abú Sofian.
+
+[Sidenote: 45. Mr. Poole quoted.]
+
+Before reviewing the truth and falsity of evidence in each of these
+cases, and showing how far the Prophet was privy to them, I will avail
+myself of a quotation from Mr. Stanley Lane Poole, who has remarked with
+his usual deep discernment and accurate judgment, in his Introduction to
+Mr. E.W. Lane's Selections from the Koran:
+
+"The execution of the half-dozen marked Jews is generally called
+assassination, because a Muslim was sent secretly to kill each of the
+criminals. The reason is almost too obvious to need explanation. There
+were no police or law-courts, or even courts-martial, at Medina; some
+one of the followers of Mohammad must therefore be the executer of the
+sentence of death, and it was better it should be done quietly, as the
+executing of a man openly before his clan would have caused a brawl and
+more bloodshed and retaliation, till the whole city had become mixed up
+in the quarrel. If secret assassination is the word for such deeds,
+secret assassination was a necessary part of the internal government of
+Medina. The men must be killed, and best in that way. In saying this I
+assume that Mohammad was cognisant of the deed, and that it was not
+merely a case of private vengeance; but in several instances the
+evidence that traces these executions to Mohammad's order is either
+entirely wanting or is too doubtful to claim our credence."[205]
+
+1.--_Asma-bint Marwán._
+
+[Sidenote: 46. Asma-bint Marwán.]
+
+"The first victim was a woman," writes Major Osborn, "Asma, daughter of
+Marwan; she had composed some satirical verses on the Prophet and his
+followers; and Muhammad, moved to anger, said publicly: 'Who will rid me
+of this woman?' Omeir, a blind man, but an ardent Moslem, heard the
+speech, and at dead of night crept into the apartment where Asma lay
+asleep surrounded by her little ones; he felt about in the darkness till
+his hand rested on the sleeping woman, and then, the next instance his
+sword was plunged into her breast."[206]
+
+The story of Asma's murder has been variously related by the Arabian
+writers, and the testimonies on which it rests are contradictory and
+conflicting in themselves. Wákidi, Ibn Sád, and Ibn Hishám relate a very
+strange thing about it, that she was killed by Omeir the _blind_ at the
+dead of night. A blind person commits murder in a stranger's house
+during nocturnal quietness, and is not arrested by any one! Doctor Weil
+writes, that Omeir was a former husband of Asma, and the origin of the
+murder may be traced to a long-brooding and private malice. Ibn Asákar
+in his history (vide _Seerat Shámee_) relates that Asma was a
+fruit-seller; some person of her tribe asked her if she had better
+fruits. She said 'yes,' and entered her house followed by that man. She
+stooped down to take something up, the person turned right and left, and
+seeing that nobody was near, gave a violent blow on her head, and thus
+dispatched her.
+
+[Sidenote: 47. The story deserves not our belief.]
+
+The historians even relate that Omeir, being offended at the verses
+composed by Asma, had volunteered himself of his own free-will to kill
+her.[207] She might have been a sacrifice to envy or hatred by the sword
+of her assassin, but Mohammad really had no hand in her death. She had
+made herself an outlaw by deluding the people of Medina to a breach of
+treaty with the Moslems, whereby the rights and jurisdictions of Jews
+and Moslems were definitively settled.
+
+Ibn Ishak quietly leaves unnarrated any transaction with regard to Asma.
+Wakidi and Ibn Sád do not affirm that Mohammad, being annoyed at her
+lampoons, said dejectedly, "Who would rid me of that woman?" On the
+contrary, Wakidi writes, that Omeir had voluntarily swore to take her
+life. It is only Ibn Hisham who relates without citing his authority,
+that Mohammad, hearing Asma's verses, declared: "Is there nobody for me
+(i.e., _to rid me_) from Bint Marwán?" This version of the story has no
+corroborative proofs from the earliest biographers, and we are not
+inclined to put any faith in it.[208]
+
+2.--_Abú Afak._
+
+[Sidenote: 48. Abú Afak.]
+
+It has been related that Abú Afak of Bani Amr had enraged the Moslems by
+fomenting enmity and sedition against their Government, when one Háris
+was executed for his murdering treacherously his fellow-comrade in the
+battle of Ohad during the time they were fighting together side by side.
+A convert from amongst the Bani Amr vowed to slay Abú Afak, and falling
+unawares upon him killed him with a cruel blow of his sword. From Ibn
+Ishak we learn that Mohammad had said with reference to Abú Afak, "Who
+would rid me of this pestilent fellow?"[209] The biographers do not give
+their authorities whence they derived their information of the words
+attributed to Mohammad which he is said to have uttered with relation to
+Abú Afak before his followers; while at the same time it is no fair
+justice to form a hasty opinion of the fact without a critical
+examination and well-balancing of evidences of men like Ibn Ishak and
+others who have forgotten to tell us the original sources of their own
+assertion. Besides, the words quoted above are not equivalent to a
+peremptory order, and even granting this last condition, we are not
+justified in construing them to mean _assassination_. Sir W. Muir writes
+that, "the Secretary of Wâckidi says distinctly--'Now this was by
+command of the Prophet.'" (Vol. III, p. 133, _f.n._) But it is a very
+easy thing for the secretary or other biographers to give an ample play
+to their fancies, or to fabricate commands, which the Prophet had never
+given out, on a very slender basis, or on no reasonable basis at all.
+The tendency of the biographers is always to exonerate the companions of
+the Prophet at the expense of truth, and to justify their deeds by
+casting the whole blame upon him.
+
+3.--_Káb, son of Ashraf._
+
+[Sidenote: 49. Káb, son of Ashraf.]
+
+Káb-ibn Ashraf was an influential Jew connected with the tribe of Bani
+Nazeer. Being very much mortified by the defeat of the Meccans at the
+battle of Badr, he soon after proceeded to Mecca, where he stirred up
+the Koreish to avenge themselves on the Moslems of Medina. On his return
+to the latter place he manifested avowed hostility towards the Moslem
+Commonwealth. He was a traitor and a turncoat, for he not only violated
+his allegiance to the Moslems, but preached rebellion among their
+enemies. Under such circumstances, he deserved execution by the military
+and international law, and was decapitated at Medina accordingly. The
+mode of execution was a sudden violence or deception, but Mohammad never
+fulminated any harsh commands against him either for his assassination
+or for his murder. He deserved capital punishment for his treachery,
+which was duly measured out to him in the absence of any legal tribunals
+for trials of criminals by jury, for in that case any man was authorized
+to execute the sentence of the law. Even if it be taken for granted that
+the Prophet had prayed "O Lord, deliver me from the son of Ashraf, in
+whatsoever manner seemeth good unto thee, because of his open sedition
+and verses;" or said, "Who can ease me of the son of Ashraf?"[210] This
+does not amount to a fiat for murder or execution, much less for
+assassination.
+
+[Sidenote: 50. Mohammad could not have any share in his murder.]
+
+The biographers and narrators of the campaigns of Mohammad generally
+relate untrustworthy and fabulous details of such events, and are by no
+means to be relied upon. Mohammad Ibn Ishak, the earliest biographer,
+whose work exists, does not relate that Mohammad the Prophet ever prayed
+for, or said to his followers, to be got rid of Káb; whereas the latest
+biographers and traditionalists give us to understand that the Prophet
+sanctioned the murder of Káb by his own express orders. "I am far from
+asserting," says Sir W. Muir, "that every detail in the foregoing
+narrative, either of instigation by Mahomet or of deception by the
+assassins, is beyond suspicion. The actors in such scenes were not slow
+to magnify and embellish their own services at the expense of truth.
+There may also have been the desire to justify an act of perfidy, at
+which even the loose morality of the day was startled, by casting the
+burden of it on the infallible Prophet. But, after allowing all due
+weight to both of these considerations, enough remains to prove, in this
+case, the worst features of assassination, and the fact that they were
+directly countenanced, or rather prompted, by Mahomet himself."[211]
+There is no substantial proof in this case which tends to establish the
+instigation Mohammad offered for the murder of Káb. The best traditions
+for the story of Káb's assassination rest with Jábir-bin Abdullah,[212]
+and Ibn Abbás through Ikrama.[213]
+
+None of them can be an authority, for they were neither eye-witnesses,
+nor they heard the Prophet countenancing or prompting the assassination,
+nor they allude to their own authorities. Jábir-bin Abdullah was a mere
+boy at that time. He was not allowed to appear even at the battle of
+Ohad, which took place after the alleged execution of Káb, on account of
+his tender age.[214] Ibn Abbás was even younger than Jábir, and besides,
+was putting up at Mecca at the period in question.[215] Ikrama was a
+slave of Ibn Abbás, and was notoriously given to the forging of
+fictitious traditions.[216]
+
+4.--_Sofian-bin Khalid._
+
+[Sidenote: 51. Sofian-bin Khalid.]
+
+After the reverse at Medina, in the battle of Ohad, large gatherings
+were organized in various quarters of Arabia against the Moslems. The
+Bani Lahyán, and other neighbouring tribes, rallied round the standard
+of their chief Sofián, the son of Khálid, at Orna with the avowed
+purpose of taking this occasion by the forelock when the tables were
+turned at Ohad. "Mahomet, knowing that their movements depended solely
+upon Sofiân, despatched Abdullah ibn Oneis with instructions to
+assassinate him."[217] The accredited envoy volunteered himself for the
+service, which he accomplished by destroying Sofian by surprise. Neither
+Ibn Ishak, nor Ibn Hisham, nor Ibn Sád have anything to say about
+'instructions' for assassination. Abdullah-bin Oneis may have been sent
+as a spy to reconnoitre the movements of Sofián and his army, or to
+bring advices concerning him, but it cannot be affirmed that he was
+tutored by Mohammad to assassinate Sofian, even on the supposition that
+his mission was to kill the latter.
+
+[Sidenote: 52. Justifications of Sofian's alleged murder.]
+
+Among the Arabs the international law of estates in their hostile
+relations, and the military law and usage of former times, not
+forgetting to mention the European international law as late as the last
+century, maintained the broad principle that "in war everything done
+against an enemy is lawful that he may be destroyed, though unarmed and
+defenceless; that fraud or even poison may be employed against him; that
+a most unlimited right is acquired to his person and property."[218]
+Every sort of fraud except perfidy was allowed to be practised towards
+an enemy in war. "I allow of any kind of deceit," writes Bynkershoek, a
+writer on international law, the successor of Puffendorf and the
+predecessor of Wolff and Vattel, "perfidy alone excepted, not because
+anything is unlawful against an enemy, but because when our faith had
+been pledged to him, so far as the promise extends, he ceases to be an
+enemy."[219]
+
+In the case of Sofián there was no perfidy, treachery, or violation of
+faith, nor was there any permission granted by Mohammad for his
+assassination. He sent, if it be proved he did (but it is never proved),
+Abdullah against Sofián who had made every preparation of arms, and who
+had mustered together several Bedouin tribes to attack Mohammad, to
+fight and kill him; it was a straightforward course allowed by the
+usages of the military law. Mohammad had distinctly and expressly
+interdicted _perfidy, deceit and assassination_. "Do not," said he,
+charging his commanders and soldiers on the point of marching for a
+military expedition, "commit perfidy, and do not mutilate, and do not
+kill a child."[220] He also laid down the golden maxim, "_Belief is the
+restraint to assassination. No believer should commit
+assassination_."[221]
+
+5.--_Abú Rafe._
+
+[Sidenote: 53. Abú Rafe.]
+
+Abú Rafe, called also Sallám Ibn Abul Hokeik, was the chief of Bani
+Nazeer, who had warred with the Moslems at Medina, and had been banished
+to Khyber. He had taken a prominent part in the assembling of most of
+the Bedouin tribes at the war of the confederates when they besieged
+Medina. Subsequently, he had excited Bani Fezara and other Bedouin
+tribes to carry on their depredations among the Moslems. A band of the
+latter was dispatched to inflict condign punishment upon him, and he met
+with his death at their hands. But the account of his execution are full
+of contradictions and discrepancies. But none of these diverse stories
+has, that Mohammad commanded the assassination of Abú Rafe, while Ibn
+Ishak gives no account of him at all. Ibn Hisham has--"That Abú Rafe had
+brought the confederate army against Mohammad, and some of Khazraj had
+asked permission to kill him, and Mohammad permitted them."[222] Sir W.
+Muir narrates that Mohammad "gave them command to make away with Abul
+Huckeick,"[223] whilst the Secretary of Wákidi, whom he follows, simply
+says, "He gave command to kill him." "_Making away with a person_"
+creates an idea of secret murder tantamount to 'assassination,' but such
+is not the wording of the original. _Sending a party to kill_, or _fight
+with an enemy_ are synonymous, and permissible by the international or
+military law, the Arab mode of fighting mostly consisting of single
+combats.
+
+6.--_Oseir-bin Zárim._[224]
+
+[Sidenote: 54. Oseir-bin Zárim.]
+
+Oseir-ibn Zarim, the chief of Bani Nazeer, had maintained a hostile
+animosity against the Moslems of Medina, to war with whom he had
+enrolled himself in the adverse tribe of Ghatafán. Preparations were
+briskly made by this tribe to make a havoc of Medina, and Oseir had been
+made the hero of the enterprise. Hereupon Mohammad delegated the mission
+of bringing the insurgent to Medina to Abdullah-bin Rawáha and some
+others, with a promise of making him Governor of Khyber,[225] and
+treating him with marked distinction, if he yielded to the wishes of the
+Prophet. Oseir complied, and set out with his followers to Medina. On a
+camel were mounted Abdullah-bin, Oneis, and Oseir. Hardly they had
+travelled six miles when Oseir repented of his determination to go to
+Medina, and stretched forth his hand towards the sword of Abdullah, who
+leaped from the camel and cut off his leg, Oseir in the meantime
+wounding Abdullah's head with his camel staff.[226]
+
+Now, whether Oseir was assassinated or murdered perfidiously; whether
+he meditated treachery, and Abdullah struck him in his
+self-defence,--whatever might be the case, certainly there is nothing in
+the narrative of Oseir's death to show that Mohammad had sent him "on a
+secret errand with a view of getting rid of the Jewish chief" as Sir W.
+Muir explains.[227] The story is not imparted by earliest writers like
+Ibn Ishak, and the traditions of a later date are incoherent, one-sided,
+and imperfect. Notwithstanding these inaccuracies, no account tells us
+that mandates were issued for fighting with or killing Oseir, much less
+for his assassination.
+
+7.--_The alleged intended Assassination of Abú Sofian._
+
+[Sidenote: 55. The intended assassination of Abú Sofian.]
+
+A Bedouin Arab was sent by Abú Sofian to Medina to assassinate Mohammad.
+The emissary was tracked in his evil attempt, and confessed the purpose
+with which he had come. This is related by Ibn Sád Katib Wakidi as the
+cause of Mohammad's sending Amr Ibn Omeya to assassinate Abú
+Sofian.[228] According to Hishamee, Amr was commissioned by the Prophet
+to fight with Abú Sofián, and to kill him in immediate revenge for the
+murder of Khobeib and his companions captured at Raji.[229] Now, Ibn
+Ishak and Wákidí preserve absolute silence on this head. Ibn Hisham
+relates nothing about assassination. It is only Ibn Sád Kátib Wákidí who
+hands down to posterity the orders of Mohammad for the assassination of
+Abú Sofian. This tradition is neither strengthened by any sterling
+witness, nor is it a genuine one; and for this very reason it was not
+accepted by Ibn Ishák or even by Wakidi, so prone to the recital of
+apocryphal traditions.
+
+[Sidenote: 56. Irving and Muir quoted: concluding remarks.]
+
+Referring to the above attempted assassination Mr. Washington Irving
+says: "During this period of his career Mahomet in more than one
+instance narrowly escaped falling by the hand of an assassin. He himself
+is charged with the use of insidious means to rid himself of an enemy,
+for it is said that he sent Amru Ibn Omeya on a secret errand to Mecca,
+to assassinate Abu Sofian, but the plot was discovered, and the assassin
+only escaped by rapid flight. The charge, however, is not well
+substantiated, and is contrary to his general character and
+conduct."[230]
+
+Sir W. Muir writes: "There is just a shadow of possibility that the
+tradition may have been fabricated by the anti-Omeyad party to throw
+odium on the memory of Abu Sofiân, as having been deemed by Mahomet
+worthy of death. But this is not to be put against the evidence of
+unanimous and apparently independent traditions."[231] But, in fact,
+there are no unanimous and apparently independent traditions of the
+command of Mohammad to assassinate Abú Sofian; there is only one and but
+one, by Ibn Sád, which is wholly unreliable, and that too from the lips
+of the would-be assassin himself who before the introduction of Islam
+was a professional cutthroat, whose narration, therefore, deserves not
+our belief.
+
+Even if it be taken for granted that Mohammad did send some one to
+assassinate Abú Sofian, who had already sent some one to assassinate
+Mohammad as related by Ibn Sád, it was justified in self-defence. It was
+a measure for retaliation, not one of mere revenge, but only a means of
+protective retribution, which is lawful under the military law.[232]
+
+[Footnote 205: Selections from the Kur-án by Edward William Lane, with
+an Introduction by Stanley Lane Poole. Intro., p. xliv: Trübner & Co.,
+London, 1879.]
+
+[Footnote 206: Islam under the Arabs, by R.D. Osborn, p. 60, London,
+1876.]
+
+[Footnote 207: Wákidi's Campaigns of Mohammad, pp. 172 & 173: Calcutta
+Baptist Mission Press; edited by A. Von Kremer.]
+
+[Footnote 208: Sir W. Muir writes that "Hishami says, that Mahomet,
+being vexed by Asma's verses, said _publicly_, 'Who will rid me of this
+woman?'" But there is no such word in Ibn Hishám which may be rendered
+'_publicly_.']
+
+[Footnote 209: Ibn Hisham, p. 994. Wakidi does not give this sentence.
+On the contrary, he says, Sálim had taken a vow to kill Abú Afak or die
+himself.]
+
+[Footnote 210: Ibn Sad Kátib Wákidí, pp. 186, 187.]
+
+[Footnote 211: The Life of Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, Vol. III, pp.
+147-148.]
+
+[Footnote 212: In the collections of Bokhári in the Book of Campaigns;
+and in the Book of Jihád by Moslim.]
+
+[Footnote 213: Mohammad-bin Sád Kátib Wakidi and Mohammad-bin Ishak. The
+latter in Ibn Hisham, p. 551.]
+
+[Footnote 214: Vide _Osaba-fi Tamiz Issahába_; or, Biographical
+Dictionary of Persons who knew Mohammad, by Ibn Hajr-al-Askalani. Part
+I, No. 1021, p. 434.]
+
+[Footnote 215: Ibn Abbás was only five years old at that time, and was
+at Mecca. His evidence is consequently inadmissible.]
+
+[Footnote 216: Yahya-bin Saeed al Ansaree, Ali-bin Abdullah-bin Abbás,
+Ibnal Mosayyab, Atá Ibrahim-bin Maisura, Mohammad-bin Sireen, Kásim, and
+Abdullah-bin Omar say that Ikrama was a liar. Vide _Mizánul Etedal_ of
+Zahabi, _Koukabi Durrári Sharah_, _Saheeh Bokhari_, by Shamsuddin
+Kirmáni; and _Márafat Anwaá-ilm Hadees_, by Abu Omar-ad-Damishki.]
+
+[Footnote 217: The Life of Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, Vol. III, p. 200.]
+
+[Footnote 218: Elements of International Law, by Henry Wheaton, LL.D.
+Sixth edition, by William Beach Lawrence, Boston, 1855; Part IV, Chapter
+I, p. 374, quoting Bynkershoek; in p. 416, quoting Bynkershoek and
+Wolff.]
+
+[Footnote 219: _Ibid_, Chapter II, p. 470.]
+
+[Footnote 220: The collections of Moslem _Apud_ Boreida, _vide_ Mishkat,
+p. 333.]
+
+[Footnote 221: The collections of Abú Daúd in the Book of Jihád, Vol.
+II, p. 26.]
+
+[Footnote 222: The Life of Mohammad based on Mohammad-ibn Ishak, by
+Abdel Malik-ibn Hisham, p. 714.]
+
+[Footnote 223: The Life of Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 224: Or Yoseir-bin Razim.]
+
+[Footnote 225: As Khyber was not yet conquered, neither Mohammad could
+make such a promise, nor the Jews could have been induced to believe it;
+therefore the story is a false one.]
+
+[Footnote 226: The Life of Mohammad, by Abdel Malik-bin Hisham, pp.
+980-981.]
+
+[Footnote 227: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 16-17.]
+
+[Footnote 228: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV. p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 229: The Life of Mohammad, by Abdel Malik-bin Hisham, pp.
+992-993. The fighting was, according to Arab custom, in single combats.]
+
+[Footnote 230: Mahomet and his Successors, by Washington Irving, p. 118,
+London, 1869.]
+
+[Footnote 231: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 20, foot-note.]
+
+[Footnote 232: Compare "Contributions to Political Science," by Francis
+Lieber, LL.D., Vol. II, p. 250.]
+
+
+_The alleged Cruelties in executing the Prisoners of War and others_.
+
+[Sidenote: 57. Treatment of the prisoners of war.]
+
+Some of the war prisoners had received the condign punishment of
+execution for their crimes in conformity with the laws of war. It has
+been alleged by some European biographers of Mohammad that their (the
+war prisoners') execution was cruel, and that they were accused of no
+crime except their scepticism and political antagonism.[233]
+
+The persons executed were as follows:--
+
+ 1. Nadhr-bin-Harith.
+ 2. Okba.
+ 3. Abul Ozza.
+ 4. Moavia-bin-Mughira.
+
+[Sidenote: The law of nations regarding the prisoners of war.]
+
+Before reviewing the case of each prisoner, I must note, by way of
+introductory remarks, that, under the international or military law, a
+prisoner of war is a public enemy armed or attached to the hostile army
+for active aid, and who has fallen into the hands of the captor, either
+fighting or wounded, on the fields or in the hospitals, by individual
+surrender or capitulation. All soldiers, of whatever species of arms;
+all men who belong to the rising _en masse_ of the hostile country; all
+those who are attached to the army for its efficiency and promote
+directly the object of the war, except religious persons, officers of
+medical staff, hospital nurses and servants, all disabled men or
+officers on the field, or elsewhere, if captured, all enemies who have
+thrown away their arms and asked for quarters, are prisoners of war, and
+as such exposed to the inconveniences as well as entitled to the
+privileges of a prisoner of war. He is subject to no punishment for
+being a public enemy, nor is any revenge wreaked upon him by the
+international infliction of any suffering or disgrace, by cruel
+imprisonment, want of food, by mutilation, death, or any other
+barbarity. But a prisoner of war remains answerable for his crimes
+committed against the captor's army or people before he was captured,
+and for which he has not been punished by his own authorities. All
+prisoners of war are liable to the infliction of retaliatory measures.
+
+1.--_Nadhr-bin-Harith_.
+
+[Sidenote: 59. The execution of Nadhr Ibn Harith.]
+
+Nadhr (Nazr), one of the prisoners of war, was executed after the battle
+of Badr for his crime of severely tormenting the Moslems at Mecca.
+Musáb had distinctly reminded him of his torturing the companions of
+Mohammad,[234] so there was nothing of a cruel and vindictive spirit of
+the Prophet displayed towards his enemies in the execution of Nazr as it
+is made out by Sir W. Muir.[235] On the other hand, his execution is
+denied by some critics, like Ibn Manda and Abú Naeem, who say, that
+Nazr-bin-Haris was present at the battle of Honain, A.H. 8, six years
+after that of Badr, and was presented with one hundred camels by
+Mohammad. Sir W. Muir himself puts down very quietly Nadhir Ibn al
+Harith's name in a foot-note (Vol. IV, page 151) as a recipient of one
+hundred camels at Honain. The same Nadhr-bin-Harith is shown among the
+earliest Moslem refugees who had fled to Abyssinia. These discrepancies
+leave no doubt that the story of Nadhr's execution is not a fact. It is
+also related by the narrators, who assert Nazr's execution at Badr, that
+his daughter or sister came to Mohammad and addressed him several
+verses, the hearing of which produced such a tender emotion in him, that
+his eyes shed tears and said, he would not have issued orders for his
+execution had he heard these verses before. The following are two of the
+verses which Mohammad heard:
+
+ _"Má kán Zarraka lao mananta va rubba mámannal
+ fata va ho-al mughizul mohnihoo."_
+ Thou wouldst no harm have seen to set him free,
+ Anger how high for pardon has no plea.
+
+But Zobier-bin-Bakár says, he heard some learned men who objected to
+these verses on the ground that they were all concocted; and I think
+that the whole story of Nazr's execution is a spurious one.
+
+2.--_Okba-bin-Mueit_.
+
+[Sidenote: 60. The execution of Okba.]
+
+Another prisoner, named Okba, was executed after the battle of Badr for
+a crime similar to that of Nazr. It is related that while he was going
+to be executed, he asked who would take care of his little girl.
+Mohammad replied, "Hell-fire!" This is altogether an apocryphal story,
+and owes its origin to the relation of Okba to the tribe of Banunnar, or
+the "children of fire." Wackidi does not give his authorities for the
+story, and Ibn Is-hak gives only one immediately before him, which is
+cut short of another intervening link of authorities up to the scene of
+occurrence. Abu Daood narrates it from Masrook, who gave it on the
+authority of Abdullah-bin-Mas-ood, who does not say he was present at
+the scene or he heard it directly or indirectly from Mohammad. Besides
+the circumstances under which Masrook gave out this story are very
+suspicious, and show that calumny was at work. Masrook was proposed by
+Zohak to be entrusted with the administration of a certain district.
+Ommara, the son of Okba, objected to this, as Masrook was one of the
+murderers of Osman, the third Khalif. Masrook in reply said to Ommara,
+on the authority of Ibn Masood, that "when thy father was being
+executed, he had asked the Prophet, who will take care of his little
+girl." The Prophet replied, "Hell-fire." Therefore, I am satisfied for
+thee with what the Prophet had chosen for thy father.[236]
+
+There is a discrepancy in the mode of Okba's execution as well as about
+the person who executed him. Ibn Is-hak says, that it was Asim who
+killed him, and Ibn Hisham, that it was Ali. Ibrahim is of opinion, that
+Okba was executed at Taimee,[237] and Mohammad-bin-Khobeib Hashimi,[238]
+that he was crucified, from which others differ and say that he was
+beheaded. I have no belief in Okba's execution at all.
+
+[Sidenote: 61. Free liberty granted to Ozza, a prisoner of war.]
+
+Abul Ozza, one of the prisoners of Badr, and who was one of the
+persecutors of the Moslems at Mecca, had besought Mohammad to release
+him by way of compassion for his five daughters. Mohammad granted him
+his life and his liberty.[239] This directly points to the universal
+generosity of the Prophet, and from this it will appear that the story
+of Okba's execution runs contrary to his general character and conduct.
+On these grounds the execution of Okba might be rejected as a fiction.
+
+3.--_Abul Ozza._
+
+[Sidenote: 62. Abul Ozza proved a traitor and was executed.]
+
+Abul Ozza, one of the prisoners of Badr, was allowed his freedom without
+any ransom, on the condition that he would never again bear up arms in
+any war against the Prophet; but he proved a traitor. He exhorted the
+Arabs to make war on Mohammad, and joined himself the invading army of
+Mecca. He was doomed to misfortune, he was caught at Hamra, and duly
+executed.[240] This was in full accordance with the laws and usages of
+war (_vide ante_, para. 58).
+
+4.--_Moavia Ibn Mughira._
+
+[Sidenote: The execution of Moavia Ibn Mughira.]
+
+Moavia Ibn Mughira, also a prisoner of war, was granted three days'
+truce, on the condition that if he were found in Medina after the
+appointed time, he was to be executed. The period had passed, and he was
+still lurking at Medina. At length he was found out and killed by Zeid
+and Ammar on their return from Hamra-al-Assad, after five or six days.
+It is apparent that Moavia violated his truce, and his lurking in Medina
+might be either as a spy[241] or scout secretly seeking information.
+
+[Sidenote: 64. Justification of Mughira's execution.]
+
+Sir W. Muir, who calls him Othmân Ibn Mughîra, makes out a favourable
+case in his behalf. He writes: He "incautiously lingered at Medîna till
+the last day of his term of grace, when he set out for Mecca."[242] But
+Ibn Hisham distinctly writes that he "stayed at Medina after the three
+days had passed and was found lurking there." Even according to Wackidi
+he was caught on the fourth day. But this is far from truth, for,
+according to his own account, Mohammad was absent after the battle of
+Ohad for five days at Hamra-al-Assad; then how he (Ibn Mughira) could
+have endeavoured to avoid the returning Moslem force from
+Hamra-al-Assad, and lose his way, as Sir W. Muir gives it out, only on
+the fourth day?
+
+One of the enemies, who had invaded Medina and attacked Mohammad, was,
+after being captured, allowed three days' truce on explicit conditions
+that he was to be killed there if found after three days, and was also
+provided with a camel and provisions for the way, was discovered lurking
+thereabout on the fifth or sixth day, in consequence of which he lost
+his life. This is called by Sir W. Muir as being "perished by a too
+great confidence in the generosity of his enemy,"[243]--_i.e._,
+Mohammad.
+
+[Footnote 233: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 307.]
+
+[Footnote 234: Wackidi Campaigns of Mohammad, p. 101, Calcutta, 1855.]
+
+[Footnote 235: "It was at Otheil that the cruel and vindictive spirit of
+Mahomet towards his enemies first began to display itself."--Muir's Life
+of Mohamet, Vol. III, p. 115. After this, the author narrates the
+execution of Nazr. Ibn Is-hak. _Vide_ Ibn Hisham, p. 458; Wackidi, p.
+108; Abu Daood, Vol. II, p. 10. This story is not given by Ibn Hisham
+and Ibn Sád.]
+
+[Footnote 236: Abu Daood as before.]
+
+[Footnote 237: Zorkánee, Vol. II, p. 541.]
+
+[Footnote 238: Sírat Halabi, Vol. II, p. 371.]
+
+[Footnote 239: Wackidi, 105. Insán-ul Oyoon or Sírat Halabí, Vol. II, p.
+464.]
+
+[Footnote 240: Wackidi, p. 105; Hishami, p. 591; Insán-ul-Oyoon or Sírat
+Halabí, Vol. II, p. 464.]
+
+[Footnote 241: Ibn Hisham, p. 591; Wackidi, pp. 324 and 325.]
+
+[Footnote 242: The Life of Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, Vol. III, p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 243: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, 185.]
+
+
+_The intended Execution of the Prisoners of Badr._
+
+[Sidenote: 63. The wrong version of Sir W. Muir.]
+
+Sir W. Muir writes: "It would even seem to have been contemplated at the
+close of the battle to kill all the prisoners. Mahomet is represented by
+tradition as himself directing this course." In a foot-note he says,
+"Thus Mahomet said: 'Tell not Saîd of his brother's death'" (Mábad, a
+prisoner, see above, page 110 note); "but kill ye every man his
+prisoner."--(Wâckidi, 100.) Again: "Take not any man his brother
+prisoner, but rather kill him" (page 101). "I would not, however, lay
+too much stress on these traditions. I am inclined rather to view them
+as called into existence by the passages quoted below from the
+Coran."[244] The contemplated execution of the prisoners is not borne
+out by the traditions which Sir W. Muir himself looks upon as fabricated
+ones. The true translation of the passages in Wackidi referred to above
+is as follows:--
+
+_First passage._--"Tell not Said of his brother's killing (_i.e._, being
+killed), so he will kill every prisoner in your hands."--(Wackidi, page
+100.) This obviously means, that do not let Saeed know that his brother
+Wáhid, who was made prisoner and killed by Omar or Abu Barda, was
+killed. If you do so, he will, being enraged, kill every prisoner now in
+your hands. It is very strange that Sir W. Muir translates the sentence
+to mean "kill ye every man his prisoner!"
+
+_Second passage._--"No body must take his brother's prisoner, so that he
+may be killed," meaning none of you should seize other person's
+prisoner. If you do so, perhaps, the other person may kill the prisoner
+in the contest. Sir W. Muir has quite misunderstood the sentence.
+
+[Sidenote: 66. Mohammad never blamed in the Koran for relieving
+prisoners.]
+
+There are some fictitious traditions on the subject that Mohammad was
+reprimanded in the Koran (Sura, viii, 68, 69) for releasing the
+prisoners of Badr, meaning that he ought to have executed them. The
+verse is translated thus:--
+
+"It is not for a Prophet to take prisoners until (_hatta_) he hath
+slaughtered in the land. Ye wish to have the goods of this world, but
+God wishes for the next, for God is Mighty, Wise! Were it not for a book
+from God that had gone before, there would have touched you, for which
+ye took, a mighty punishment."
+
+The verse 68, if it is rightly translated, will mean that prisoners
+should not be executed. The word '_hatta_' means '_until_,' and is also
+used as a causative word. I prefer the latter, and translate--
+
+"It is not for any Prophet that prisoners may be brought to him _in
+order_ that he may make slaughter in the land," which means, that it is
+not proper for a Prophet to take prisoners of war in order to slaughter
+them. This meaning is in consonance with the other passage in the Koran
+(xlvii, 4), which restricts the treatment of the prisoners of war to
+either free dismissal or ransom.
+
+In the first place, the verse rather reprimanded those who wished to
+kill the prisoners; and in the second, those who desired to exact ransom
+for their liberty. They ought to have set them at liberty without any
+pecuniary advantage, if they knew any good in their deserving free
+liberty.
+
+[Footnote 244: _Ibid_, p. 117.]
+
+
+_Kind Treatment of the Prisoners of War by Mohammad._
+
+[Sidenote: 67. The Koran enjoins, the prisoners of war to be either
+freely liberated or ransomed, but neither executed nor enslaved.]
+
+The prisoners of war were always treated kindly by Mohammad, and the
+ancient practice of killing and enslaving them was much discouraged and
+abolished by the Koran.
+
+"And when ye meet those who misbelieve, then strike off heads until ye
+have massacred them, and bind fast the bonds!"
+
+"Then either a free grant (of liberty) or a ransom until the war shall
+have laid down its burdens."--Sura, xlvii, 4 and 5.
+
+Regarding the prisoners of Badr Sir W. Muir writes: "In pursuance of
+Mahomet's commands, the citizens of Medina, and such of the refugees as
+possessed houses, received the prisoners and treated them with much
+consideration." "Blessing be on the men of Medina!" said these prisoners
+in latter days. "They made us ride, while they themselves walked; they
+gave us wheatened bread to eat, when there was little of it, contenting
+themselves with dates." It is not surprising that when, some time after,
+their friends came to ransom them, several of the prisoners who had been
+thus received declared themselves adherents of Islam: and to such the
+Prophet granted a liberty without the usual payment.[245]
+
+The prisoners of the Bani Mustalik were released without paying any
+ransom.[246]
+
+The Bani Hawazin were made prisoners of war at Honain, fought in the
+eighth year of the Hegira, but were all set free without any exaction of
+ransom from them. Mohammad first released his prisoners, and the men of
+Mecca and Medina cheerfully followed his example.[247] The prisoners
+were six thousand in number.[248]
+
+A party of eighty, as related by Moslim in his _Saheeh_, or of forty or
+fifty Koreish, as narrated by Ibn Hisham (p. 745), went round about
+Mohammad's camp while stationed at Hodeibia in A.H. 6, seeking to cut
+off any stray followers, and having attacked the camp itself with stones
+and arrows, they were caught and taken prisoners to Mohammad, who, with
+his usual generosity, pardoned and released them.
+
+Khalid-Ibn-Waleed, in the year of his victory, A.H. 11, when he was
+sent to call the Bani Jazima to embrace Islam, had made them prisoners
+and ordered their execution. Some of the better-informed of the Moslems
+of the injunctions of the Koran, of releasing prisoners either freely or
+by exacting ransom, interposed and accused him of committing an act of
+the Time of Ignorance. Mohammad, much displeased, grieved at the
+intelligence, and said twice, 'O God! I am innocent of what Khalid hath
+done.'[249]
+
+[Footnote 245: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. II, pp. 122 and 123.]
+
+[Footnote 246: _Ibid_, Vol. III, p. 243.]
+
+[Footnote 247: _Ibid_, Vol. IV. pp. 148 and 149.]
+
+[Footnote 248: Ibn Hisham, p. 877.]
+
+[Footnote 249: Ibn Hisham, pp. 833 and 835.]
+
+
+_The Execution of the Bani Koreiza._
+
+[Sidenote: 68. High treason of the Bani Koreiza against Medina, and
+their execution.]
+
+The Bani Koreiza, a Jewish tribe living in the vicinity of Mecca had
+entered into an alliance with the Moslem Commonwealth to defend the city
+of Medina from the attack of the aggressors. While Medina was besieged
+by the ten thousand Koreish and other Bedouin tribes in A.H. 6, they
+(the Koreiza), instead of co-operating with the Moslems, defected from
+their allegiance and entered into negotiations with the besieging foe.
+After the cessation of the siege, they were besieged in their turn, and
+a fearful example was made of them, not by Mohammad, but by an arbiter
+chosen and appointed by themselves. The execution of some of them was
+not on account of their being prisoners of war; they were war-traitors
+and rebels, and deserved death according to the international law. Their
+crime was high treason against Medina while it was blockaded. There had
+no actual fighting taken place between the Bani Koreiza and the Moslems,
+after the former had thrown off their allegiance to the latter and had
+aided and abetted the enemies of the realm. They were besieged by the
+Moslems to punish them for their high treason, and consequently they
+were not prisoners of war. Even such prisoners of war suffer for high
+treason.
+
+"Treating, in the field, the rebellious enemy according to the law and
+usages of war, has never prevented the legitimate Government from trying
+the leaders of the rebellion, or chief rebels for high treason, and from
+treating them accordingly, unless they are included in a general
+amnesty."[250]
+
+[Sidenote: 69. The whole of the Bani Koreiza was never executed.]
+
+The whole tribe of the Bani Koreiza was not executed, nor all the male
+prisoners were put to the sword.[251] The number slain was comparatively
+very small. That they were not executed at the commands of Mohammad, nor
+_all_ of them were killed, nor a divine sanction was alleged for it, is
+shown by the following verse of the Koran:
+
+"And he caused those of the people of the Book (the Jews) who had aided
+the confederates to come down of their fortresses, and cast dismay into
+their hearts: some ye slew; others ye took prisoners."--Sura, xxxiii,
+26.
+
+The slaying and taking of prisoners is attributed to them to whom the
+verse is addressed as their own act.
+
+[Sidenote: 70. The women and children of the Bani Koreiza were not
+sold.]
+
+The rest of the Bani Koreiza,--male adults, women, and children,--were
+either liberated or got themselves ransomed. We read in Oyoon-al-Asar by
+Ibn Sayyad-al-Nas some account of the ransom. Osman-bin-Affan gathered
+much money by the transaction. But Sir W. Muir quotes from Hishamee,
+that the rest of the women and children were sent to be sold among the
+Bedouin tribes of Najd, in exchange of horse and arms.[252] But there is
+no authority for this story. Abul Mo'tamar Soleiman, in his Campaigns of
+Mohammad, gives another account which is more probable. He writes:--
+
+"Out of what was captured from Bani Koreiza Mohammad took seventeen
+horses and distributed them among his people. The rest he divided into
+two halves. One-half he sent with Sád bin Obádd to Syria, and the other
+half with Ans bin Quízí to the land of Ghatafán, and ordered that they
+may be used there for breeding purposes. They did so, and got good
+horses."[253]
+
+[Sidenote: 71. The exaggerated number of the persons executed.]
+
+The number of male adults executed has been much exaggerated, though it
+is immaterial, when an execution duly authorized by the international
+law of a country takes place, to consider the smallness or greatness of
+the number. I cannot do better than quote Moulvie Ameer Ali of Calcutta
+on the subject, who has very judiciously criticised the same: "Passing
+now to the men executed," he says, "one can at once see how it has been
+exaggerated. Some say they were 400; others have carried the number even
+up to 900. But Christian historians generally give it as varying from
+700 to 800. I look upon this as a gross exaggeration. Even 400 would
+seem an exaggerated number. The traditions agree in making the warlike
+materials of the Bani Koreiza consist of 300 cuirasses, 500 bucklers,
+1,500 sabres, &c. In order to magnify the value of the spoil, the
+traditions probably exaggerated these numbers.[254] But taking them as
+they stand, and remembering that such arms are always kept greatly in
+excess of the number of fighting men, I am led to the conclusion that
+the warriors could not have been more than 200 or 300. The mistake
+probably arose from confounding the whole body of prisoners who fell
+into the hands of the Moslems with those executed."[255]
+
+Even 200 seems to be a large number, as all of the prisoners were put
+up for the night in the house of Bint-al-Haris,[256] which would have
+been insufficient for such a large number.
+
+[Footnote 250: Miscellaneous Writings of Francis Lieber, Vol. II.
+Contributions to Political Science, p. 273, Philadelphia, 1881.]
+
+[Footnote 251: Some of the Koreizites were released, among whom we hear
+of Zobeir Ibn Batá, and Rifáa. They were pardoned by Mohammad.]
+
+[Footnote 252: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 279.]
+
+[Footnote 253: _History of Mohammad's Campaigns_: Edited by Von Kremer,
+p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 254: "Compare the remarks of Ibn-Khaldún (Prelégoménes d' Ibn
+Khaldoun, traduits par M. de Slane, Part I, p. 14)."]
+
+[Footnote 255: A Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of
+Mohammed, by Syed Ameer Ali, Moulvi, M.A., LL.B., of the Inner Temple,
+Barrister-at-Law, p. 113: William and Norgate, London, 1873.]
+
+[Footnote 256: Ibn Hisham, p. 689. Others say the males were kept in the
+house of Osman-bin-Zaed, and the females and children in the house of
+Bint-al-Haris. _Vide_ Insan-al-Oyoon, by Halabi. Vol. III, p. 93.]
+
+
+_Some Miscellaneous Objections Refuted._
+
+1.--_Omm Kirfa._
+
+[Sidenote: 72. The execution of Omm Kirfa for brigandage.]
+
+The barbarous execution of Omm Kirfa, a female, who was notorious as the
+mistress of a nest of robbers, by tying her each leg to a separate camel
+and being torn asunder, is not a fact. It is only mentioned by Katib
+Wáckidi, and is not to be found in any other earliest account of
+Wáckidi, Ibn Is-hak, and Ibn Hisham. Even Katib Wáckidi does not say
+that the execution was ordered by Mohammad, and it is not fair on the
+part of Sir W. Muir to hold Mohammad an accomplice in the ferocious act,
+because he reads of no disapprobation expressed by the Prophet at such
+an inhuman treatment.[257] But in the first place the narration is a
+mere fiction; and secondly, the traditions are, as a rule, always
+incomplete; in one place they are given shorter, and in another longer,
+according to the circumstances of the occasion on which they are
+originally recited. Ibn Hisham relates, that "Zaid-bin-Harisa ordered
+Kays-bin-Mosahhar to execute Omm Kirfa, so he executed her with a
+violent execution." ('_Katlan Aneefan_,' p. 980.) He does not relate
+that Mohammad was even informed of the execution after the party had
+returned from this terrible mission. I think the word '_aneef_'
+(_violent_ or _severe_), as used originally by the narrator, might have
+been the cause of the growth of the story of executing by tying up to
+two camels, by way of a gratuitous explanation or glossary, as another
+tradition relates that she was tied to the tails of two horses (_vide
+Koostalanee_ in his Commentary on Bokharee, Vol. III, p. 307).
+
+2.--_Urnee Robbers._
+
+[Sidenote: 73. The alleged mutilation of the Urnee robbers.]
+
+Some _Urnee_ robbers, lately converted, had plundered the camels of
+Medina and barbarously handled their herdsman, for they cut off his
+hands and legs, and struck thorny spikes into his tongue and eyes, till
+he died. The bandits were pursued, captured, and executed by
+Kurz-bin-Jabir. "They had merited death," says Sir W. Muir, "but the
+mode in which he inflicted it was barbarous and inhuman. The arms and
+legs of eight men were cut off, and their eyes were put out. The
+shapeless, sightless trunks of these wretched Bedouins were then impaled
+upon the plain of Al Ghâba, until life was extinct."[258] As the robbers
+had mutilated the herdsman, this gave currency to their having been
+mutilated in retaliation. But in fact Mohammad never ordered mutilation
+in any case. He was so averse to this practice, that several traditions
+from various sources emanating from him to the effect, prove that he
+prohibited mutilation lest he himself be mutilated by divine
+judgment.[259]
+
+[Sidenote: 74. Amputation or banishment substituted temporarily in place
+of imprisonment for want of a well-organized system of jails.]
+
+Sir W. Muir continues:--"On reflection, Mahomet appears to have felt
+that this punishment exceeded the bounds of humanity. He accordingly
+promulgated a Revelation, in which capital punishment is limited to
+simple death or crucifixion. Amputation of the hands and feet is,
+however, sanctioned as a penal measure; and amputation of the hands is
+even enjoined as the proper penalty for theft, whether the criminal be
+male or female. This barbarous custom has accordingly been perpetuated
+throughout the Mahometan world. But the putting out of the eyes is not
+recognized among the legal punishments."[260]
+
+These alternative punishments were prescribed for the heinous crimes of
+highway robbery, dacoity, and theft by house-breaking. They were (i)
+capital punishment, (ii) amputation, and (iii) banishment (Sura, v, 37,
+42), according to the circumstances of the case. The last two were of a
+temporary nature substituted for imprisonment for want of an organized
+system of jails and prisons. When the Commonwealth was in its infancy,
+the troubles of the invasions and wars of the aggressive Koreish and
+their allies had left neither peace nor security at Medina to take such
+administrative measures as to organize a system of building, guarding,
+and maintaining jails, their inmates and their establishments. As soon
+as jails were established in the Mohammadan Commonwealth, amputation and
+banishment gave way to imprisonment. The prisoners of war, not being
+criminals, used to be made over by Mohammad to some citizens of Medina,
+as in the case of the prisoners of the battle of Badr, to keep them in
+their houses as guests, on account of the want of prisons; but as for
+the other criminals--the highway robbers, dacoits, and
+house-breakers--they could not be treated and entertained so hospitably.
+Thus there was left no alternative for them except either to banish such
+criminals, or to award them corporal punishment in the shape of
+amputation.[261]
+
+3.--_Torture of Kinana._
+
+[Sidenote: 75. Torture of Kinana.]
+
+It is related by the biographers "that Kinana, chief of the Jews of
+Khyber, and his cousin had kept back, in contravention of their compact,
+a portion of their riches. On the discovery of this attempt at
+imposition, Kinana was subjected to cruel torture--'fire being placed
+upon his breast till his breath had almost departed'--in the hope that
+he would confess where the rest of his treasures were concealed. Mahomet
+then gave command, and the heads of the chief and his cousin were
+severed from their bodies."[262]
+
+The story of Kinana's being subjected to extortion and put to death for
+hiding some treasure, for which he had contravened his contract, is
+altogether a spurious one. Kinana was executed in retaliation for
+treacherously killing Mahmud, the brother of Mohammad-bin-Moslama, to
+whom he was made over for execution. There is one tradition, without any
+authority, to the effect, that Zobeir was producing fire on Kinana's
+breast by the friction of flint and steel. This, if it be a fact, does
+not show that it was done by Mohammad's direction and approval. On the
+contrary, there are several traditions from the Prophet himself in which
+he has forbidden to punish any one with fire. It is related by Bokharee
+from Ibn Abbás, that Mohammad said, "God only can punish with fire." It
+is also related by Abu Daood from Abdullah, that the Prophet said, "No
+body ought to punish any one with fire except the Lord of the
+fire."[263]
+
+4.--_A Singing-Girl executed._
+
+[Sidenote: 76. The alleged execution of a singing-girl.]
+
+"From general amnesty extended to the citizens of Mecca, Mahomet
+excluded ten or twelve persons. Of these, however, only four were
+actually put to death.... The two next were renegade Moslems, who having
+shed blood at Medina had fled to Mecca, and abjured Islam. They were
+both slain, and also a singing-girl belonging to one of them, who had
+been in the habit of annoying the Prophet by abusive verses."
+
+"Their names are Abdallah ibn Khalal and Mikyas ibn Subâba. The murder
+committed by the former is said to have been wilful, that of the latter
+unintentional. Abdallah had two singing-girls. Both were sentenced to
+death, but one escaped and afterwards obtained quarter; the execution of
+the other appears to have been the worst act committed by Mahomet on the
+present occasion."[264]
+
+Abdullah had committed cold-blooded murder, and most probably the
+singing-girl belonging to him had taken a share in his crime. Her
+execution was owing to her being an accomplice or abettor in the foul
+act which was justified by law. Then why should the execution be
+considered a worst act? Mohammad felt the deepest respect for the weaker
+sex, and had enjoined during the warfares "not to kill women;" but the
+law makes no difference amongst the sexes, both sexes being liable to
+punishment according to their deserts.
+
+[Sidenote: 77. The charitable spirit of Mohammad towards his enemies.]
+
+The magnanimity, clemency, forbearance, and forgiveness of Mohammad at
+the time of his victory at Mecca were very remarkable. Mr. Stanley Lane
+Poole with his usual acumen writes:--"But the final keystone was set in
+the eighth year of the flight (A.D. 630), when a body of the Kureysh
+broke the truce by attacking an ally of the Muslims; and Mohammad
+forthwith marched upon Mekka with ten thousand men, and the city,
+defence being hopeless, surrendered. Now was the time for the Prophet to
+show his bloodthirsty nature. His old persecutors are at his feet. Will
+he not trample on them, torture them, revenge himself after his own
+cruel manner? Now the man will come forward in his true colours: we may
+prepare our horror, and cry shame beforehand.
+
+"But what is this? Is there no blood in the streets? Where are the
+bodies of the thousands that have been butchered? Facts are hard things;
+and it is a fact that the day of Mohammad's greatest triumph over his
+enemies was also the day of his grandest victory over himself. He freely
+forgave the Kureysh all the years of sorrow and cruel scorn they had
+inflicted on him: he gave an amnesty to the whole population of Mekka.
+Four criminals, whom justice condemned, made up Mohammad's proscription
+list when he entered as a conqueror the city of his bitterest enemies.
+The army followed the example, and entered quietly and peaceably; no
+house was robbed, no woman insulted."[265]
+
+5.--_Abu Basír._
+
+[Sidenote: 78. Abu Basír not countenanced by the Prophet in
+contravention of the spirit of the treaty of Hodeibia.]
+
+Sir W. Muir says that "Abu Basír, the free-booter, was countenanced by
+the Prophet in a manner scarcely consistent with the letter, and
+certainly opposed to the spirit, of the truce of Hodeibia."[266] It was
+one of the articles of the treaty of Hodeibia between the Koreish and
+Mohammad, that if any one goeth over to Mohammad without the permission
+of his guardian, he shall be sent back to him.[267] A short time after,
+Abu Basír, a Moslem imprisoned at Mecca, effected his escape and
+appeared at Medina. His guardians, Azhar and Akhnas, sent two servants
+to Mohammad with a letter and instructions to bring the deserter back to
+his house. The obligation of surrender was at once admitted by Mohammad,
+though Abu Basír pleaded the persecution which he used to suffer at
+Mecca as the cause of refusing to return, but Mohammad argued that it
+was not proper for him to break the terms of the peace, and Abu Basír
+was compelled to set out for Mecca. But he had travelled only a few
+miles when he treacherously seized the sword of one of his escorts and
+slew him. The other servant fled back to Medina, whither Abu Basír also
+followed him. On the return of the latter, he contended that the Prophet
+had already fulfilled the treaty to its very letter in delivering him
+up, but the Prophet replied, "Alas for his mother! What a kindler of
+war, if he had with him any one!" When he heard this "he knew that the
+Prophet was again going to send him back to his guardians,[268] the
+Koreish, so he went away to the seashore, where he, with others who had
+joined him after their flight from captivity at Mecca, used to waylay
+the caravans from Mecca." This story, which is also briefly narrated by
+Ibn Is-hak, and more fully by Shamee, Zoorkanee and Ibn-al-Kyyim, does
+not show that Mohammad acted against the spirit and letter of the truce
+of Hodeibia.
+
+He himself never countenanced Abu Basír; on the contrary, he delivered
+him up in conformity with the terms of the treaty of Hodeibia, and when
+he had returned, Abu Basír had every reason to believe that Mohammad
+would again despatch him to the quarters whence he had come. But it
+appears Abu Basír went away to the seashore, out of Mohammad's
+jurisdiction, and it was not the duty of the Prophet to effect his
+arrest and send him back to Mecca whilst he was not with him, or rather
+out of his jurisdiction. Had he even kept him with himself at Medina
+after he had once made him over to the party sent forth to take charge
+of him, and were no other demands made for his delivery, I do not think
+Mohammad could be fairly blamed for it according to the international
+law of the Arabs, or even according to the terms of the treaty of
+Hodeibia itself.
+
+6.--_Employment of Nueim to break up the confederates who had besieged
+Medina._
+
+[Sidenote: 79. Nueim not employed by the Prophet to circulate false
+reports in the enemy's camp.]
+
+When Medina was besieged for several days by the Koreish and their
+confederates, the army of Medina was harassed and wearied with
+increasing watch and duty. Nueim, an Arab of a neutral tribe,
+represented himself as a secret believer, and offered his services to
+the Prophet, who accepted them, and employed him to hold back the
+confederates from the siege, if he could, saying "war verily was a game
+of deception." Nueim excited mutual distrust between the Jews and the
+Koreish. He told the Jews not to fight against Mohammad until they got
+hostages from the Koreish as a guarantee against their being deserted.
+And to the Koreish he said that the Jews intended to ask hostages from
+them. "Do not give them," he said, "they have promised Mahomet to give
+up the hostages to be slain."[269]
+
+This is one tradition, and there is another to the effect that the Jews
+had themselves asked for the hostages, but the Koreish had not replied
+yet, when Nueim came to the Jews and said, he was there with Abu Sofian
+when their messenger had come for the demand of hostages, and that Abu
+Sofian is not going to send them any.[270]
+
+A third tradition in Motamid Ibn Solyman's supplement to Wackidi's
+_Campaigns of Mohammad_ gives no such story at all. It has altogether a
+different narration to the effect, that there was a spy of the Koreish
+in the Moslem camp who had overheard Abdullah-bin-Rawaha saying, that
+the Jews had asked the Koreish to send them seventy persons, who, on
+their arrival, would be killed by them. Nueim went to the Koreish, who
+were waiting for his message, and told what he had heard as already
+related.[271] This contradicts the story given by Ibn Hisham and Mr.
+Muir. But anyhow the story does not prove that Mohammad had given
+permission to Nueim to speak falsehood or spread treacherous reports.
+
+[Sidenote: 80. Deception in way allowed by the international law.]
+
+Sir W. Muir is not justified in his remarks when he writes,--"We cannot,
+indeed, approve the employment of Nueim to break up the confederacy by
+falsehood and deception, but this perhaps would hardly affect his
+character in Arab estimation;"[272] and further on he writes,--"When
+Medîna was beleagured by the confederate army, Mahomet sought the
+services of Nueim, a traitor, and employed him to sow distrust among the
+enemy by false and treacherous reports: for," said he, "what else is war
+but a game at deception."[273] The utmost that can be made out from the
+former tradition quoted by Mr. Muir, and contradicted by another
+tradition of equal force, is that Mohammad allowed deception in war by
+quoting the proverbial saying, that "war is a game at deception." In
+this he had the sanction of the military law or the international law,
+as deception in war is a "military necessity," and allowed by the law
+and usages of war. A modern author on the international law says:--
+
+"Military necessity admits of all direct destruction of life or limb of
+_armed_ enemies, and of other persons whose destruction is incidentally
+_unavoidable_ in the armed contests of the war; it allows of the
+capturing of every armed enemy, and every enemy of importance to the
+hostile government, or of peculiar danger to the captor; it allows of
+all destruction of property, and obstruction of the ways and channels of
+traffic, travel, or communication, and of all withholding of sustenance
+or means of life from the enemy; of the appropriation of whatever an
+enemy's country affords necessary for the subsistence and safety of the
+army, and of such deception as does not involve the breaking of good
+faith either positively pledged, regarding agreements entered into
+during the war, or supposed by the modern law of war to exist."[274]
+
+[Sidenote: 81. Lecky's Standard of Morality.]
+
+But supposing the modern morality does not approve of Mohammad what
+hardly "affected his character in Arab estimation," are there no
+diversities in moral judgments? The moral unity to be expected in
+different ages is not a unity of standard or of facts, but a unity of
+tendency.
+
+"That some savage kill their old parents, that infanticide has been
+practised without compunction by even civilized nations, that the best
+Romans saw nothing wrong in the gladiatorial shows, that political or
+revengeful assassinations have been for centuries admitted, that slavery
+has been sometimes honoured and sometimes condemned, are unquestionable
+proofs, that the same act may be regarded in one age as innocent, and in
+another as criminal. Now it is undoubtedly true, that in many cases an
+historical examination will reveal special circumstances explaining or
+palliating the apparent anomaly. It has been often shown that the
+gladiatorial shows were originally a form of human sacrifice adopted
+through religious motives; that the rude nomadic life of savages
+rendering impossible the preservation of aged and helpless members of
+the tribe, the murder of parents was regarded as an act of mercy both by
+the murderer and the victim; that before an effective administration of
+justice was organized, private vengeance was the sole preservation
+against crime, and political assassination against usurpation; that the
+insensibility of some savages to the criminality of theft arises from
+the fact that they were accustomed to have all things in common; that
+the Spartan law legalizing theft arose partly from a desire to foster
+military dexterity among the people, but chiefly from a desire to
+discourage wealth; that slavery was introduced through motives of mercy
+to prevent conquerors from killing their prisoners. All this is true,
+but there is another and a more general answer. It is not to be
+expected, and it is not maintained, that men in all ages should have
+agreed about the application of their moral principles. All that is
+contended for is, that these principles are themselves the same. Some of
+what appear to us monstrous acts of cruelty were dictated by that very
+feeling of humanity, the universal perception of the merit of which they
+are cited to disprove; and even when this is not the case, all that can
+be inferred is, that the standard of humanity was very low. But still
+humanity was recognized as a virtue, and cruelty as a vice."[275]
+
+_The alleged permission to kill the Jews._
+
+[Sidenote: 82. Murder of Ibn Sanina.]
+
+It is related by some of the biographers of Mohammad, eagerly recited by
+others of Europe, that, "on the morning after the murder of Káb, Mahomet
+gave a general permission to his followers to slay any Jews whom they
+might chance to meet,"[276] and that the murder of Ibn Sanina, a Jewish
+merchant, by Muheiasa, a Moslem, was the direct consequence of this
+order. "When Huweisa upbraided Muheiasa for killing his confederate the
+Jew, and appropriating his wealth,--"By the Lord!" replied Muheiasa, "if
+he that commanded me to kill him commanded to kill thee also, I would
+have done it." "What!" Huweisa cried, "wouldst thou have slain thine own
+brother at Mahomet's bidding?"--"Even so," answered the fanatic.
+"Strange indeed!" Huweisa responded. "Hath the new religion reached to
+this pitch! Verily it is a wonderful Faith." And Huweisa was converted
+from that very hour."[277]
+
+Ibn Is-hak says this story was related to him by a freedman of the Bani
+Hárisa tribe from the daughter of Muheiasa, who had heard it from her
+father.[278] (1) Now there is nothing known of this mysterious person,
+the freedman of the tribe of Háris, therefore no reliance can be put on
+his story. (2) We have no knowledge of the daughter of the murderer
+Muheiasa, or Moheisa, as he is called by the biographer, Ibn Hisham. (3)
+Muheiasa himself has not that respectable character which can lend even
+a shadow of veracity to his narration. (4) And lastly, the story that
+Mohammad had given general permission to his followers to slay any Jew
+whom they might chance to meet, and consequently Muheiasa killed Ibn
+Sanina, and Huweisa became a convert to Islam, is contradicted by
+another counter-tradition in Ibn Hisham (pp. 554-555), who has related
+from Abú Obeida, who relates from Abú Omar-al-Madaní, that, "during the
+execution of the Bani Koreiza (_vide_ para. 68), one Káb-bin-Yahooza was
+made over to Muheiasa for execution. When the latter executed his
+victim, Huweisa, his brother, who was still unbelieving, upbraided
+Muheiasa. "If he," responded Muheiasa, "that commanded me to kill him
+had commanded me to kill thee also, I would have killed thee." Huweisa
+was quite surprised at his brother's reply, and went away astonished.
+During the night he used to wake up repeatedly, and wonder at his
+brother's staunch devotion to his faith. In the morning, he said, "By
+the Lord! This is a wonderful faith," and came to the Prophet to embrace
+Islam. These remarks show that the alleged permission to kill the Jews,
+and Ibn Sanina's murder, and Huweisa's conversion in consequence
+thereof, is all a mere concoction.
+
+[Sidenote: 83. Sir W. Muir quoted.]
+
+Even Sir W. Muir, though very fond of collecting all such apocryphal
+traditions reflecting on the character of the Prophet, doubts the
+veracity of this one, and declares its improbability and inexpediency.
+He writes:--
+
+ "But the order itself is a strange one, and must, one would
+ suppose, have been accompanied by some conditions or reservations
+ not here apparent. It was surely not expedient for the Prophet's
+ cause at this time that the streets of Medîna should have flowed
+ with blood by the strict execution of this command. Yet such is the
+ distinct tenor of the best traditions.
+
+ "The order was not an unlikely one to have issued at a time when
+ Mahomet was irritated against the Jews by their treachery; and
+ Hishâmi has a tradition that it was promulgated when Mahomet
+ directed the massacre of all the males of the Coreitza, which would
+ have been the more likely version, if the other tradition had not
+ been so strong and positive."[279]
+
+But the tradition quoted by him is by no means the best or strongest as
+I have shown above. Hishamee does not say that the order was promulgated
+at the execution of the Bani Koreiza. He simply narrates the story of
+Muheiasa and Huweisa to have taken place at that time.
+
+_The expulsion of the Bani Nazeer._
+
+[Sidenote: 84. The Bani Nazeer.]
+
+The expulsion of the Bani Nazeer has been censured by Sir W. Muir, who
+says: "The pretext on which the Bani Nadhîr were besieged and
+expatriated (namely, that Gabriel had revealed their design against the
+Prophet's life), was feeble and unworthy of an honest cause."[280]
+
+A whole Sura in the Koran is devoted to the Bani Nazeer, but it does
+not hint at the alleged crime of their attempt on the life of the
+Prophet or their expulsion for the same cause. The traditions on the
+subject are unsupported, _ex parte_, and legendary. Had such a tradition
+been current at the time of Mohammad, or what is called Sadr Av-val (the
+first or Apostolic Age), we should certainly have had scores of
+narrators on the subject.[281] Their crime was treachery,[282] and they
+were a dangerous element to Medina, for a combination, at any period,
+between the treacherous Jews and the aggressive Koreish, or other
+enemies of Islam, would have proved fatal to the safety of Medina. But
+their banishment was too mild a punishment.
+
+[Sidenote: 85. Fruit-trees not cut down.]
+
+It is said that Mohammad cut down the surrounding date trees and burned
+the choicest of them during the siege of the Bani Nazeer, and justified
+himself by publishing the verses of the LIX Sura of the Koran.[283] But
+the date trees cut down were neither bearing fruit, nor did they supply
+any staple article of food to the Bani Nazeer, or the public in general.
+The _Leena_ mentioned in the verse referred to above is a tree without
+fruit. Thus no fruit trees were destroyed. (Zoorkánee Vol. II, page 98.)
+Trees not bearing fruits were only cut, which is also justified under
+the Law of Moses. (See Deuteronomy XX, 20.)
+
+_Females and the Treaty of Hodeibia._
+
+[Sidenote: 86. Females and the treaty of Hodeibia.]
+
+Females were not included in the truce of Hodeibia. The stipulation for
+the surrender of deserters referred only to the male sex. All women who
+were to come over to Medina from Mecca during the period of the peace
+were, by the dictates of Sura LX, 10, to be tried, and if their
+profession was found sincere, they were to be retained. They were
+prohibited from marrying the unbelievers. The guardians of such
+believing females were to receive from the Moslem commonwealth what they
+had spent upon their charges. Sir W. Muir understands from Sura LX,
+verse 10, that the women referred to therein were the wives of the
+Meccans, and says:--"The unbelief of their husbands dissolved the
+previous marriage; they now might legally contract fresh nuptials with
+believers, provided only that restitution were made of any sums expended
+by their former husbands as dower upon them."[284] But there is nothing
+either to show that the women had their husbands at Mecca, or to prove,
+that, on account of their husbands' unbelief, their marriages were
+annulled. As marriage with women with husbands is forbidden in Sura IV,
+verse 28, and the verse LX, 10, under discussion, does not designate
+them as married women, I fairly conclude that this verse treats only of
+such as were not married. It is not the Law of the Koran that the
+unbelief of either party dissolves their previous marriage. It only
+enjoins neither to marry idolatresses, nor to wed Moslem daughters with
+idolaters until they believe.--(Sura II, 220.)
+
+[Sidenote: 87. Stanley defended.]
+
+Sir William Muir, after quoting Sura LX, 10-12, says, "Stanley on
+Corinthians (1 Cor. VII, 1-40) quotes the above passage, and says that
+the rule it contains "resembles that of the Apostle," Vol. I, page 145.
+But there is really no analogy between them; the Gospel rule differs
+_toto coelo_ from that of Mahomet:--"If any brother hath a wife that
+believeth not, and she be pleased to dwell with him, let him not put her
+away.--And similarly the case of a believing wife with an unbelieving
+husband. (1 Cor. VII, 12-16.) Whereas Mahomet declares the marriage bond
+_de facto_ annulled by the unbelief of either party, which indeed was
+only to be expected from his loose ideas regarding the marriage
+contract."[285] I think Stanley is quite correct, and the Gospel and the
+Koranic rule resemble each other in this respect. Because the order,
+"they (the believing women) are not lawful for them (unbelievers), nor
+are the unbelievers lawful for these (believing women)," does not relate
+to the women already married; and the words, "do not retain any right in
+the infidel woman ... if any of your wives escape from you to the
+infidels ..." are to the same purport as 1 Cor. VII, 15, "But if the
+unbelieving depart let them depart. A brother or a sister is not under
+bondage in such cases."[286]
+
+[Sidenote 88. Marriage a strict bond of union.]
+
+Mohammad had no loose ideas regarding the marriage tie. He had made the
+marriage contract more firm and irrevocable, except under very
+exceptional circumstances, than it was under the Arab society; and
+called it "a strict bond of union."[287] Mohammad's own daughter,
+Zeinab, was the wife of an unbelieving husband and had fled to her
+father at Medina under the persecution at Mecca after the Hegira.[288]
+Her marriage with her unbelieving partner was not cancelled by Mohammad,
+and on the conversion of the son-in-law, when he came after a period of
+six years after his wife had come to Medina, Mohammad rejoined them
+together under their previous marriage. Theirs was neither a fresh
+marriage nor a fresh dowry. (_Vide_ Ibn Abbas' tradition in the
+collections of Ahmed, Ibn Abi Daood, Ibn Maja and Trimizee.)
+Safwan-bin-Omayya and Ikrama-bin Abi Jahl had believing wives at the
+time of the conquest of Mecca, and their marriages were not dissolved by
+Mohammad. (_Vide_ Ibn Shahab's tradition in _Movatta_ by Malik, and in
+the _Tabakat_ of Ibn Sad Katib Wákidi.) Similarly Ibn Sofian and
+Hakeem-bin-Hizam had their unbelieving wives retained by them after they
+had themselves been converted to Islam, and their former connubial
+connection was not severed by Mohammad. (_Vide_ the several traditions
+in Baihakee to the above effect.) It was only the legists and
+juris-consults of a later age who wrongly construed the passage in Sura
+LX, 10, to mean that the unbelief of either party dissolved the marriage
+tie.
+
+[Footnote 257: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV. p. 13.]
+
+[Footnote 258: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 19.
+
+In the collections of Bokharee the story is traced to Ans. But Ans could
+not be a witness to Mohammad's command for mutilation, as Ans did not
+come until the expedition to Khyber; and the execution of those robbers
+took place before that. The story from Jábir in Ibn Mardaveih's
+collections to the same effect is not authentic, as Jábir, who says he
+was sent by Mohammad in pursuit of the robbers, and committed the act,
+was not a convert at that time. Koostalanee, the author of _Mooahib_,
+has declared the tradition of Ibn Jarir Tabari on the subject as an
+apocryphal, _i.e._, "Zaeef." _Vide_ Zoorkanee on Movahib, Vol. II, p.
+211.]
+
+[Footnote 259: Ibn Hisham (p. 463) relates from Ibn Is-hak that Omar
+asked permission to mutilate Sohail, but Mohammad replied, "I would not
+mutilate him; if I do, God will mutilate me, though I be a Prophet."]
+
+[Footnote 260: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 261: This subject has been fully and judiciously discussed by
+the Honorable Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur, C.S.I., in his "Commentary of the
+Koran;" Sura. iv. pp. 198-204.]
+
+[Footnote 262: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 68.]
+
+[Footnote 263: _Vide_ Mishkát Book of Retaliation, pp. 243-244.]
+
+[Footnote 264: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 131, foot-note.]
+
+[Footnote 265: Introduction to Lane's Selections from the Kur-án, by
+Stanley Lane Poole, p. lxvii. London: Trubner and Co., 1879.]
+
+[Footnote 266: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 308.]
+
+[Footnote 267: _Ibid_, p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 268: _Vide_ Zoorkanee on _Movahib_, Vol. II, page 244; also
+_Zád-ul-Maád_, by Ibn-al-Kyyim, Vol. I, page 376, Cawnpore, 1298 A.H.;
+and _Seerat-ul-Mohammadiya_, by Mohammad Karámat-ul-Ali of Delhi, in
+loco. The Life is compiled from _Seerat Halabi_ and _Seerat Shámee_ and
+was lithographed in Bombay.]
+
+[Footnote 269: Hishamee, page 681; Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III,
+page 266.]
+
+[Footnote 270: _Seerat Halabi_, or _Insan-al-Oyoon_, Vol II, page 79.]
+
+[Footnote 271: History of _Mohammad's Campaigns_, by Wackidi, pp.
+368-369: Edited by Von Kremer, Calcutta, 1856.]
+
+[Footnote 272: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 282.]
+
+[Footnote 273: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pages 308-309.]
+
+[Footnote 274: Lieber's Miscellaneous Writings, Vol. II, page 250.]
+
+[Footnote 275: History of European Morals, from Augustus to Charlemagne.
+By William Edward Hartpole Lecky, M.A., Vol. I, pp. 101-102.]
+
+[Footnote 276: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 148.]
+
+[Footnote 277: _Ibid_, p. 149.]
+
+[Footnote 278: Ibn Hisham, p. 554.]
+
+[Footnote 279: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, pp. 148 & 149,
+_foot-note_.]
+
+[Footnote 280: The Life of Mahomet, by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, page 308.]
+
+[Footnote 281: The tradition that Mohammad had gone to Bani Nazeer
+asking their aid in defraying a certain price of blood, and they
+attempted upon his life (Muir, III, 208-209) as related by Ibn Is-hak
+(in Ibn Hisham, page 652) is a _Mursal_ (_vide_ Zoorkánee, Part II, page
+95), and consequently was not current in the Apostolic Age.]
+
+[Footnote 282: Ibn Ockba, an earliest biographer of Mohammad, died 140,
+says,--the cause of the expedition against the Bani Nazeer was this:
+that they had instigated the Koreish to fight against Mohammad, and had
+reconnoitred the weak points of Medina. Ibn Mardaveih Abd-bin-Hameed,
+and Abdu Razzak have related traditions to the effect that, after the
+event of Badr, the Koreish had written to the Jews of Medina to make war
+upon Mohammad, and the Bani Nazeer had resolved to break the compact.
+_Vide_ Zoorkánee, Part II, pp, 96-97.]
+
+[Footnote 283: Compare Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, pp. 213 and
+302, _foot-note_.]
+
+[Footnote 284: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 44.]
+
+[Footnote 285: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 46, foot-note.]
+
+[Footnote 286: The verses of the Koran are given below:
+
+10. "O Believers! when believing women come over to you as refugees,
+then make trial of them. God best knoweth their faith; but if ye have
+also ascertained their faith, let them not go back to the infidels; they
+are not lawful for them, nor are the unbelievers lawful for these women.
+But give them back what they have spent. No crime shall it be in you to
+marry them, provided you give them their dowers. Do not retain a right
+in the infidel women, and demand back what you have spent and let them
+demand back what they have spent. This is the ordinance of God which He
+ordaineth among you: and God is Knowing, Wise."
+
+11. "And if any of your wives escape from you to the infidels from whom
+you afterwards take any spoil, then give to those whose wives shall have
+fled away, the like of what they shall have spent; and fear God in whom
+ye believe."--Sura LX.]
+
+[Footnote 287: Sura IV, 25. Rodwell's translation.
+
+How Mohammad discouraged divorce and took several steps in the Koran to
+prohibit the facility of divorce prevailing in the Arab society has been
+fully discussed by me in my book "The Proposed Political, Legal, and
+Social Reforms under Moslem Rule," pp. 129-143, Bombay Education Society
+Press, 1883.]
+
+[Footnote 288: "Some of the baser sort from amongst the Coreish, hearing
+of her departure, went in pursuit, determined to bring her back. The
+first that appeared was Habbâr, who struck the camel with his spear, and
+so affrighted Zeinab as to cause her a miscarriage."--Muir's Life of
+Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 7.]
+
+
+_The Popular Jihád or Crusade; According to the Mohammadan Common Law._
+
+[Sidenote 89. The Koran enjoined only defensive wars.]
+
+Almost all the common Mohammadan and European writers think that a
+religious war of aggression is one of the tenets of Islam, and
+prescribed by the Koran for the purpose of proselytizing or exacting
+tribute. But I do not find any such doctrine enjoined in the Koran, or
+taught, or preached by Mohammad. His mission was not to wage wars, or to
+make converts at the point of the sword, or to exact tribute or
+exterminate those who did not believe his religion. His sole mission was
+to enlighten the Arabs to the true worship of the one God, to recommend
+virtue and denounce vice, which he truly fulfilled. That he and his
+followers were persecuted, that they were expelled from their houses and
+were invaded upon and warred against; that to repel incursions and to
+gain the liberty of conscience and the security of his followers' lives
+and the freedom of their religion, he and they waged defensive wars,
+encountered superior numbers, made defensive treaties, securing the main
+object of the war, _i.e._, the freedom of their living unmolested at
+Mecca and Medina, and of having a free intercourse to the Sacred Mosque,
+and a free exercise of their religion: all these are questions quite
+separate and irrelevant, and have nothing to do with the subject in
+hand, _i.e._, the popular _Jihad_, or the crusade for the purpose of
+proselytizing, exacting tribute, and exterminating the idolaters, said
+to be one of the tenets of Islam. All the defensive wars, and the verses
+of the Koran relating to the same, were strictly temporary and
+transitory in their nature. They cannot be made an example of, or be
+construed into a tenet or injunction for aggressive wars, nor were they
+intended so to be. Even they cannot be an example or instruction for a
+defensive war to be waged by the Mohammadan community or commonwealth,
+because all the circumstances under which Mohammad waged his defensive
+wars were local and temporary. But almost all European writers do not
+understand that the Koran does not teach a war of aggression, but had
+only, under the adverse circumstances, to enjoin a war of defence,
+clearly setting forth the grounds in its justification and strictly
+prohibiting offensive measures.
+
+[Sidenote 90. The Common Law and Jihad.]
+
+All the fighting injunctions in the Koran are, in the first place, only
+in self-defence, and none of them has any reference to make warfare
+offensively. In the second place, it is to be particularly noted that
+they were transitory in their nature, and are not to be considered
+positive injunctions for future observance or religious precepts for
+coming generations.[289] They were only temporary measures to meet the
+emergency of the aggressive circumstances. The Mohammadan Common Law is
+wrong on this point, where it allows unbelievers to be attacked without
+provocation. But this it places under the category of a non-positive
+injunction. A positive injunction is that which is incumbent on every
+believer. But attacking unbelievers without any provocation, or
+offensively, is not incumbent on every believer. The Hedaya has:--"The
+sacred injunction concerning war is sufficiently observed when it is
+carried on by any one _party_ or _tribe_ of _Mussulmans_; and it is then
+no longer of any force with respect to the rest."[290]
+
+[Sidenote 91. Jihad when positive.]
+
+The Mohammadan Common Law makes the fighting only a positive injunction
+"where there is a _general summons_, (that is, where the infidels invade
+a _Mussulman_ territory, and the _Imâm_ for the time being issues a
+general proclamation, requiring all persons to stand forth to fight,)
+for in this case war becomes a positive injunction with respect to the
+whole of the inhabitants,"[291]--this is sanctioned by the Law of
+Nations and the Law of Nature.
+
+[Sidenote: 92. The Hedaya quoted and refuted.]
+
+The Hedaya, or a Commentary of the Mohammadan Common Law by Nuraddin Ali
+of Murghinan (died in 593, A.H.) has:--
+
+"The destruction of the sword[292] is incurred by the infidels, although
+they be not the first aggressors, as appears from the various passages
+in the sacred writings which are generally received to this
+effect."[293]
+
+This assertion is not borne out by the sacred injunction of the Koran,
+and, on the contrary, is in direct contradiction to the same. There are
+several passages in the Koran already quoted in pages 16-25, which
+expressly forbid the taking of offensive measures, and enjoin only
+defensive wars. There are some other passages which are not so
+expressive as the several others referred to above, or in other words,
+are not conditional. But the law of interpretation, the general scope
+and tenor of the Koran, and the context of the verses and parallel
+passages, all show that those few verses which are not conditional
+should be construed as conditional in conformity with other passages
+more clear, expressive, and conditional, and with the general laws of
+scriptural interpretation. Now, the author of the Hedaya and other
+writers on the Common Law quote only those few passages from the Koran
+which are absolute or unconditional, and shut their eyes against those
+many conditional verses, and general scope and tenor of the Koran.
+
+ Limited, or _Conditional_. |General, or _Absolute_.
+ ---------------------------------+---------------------------------------
+ |
+ Sura XXII, 39-42. |Sura II, 245, (read together with 247.)
+ Sura II, 186-189. |Sura IX, 124.
+ " " 212. |
+ " " 214. |The context, parallel passages
+ Sura IV, 76, 77, 78, 86. |and their history, show them
+ " " 91, 92, 93. |to be limited and conditional,
+ Sura VIII, 39-41, 58-66. |in conformity with the general
+ " " 73, 74. |scope of the Koran.
+ Sura IX, 1-15. |
+ " " 29, 36. |
+ |
+ _Quoted in pages_ 16-25, 35. |
+ |
+
+[Sidenote: 93. Rule of interpretation.]
+
+Now, there are only two verses in the Koran (Sura II, v. 245, and Sura
+IX, v. 124) containing an absolute or non-conditional injunction for
+making war against the unbelievers. Perhaps you may be able to detach
+some more sentences, or dislocate some half verses from amongst those
+given under the head of conditional. But these absolute, as well as
+those detached and dislocated parts of some other verses will not, by
+any rule of interpretation, show absolute injunction to wage war against
+the unbelievers without any provocation or limitation. There is a rule
+in the exegesis of the Koran, as well as in other Scriptural
+interpretations, that when two commandments, one conditional, and the
+other general or absolute, are found on the same subject, the
+conditional is to be preferred, and the absolute should be construed as
+conditional, because the latter is more expressive of the views of the
+author than the general which is considered as vague in its expression.
+
+The rule is:--Where a passage which is ambiguous, or which contains any
+unusual expression, or in which a doctrine is slightly treated, or is in
+general terms, must be interpreted agreeably to what is revealed more
+clearly in other parts, or where a subject is more clearly discussed. A
+single or general passage is not to be explained in contradiction to
+many others restricted, conditional, and limited consistently with them,
+and with proper reservations.
+
+[Sidenote: 94. The Common Law and its commentators.]
+
+It is not to be wondered that the Mohammadan legists or the compilers of
+the Common Law are wrong in this point. Because, as a rule, or as a
+matter of fact, they have compiled the Common Law from different sources
+irrespective of the Koran, and the commentators of the Common Law take
+the trouble of vindicating its views, principles and casuistries, and
+justifying the Moslem conquests under the Khalifs by the authority of
+the Koran. Then only they commit the unpardonable blunder of citing
+isolated parts of solitary verses of the Koran, which are neither
+expressive enough nor are in general terms. In doing so, they avoid the
+many other conditional and more explicit verses on the same subject.
+
+[Sidenote: 95. Kifaya quoted.]
+
+The author of Kifaya, a commentary on the Hedaya, who flourished in the
+seventh century of the Hegira, remarks on the words of the text, "The
+destruction of the sword is incurred by the infidels, although they be
+not the first aggressors," already quoted in the 92nd para., and says;
+"Fighting against the infidels who do not become converts to Islam, and
+do not pay the capitation-tax, is incumbent, though they do not attack
+first." The author of the Hedaya has mentioned this aggressive measure
+specially, because apparently the words of God, "if they attack you then
+slay them,"[294] indicate that the fighting against the unbelievers is
+only incumbent when they fight first, but, however, such is not the
+case. It is incumbent to fight with them, though they be not the
+aggressors.[295]
+
+[Sidenote: 96. Further quotation.]
+
+The same author writes in continuation of the above quotation, and
+attempts to reconcile his theory with the numerous precepts of the
+Koran, which do not permit the war of aggression:--
+
+"Know, that in the beginning the Prophet was enjoined to forgive, and
+withdraw from those who joined other gods with God. God said, 'wherefore
+dost thou forgive with kindly forgiveness, and withdraw from those who
+join other gods with Me.'"
+
+"Then He enjoined him to summon the people to the faith by kind warning
+and kind disputation, saying, 'Summon thou to the way of thy Lord with
+wisdom and kindly warning: dispute with them in the kindest manner.'"
+
+"Then He allowed fighting, when they, the unbelievers, were the
+aggressors, and said:--'A sanction is given to those who have fought
+because they have suffered outrages;' _i.e._, they are allowed to fight
+in self-defence. And God said, 'If they attack you, then kill them' (II,
+187); and also said, 'If they lean to peace, lean thou also to it.'
+(VIII. 63)."
+
+"Then he enjoined to fight aggressively during a certain period. God
+said, 'And when the sacred months are passed, kill them who join other
+gods with God, wherever ye find them, and seize them' (IX. 5)."
+
+"After this He enjoined for fighting absolutely, at every time and in
+every place. God said, 'And do battle against them until there be no
+more (_fitnah_) persecution' (II. 189; VII. 40)."[296]
+
+[Sidenote: 97. The Kifaya refuted.]
+
+Here the author of Kifaya has contrived to make out by way of subterfuge
+and sophistry five successive periods of the policy of the Koran
+regarding warfare against the unbelievers:
+
+ | |
+ First Period |Forgiveness and withdrawal | Sura XV, 85. VI, 106
+ ---------------+-------------------------------+-------------------------
+ | |
+ Second Period |Summoning | Sura XVI, 126.
+ ---------------+-------------------------------+-------------------------
+ | |
+ Third Period |Fighting in self-defence | Sura XXII, 40. II, 187.
+ | | VIII, 63.
+ ---------------+-------------------------------+-------------------------
+ | |
+ Fourth Period |Fighting aggressively | Sura IX, 5.
+ |during certain times |
+ | |
+ ---------------+-------------------------------+-------------------------
+ | |
+ Fifth Period |Aggressive fighting absolutely.| Sura II, 189. VIII, 40.
+ | |
+
+
+He is wrong in history, chronology as well as in understanding the
+general scope of the Koran and the tenor of the Suras. He does not
+regard even the context of the verses quoted.
+
+The verses containing injunctions for turning aside, shunning,
+forgiving, passing over, and withdrawing are found even in the later
+period of the Medinite Suras.--(_Vide_ Sura II, 103; V, 16, 46; Sura IV,
+66, 83; and VII, 198.) They have nothing to do either with war or peace.
+
+The summoning of people to the faith of God was the chief duty of the
+Prophetical office, and was not confined to any special period, and was
+alike during times of war and peace. Even during the actual warfare it
+was incumbent on the Prophet to give quarters to the enemy, if he
+desired, to listen to his preachings.--(_Vide_ Sura IX, 6.)
+
+[Sidenote: 98. S. IX, v. 5, discussed.]
+
+The fifth verse of the ninth Sura is by no means an injunction to attack
+first or wage an aggressive war. This verse is one of the several
+published at Medina after the Meccans had violated the treaty of
+Hodeibia and attacked the Bani Khozaa, who were in alliance with
+Mohammad. The Meccans were given four months' time to submit, in default
+of which they were to be attacked for their violation of the treaty and
+for their attacking the Bani Khozaa. They submitted beforehand, and
+Mecca was conquered by compromise. The verses referred to above (Sura
+IX, 1-15, &c.) were not acted upon. So there was no injunction to wage
+an aggressive war. This subject has been discussed at pages 51-55 of
+this work, and the reader is referred to them for fuller information.
+
+[Sidenote: 99. S. II, v. 189, discussed.]
+
+The 189th verse of the second Sura is not at all an absolute injunction
+to wage a war of aggression. The verses 186, 187, 188 and 189, if read
+together, will show that the injunction for fighting is only in defence.
+The verses are:--
+
+186. And fight for the cause of God against those who fight against you:
+but commit not the injustice _of attacking them first_; verily God
+loveth not the unjust.
+
+187. And kill them wherever ye shall find them; and eject them from
+whatever place they have ejected you; for (_fitnah_) persecution is
+worse than slaughter; yet attack them not at the sacred Mosque until
+they attack you therein, but if they attack you then slay them: such is
+the recompense of the infidels!
+
+188. But if they desist, then verily God is Gracious, Merciful--
+
+189. And do battle, against them until there be no more (_fitnah_)
+persecution and the only worship be that of God: but if they desist,
+then let there be no hostility, save against wrong-doers.
+
+[Sidenote: 100. S. II, 189, VIII, 40, are defensive.]
+
+Besides, this verse as well as the fortieth verse of Sura VIII have
+indications in themselves of their relating to a defensive war. As the
+torture, aggression, in short, the persecutions suffered by the Moslems
+from the Koreish, are very clearly indicated by the word _fitnah_ in
+these two verses, the object of fighting or counterfighting by the
+Moslems is plainly set forth, which is to suppress the persecutions.
+
+They have clear reference to the persecution, to stop or remove which
+they enjoined fighting, and this was fighting in self-defence obviously.
+
+They also show that the Meccans had not desisted from persecuting and
+attacking the Moslems, and therefore a provision was made that if they
+discontinue their incursions, there will be no more hostility. This is
+quite sufficient to show that these verses relate to the defensive wars
+of Mohammad.
+
+[Sidenote: 101. All injunctions local and for the time being.]
+
+Lastly, supposing the Koran permitted waging aggressive wars against the
+Meccans, who were the first aggressors, this does not corroborate the
+theory or principle of the Common Law of making lawful aggressive wars
+in future on the authority of these verses, as all of them in the Koran
+on the subject of war relate only to Pagan Arabs, who had long
+persevered in their hostility to the early Moslems or to the Jews, who,
+being in league with the Moslems, went over to their enemies, and aided
+them against the Moslems. These verses are not binding on other persons,
+who are not under the same circumstance as the Moslems were under, at
+Medina. [See para. 90.]
+
+[Sidenote: 102. Ainee quoted and refuted.]
+
+Another commentator of the Hedaya, Ainee[297] (who died in 855) follows
+Kifaya already quoted, and mentions some other verses of the Koran on
+the war of aggression, which the author of Kifaya has left uncited in
+his work. They are as follows:--
+
+"... Then do battle with the ringleaders of infidelity,--for no oaths
+are binding on them--that they may desist."--(Sura IX, 12.)
+
+"War is prescribed to you, but from this ye are averse."--(Sura II,
+212.)
+
+"March ye forth, the light and heavy, and contend with your substance
+and your persons on the Way of God."--(Sura IX, 41.)
+
+The first verse when it is complete runs thus:--"But if, after alliance
+made, they break their oaths and revile your religion, then do battle
+with the ringleaders of infidelity,--for no oaths are binding on
+them--that they may desist;" and fully shows by its wording that it
+relates to the war of defence, as the breaking of alliances, and
+reviling of the Moslem religion were the grounds of making war with the
+object in view that the aggressors may desist. This verse is one of
+those in the beginning of the ninth Sura, which have already been
+discussed.--(_Vide_ pages 51-55.)
+
+The second verse (II, 212) does not allow a war of aggression, as the
+next verse (II, 214) expressly mentions the attacks made by the
+aggressors on the Moslems. It has been quoted at full length in page 18.
+
+The third verse (IX, 41) was published on the occasion of the expedition
+of Tábuk, which was certainly a defensive measure, and has been
+discussed in pages 51 to 55.
+
+[Sidenote: 103. Sarakhsee quoted and refuted.]
+
+Sarakhsee generally entitled _Shums-ul-a-imma_ (the Sun of the Leaders),
+who died in 671 A.H., as quoted by Ibn Abdeen in his
+_Radd-ul-Muhtár_,[298] makes several stages in publishing the
+injunctions for fighting. He writes:--
+
+"Know thou, that the command for fighting has descended by degrees.
+First the Prophet was enjoined to proclaim and withdraw, 'Profess
+publicly then what thou hast been bidden and withdraw from those who
+join gods with God' (XV, 94). Then he was ordered to dispute kindly;
+'Summon thou to the way of thy Lord with wisdom and with kindly warning:
+dispute with them in the kindest warning' (XVI, 126). Then they were
+allowed to fight, 'A sanction is given to those who are fought....'
+(XXII, 40). Then they were allowed to fight if they (the unbelievers)
+attacked them, 'If they attack you, then kill them' (II, 187). After
+this they were enjoined to fight on the condition of passing over the
+sacred months, 'And when the sacred months are passed, then kill the
+polytheists' (IX, 5). After this they were enjoined to fight absolutely,
+'And fight for the cause of God....' (II, 186, 245). And thus the matter
+was settled."
+
+There was no injunction for fighting absolutely or aggressively in the
+Koran. I have already explained the 5th verse of the ninth Sura as not
+allowing an offensive war. And the same is the case with the 186th verse
+of the second Sura, which has in itself the condition of fighting
+against those only who fought against the Moslems. The other verse,
+245th, of the same Sura is restricted by the verse 186th, (and is
+explained by the verse 245th), which refers to the defensive measures.
+This verse is quoted in page 19 of this work.
+
+[Sidenote: 104. Ibn Hajar quoted and refuted.]
+
+Shahábudeen Ahmed-bin-Hajr Makki writes:--
+
+"Fighting was prohibited before the Hegira, as the Prophet was enjoined
+only to preach and warn and to be patient in the persecutions of the
+unbelievers in order to conciliate them. After this, God gave sanction
+to the Moslems for fighting, (after that had been prohibited in seventy
+and odd verses), when the unbelievers were the aggressors, and said,
+'And fight for the cause of God against those who fight against you'
+(II, 187). And it is a genuine tradition from Zohri that the first
+revealed verse sanctioning it was, 'A sanction is given to those who are
+fought, because they have suffered outrages' (XXII, 40): that is a
+sanction was given for fighting on the ground of the word 'fought.' Then
+the war of aggression was made lawful in other than the sacred months,
+'When the sacred months are over....' (IX, 5). After this, in the eighth
+year of the Hegira, after the victory of Mecca, the fighting was
+enjoined absolutely by the words of God; 'March ye forth, the light and
+the heavy' (IX, 41); and 'attack those who join gods with God in all'
+(IX, 36). And this is the very verse of the sword, and some say the
+preceding verse is the verse of the sword, while others think that both
+bear on the same subject, _i.e._, of the sword."[299]
+
+[Sidenote: 105. Ibn Hajar refuted.]
+
+I have already explained the several verses quoted by the author in
+preceding paras., but have only to pass remarks on the only verse,
+_i.e._ (IX, 36), which the authors cited have not dared to mention,
+because it goes contrary to their assertion. Perhaps it is a slip in the
+rapidity of Ibn Hajar remarks, for which he may be excused. But I will
+not hesitate in saying that generally the Mohammadan legists, while
+quoting the Koran in support of their theories, quote some dislocated
+portion from a verse without any heed to its context, and thus cause a
+great and irreparable mischief by misleading others, especially the
+European writers, as it is apparent from the testimony of Mr. Lane
+quoted in para. 113 of this work.
+
+The verse referred to by the author mentioned in the last para., Ibn
+Hajar Makki, is as follows: "Attack those who join gods with God in all,
+as they attack you in all."--(IX, 36.) This speaks evidently of the
+defensive war, and has not the slightest or faintest idea of a war of
+aggression on the part of the Moslems. This verse refers to the
+expedition of Tábuk.
+
+[Sidenote: 106. Halabi quoted.]
+
+Nooruddeen Ali al Halabi (died 1044 A.H.), the author of
+_Insan-ul-Oyoon_, a biography of the Prophet, writes:--
+
+"It is not hidden that the Prophet for ten and odd years was warning
+and summoning people without fighting, and bearing patiently the severe
+persecutions of the Meccan Arabs and the Medinite Jews on himself and on
+his followers, because God had enjoined him to warn and to have patience
+to bear the injuries by withholding from them, in accordance with His
+words, 'Withdraw from them' (V, 46); and 'endure them with patience'
+(XVI, 128; XVIII, 27; XXXI, 16; LII, 48; and LXXIII, 10). He also used
+to promise them victory. His companions at Mecca used to come to him
+beaten and injured, and he used to tell them, 'Endure with patience, I
+am not commanded to fight,' because they were but a small party at
+Mecca. After this, when he was settled at Medina after the Hegira and
+his followers became numerous who preferred him to their fathers,
+children, and wives, and the unbelievers persisted in their idolatry,
+charging him with falsehoods, then God permitted his followers to fight,
+but against those _only_ who used to fight against them (the Moslems),
+and were aggressors, as he said, 'If they fight you, then kill them'
+(II, 187). This was in the year of Safar A.H. 2.... Then the whole Arab
+host marched against the Moslems to fight against them from every
+direction. The Moslems passed whole nights in arms, and during the day
+they were in the same state, and longed to pass peaceful nights without
+fear from anybody except from God. Then it was revealed, 'God hath
+promised to those of you who believe and do the things that are right,
+that he will cause them to succeed others in the land, as he gave
+succession to those who were before them, and that He will establish for
+them that religion which they delight in, and after their fears He will
+give them security in exchange' (S. XXIV, 54). After this to attack
+first was allowed against those who had not fought, but in other than
+the sacred months, _viz._, _Rajab_, _Zulkada_, _Zulhijja_, and
+_Mohuram_, according to the precept, 'And when the sacred months are
+passed, kill those who join gods with God ...' (IX, 5). Then the order
+became incumbent after the victory of Mecca, in the next year, to fight
+absolutely without any restriction, without any regard to any condition
+and time, by the words of God, 'Attack those who join gods with God in
+all' at any time (IX, 36). So it is known that the fighting was
+forbidden before the Hegira up to the month of Safar in its second year,
+as the Prophet was in this period ordered to preach and warn without any
+fighting, which was forbidden in seventy and odd verses. Then it was
+permitted to fight against _only_ those who fought against them. Then it
+was allowed to fight against those who fought aggressively in other than
+the sacred months. After this it was enjoined absolutely to wage war
+against them whether they did or did not fight, at all times, whether
+during the sacred months, or others of the year."[300]
+
+[Sidenote: 107. Halabi refuted.]
+
+Neither the fifth verse of the ninth Sura, nor the thirty-sixth of the
+same, allowed war of aggression. Both of them were published on the
+occasions of defensive wars, and the party against whom they were
+directed were the aggressors. All the verses quoted by Halabi, bearing
+on the subject, have been discussed and explained in the foregoing
+pages, from 92 to 106.
+
+[Sidenote: 108. Ainee again quoted and refuted.]
+
+Ainee, the author of the commentary on the Hedaya, called _Binayah_, in
+justifying the war of aggression against the unbelievers, quotes two
+verses from the Koran,[301] and two traditions from the Prophet,[302]
+and says,--"If it be objected that these absolute injunctions are
+restricted by the word of God, 'if they attack you, then kill them' (II,
+187), which shows that the fighting is only incumbent when the
+unbelievers are the aggressors in fighting, as it was held by Souri, the
+reply is that the verse was abrogated by another, 'So fight against them
+until there be no more persecution' (II, 189), and 'fight against those
+who do not believe in God.' (IX, 29)."[303] But he is wrong in asserting
+that the verse II, 187 was abrogated by II, 189, and IX, 29. There is no
+authority for such a gratuitous assumption. And besides, both these
+verses (II, 189, and IX, 29) relate to defensive wars as it has been
+already explained in paras. 96-99.
+
+[Sidenote: 109. Continuation of the above.]
+
+The verse 189 shows by its very wording the existence of _fitnah_ or
+persecution, torture, and fighting on the part of the aggressors. By
+suppressing the Meccans' persecution, the Moslems had to regain their
+civil and religious liberty, from which they were so unjustly deprived.
+And this war of the Moslems to repel the force of their aggressors was
+the war of defence and protection enjoined in the verse. The 29th verse
+of the ninth Sura appertains to the expedition of Tábuk if not to that
+of Khyber. These expeditions were of a defensive character. _Vide_ pages
+37 and 41.
+
+[Sidenote: 110. Traditions quoted and refuted.]
+
+The jurists further quote a tradition from the compilation of Abú Daood
+that the Prophet had said, "The Jihád will last up to the day of the
+Resurrection:" But in the first place, Jihád does not literally and
+classically mean warfare or fighting in a war. It means, as used by the
+classical poets as well as by the Koran, to do one's utmost; to labour;
+to toil; to exert one's-self or his power, efforts, endeavours, or
+ability; to employ one's-self vigorously, diligently, studiously,
+sedulously, earnestly, or with energy; to be diligent or studious, to
+take pains or extraordinary pains. _Vide_ Appendix A.
+
+In the second place, Yezid bin Abi Shaiba, a link in the chain of the
+tradition, is a _Mujhool_,[304] _i.e._, his biography is not known,
+therefore his tradition can have no authority.
+
+There is also another tradition in Bokháree to the effect that the
+Prophet had said, "I have been enjoined to fight the people until they
+confess that there is no god but the God." This tradition goes quite
+contrary to the verses of the Koran which enjoin to fight in
+defence,--that is, until the persecution or civil discord was
+removed.--(_Vide_ Sura II, 189; VIII, 40.) Thus it appears that either
+the whole tradition is a spurious one, or some of the narrators were
+wrong in interpreting the words of the Prophet.
+
+[Sidenote: 111. Early Moslem legists quoted against Jihád.]
+
+That the Koran did not allow war of aggression either when it was
+revealed, or in future as the early jurisconsults did infer from it,
+will be further shown from the opinions of the early Moslems; legists of
+the first and second century of the Hegira, like Ibn (son of) Omar the
+second khalif, Sotian Souri, Ibn Shobormah, Atá and Amar-bin-Dinar. All
+these early legists held that the fighting was not religiously incumbent
+(_wájib_), and that it was only a voluntary act, and that only those
+were to be fought against who attacked the Moslems.[305]
+
+[Sidenote: Biographical sketches of the legists.]
+
+I will give here short biographical sketches of the legists named
+above--
+
+(1.) "Abû Abd-ur-Rahman Abdullah ibn Omar ibn-al Khattab was one of the
+most eminent among the _companions_ of Muhammad by his piety, his
+generosity, his contempt of the world, his learning and his virtues.
+Though entitled by birth to aspire to the highest places in the empire,
+he never hearkened to the dictates of ambition; possessing a vast
+influence over the Moslims by his rank, his instruction, and his holy
+life, he neither employed nor abused it in favour of any party, and
+during the civil wars which raged among the followers of Islamism, he
+remained neutral, solely occupied with the duties of religion. For a
+period of thirty years persons came from all parts to consult him and
+learn from him the Traditions.... He died at Mekka A.H. 73 (A.D. 692-3)
+aged 84 years...."--[_Tabakat al Fokaha_, fol. 5.]
+
+(2.) Atá Ibn Abi Rabah.--"He held a high rank at Mekka as a
+juris-consult, a _Tâbî_, and a devout ascetic; and he derived (_his
+knowledge of the law and the Traditions_) from the lips of Jábir Ibn Abd
+Allah al-Ansárí, and Abd Allah Ibn Abbas, Abd Allah Ibn Zubair, and many
+others of Muhammad's companions. His own authority as a traditionist was
+cited by Amr ibn Dinár, Al-Aamash, Al-Auzái, and a great number of
+others who had heard him teach. The office of _Mufti_ at Mekka devolved
+on him and on Mujáhid, and was filled by them whilst they lived.... He
+died A.H. 115 (A.D. 733-4); some say 114 at the age of eighty-eight
+years."--[_Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, translated from the
+Arabic by Baron MacGuckin De Slane; Vol. II, pp. 203-204. London,
+MDCCCXLIII._]
+
+(3.) Amr Ibn Dinár.--"He is counted among the most eminent of the Tábis
+and considered as a traditionist of very highest authority. He was only
+one of the Mujatahid Imáms. Died A.H. 126, (A.D. 743-4), aged eighty
+years."--[_Tab-al-Fokaha_].
+
+(4.) "Abd Allah Ibn Shuburma ibn Tufail ad Dubbi, a celebrated Imám, and
+Tábi was an eminent jurisconsult of Kufa. He learned the Traditions from
+Ans, As-Shabi, and Ibn Sírín, and his own authority was cited for
+Traditions by Soffian Ath-Thauri, Sofyan ibn Oyaina, and others. His
+veracity and his eminence as a doctor of the law was universally
+acknowledged. He was an abstemious, intelligent, devout, generous, of a
+handsome countenance, and possessing a talent for poetry. He acted under
+the Khalif Al-Mamun, as kadí of the cultivated country (Sawád) around
+Kufa. Born A.H. 92, (A.D. 710-11); died A.H. 144 (A.D.
+761-2)."--[_Tabal-Fak. Al-Yáfi._]
+
+(5.) "Sofyan Ath-Thauri (As-Sauri) was native of Kúfa and a master of
+the highest authority in the Traditions and other sciences; his piety,
+devotion, veracity, and contempt for worldly goods were universally
+acknowledged, and as an Imám, he is counted among the _Mujtahids_....
+Sofyan ibn Oyaina declared that he did not know a man better informed
+than Soyfan Ath-Thauri respecting what was permitted and what was
+forbidden by the law.... Sofyan was born A.H. 95 (A.D. 713-4). Other
+accounts place his birth in 96 or 97. He died A.H. 161 (A.D. 713-4) at
+Basra.... It has been stated by some that Sofyan died A.H. 162, but the
+first is the true date."--[_Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary,
+translated from the Arabic by Baron MacGuckin De Slane, Vol. I, pp.
+576-8. London, MDCCCXLIII._]
+
+[Sidenote: 113. European writers' mistake.]
+
+That it is a mistake on the part of the European writers to assert that
+the Koran allows wars of aggression, or in other words, to wage war
+against the unbelievers without any provocation, is shown by the
+testimony of Mr. Urquhart and Mr. Edward William Lane. The latter
+writes: "Misled by the decision of those doctors, and an opinion
+prevalent in Europe, I represented the laws of 'holy war' as more severe
+than I found them to be according to the letter and spirit of the
+Kur-án, when carefully examined, and according to the Hanafee code. I am
+indebted to Mr. Urquhart for suggesting to me the necessity of revising
+my former statement on the subject; and must express my conviction that
+no precept is to be found in the Kur-án, which, taken with the context,
+can justify unprovoked war."[306]
+
+[Sidenote: 114. Sir William Muir quoted.]
+
+I will quote several remarks of European writers, including clergymen
+and Indian missionaries, to show how astray they go in attributing to
+the Koran and Mohammad the wars of aggressions and compulsory
+proselytizing. Sir William Muir represents the principles of Islam as
+requiring constant prosecutions of war, and writes--
+
+"It was essential to the permanence of Islam that its aggressive course
+should be continuously pursued, and that its claim to an universal
+acceptance, or at the least to an universal supremacy, should be
+enforced at the point of the sword. Within the limits of Arabia the work
+appeared now to be accomplished. It remained to gain over the Christian
+and idolatrous tribes of the Syrian desert, and then in the name of the
+Lord to throw down the gauntlet of war before the empires of Rome and
+Persia, which, having treated with contempt the summons of the Prophet
+addressed to them in solemn warning four years ago, were now rife for
+chastisement."[307]
+
+The occasion to which Sir W. Muir refers here was to wipe out the memory
+of the reverse at Muta. The expedition to Muta was occasioned by the
+murder of a messenger or envoy dispatched by Mohammad to the Ghassànide
+prince at Bostra. A party was sent to punish the offending chief,
+Sharahbil. This could, by no means, be maintained as a warlike spirit or
+an aggressive course for the prosecution of war, or for enforcing the
+claim of universal supremacy at the point of the sword.
+
+[Sidenote: 115. Islam not aggressive.]
+
+That Islam as preached by Mohammad was never aggressive has been fully
+shown in several places of the Koran. During the whole time of his
+ministry, Mohammad was persecuted, rejected, despised and at last made
+an outlaw by the Koreish at Mecca, and a fugitive seeking protection in
+a distant city; exiled, attacked upon, besieged, defeated, and prevented
+from returning to Mecca or visiting the Holy Kaaba by the same enemies
+at Mecca and other surrounding tribes who had joined them, and even from
+within Medina plotted against by the Jews who were not less aggressive
+towards him than their confederates of Mecca, the Koreish, whom they had
+instigated to make war on him and had brought an overwhelming army, had
+proved traitors, and, even more injurious than the Koreish themselves.
+Consequently, he was constantly in dangers and troubles, and under such
+circumstances it was impossible for him to be aggressive, to get time or
+opportunity to pursue any aggressive course, or enforce, at the point of
+the sword, any attempt of his for universal acceptance, or universal
+supremacy even if he had designed so. But it was far from his principles
+to have cherished the object of universal conquest. "That Islam ever
+stepped beyond the limits of Arabia and its border lands," admits Sir.
+W. Muir in his Rede Lecture for 1881, just twenty years after he had
+written the passage I am dealing with, "was due to circumstances rather
+than design. The faith was meant originally for the Arabs. From first to
+last, the call was addressed primarily to them." He writes in a footnote
+of the same lecture (page 5):
+
+ "It is true that three or four years before, Mahomet had addressed
+ dispatches to the Kaiser, and the Chosroes, and other neighbouring
+ potentates, summoning them to embrace the true faith. But the step
+ had never been followed up in any way."[308]
+
+[Sidenote: 116. Mr. Freeman quoted.]
+
+Mr. Freeman writes regarding Mohammad:--
+
+"Mahomet had before him the example of Mosaic Law, which preached a far
+more rigorous mandate of extermination against the guilty nations of
+Canaan. He had before him the practice of all surrounding powers,
+Christian, Jewish, and Heathen; though, from the disaffection of Syria
+and Egypt to the orthodox throne of Constantinople, he might have
+learned how easily persecution defeats its own end.... Under his
+circumstances, it is really no very great ground to condemnation that he
+did appeal to the sword. He did no more than follow the precedents of
+his own and every surrounding nation. Yet one might say that a man of
+such mighty genius as Mahomet must have been, might have been, fairly
+expected to rise superior to the trammels of prejudice and
+precedent."[309]
+
+Mohammad never professed to have followed the footsteps of Moses and
+Joshua in waging war of extermination and proselytism. He only appealed
+to the sword in his and his followers' defence. Never he seems to have
+been anxious to copy the practice of the surrounding nations,
+Christians, Jews, and Egyptians. His wars of defence, as they certainly
+all were, were very mild, specially with regard to the treatment of
+children, women, and old men who were never to be attacked; and above
+all, in the mildness shown towards the captives of war who were either
+to be set free or ransomed,--but were never to be enslaved,--contrary to
+the practice of all the surrounding nations. This virtual abolition of
+slavery (_vide_ Sura XLVII, 5, and Appendix B) has been a great boon to
+mankind in general as a beneficial result of Mohmamad's wars of defence.
+
+[Sidenote: 117. The Revd. Stephens quoted.]
+
+The Reverend Mr. Stephens writes:--
+
+"In the Koran, the Mussulman is absolutely and positively commanded to
+make war upon all those who decline to acknowledge the Prophet until
+they submit, or, in the case of Jews and Christians, purchase exemption
+from the conformity by the payment of tribute. The mission of the
+Mussulman, as declared in the Koran, is distinctly aggressive. We might
+say that Mahomet bequeathed to his disciples a roving commission to
+propagate his faith by the employment of force where persuasion failed.
+'O Prophet, fight for the religion of God'--'Stir up the faithful to
+war,' such are commands which Mahomet believed to be given him by God.
+'Fight against them who believe not a God, nor the last day,' 'attack
+the idolatrous in all the months,' such are his own exhortations to his
+disciples."[310]
+
+The Reverend gentleman is very much mistaken in his assertions against
+the Koran. There is no absolute or positive command in the Koran for a
+war of aggression or compulsory proselytism. The sentences quoted by Mr.
+Stephens are but mutilated verses forcibly dislocated from their
+context. A disjointed portion of a verse, or a single sentence of it
+cannot be brought forth to prove any doctrine or theory. Due regard must
+be made for the context, the general scope, and parallel passages. The
+verses referred to by Mr. Stephens are Sura IV, 86, and Sura IX, 29, 36.
+All these have been quoted in full and discussed elsewhere.[311] They
+relate only to defensive wars.
+
+[Sidenote: 118. Mr. Bosworth Smith quoted.]
+
+Mr. Bosworth Smith says:--
+
+"The free toleration of the purer among the creeds around him, which the
+Prophet had at first enjoined, gradually changes into intolerance.
+Persecuted no longer, Mohammed becomes a persecutor himself; with the
+Koran in one hand, the scymitar in the other, he goes forth to offer to
+the nations the threefold alternative of conversion, tribute,
+death."[312]
+
+Mohammad never changed his practice of toleration nor his own teachings
+into intolerance; he was always persecuted at Mecca and Medina, but, for
+all we know, he himself never turned a persecutor. The three-fold
+alternative so much talked of, and so little proved, is nowhere to be
+found in the Koran. This subject has been fully discussed in paras.
+34-39.
+
+[Sidenote: 119. Mr. G. Sale quoted.]
+
+Mr. George Sale, in his celebrated preliminary discourse to the
+translation of the Koran, writes, referring to the thirteenth year of
+Mohammad's mission:--
+
+"Hitherto Mohammed had propagated his religion by fair means, so that
+the whole success of his enterprise, before his flight to Medina, must
+be attributed to persuasion only, and not to compulsion. For before this
+second oath of fealty or inauguration at al Akaba, he had no permission
+to use any force at all; and in several places of the Korân, which he
+pretended were revealed during his stay at Mecca, he declares his
+business was only to preach and admonish; that he had no authority to
+compel any person to embrace his religion; and that whether people
+believed or not, was none of his concern, but belonged solely to God.
+And he was so far from allowing his followers to use force, that he
+exhorted them to bear patiently those injuries which were offered them
+on account of their faith; and when persecuted himself chose rather to
+quit the place of his birth and retire to Medina, than to make any
+resistance. But this great passiveness and moderation seems entirely
+owing to his want of power and the great superiority of his oppressors
+for the first twelve years of his mission; for no sooner was he enabled
+by the assistance of those of Medina to make head against his enemies,
+than he gave out, that God had allowed him and his followers to defend
+themselves against the infidels; and at length, as his forces increased,
+he pretended to have the divine leave even to attack them, and to
+destroy idolatry, and set up the true faith by the sword; finding by
+experience that his designs would otherwise proceed very slowly, if they
+were not utterly overthrown, and knowing on the other hand that
+innovators, when they depend solely on their own strength, and can
+compel, seldom run any risk; from whence, the politician observes, it
+follows, that all the armed prophets have succeeded, and the unarmed
+ones have failed. Moses, Cyrus, Theseus and Romulus would not have been
+able to establish the observance of their institutions for any length of
+time had they not been armed. The first passage of the Korân, which gave
+Mohammed the permission of defending himself by arms, is said to have
+been that in the twenty-second chapter: after which a great number to
+the same purpose were revealed.
+
+"That Mohammed had a right to take up arms for his own defence against
+his unjust persecutors, may perhaps be allowed; but whether he ought
+afterwards to have made use of that means for the establishing of his
+religion, is a question which I will not here determine. How far the
+secular power may or ought to interpose in affairs of this nature,
+mankind are not agreed. The method of converting by the sword gives no
+very favourable idea of the faith which is so propagated, and is
+disallowed by every body in those of another religion, though the same
+persons are willing to admit of it for the advancement of their own;
+supposing that though a false religion ought not to be established by
+authority, yet a true one may; and accordingly force is as constantly
+employed in these cases by those who have the power in their hands as it
+is constantly complained of by those who suffer the violence."[313]
+
+I do not agree with these words of Mr. George Sale regarding Mohammad,
+"and at length, as his forces increased, he pretended to have the divine
+leave even to attack them, and to destroy idolatry, and set up the true
+faith by the sword;" he never attacked the Koreish or others except in
+his own defence. The destruction of idolatry was the chief mission of
+Mohammad, and that even was not resorted to by force of arms. There were
+neither compulsory conversions nor his history points to any extirpation
+of the idolaters at the point of sword from their native countries, as
+the chief objects of his mission. The persecutions and civil discord
+were to be removed or put a stop to, and force was used to repel force,
+but nothing more. Conversion by the sword was not enforced on any
+proselyte by Mohammad.
+
+[Sidenote: 120. Major Osborn quoted.]
+
+Major Osborn has drawn a very dark picture of what he calls "The
+Doctrine of Jehad," in his _Islam under the Arabs_.[314] The defensive
+wars of Mohammad are explained by him as "means of livelihood congenial
+to the Arab mind, and carrying with it no stain of disgrace or
+immorality. This was robbery. Why should not the faithful eke out their
+scanty means by adopting this lucrative and honourable profession, which
+was open to everyone who had a sword and knew how to use it?... Surely,
+to despoil these infidels and employ their property to feed the hungry
+and clothe the naked among the people of God, would be a work well
+pleasing in His sight.... And thus was the first advance made in the
+conversion of the religion of Islam with the religion of the sword"
+(pages 46-47). After this the Major writes again: "The ninth Sura is
+that which contains the Prophet's proclamation of war against the
+votaries of all creeds other than that of Islam" (page 52). Then he
+quotes several verses, some of them half sentences, violently distorted,
+from the eighth and ninth Suras, in a consecutive form, without giving
+the numbers. These are Sura IX, 20, 34, 35, 82, 121; Sura VIII, 67; Sura
+IX, 36, 5, 29, 19; Sura XLVII, 4; Sura IX, 5; and Sura VIII, 42. Lastly,
+the learned Major concludes by saying,--"Such was the character of the
+Sacred War enjoined upon the Faithful. It is Muhammad's greatest
+achievement and his worst. When subjected himself to the pains of
+persecution he had learned to perceive how powerless were torments
+applied to the body to work a change of conviction in the mind. 'Let
+there be no violence in religion' had then been one of the maxims he had
+laid down. 'Unto every one of you,' he had said in former days, speaking
+of Jews and Christians, 'have we given a law, and an open path; and if
+God had pleased He had surely made you one people; but He hath thought
+fit to give you different laws, that he might try you in that which He
+hath given you respectively. Therefore, strive to excel each other in
+good works; unto God shall ye all return, and then will He declare unto
+you that concerning which ye have disagreed.' But the intoxication of
+success had long ago stilled the voice of his better self. The aged
+Prophet standing on the brink of the grave, and leaving as his last
+legacy a mandate of universal war, irresistibly recalls, by force of
+contrast, the parting words to his disciples of another religious
+teacher that they should go forth and preach a gospel of peace to all
+nations. Nor less striking in their contrast is the response to either
+mandate;--the Arab, with the Koran in one hand and the sword in the
+other, spreading his creed amid the glare of burning cities, and the
+shrieks of violated homes, and the Apostles of Christ working in the
+moral darkness of the Roman world with the gentle but irresistible power
+of light, laying anew the foundations of society, and cleansing at their
+source the polluted springs of domestic and national life."
+
+[Sidenote: 121. Major Osborn refuted.]
+
+The learned author quoted above has either misunderstood the character
+of the wars of the Prophet of Islam, or has grossly misrepresented it.
+He errs in two points: First, he makes the wars as wars of conquest,
+compulsion, and aggression, whereas they were all undertaken in the
+defence of the civil and religious rights of the early Moslems, who
+were, as I have said before, persecuted, harassed, and tormented at
+Mecca for their religion, and after a long period of persecution with
+occasional fresh and vigorous measures, were condemned to severer and
+harder sufferings, were expelled from their homes, leaving their dear
+relations, and religious brethren to endure the calamities of the
+persecution, and while taking refuge at Medina were attacked upon by
+superior numbers, several of the surrounding tribes of Arabs and Jews
+joining the aggressive Koreish, making ruinous inroads and threatening
+the Moslems with still greater and heavier miseries. From this statement
+it will appear that these wars were neither of conquest nor of
+compulsory conversion. The second great mistake under which Major Osborn
+seems to labour is that he takes the injunctions of war against the
+Meccans or other aggressors as a general obligation to wage war against
+all unbelievers in the Moslem faith. In fact, these injunctions were
+only against those aggressors who had actually committed great
+encroachments on the rights and liberties of the early Moslems, and had
+inflicted very disastrous injuries on them. These injunctions had and
+have nothing to do with the future guidance of the Moslem world.
+
+[Sidenote: 122. The IXth Sura of the Koran.]
+
+It is a great misrepresentation on the part of Major Osborn to assert
+that "the ninth Sura is that which contains the Prophet's proclamation
+of war against the votaries of all creeds other than that of Islam." No
+statement could be farther from truth than this of his. The ninth Sura,
+or, more correctly, the beginning or opening verses of it, contain the
+Prophet's proclamation of war against those of the Meccan idolaters,
+who, in violation of the treaty of Hodeibia, had attacked the
+Moslems.--(Sura IX, 4, 8, 10, 12 & 13, _vide_ pages 23-25.) They were
+allowed four months' time (IX, 2, 5) to make terms. They submitted, and
+Mecca was taken by compromise, in consequence of which the threatened
+war was never waged. Those who had not broken their treaties were
+especially mentioned, with whom the proclamation or the period allowed
+for peace had no connection.--(_Vide_ Sura IX, 4, 7, quoted above, pages
+23-24.) Thus it is quite clear that the proclamation of war was only
+against the violators and aggressors, and not against the votaries of
+all creeds other than that of Islam. I have further discussed the ninth
+Sura in para. 40 of this work. The other verses of this Sura refer to
+the expedition of Tabúk, which was purely defensive in its nature as has
+been described in para. 33 of this book. (See also para. 42.)
+
+[Sidenote: 123. The Reverend Wherry quoted.]
+
+The Reverend E.M. Wherry, M.A., in his note on Sale's Preliminary
+Discourse, says:--
+
+"Though Muhammad undoubtedly took Moses as his pattern, and supposed
+himself following in his footsteps when he gave the command to fight
+against the infidels, yet there is no comparison between them whatever
+so far as warring against infidels is concerned. The Israelites were
+commanded to slay the Canaanites as divinely ordained instruments of
+_destruction_; but Muhammad inaugurated war as a means of proselytism.
+The Israelite was not permitted to proselytize from among the
+Canaanites, (Exod. XXIII. 27-33), but Muslims are required to
+proselytize by sword-power."[315]
+
+Mohammad never had said that he did follow the footsteps of Moses in
+giving the command of fighting in self-defence, and in repelling force
+by force. There could be no comparison whatsoever between the wars of
+Moses, which were merely wars of conquest, aggression, extermination,
+and expatriation, and those of Mohammad waged only in self-defence.
+Mohammad did not inaugurate his career by prosecuting war as a means of
+proselytism, and never did proselytized any one by the sheer strength of
+the sword. Mr. T.H. Horne, M.A., writes regarding the extirpation of the
+Canaanites:--
+
+"After the time of God's forbearance was expired, they had still the
+alternative, either to flee elsewhere, as in fact, many of them did, or
+to surrender themselves, renounce their idolatries, and serve the God of
+Israel. Compare Deut. XX. 10-17."[316] This was certainly compulsory
+conversion and proselytizing at the point of the sword.
+
+[Sidenote: 124. Example cited from the Jewish history.]
+
+There is only one instance in the Koran in which an example is cited for
+the war of defence by Mohammad, from the Jewish History. It is the
+asking of the children of Israel their prophet Samuel to raise up a king
+for them to fight in their defence against the Philistines, who had very
+much oppressed the Israelites. Saul was appointed king over the
+Israelites, and David killed Goliath, called _Jálut_ in the Koran, which
+was in defence of the Israelites. I have quoted the verses relating to
+the above subject from the Koran (Sura II, 247 and 252) in page 19th of
+this work.
+
+"Hast thou not considered the assembly of the children of Israel after
+_the death_ of Moses, when they said to a prophet of theirs,--'Raise up
+for us a king; we will do battle for the cause of God?' He said, 'May it
+not be that when fighting is ordained you, ye would not fight?' They
+said, 'And why should we not fight in the cause of God, since we are
+driven forth from our dwellings and our children?'....
+
+This shows that what the Koran or Mohammad took as an example from the
+history of the Jews was only their defensive war.
+
+[Sidenote: 125. Mosaic injunctions.]
+
+It is very unfair of the Christians to make too much of the wars of
+Mohammad, which were purely of a defensive nature, and offer apologies
+for the most cruel wars of conquest and extermination by Moses, Joshua
+and other Jewish worthies under the express commands of God.--(_Vide_
+Numbers XXXI; Deut. XXI, &c.) But see what Mr. Wherry says. He writes in
+his comments on the 191 verse of the second Sura of the Koran.
+
+"(191). _Kill them, &c._ Much is made of expressions like this, by some
+Christian apologists, to show the cruel character of the Arabian
+prophet, and the inference is thence drawn that he was an impostor and
+his Qurán a fraud. Without denying that Muhammad was cruel, we think
+this mode of assault to be very unsatisfactory to say the least, as it
+is capable of being turned against the Old Testament Scriptures. If the
+claim of Muhammad to have received a divine command to exterminate
+idolatry by the slaughter of all impenitent idolaters be admitted, I can
+see no objection to his practice. The question at issue is this. Did God
+command such slaughter of idolaters, as he commanded the destruction of
+the Canaanites or of the Amalekites? Taking the stand of the Muslim,
+that God did so command Muhammad and his followers, his morality in this
+respect may be defended on precisely the same ground that the morality
+of Moses and Joshua is defended by the Christian."[317]
+
+[Sidenote: 126. The Revd. T.P. Hughes quoted.]
+
+The Revd. T.P. Hughes in his Notes on Muhammadanism writes:--
+
+ "Jihád (lit. 'an effort') is a religious war against the infidels,
+ as enjoined by Muhammad in the Qurán."
+
+ Súrat-un-Nisa (VI.)
+
+ "Fight therefore for the religion of God."
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ "God hath indeed promised Paradise to every one. But God hath
+ preferred those who _fight for the faith_." (IV, 97.)
+ Súrat-ul-Muhammad (XLVII).
+
+ "Those who _fight in the defence of God's true religion_, God will
+ not suffer their works to perish." (XLVII, 5.)[318]
+
+The first verse quoted by Mr. Hughes appertains to the war of defence.
+The verse in itself has express indications of its relating to the war
+of defence, but Mr. Hughes was not inclined, perhaps, to copy it in
+full. He merely quotes half a sentence, and shuts his eyes from other
+words and phrases of the same verse. The verse has been quoted in page
+20. It is as follows:--
+
+"Fight then on the path of God: lay not burdens on any but thyself; and
+stir up the faithful. The powers of the infidels, God will haply
+restrain; for God is stronger in prowess, and stronger to
+punish."--(Sura IV, 86.)
+
+The severe persecution, the intense torture and mighty aggression of
+the Meccans and their allies is referred to in the original word _Báss_,
+rendered _prowess_ into English and referred to in the previous verse
+77, which shows that the war herein enjoined was to restrain the
+aggressions of the enemy and to repel force by force.
+
+It is very unfair on the part of the Revd. T.P. Hughes to twist or
+dislocate half a sentence from a verse and put it forth to demonstrate
+and prove a certain object of his.
+
+[Sidenote: 127. Meaning of Jihad.]
+
+The second verse quoted by the same author is a mere mistranslation.
+There is no such word in the original which admits of being rendered as
+"fighting." The true translation of the sentence quoted above from Sura
+IV, verse 97, is as follows:--
+
+"Good promises hath he made to all. But God hath assigned to the
+_strenuous_ a rich recompense above those who sit still at home."
+
+The word rendered "_strenuous_" is originally "mojahid" (plural
+"Mojahidin," from Jihád), which in classical Arabic and throughout the
+Koran means to do one's utmost, to make effort, to strive, to exert, to
+employ one's-self diligently, studiously, sedulously, earnestly,
+zealously, or with energy, and does not mean fighting or warfare. It was
+subsequently applied to religious war, but was never used in the Koran
+in such a sense. (_Vide_ Appendix A.)
+
+[Sidenote: 128. Sura XLVII, v. 5.]
+
+The third instance quoted by Mr. Hughes is also a mistranslation of a
+sentence in verse 5, Sura XLVII. The original word is "_kotelú_," which
+means "those who are _killed_," and not "those who _fight_," as
+explained and translated by the author. The correct rendering of the
+sentence is this: "And those who are killed, their work God will not
+suffer to miscarry."
+
+Some read the word "_kátalú_," which means "those who fought," but the
+general and authorized reading is "_kotelú_," _i.e._, "those who are
+killed." Even if it be taken for granted that the former is the correct
+reading, it will be explained by several other verses which mean
+fighting in defence, and not fighting aggressively, which not only has
+been never taught in the Koran but is always prohibited (II, 186). The
+verse to that effect runs thus:--
+
+"And fight for the cause of God against those who fight against you; but
+commit not the injustice of attacking them first. Verily God loveth not
+the unjust."--(II, 186.)
+
+This verse permitted only defensive war and prohibited every aggressive
+measure. All other verses mentioned in connection with fighting on the
+part of the Moslems must be interpreted in conformity with this.
+
+[Sidenote: 129. The Rev. Mr. Malcolm MacColl quoted.]
+
+The Rev. Malcolm MacColl writes:--
+
+"The Koran divides the earth into parts: Dar-ul-Islam, or the House of
+Islam; and Dar-ul-Harb, or the House of the enemy. All who are not of
+Islam are thus against it, and it is accordingly the duty of the True
+Believers to fight against the infidels till they accept Islam, or are
+destroyed. This is called the Djihad or Holy War, which can only end
+with the conversion or death of the last infidel on earth. It is thus
+the sacred duty of the Commander of the Faithful to make war on the
+non-Mussulman world as occasion may offer. But Dar-ul-Harb or the
+non-Mussulman world, is subdivided into Idolaters and Ketabi, or 'People
+of the Book,'--_i.e._, people who possess divinely inspired Scriptures,
+namely, Jews, Samaritans, and Christians. All the inhabitants of
+Dar-ul-Harb are infidels, and consequently outside the pale of
+Salvation. But the Ketabi are entitled to certain privileges in this
+world, if they submit to the conditions which Islam imposes. Other
+infidels must make their choice between one of two alternatives--Islam
+or the sword. The Ketabi are allowed a third alternative, namely,
+submission and the payment of tribute. But if they refuse to submit, and
+presume to fight against the True Believers, they lapse at once into the
+condition of the rest of Dar-ul-Harb and may be summarily put to death
+or sold as slaves."[319]
+
+I am very sorry the Rev. gentleman is altogether wrong in his assertions
+against the Koran. There is neither such a division of the world in the
+Koran, nor such words as "Dar-ul-Islam" and "Dar-ul-Harb" are to be
+found anywhere in it. There is no injunction in the Koran to the True
+Believers to fight against the infidels till they accept Islam, failing
+which they are to be put to death. The words "Dar-ul-Islam" and
+"Dar-ul-Harb" are only to be found in the Mohammadan Common Law, and are
+only used in the question of jurisdiction. No Moslem magistrate will
+pass a sentence in a criminal case against a criminal who had committed
+an offence in a foreign country. The same is the case in civil
+courts[320]. All the inhabitants of Dar-ul-Harb are not necessarily
+infidels. Mohammadans, either permanently or temporarily by obtaining
+permission from the sovereign of the foreign land, can be the
+inhabitants of a Dar-ul-Harb, a country out of the Moslem jurisdiction,
+or at war with it.
+
+[Sidenote: 130. The untenable theories of the Common Law and
+conclusion.]
+
+It is only a theory of our Common Law, in its military and political
+chapters, which allow waging unprovoked war with non-Moslems, exacting
+tribute from "the people of the Book," and other idolaters, except those
+of Arabia, for which the Hanafi Code of the Common Law has nothing short
+of conversion to Islam or destruction by the sword. As a rule, our
+canonical legists support their theories by quotations from the
+Mohammadan Revealed Law, _i.e._, the Koran, as well as from the Sonnah,
+or the traditions from the Prophet, however absurd and untenable may be
+their process of reasoning and argumentative deductions. In this theory
+of waging war with, and exacting tribute or the capitation-tax from, the
+non-Moslem world, they quote the 9th and other Suras. These verses have
+been copied and explained elsewhere in this book. The casuistic
+sophistry of the canonical legists in deducing these war theories from
+the Koran is altogether futile. These verses relate only to the wars
+waged by the Prophet and his followers purely in their self-defence.
+Neither these verses had anything to do with waging unprovoked war and
+exacting tributes during Mohammad's time, nor could they be made a law
+for future military conquest. These were only temporary in their
+operations and purely defensive in their nature. The Mohammadan Common
+Law is by no means divine or superhuman. It mostly consists of uncertain
+traditions, Arabian usages and customs, some frivolous and fortuitous
+analogical deductions from the Koran, and a multitudinous array of
+casuistical sophistry of the canonical legists. It has not been held
+sacred or unchangeable by enlightened Mohammadans of any Moslem country
+and in any age since its compilation in the fourth century of the
+Hejira. All the _Mujtahids_, _Ahl Hadis_, and other non-Mokallids had
+had no regard for the four schools of Mohammadan religious
+jurisprudence, or the Common Law.
+
+[Sidenote: Sura XLVII, 16, and Sura XLVII, 4 and 5.]
+
+Sura XLVIII, 16, is not generally quoted by the canonical legists in
+support of their theory of Jehád, but by some few. It is not in the
+shape of a command or injunction; it is in a prophetical tone:--
+
+"Say to those Arabs of the desert who stayed behind, Ye shall be called
+forth against a people of mighty valour; Ye shall do battle with them,
+or they shall submit (_Yoslemoon_)[321]...."
+
+The verses 4 and 5 of Sura XLVII, like all other verses on the subject,
+appertain to the wars of defence, and no one has ever quoted them for
+wars of aggression. These verses have already been quoted at page 85.
+The abolition of the future slavery as enjoined in the 5th verse has
+been treated separately in Appendix B. The Arabs, like other barbarous
+nations round them, used either to kill the prisoners of war or to
+enslave them; but this injunction of the Koran abolished both of these
+barbarous practices. The prisoners henceforward were neither to be
+killed nor enslaved, but were to be set at liberty with or without
+ransom.
+
+[Footnote 289: Ata, a learned legist of Mecca, who flourished at the end
+of the first century of the Hegira, and held a high rank there as a
+juris-consult, (_vide_ para. 112) held, that Jihad was only incumbent on
+the Companions of the Prophet, and was not binding on any one else after
+them. See para. 112, and _Tafsír Majma-ul-Bayán_ by Tabrasee under Sura
+II. 212.]
+
+[Footnote 290: The _Hedaya_ or Guide; or, A Commentary on the Mussulman
+Laws, translated by Charles Hamilton; Vol. II, Book IX, Ch. I, page 140
+London, MDCCXCI.]
+
+[Footnote 291: The _Hedaya_ or Guide; or, A Commentary on the Mussulman
+Laws, translated by Charles Hamilton; Vol. II, Book IX, Ch. I, page
+141.]
+
+[Footnote 292: "Arab _Kattâl_; meaning war in its _operation_, such as
+_fighting_, _slaying_," &c.]
+
+[Footnote 293: The _Hedaya_, Vol. II, 141.]
+
+[Footnote 294: Sura II, 187.]
+
+[Footnote 295: The Hedaya, with its commentary called Kifaya, Vol. II,
+p. 708. Calcutta Medical Press, 1834.
+
+As a general rule the Mohammadan authors do not refer to the verses of
+the Koran by their number. They generally quote the first sentence, or
+even a portion of it. The No. of verses are mine. I have followed
+Fluegel and Rodwell's numbers of verses in their editions and
+translations of the Koran.]
+
+[Footnote 296: Kifaya as before.]
+
+[Footnote 297: _Binayah_, a commentary of the _Hedaya_, by Ainee. Vol.
+II, Part II, page 789.]
+
+[Footnote 298: Part. III, page 219.]
+
+[Footnote 299: _Tuhfatul Muhtáj fi Sharah-al-Minhaj_, Part IV, page
+137.]
+
+[Footnote 300: _Insan-ul-Oyoon_, Part II, pp. 289, 291. Chapter on
+"Campaign."]
+
+[Footnote 301: Sura IX, 5 and 12. These verses have been discussed at
+pages 51-55.]
+
+[Footnote 302: "The Jihád will last till the day of the Resurrection."
+
+"I have been enjoined to fight the people until they confess there is no
+god but the God." For these traditions see the next para.]
+
+[Footnote 303: _Vide_ Ainee's Commentary of the _Hedaya_, Vol. II, Part
+II, p. 790.]
+
+[Footnote 304: _Vide_ Ainee's Commentary of the _Hedaya_, Vol. II, Part
+II, p. 798.]
+
+[Footnote 305: _Vide_ Kázee Budrudeen Mahmood bin Ahmed Ainee's (who
+died in 855 A.H.) Commentary on the _Hedaya_ called _Binayah_, and
+generally known by the name of Ainee, Vol. II, pp. 789-90, "Book of
+Institute."]
+
+[Footnote 306: The Modern Egyptians, by Edward William Lane; Vol. I, p.
+117, _note_: fifth edition, London, 1871.]
+
+[Footnote 307: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 251-252.]
+
+[Footnote 308: The Early Caliphate and Rise of Islam, being the Rede
+Lecture for 1881, delivered before the University of Cambridge by Sir
+William Muir, K.C.S.I., LL.D., page 5, London, 1881.]
+
+[Footnote 309: The History and Conquests of the Saracens, by Edward. A.
+Freeman, D.C.L., LL.D., pp. 41-42; London, 1877.]
+
+[Footnote 310: Christianity and Islam; The Bible and the Koran; by the
+Rev. W.R.W. Stephens, London, 1877, pp. 98-99.]
+
+[Footnote 311: _Vide_ paras. 17, 29, 126.]
+
+[Footnote 312: Mohammed and Mohammedanism. Lectures delivered at the
+Royal Institution of Great Britain in February and March 1874, by R.
+Bosworth Smith, M.A., Second Edition, page 137; London, 1876.]
+
+[Footnote 313: The Koran, by George Sale. The "_Chandos Classics_." The
+Preliminary Discourse, Section II, pp. 37-38.]
+
+[Footnote 314: London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1876, pp. 46-54.]
+
+[Footnote 315: A Comprehensive Commentary on the Qurán; comprising
+Sale's Translation and Preliminary Discourse, with additional Notes and
+Emendations, by the Revd. E.M. Wherry, M.A., page 220; London: Trübner &
+Co., 1882.]
+
+[Footnote 316: An Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of
+the Holy Scripture, by Thomas Hartwell Horne, Esq., M.A. Vol. II, page
+524; London. 1828.]
+
+[Footnote 317: Commentary on the Qurán by the Revd. Wherry, page 358.]
+
+[Footnote 318: Notes on Muhammadanism; being outlines of the Religious
+System of Islam, by the Revd. T.P. Hughes, M.R.A.S., C.M.S., Missionary
+to the Afghans, page 206; Second Edition, 1877.]
+
+[Footnote 319: The Nineteenth Century; London, December 1877, page 832.]
+
+[Footnote 320: This subject has been fully treated in my "The Proposed
+Political, Legal, and Social Reforms in Moslem States," pp. 22-25:
+Bombay Education Society Press, 1883.]
+
+[Footnote 321: Sir W. Muir, with other European translators of the
+Koran, translates the word "they shall profess Islam" (The Life of
+Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 39, _footnote_). It ought to be translated "they
+shall submit." There is a difference of opinion among the commentators
+and canonical legists in this word. Some translate the word _Yoslemoon_
+"shall profess Islam," and others "shall submit." This difference in the
+interpretation of the same word is merely of a sectarian nature, each
+party wishing to serve their own purpose. Those legists who held that
+the polytheists and idolaters may either be fought against or be
+submitted to the authority of Islam by being tributaries, took the word
+in its proper sense of submission. Those who held that "the people of
+the Book" ought only to be made tributaries, while all other idolaters
+and polytheists should be compelled either to perish or to embrace
+Islam, interpret the word technically to mean the religion of Islam. But
+as the verse is not a legal command, we condemn at once the casuistic
+sophistry of the legists.]
+
+
+
+
+Appendix A
+
+ON THE WORD "JIHAD" AS OCCURRING IN THE KORAN AND WRONGLY TRANSLATED
+"WARFARE."
+
+
+[Sidenote: Jihád or Jihd does not mean war or crusade.]
+
+1. The popular word _Jihád_ or _Jihd_, occurring in several passages of
+the Koran, and generally construed by Christians and Moslems alike as
+meaning hostility or the waging of war against infidels, does not
+classically or literally signify war, warfare, hostility or fighting,
+and is never used in such a sense in the Koran. The Arabic terms for
+warfare or fighting are _Harab_ and _Kitál_.
+
+[Sidenote: Classical meaning of Jihád, &c.]
+
+2. The words _Jahada_, and _Jáhada_ signify that a person strove,
+laboured or toiled; exerted himself or his power, or efforts, or
+endeavours, or ability employed himself vigorously, diligently,
+studiously, sedulously, earnestly or with energy; was diligent or
+studious, took pains or extraordinary pains[322]; for example, the term
+_Jáhada fil-amr_ signifies that a person did his utmost or used his
+utmost powers, or efforts, or endeavours, or ability in prosecuting an
+affair.[323] The infinitive noun _Jihádan_ also means difficulty or
+embarrassment, distress, affliction, trouble, inconvenience, fatigue, or
+weariness.[324] Jauharce, a lexicologist of great repute, whose work is
+confined to classical terms and their significations, says in his Siháh
+that _Jáhada fi Sabeelillah_ or _Mojáhadatan_ and _Jihádan_ and also
+_Ajtahada_ and _Tajáhada_ mean expending power and effort. Fayoomee,
+author of _Misbahel Moneer_, which contains a very large collection of
+classical words and phrases of frequent occurrence, also says that
+_Jáhada fi Sabeelillah Jihádan_ and _Ajtahada fil Amr_ mean he expended
+his utmost efforts and power in seeking to attain an object.
+
+[Sidenote: Post-classical or technical meaning of Jihád.]
+
+3. It is only a post-classical and technical meaning of _Jihád_ to use
+the word as signifying fighting against an enemy. Mr. Lane says,
+"_Jahada_ came to be used by the Moslems to signify generally _he
+fought_, _warred_ or waged war against _unbelievers_ and _the like_."
+This signification is now given by those lexicologists who do not
+restrict themselves to the definition of classical terms or
+significations, like the author of Kámoos. Mr. Lane, the celebrated
+author of _Maddool Kámoos_ an Arabic-English lexicologist, clearly shows
+that the definition of _Jihád_, as the act of waging war, is only of
+Moslem origin and is not classical. And I will show in sequence that the
+Moslem usage of _Jihád_, as signifying the waging of war, is a
+post-Koranic usage, and that in the Koran it is used classically and
+literally in its natural sense.
+
+[Sidenote: The Classical tongue and Arabian poets.]
+
+4. What is called the classical language of Arabia or the _loghat_, and
+is an authority for the genuineness of the Arabic terms and their
+significations, is the language which was spoken throughout the whole of
+the Peninsula previous to the appearance of Mohammad. After the death of
+Mohammad the language was rapidly corrupted by the introduction of
+foreign words. This was doubtless owing to the great extension of the
+Mohammadan power at this period. The classical poets are those who died
+before these great conquests were effected, and are the most reliable
+authorities for Arabic words and their significations, and they are
+called _Jáhilí_. Next to the classical poets are the post-classical, or
+_Mokhadrams_, _Islámi_ and _Mowallads_. Mokhadram is a poet who lived
+partly before and partly after Mohammad, and who did not embrace
+Islámism during the life of the Prophet. The Islámi poets are the
+Mohammadan poets of the first and second centuries of the Hejira, and
+Mowallads, the poets of the fourth rank, followed the Islámis. The
+earliest classical poets date only a century before the birth of
+Mohammad, and the latest, about a century after his death. The period of
+the Islámi poets is the first and second centuries,--_i.e._, those who
+lived after the first corruption of the Arabic language, but before the
+corruption had become extensive.
+
+The Mowallads co-existed with the general and rapid corruption of the
+language from the beginning or middle of the second century.
+
+[Sidenote: The conjugation and declension of _Jahd_ and _Jihád_]
+
+5. The words _Jahd_ and _Jihád_ and their derivations, amounting to
+fourteen in number, occur in the following passages in the Koran:--
+
+ 1. "Jâhada" Chapter xxix, 5; ix, 19.
+ 2. "Jáhadáka" Do. xxxi, 14, xxix, 7.
+ 3. "Jáhadoo" Do. ii, 215; viii, 73, 75,
+ 76; ix, 16, 20, 89;
+ xlix, 15; iii, 136;
+ xvi, 111; xxix, 69.
+ 4. "Yojáhido" Do. xxix, 5.
+ 5. "Yojáhidoona" Do. v, 59.
+ 6. "Yojáhidoo" Do. ix, 44, 82.
+ 7. "Tojáhidoona" Do. lxi, 11.
+ 8. "Jihád" Do. xxv, 54; xxii, 77;
+ ix, 24; lx, 1.
+ 8.* "Jahd" Do. v, 58; vi, 109;
+ xvi, 40; xxiv, 52;
+ xxxv, 40.
+ 9.* "Johd" Do ix, 80.
+ 10. "Jáhid" Do. ix, 74; lxvi, 9.
+ 11. "Jâhidhoom" Do. xxv, 54.
+ 12. "Mojáhidína" Do. iv, 97; bis. xlvii, 33.
+ 13. "Mojáhidoona" Do. iv, 97.
+ 14. "Jáhidoo" Do. v, 39; ix, 41, 87; xxii, 77.
+
+[Sidenote: The number of instances in which they occur in the Koran.]
+
+6. There are altogether 36 verses in the Koran containing the words
+noted above, in the following chapters and verses:--
+
+ Chapter ii, 215.
+ Do. iii, 136.
+ Do. iv, 97.
+ Do. v, 39, 58, 59.
+ Do. vi, 109.
+ Do. viii, 73, 75, 76.
+ Do. ix, 16, 19, 20, 24, 41, 44, 74, 80, 82, 87, 89.
+ Do. xvi, 40, 111.
+ Do. xxii, 77.
+ Do. xxiv, 52.
+ Do. xxv, 54.
+ Do. xxix, 5, 7, 69.
+ Do. xxxi, 14.
+ Do. xxxv, 40.
+ Do. xlvii, 33.
+ Do. xlix, 15.
+ Do. xl, 1.
+ Do. xli, 11.
+ Do. xlvi, 9.
+
+[Sidenote: In what sense they are used in the Koran.]
+
+7. Out of the above, the verses containing the words "Jahd" and
+"Johd,"--_i.e._, v, 58; vi, 109; xvi, 40; xxiv, 52; xxxv, 40; and ix,
+80, marked *, are altogether out of dispute, as in all the former
+passages, except the last one, its obvious meaning is _most_ or _utmost_
+solemn oaths,[325] or most _energetic_ oaths or _strongest_ or most
+forcible oaths,[326] and the latter signifies small provisions upon
+which a man possessing a little property can live with difficulty. The
+rest are of two kinds--_first_, the verses occurring in the Meccan
+Suras. As then the Moslems had not resorted to arms in their defence,
+though suffering from persecutions, Mohammadan commentators and jurists
+and Christian writers are unanimous in construing _Jihád_ in its natural
+sense of exertion, effort, energy, and painstaking. Secondly, the verses
+containing the same words occurring in the Medina Suras, which were
+revealed or published when the Moslems had taken arms in their defence.
+As regards this period, the words are considered to have an entirely new
+and an altogether fortuitous meaning, _viz._, a religious war of
+aggression. Even some verses of this period are rendered by Mohammadans
+and Christians in the literal sense of the word.
+
+[Sidenote: Conventional significations of _Jihád_.]
+
+8. I fully admit that in the post-classical language of the
+Arabs,--_i.e._, that in use subsequent to the time of Mohammad, when the
+language was rapidly corrupted, the word "Jihád" was used to signify
+"warfare" or fighting, but this was in a military sense. Since that
+period the word has come to be used as meaning the waging of a war or a
+crusade only in military tactics, and more recently it found its way in
+the same sense into the Mohammadan law-books and lexicons of later
+dates. But the subsequent corrupt or post-classical language cannot be
+accepted as a final or even a satisfactory authority upon the point.
+
+ "It was decided by common consent," says Mr. Edward William Lane,
+ in his Arabic-English Lexicon (Preface, pp. viii and ix), "that no
+ poet, nor any other person, should be taken as an absolute and
+ unquestionable authority with respect to the words or their
+ significations, the grammar, or the prosody of the classical
+ language, unless he were one who had died before the promulgation
+ of El-Islám, or who had lived partly before and partly after that
+ event; or, as they term it, unless he were a 'Jáhilee' or a
+ 'Mukhadram,' or (as some pronounce it) 'Mukhadrim,' or 'Muhadram'
+ or 'Muhadrim.' A poet of the class next after the Mukhadrams is
+ termed an 'Islámee:' and as the corruption of the language had
+ become considerable in his time, even among those who aimed at
+ chasteness of speech, he is not cited as an authority absolutely
+ and unquestionably like the two preceding classes. A poet of the
+ next class, which is the last, is termed 'Muwelled;' he is
+ absolutely post-classical; and is cited as an unquestionable
+ authority with respect only to the rhetorical sciences. The
+ commencement of the period of the Muwelleds is not distinctly
+ stated: but it must have preceded the middle of the second century
+ of the Flight; for the classical age may be correctly defined as
+ having nearly ended with the first century, when very few persons
+ born before the establishment of El-Islám through Arabia were
+ living. Thus the best of the Islámi poets may be regarded, and are
+ generally regarded, as holding classical rank, though not as being
+ absolute authorities with respect to the words and the
+ significations, the grammar, and the prosody of the classical
+ language."
+
+Mr. Thomas Chenry, M.A., writes:[327]--
+
+ "Within a century of Mohammad's flight from Mecca, the Moslem
+ empire stretched from Kashgar and Mooltan to Morocco and the
+ Pyrenees, and the Arab man of letters was exposed to the corrupting
+ propinquity of men of very different races. Only a poet of
+ Ignorance, that is, one who died before the preaching of Islam, or
+ a Mokhadram, that is, who was contemporary with it, was looked upon
+ as of paramount and unquestionable authority. An Islámi, that is,
+ one who was born after the rise of Islam, was of least
+ consideration, and after the first century, the poets are called
+ Muwalladún and are only quoted for their literary beauties, and not
+ as authorities for the Arab tongue."
+
+[Sidenote: Mohammadan commentators, &c., quoted.]
+
+9. All commentators, paraphrasts, and jurisconsults admit that the
+primary and original signification of the words "_Jahad_" and "_Jihád_"
+is power, ability, and toil, and that its use, as making wars or
+crusades, is conventional and figurative. Ibn Attiah says regarding
+verse 69, Chapter XXIX, that it is Meccan, and was revealed before the
+enjoining of the _Orfee_ or conventional _Jihád_ (_vide_ Fat-hul bayan
+fi maquasidil Koran, Vol. II, page 517, by Siddik Hussan). Khateeb
+Koostlane, in his _Irshadussari_, a paraphrase of Bokhari, says that
+"_Jihád_ is derived from _Jahd_, which means toil and labour, or from
+_Johd_, which means power. And in technical language it means fighting
+with infidels to assist Islam" (Vol. V, page 26). Mohammad Allauddin Al
+Haskafi (died 1088 A.H.), the author of Dur-ral-Mukhtár, a commentary on
+Tanviral Absár, by Sheikh Mohammad Al Tamartáshi (died 1004), says in
+the chapter on _Jihád_, that "in the classical language it is the
+infinitive noun of _Jáhada fi Sabil-Allah_, and in the language of the
+law it means inviting the infidels to the true faith and fighting with
+him who does not accept it." And Ibn Ábidin Shámi, in his annotation on
+the above work, says:
+
+ "The infinitive noun of _Jáhada_ means to do one's utmost, and that
+ it is general, and includes any person who supports all that is
+ reasonable and forbids what is wrong."
+
+[Sidenote: When the word Jihád was diverted from its original
+signification to its figurative meaning of waging religious war?]
+
+10. It is admitted by all lexicologists, commentators, and jurisconsults
+that _Jihád_ in classical Arabic means to labour, strive earnestly, and
+that the change of its meaning or the technical signification occurred
+only in the post-classical period, _i.e._, long after the publication
+of the Koran. It is obviously improper, therefore, to apply the
+post-classical meaning of the word where it occurs in the Koran. This
+fact is further admitted by all the Mohammadan commentators and English
+translators of the Koran, who render the word in its original and
+literal meaning in all the Meccan and in the early Medinite Suras or
+Chapters of the Koran.[328]
+
+It is only in a few of the latest chapters of the Koran published at
+later dates at Medina, that they (the commentators and translators)
+deviate from the original meaning, and prefer the subsequent unclassical
+and technical signification of waging war or crusade.
+
+[Sidenote: All verses of the Koran containing the word Jihád and its
+derivation quoted and explained.]
+
+11. I herein place in juxtaposition the several English translations of
+the word "_Jihád_," together with its etymological derivation and
+several grammatical forms, to show, in the first place, that Mr. George
+Sale and the Rev. J.M. Rodwell and other European authors generally give
+the literal, original, and classical meaning; and in the second place,
+to show how they differ in giving various meanings, literal and
+technical, in some passages to the same word in the same verses.
+
+It will be observed from a perusal of the statement, that the Rev. Mr.
+Rodwell, M.A., is more correct than the earliest English translator of
+the Koran, Mr. George Sale, and the latest, Mr. W.H. Palmer. The latter
+is the most unsatisfactory of all in this respect, as everywhere, except
+in six places--XXIX, 7; V, 39, 59; IV, 97; and IX, 74, 89--he translates
+_Jihád_ as meaning fighting--a circumstance which not unnaturally leads
+to the supposition that he had paid but slight heed to the context.
+
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ |Serial No.
+ | | No. of the Chapter and the Verse of the Koran.
+ | | | Original Words. ----------------------------
+ | | | | George Sale's Translation. } ENGLISH
+ | | | | | Rev. Rodwell's Translation. }
+ | | | | | | Henry Palmer's Translation. } TRANSLATIONS.
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ | 1 |
+ | | XXXI. 14
+ | | | "Jáhadáka"
+ | | | | "Strive"
+ | | | | | "Endeavour to prevail"
+ | | | | | | "Strive."
+ | 2 |
+ | | XXV. 54
+ | | | "Jáhid," "Jihádan."
+ | | | | "Oppose them herewith with strong opposition."
+ | | | | | "By means of the Koran strive against them with
+ | | | | | a mighty strife."
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously; strenuous fight."
+ | 3 |
+ | | XXII. 77
+ | | | "Jáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Fight in the defence of God's religion."
+ | | | | | "Do valiantly"
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously."
+ | 4 |
+ | | XVI. 111
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Have since sought _in the_ defence of the true religion."
+ | | | | | "Fought"
+ | | | | | | "Fought strenuously."
+ | 5 |
+ | | XXIX. 5
+ | | | "Jáhada"
+ | | | | "Striveth"
+ | | | | | "Maketh efforts"
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously; fight strenuously."
+ | 6 |
+ | | XXIX. 7
+ | | | "Jáhadáka"
+ | | | | "Endeavour"
+ | | | | | "Strive"
+ | | | | | | "Strive."
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ |Serial No.
+ | | No. of the Chapter and the Verse of the Koran.
+ | | | Original Words. ----------------------------
+ | | | | George Sale's Translation. } ENGLISH
+ | | | | | Rev. Rodwell's Translation. }
+ | | | | | | Henry Palmer's Translation. } TRANSLATIONS.
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ | 7 |
+ | | XXIX. 69
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Utmost endeavour"
+ | | | | | "Made efforts"
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously."
+ | 8 |
+ | | XVI. 40
+ | | | "Jahd"
+ | | | | "Most solemnly"
+ | | | | | "Most sacred"
+ | | | | | | "Most strenuous."
+ | 9 |
+ | | XXXV. 40
+ | | | "Jahd"
+ | | | | "Most solemn"
+ | | | | | "Mightiest"
+ | | | | | | "Most strenuous."
+ | 10 |
+ | | II. 215
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Fight in God's cause"
+ | | | | | "Fight"
+ | | | | | | "Wage war."
+ | 11 |
+ | | III. 136
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Those who fought strenuously."
+ | | | | | "Did valiantly"
+ | | | | | | "Fought well."
+ | 12 |
+ | | VIII. 73
+ | | | "Jáhadoo be-am-walhim-w-anfosa-him."
+ | | | | "Employed their substance and their persons in fight for
+ | | | | the religion of God."
+ | | | | | "Spent their substance and themselves for the cause
+ | | | | | of God."
+ | | | | | | "Fought strenuously with their wealth and
+ | | | | | | person."
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ |Serial No.
+ | | No. of the Chapter and the Verse of the Koran.
+ | | | Original Words. ----------------------------
+ | | | | George Sale's Translation. } ENGLISH
+ | | | | | Rev. Rodwell's Translation. }
+ | | | | | | Henry Palmer's Translation. } TRANSLATIONS.
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ | 13 |
+ | | VIII. 75
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Have fought for God's true religion."
+ | | | | | "Fought"
+ | | | | | | "Fought strenuously."
+ | 14 |
+ | | VIII. 76
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Have fought with you."
+ | | | | | "Fought"
+ | | | | | | "Fought strenuously."
+ | 15 |
+ | | VI. 109
+ | | | "Jahd"
+ | | | | "Most solemn"
+ | | | | | "Most binding"
+ | | | | | | "Most strenuous"
+ | 16 |
+ | | XLVII. 33
+ | | | "Mojáhidína"
+ | | | | "Who fight valiantly"
+ | | | | | "Valiant"
+ | | | | | | "Fought strenuously."
+ | 17 |
+ | | LXI. 11
+ | | | "Jáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Defend God's true religion with your substance and in
+ | | | | your person."
+ | | | | | "Do valiantly"
+ | | | | | | "To fight strenuously."
+ | 18 |
+ | | IV. 97
+ | | | 1st. "Mojáhidína"
+ | | | | 1st. "Those who employ their fortune and their persons
+ | | | | for the religion of God."
+ | | | | | 1. "Defend God's true religion valiantly."
+ | | | | | | 1. "Strenuous."
+ | | | 2nd. "Mojáhidina."
+ | | | | 2nd. "Those who employ their fortune and persons."
+ | | | | | 2. "Contend earnestly."
+ | | | | | | 2. "Strenuous."
+ | | | 3rd. "Mojáhidina."
+ | | | | 3rd. "Those who fight"
+ | | | | | 3. "Strenuous"
+ | | | | | | 3. "Strenuous."
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ |Serial No.
+ | | No. of the Chapter and the Verse of the Koran.
+ | | | Original Words. ----------------------------
+ | | | | George Sale's Translation. } ENGLISH
+ | | | | | Rev. Rodwell's Translation. }
+ | | | | | | Henry Palmer's Translation. } TRANSLATIONS.
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ | 19 |
+ | | XXIV. 52
+ | | | "Jahd"
+ | | | | "Most solemn"
+ | | | | | "Most solemn"
+ | | | | | | "Most strenuous."
+ | 20 |
+ | | LXVI. 9
+ | | | "Jáhid"
+ | | | | "Attack the hypocrites with arguments."
+ | | | | | "Make war"
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously."
+ | 21 |
+ | | IX. 74
+ | | | "Jáhid"
+ | | | | "Wage war"
+ | | | | | "Contend"
+ | | | | | | "Strive strenuously."
+ | 22 |
+ | | LXI. 1
+ | | | "Jihadan"
+ | | | | "To fight in the defence of my religion."
+ | | | | | "To fight"
+ | | | | | | "Fighting strenuously."
+ | 23 |
+ | | XLIX. 5
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Who employ their substance and their person in the
+ | | | | defence of God's true religion."
+ | | | | | "Contend with their substance and their person."
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously with their wealth and their
+ | | | | | | persons."
+ | 24 |
+ | | IX. 16
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Those among you who sought for his religion."
+ | | | | | "Valiantly"
+ | | | | | | "Fought strenuously."
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ |Serial No.
+ | | No. of the Chapter and the Verse of the Koran.
+ | | | Original Words. ----------------------------
+ | | | | George Sale's Translation. } ENGLISH
+ | | | | | Rev. Rodwell's Translation. }
+ | | | | | | Henry Palmer's Translation. } TRANSLATIONS.
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ | 25 |
+ | | IX. 19
+ | | | "Jáhada"
+ | | | | "Fighteth"
+ | | | | | "Fighteth"
+ | | | | | | "Strenuous."
+ | 26 |
+ | | IX. 20
+ | | | "Jáhadoo"
+ | | | | "Fought for his religion."
+ | | | | | "Do valiantly"
+ | | | | | | "Fought strenuously."
+ | 27 |
+ | | IX. 24
+ | | | "Jihádan"
+ | | | | "Advancement"
+ | | | | | "Efforts"
+ | | | | | | "Fighting strenuously."
+ | 28 |
+ | | IX. 41
+ | | | "Jáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Employ your substance and your person for the advancement
+ | | | | of God's religion."
+ | | | | | "Contend with your substance and with your person."
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously with your wealth and your
+ | | | | | | persons."
+ | 29 |
+ | | IX. 44
+ | | | "Yojáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Employing their substance and their persons for the
+ | | | | advancement of God's true religion."
+ | | | | | "Contending with your substance and your person."
+ | | | | | | "Fighting strenuously."
+ | 30 |
+ | | IX. 82
+ | | | "Yojáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Employ their substance and their persons for the
+ | | | | advancement of God's true religion."
+ | | | | | "Contending with their riches and their persons."
+ | | | | | | "Fighting strenuously with their wealth and
+ | | | | | | their persons."
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ |Serial No.
+ | | No. of the Chapter and the Verse of the Koran.
+ | | | Original Words. ----------------------------
+ | | | | George Sale's Translation. } ENGLISH
+ | | | | | Rev. Rodwell's Translation. }
+ | | | | | | Henry Palmer's Translation. } TRANSLATIONS.
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ | 31 |
+ | | IX. 87
+ | | | "Jáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Go forth to war"
+ | | | | | "Contend"
+ | | | | | | "Fight strenuously."
+ | 32 |
+ | | IX. 89
+ | | | "Jáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Expose their fortunes and their lives."
+ | | | | | "Contend with purse and persons."
+ | | | | | | "Strenuous with their wealth and with their
+ | | | | | | person."
+ | 33 |
+ | | V. 39
+ | | | "Jáhidoo"
+ | | | | "Fight for his religion."
+ | | | | | "Contend earnestly"
+ | | | | | | "Be strenuous."
+ | 34 |
+ | | V. 58
+ | | | "Jáhd"
+ | | | | "Most firm"
+ | | | | | "Most solemn"
+ | | | | | | "Most strenuous."
+ | 35 |
+ | | V. 59
+ | | | "Yojahidoona"
+ | | | | "They shall fight for the religion of God."
+ | | | | | "Will they contend"
+ | | | | | | "Strenuous."
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+ |Serial No.
+ | | No. of the Chapter and the Verse of the Koran.
+ | | | Original Words. ----------------------------
+ | | | | George Sale's Translation. } ENGLISH
+ | | | | | Rev. Rodwell's Translation. }
+ | | | | | | Henry Palmer's Translation. } TRANSLATIONS.
+ |----+-----+----+----+----+---------------------------------------------
+
+12. The above verses quoted with remarks. I will now proceed to give a
+correct translation of all the verses of the Koran referred to above, in
+the chronological order of the chapters of the Koran as far as it is
+ascertained together with my observations and remarks on them, and
+quotations from Mohammadan commentators when necessary.
+
+I.--THE MECCAN SURAS.
+
+[Sidenote: (1) Lokman, XXXI, 14.]
+
+ 13. "But if they exert their utmost (Jáhadáka) to make thee to join
+ that with Me of which thou hadst no knowledge, obey them not."
+
+Chapter XXXI is one of the oldest of the Meccan Suras, having been
+revealed between the sixth and tenth year of the Prophet's mission. The
+admonition relates to a man's behaviour to his parents. He is enjoined
+to treat them with kindness, but not to obey them if they lead him to
+polytheism.
+
+Here "_Jáhadá_" means "if they two (parents) task or toil thee, or make
+efforts and endeavour (that thou shouldst associate any god with God),"
+and none of the translators and commentators take the word to mean the
+making of war or hostilities or fighting.
+
+[Sidenote: (2) Furkan, XXV, 53, 54.]
+
+ 14. "Moreover had We pleasured We had certainly raised up a warner
+ in every city."
+
+ "Do not then obey the unbelievers, but by means of this (_Jáhid_)
+ exert with them with a (_Jihadan kabirá_) strenuous exertion (or
+ labour with great labour)."
+
+This evidently relates to the Koran, or the warning mentioned in the
+preceding verse, and it is wrong to translate "_Jihád_" as meaning to
+fight strenuously with them, or as inciting to strenuous fighting as
+translated by Henry Palmer (Vol. II, p. 88). Mr. Sale and the Rev. Mr.
+Rodwell do not translate it fighting, and so Mohammadan commentators.
+Fakhr-ud-din Razi (died 606 A.H.), the Imam, in his great commentary
+says:
+
+ "Some say _Jáhid hoom bihí Jihádán Kabirá_ means to make efforts in
+ preaching, but some say it meant fighting, and others say it meant
+ both; but the former is nearer the truth, as the chapter was
+ revealed at Mecca, and the command for fighting was issued after
+ the Flight, some time afterwards" (Vol. VI, p. 490).
+
+[Sidenote: (3) The Pilgrimage,[329] XXII, 76, 78.]
+
+ 15. "Believers! bow down with worship your Lord and work
+ righteousness, haply ye may prosper."
+
+ "And ('_Jáhidoo_') make efforts in God, as (_Jihádehi_) your making
+ efforts is His due, He hath elected you, and hath not laid on you
+ any hardship in religion, the Faith of your father Abraham. He hath
+ named you the Muslims."
+
+Messrs. Sale and Palmer translate the word here as meaning fighting,
+which is wrong, as it is unclassical and not literal. Rodwell translates
+it "do valiantly," and Sir William Muir says it is used in the more
+general sense (Vol. III, p. 32).
+
+This verse is a brief and concise version of the great maxim in Deut.
+VI. 5; Mark XII. 30; and Luke X. 27,--
+
+ "Thou shalt love thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul,
+ and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength."
+
+ See also Luke XIII. 24: "Strive to enter in at the straight gate."
+
+[Sidenote: (4) The Bee, XVI, 108, 111.]
+
+ 16. "Whoso after he hath believed in God denieth Him if he were
+ forced to it, and if his heart remain steadfast in the faith, shall
+ be guiltless; but whoso openeth his heart to infidelity--on them,
+ in that case, shall be wrath from God, and a severe punishment
+ awaiteth them."
+
+ "To those also who after their trials fled their country, then
+ (_Jáhadoo_) toiled and endured with patience. Verily, thy Lord will
+ afterwards be forgiving, gracious."
+
+Dr. Sprenger (Life of Mohammad, p. 159) explains this verse of the seven
+slaves purchased and manumitted by Abu Bekr. They had been tortured for
+professing Islam, shortly after Mohammad assumed the prophetic office.
+The flight referred to in verse 111th is the early Abyssinian flight.
+These verses relate to the persecutions endured by humble and needy
+Moslems from their townspeople of Mecca. These Moslems, after being
+persecuted and forced as far as denying God, while their remaining
+steadfast in the faith, had to flee elsewhere, and then suffered much in
+their wanderings; but they endured their labours and fatigues, losses,
+disadvantages both in body and mind, patiently. There is no allusion to
+fighting or waging war. The Rev. Mr. Rodwell and Mr. Palmer are both
+wrong in translating '_Jáhadoo_' as fighting. Sale is right in not
+translating it as fighting, but he is too paraphrastic when he
+translates, "and who have since fought _in defence of the true
+religion_," as their "Jihád" was only their great exertion and toil in
+suffering from persecutions.
+
+[Sidenote: (5) The Spider, XXIX, 5.]
+
+ 17. "And whoso ('_Jáhada_') labours ('_Yojáhido_') toils for his
+ own good only. Verily God is independent of all the worlds."
+
+Mr. Palmer is wrong in making _Jáhada_ and _Yojáhido_ to mean fighting
+strenuously. Mr. Sale and the Rev. W. Rodwell are right in translating
+by "striveth" and "efforts" respectively, and so is Sir W. Muir in
+taking it into, what he styles, the general sense of the verse (The Life
+of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 32).
+
+[Sidenote: (6) The Spider, XXIX, 7.]
+
+ 18. "Moreover We have enjoined on man to show kindness to parents,
+ but if they (_Jáhadá_) strive with thee in order that thou join
+ that with Me of which thou hast no knowledge, then obey them not.
+ To Me do ye return, and I will tell you of your doings."
+
+None of the commentators take the word _Jâhadâ_ in this passage to mean
+fighting or crusade, and it is difficult, therefore, to understand why
+the word should have been distorted from its proper literal and
+classical meaning in other places of the same book.
+
+[Sidenote: (7) The Spider, XXIX, 69.]
+
+ 19. "And those who (_Jâhadoo_) made efforts for Us, in our path
+ will we surely guide; for verily God is with those who do righteous
+ deeds."
+
+Mr. Palmer translates the word here as meaning "fought," contrary to Mr.
+Sale, the Rev. Mr. Rodwell, and Sir William Muir, who translate it
+"endeavour," "effort," and "strive." The conventional term Jihád,
+meaning crusade or warfare, was not in use in the time of the revelation
+of the Koran.
+
+[Sidenote: (8) The Bee, XVI, 40.]
+
+ 20. "And they swear by God with their (_Jahd_) utmost oaths that
+ 'God will never raise him who once is dead.' Nay; but on Him is a
+ promise binding though most men know it not."
+
+Sale renders the word "most solemnly;" Rodwell, "most sacred oath;"
+Palmer, "most strenuous oath."
+
+[Sidenote: (9) Creator, XXXV, 40.]
+
+ 21. "They swore by God with their (_Jahd_) utmost oath that should
+ a preacher come to them they would yield to guidance more than any
+ people: but when the preacher came to them, it only increased in
+ them their estrangement."
+
+Sale's rendering is "most solemn oath," Rodwell's, "mightiest oath," and
+Palmer's, "most strenuous oath."
+
+II.--THE MEDINITE SURAS.
+
+[Sidenote: (10) The Cow or Heifer, II, 215.]
+
+ 22. "But they who believe, and who fly their country, and
+ (_Jahadoo_) exert their utmost in the way of God, may hope for
+ God's mercy, and God is Gracious and Merciful."
+
+Mr. Sale and the Rev. Mr. Rodwell translate _Jahadoo_ as those who
+_fight_, and Mr. Palmer as those who _wage war_; but there is no reason
+to change the proper meaning of the word. Sir William Muir translates
+the verse thus:--
+
+ "But they that believe and they who emigrate for the sake of their
+ faith and strive earnestly in the way of God, let them hope in the
+ mercy of God, for God is forgiving, merciful."[330]
+
+In a footnote he says:--"The word Jihâd is the same as that subsequently
+used for a religious war; but it had not yet probably acquired its fixed
+application. It was employed in its _general_ sense before the Hejira,
+and probably up to the battle of Badr."[331] I have only to add that the
+word never acquired its fixed application during the lifetime of the
+Prophet, nor is it used as such in any chapter of the Koran either
+before or after the Hejira.
+
+The connection of flight mentioned in the verse as put together with
+Jihád, shows that it means the labour, toil, and distress which befel
+the fugitives in leaving their families unprotected in the hands of
+their persecutors on their expulsion from their country.
+
+[Sidenote: (11) A'l Amràn, III, 136.]
+
+ 23. "Do ye think that ye could enter Paradise without God taking
+ knowledge of those among you who (_Jáhadoo_) have toiled and of
+ those who steadfastly endured."
+
+The Rev. Mr. Rodwell translates _Jáhadoo_, "did valiantly," and does not
+agree with Sale and Palmer, who translate it, "fought strenuously," or
+"fought well."
+
+By the connection of enduring patiently, the word _Jáhadoo_ probably
+means those who toiled and suffered in their exile from Mecca.
+
+[Sidenote: (12) The Spoils, VIII, 73.]
+
+ 24. "Verily, they who believe and have fled their homes and
+ (_Jáhadoo_) toiled with their substance and themselves in the way
+ of God, and they who have taken in and have helped, shall be near
+ of kin the one to the other. And they who have believed, but have
+ not fled their homes, shall have no rights of kindred with you at
+ all, _until_ they too fly their country. Yet if they seek aid from
+ you, on account of the faith, your part is to give them aid, except
+ against a people between whom and yourself there may be a treaty.
+ And God beholdeth your actions."
+
+ Sale renders the word _Jihád_ (or _Jáhadoo_) in this passage as
+ meaning "employed their substance and their persons in
+ fighting."
+ Rodwell ... "Spent their substance and themselves."
+ Palmer ... "Fought strenuously with their wealth and person."
+
+As the word _Jihád_ has been applied here to both one's-self and his
+substance or wealth, it cannot mean "fighting," even if taken in the
+technical signification.
+
+[Sidenote: (13) The Spoil, VIII, 75.]
+
+ 25. "But as for those who have believed and fled their country and
+ (_Jáhadoo_) took pains in the way of God, and have been a refuge or
+ help, these are the faithful, mercy is their due and a noble
+ provision."
+
+ Sale ... "Fought."
+ Rodwell ... "Fought."
+ Palmer ... "Fought strenuously."
+
+There is nothing in this passage to warrant a departure from the literal
+and proper signification of the word _Jáhadoo_, and using it in a
+post-Koranic sense.
+
+[Sidenote: (14) The Spoil, VIII, 76.]
+
+ 26. "And they who have believed and have since fled their country,
+ (_Jáhadoo_) toiled with you, these also are of you. Those who are
+ united by the ties of blood are the nearest of kin to each other.
+ This is in the Book of God. Verily God knoweth all things."
+
+ Sale ... "Fought."
+ Rodwell ... "Fought."
+ Palmer ... "Fought strenuously."
+
+There is no valid excuse here for changing the signification of the word
+_Jáhadoo_ into that which is never used in the Koran or in the classical
+Arabic.
+
+[Sidenote: (15) The Cattle, VI, 109.]
+
+ 27. "With their (_Jahd_) most binding oath have they sworn by
+ God...."
+
+ Sale ... "Most solemn oath."
+ Rodwell ... "Most binding oath."
+ Palmer ... "Most strenuous oath."
+
+[Sidenote: (16) Mohammad, XLVII, 33]
+
+ 28. "And We will surely test you until We know (_Mojáhideena_) who
+ did their utmost, and who were the steadfast among you; and We will
+ test the reports."
+
+ Sale ... "Who fight valiantly."
+ Rodwell ... "Valiant."
+ Palmer ... "Fought valiantly."
+
+"_Mojáhid_" is not synonymous with "_Mokátil_"
+
+[Sidenote: (17) Battle Array, LXI, 11.]
+
+ 29. "Believe in God and His Apostle and (_Jáhidoo_) do strive in
+ the way of God with your wealth and your persons!"
+
+ Sale ... "Who fought valiantly."
+ Rodwell ... "Who fought valiantly."
+ Palmer ... "Fight strenuously."
+
+Devotion or worship has been divided into two kinds,--bodily, which also
+includes mental; and pecuniary or monetary, and the believers are
+exhorted here to worship God both bodily and mentally.
+
+[Sidenote: (18) Women, IV, 97.]
+
+ 30. "Those believers who sit at home free from trouble and those
+ who (1, _Mojáhidoona_) toil in the way of God with their substance
+ and their persons shall not be treated alike. God has assigned to
+ those who (2, _Majáhadoona_) strive with their persons and with
+ their substance a rank above those who sit at home. Goodly promises
+ hath He made to all; but God hath assigned to those (3,
+ _Mojáhadína_) who make efforts a rich recompense above those who
+ sit at home."
+
+ Sale: _1st_ ... "Those who employ their fortune and their
+ substance for the religion of God."
+
+ _2nd_ ... "Those who employ their fortune and their
+ substance."
+
+ _3rd_ ... "Those who fight."
+
+ Rodwell: _1st_ ... "Those who fight valiantly."
+
+ _2nd_ ... "Contend earnestly."
+
+ _3rd_ ... "Strenuous."
+
+ Palmer: _1st_ ... "Strenuous."
+
+ _2nd_ ... "Strenuous."
+
+ _3rd_ ... "Strenuous."
+
+I have already explained the two sorts of worship or service of
+God--bodily and mental. The same applies here too.
+
+[Sidenote: (19) Light, XXIV, 52.]
+
+ 31. "And they swore by God with their utmost oath...."
+
+ Sale ... "Most solemn oath."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Most solemn oath."
+
+ Palmer ... "Most strenuous oath."
+
+[Sidenote: (20) The Forbidding, LXVI, 9.]
+
+ 32. "O Prophet, (_Jáhid_) do thy utmost with the unbelievers and
+ hypocrites, and be strict towards them."
+
+ Sale ... "Attack the infidels with arms and the
+ hypocrites with arguments."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Make war."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fight strenuously."
+
+[Sidenote: (21) The Immunity, IX, 74.]
+
+ 33. The same verse, word for word.
+
+ Sale ... "Wage war."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contend against."
+
+ Palmer ... "Strive strenuously."
+
+The word _Jáhid_ is the same in both the passages, yet the translators
+differ in their interpretation of it. As there had been no war against
+the hypocrites, the word cannot be held to bear the construction they
+put on it, even if we deprived it of its proper signification. In one
+place Sale takes _Jáhid_ to mean "attacking with arms," and in another
+he takes it in the sense of attacking with arguments.
+
+There is no signification of "attacking" in _Jihád_, but only that of
+"exerting," and the verse simply means, "exert thyself in preaching to,
+and remonstrating with, the unbelievers and hypocrites, and also be
+strict towards them,"--_i.e._, not to be smooth with them, nor to be
+beguiled by them.[332]
+
+[Sidenote: (22) The tried, LXI.]
+
+ 34. "O Ye believers! take not my foe and your foe for friends: ye
+ show them kindness although they believe not that truth which hath
+ come to you: they drive forth the Apostle and yourself because ye
+ believe in God your Lord! If ye have come forth[333] (_Jihádan_)
+ labouring in my cause, and from a desire to please Me, ye show them
+ kindness in private, then I well know what ye conceal and what ye
+ discover! And whoso of you doth this hath verily, therefore, gone
+ astray from the even way."
+
+ Sale translates _Jihádan_ as meaning "to fight in the
+ defence of my religion."
+ Rodwell ... "To fight on my path."
+ Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously."
+
+The translators quoted above say that Hátib had informed the Meccans of
+an intended surprise of Mecca on the part of Mohammad with the view of
+making terms for his own family, which had been left there. On this
+occasion the passage was revealed. This shows that the campaign of Mecca
+is termed _Jihád_. But Sir William Muir does not agree with them. He
+says in a footnote:--"The opening verses of the sixtieth Sura are said
+to refer to Hâtib; but they appear to have a general bearing against too
+great intimacy with the Coreish during the truce and to be, therefore,
+of a prior date."[334]
+
+35. Hátib's story. The story regarding Hátib's revelation of the
+intended attack upon Mecca by Mohammad, is not supported by authentic
+and trustworthy traditions. The authentic tradition of Bokhari[335] only
+states that the occasion of the verse being revealed was in the case of
+Hátib, but does not say that it was during the campaign of Mecca, nor
+that the information contained anything about the intended campaign. The
+authentic tradition only says that the report contained information
+regarding some of the affairs of the Prophet.
+
+Besides this, it is wrong to translate _in kun tum kharajtum Jihadan fi
+Sabili_, as "if ye go forth to fight in defence of my religion," or "if
+ye go forth to fight on my path," or "if ye go forth fighting
+strenuously in my cause." It simply means, "if you have come out
+striving in my cause," and the sentence is a complement or correlative
+of the verse, meaning, if you have come out of Mecca, striving, or to
+strive, in my cause, suffering from exile and undergoing the afflictions
+and distresses of living homeless, leaving your family and property
+unprotected, and all these pains (_Jihád_) you have taken to please me,
+then you should not make friends with my foes and your foes, who do not
+believe in the truth which has come to you, and have driven out the
+Prophet and yourselves (from Mecca, your home) only for the reason that
+you believe in God your Lord.
+
+[Sidenote: (23) The Apartment, XLIX, 15.]
+
+ 36. "The true believers are those only who believe in God and his
+ Apostle and afterwards doubt not; and who (_Jáhadoo_) strive with
+ their substance and their persons on the path of God. These are the
+ sincere."
+
+ Sale here translates _Jáhadoo_ those "who employ their substance
+ and their persons in the defence of God's true religions."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contend with their substance and their persons."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fight strenuously with their wealth and persons."
+
+See my observations under No. 17, para. 28.
+
+[Sidenote: (24) The Immunity, IX, 16.]
+
+ 37. "Think not that ye shall be forsaken and that God doth not yet
+ know those among you who (_Jáhadoo_) do their utmost and take none
+ for their intimate friends besides God and His Apostles and the
+ faithful. But God is well apprised of your doings."
+
+ Sale ... "Fought for his religion."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Fought valiantly."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fought strenuously."
+
+[Sidenote: (25) _Ibid_, 19.]
+
+ 38. "Do ye place the giving drink to the pilgrims and the
+ visitation of the sacred temple on the same level with him who
+ believeth in God and the last day, and (_Jáhada_) taketh pains in
+ the way of God. They are not held equal by God, and God guideth not
+ the unrighteous."
+
+ Sale ... "Fighteth."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Fighteth."
+
+ Palmer ... "Is strenuous."
+
+[Sidenote: (26) The Immunity, IX, 20.]
+
+ 39. "They who have believed and fled their homes and (_Jáhadoo_)
+ toiled with their substance and with their persons on the path of
+ God are of the highest degree with God, and these are they who
+ shall enjoy felicity!"
+
+ Sale ... "Employ their substance and their
+ persons in the defence of God's true
+ religion."
+
+ Rodwell ... "And striven with their substance and
+ with their persons in the path of
+ God."
+
+ Palmer ... "Been strenuous in the way of God
+ with their wealth and their persons."
+
+[Sidenote: (27) _Ibid_, 24.]
+
+ 40. "Say, if your father and your sons and your brethren and your
+ wives, and your kindred and wealth which ye have gained, and
+ merchandise which ye fear may be unsold, and dwellings wherein ye
+ may delight be dearer to you than God and His Apostle and
+ (_Jihádan_) toiling in My cause, then wait until God shall Himself
+ enter on His work; God guideth not the impious."
+
+ Sale ... "Advancement of his religion."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Efforts on his path."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously."
+
+[Sidenote: (28) _Ibid_, 41.]
+
+ 41. "March ye forth light and heavy and (_Jáhidoo_) toil with your
+ substance and persons on the way of God. This, if ye knew it, will
+ be best for you."
+
+ Sale ... "Employ your substance and your persons
+ for the advancement of God's
+ true religion."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contend with your...."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fight strenuously with your wealth
+ and persons."
+
+[Sidenote: (29) The Immunity, IX, 44.]
+
+ 42. "They who believe in God and in the last day will not ask leave
+ to be exempt from (_Yojáhadoo_) toiling with their substance and
+ their persons. But God knoweth them that fear Him."
+
+ Sale ... "Employ their substance and their persons
+ for the advancement of God's
+ true religion."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contending with their substance and
+ persons."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously."
+
+[Sidenote: (30) _Ibid_, 82.]
+
+ 43. "They who were left in their homes were delighted behind God's
+ Apostle and were averse from (_Yojáhidoo_) exerting with their
+ riches and their persons for the cause of God, and said, 'March not
+ out in the heat.' Say, a fiercer heat will be the fire of hell!
+ Would that they understood this."
+
+ Sale ... "Employ their substance and their persons
+ for the advancement of God's
+ true religion."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contending with their riches and their
+ persons."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously with their wealth
+ and their person."
+
+[Sidenote: (31) _Ibid_, 87.]
+
+ 44. "Moreover when a Sura was sent down with 'Believe in God, and
+ (_Jáhidoo_) toil in company with his Apostle,' those of them who
+ are possessed of riches demanded exemption, and said, 'Allow us to
+ be with those who sit _at home_.'"
+
+ Sale ... "Go forth to war."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contend."
+
+ Palmer ... "Fight strenuously."
+
+[Sidenote: (32) The Immunity, IX, 89.]
+
+ 45. "But the Apostle, and those who share his faith (_Jáhadoo_)
+ exerted with their substance and their persons, and these ! good
+ things await them and these are they who shall be happy."
+
+ Sale ... "Expose their fortune and their lives."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contend with purse and person."
+
+ Palmer ... "Are strenuous with their wealth and
+ with their persons."
+
+[Sidenote: (33) The Table, V, 39.]
+
+ 46. "O ye who believe! fear God and desire union with Him and
+ (_Jáhidoo_) toil on His path. It may be that you will obtain
+ happiness."
+
+ Sale ... "Fight."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Contend earnestly."
+
+ Palmer ... "Be strenuous."
+
+[Sidenote: (34) _Ibid_, 58.]
+
+ 47. "And the faithful will say, 'Are these they who swore by God
+ their (_Jahda_) utmost oath that they were surely on your side?'
+ Vain their works; and they themselves shall come to ruin."
+
+ Sale ... "Most firm."
+
+ Rodwell ... "Most solemn."
+
+ Palmer ... "Most strenuous."
+
+[Sidenote: (35) _Ibid_, 59.]
+
+ 48. "O ye who believe! should any of you desert his religion, God
+ will then raise up a people whom He loveth, and who love Him, lowly
+ towards the faithful, lofty to the unbelievers (_Yojáhidoona_)
+ striving in the path of God, and not fearing the blame of the
+ blamer. This is the Grace of God; on whom He will He bestoweth it,
+ and God is all-embracing, Omniscient!"
+
+ Sale ... "They shall fight for the religion of God."
+
+ Rodwell ... "For the cause of God will they contend."
+
+ Palmer ... "Strenuous in the way of God."
+
+[Sidenote: _Jihád_ does not mean the waging of war.]
+
+49. These are all the verses of the Koran which contain the word
+"_Jahd_" or "_Jihád_," or any derivations from them. I believe that I
+have clearly shown by means of a careful comparison between the
+translators and commentators and the original passages in the Koran,
+that the word _Jahd_ or _Jihád_ in the classical Arabic and as used in
+the Koran does not mean waging war or fighting, but only to do one's
+utmost and to exert, labour or toil. The meaning which has come to be
+ascribed to the word is undoubtedly a conventional one, and is one that
+has been applied to it at a period much less recent than the revelation
+of the various chapters of the Koran.
+
+[Sidenote: _Katal_ and _Kitál_.]
+
+50. I do not mean to contend that the Koran does not contain injunctions
+to fight or wage war. There are many verses enjoining the Prophet's
+followers to prosecute a defensive war, but not one of aggression. The
+words "_katal_" and "_kitál_" distinctly indicate this.
+
+[Sidenote: Conclusion.]
+
+51. I have already analysed all the verses containing these words
+(_katal_ and _kitál_) in this book. What I have aimed at in the Appendix
+is to show that those authors and translators who cite certain verses of
+the Koran containing the word _Jahd_ or _Jihád_ and its derivations in
+support of their assertion, and that the Mohammadan religion sanctions
+the waging of war and the shedding of blood, are altogether in the
+wrong.
+
+[Footnote 322: The Siháh of Jouhari (who died 397 or 398), the Asás of
+Zamakhshire (born 467, died 538 A.H.), Lisanul-Arab of Ibn Mokarram
+(born 630, died 711), and Kamoos of Fyrozabadee (born 729, died 816),
+_vide_ Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, Book I, Part II, page 473.]
+[Footnote 323: The Misbáh by Fayoomee (finished 734 A.H.), _vide_ Lane's
+Arabic-English Lexicon, Book I, Part II, page 473.]
+
+[Footnote 324: Siháh, Asás, Ibnel Atheer Jezree, author of Nihayeh (died
+606), the Mughrib of Almotarrazi (born 536, died 610), the Misbáh and
+Kámoos, _vide_ Lane, _ibid_, page 474.]
+
+[Footnote 325: _Vide_ Rodwell's Translation of the Koran _in loco_.]
+
+[Footnote 326: _Vide_ Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon _in loco_.]
+
+[Footnote 327: The Assemblies of Al Hariri, translated from the Arabic
+by Thomas Chenry, M.A., Vol. I, Introduction, p. 67. William and
+Norgate, 1867.]
+
+[Footnote 328: In the treaty of Medina, which was made as early as the
+second year of the Hejira, the word Jihád is used, regarding which Sir
+W. Muir says:--"This word came subsequently to have exclusively the
+technical signification of Jihád or _crusade_ or _fighting_ for the
+Faith. If we give it this signification here, it would involve the
+clause in the suspicion of being a later addition; for as yet we have no
+distinct development of the intention of Mahomet to impose his religion
+on others by force: it would have been dangerous, in the present state
+of parties, to advance this principle. The word is sometimes used in the
+more general sense in the Coran; Sura XXIX, 5, 69; XX, 77, and a few
+other places."--Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 32. Again he says
+with reference to Sura II, v. 215, which also contains the same word:
+"The word (_Jihád_) is the same as that subsequently used for a
+religious war, but it had not yet probably acquired its fixed
+application. It was applied in its _general_ sense before the Hejira,
+and probably up to the battle of Badr."--_Ibid_, p. 74, footnote.]
+
+[Footnote 329: This Sura is generally said to have been revealed at
+Mecca, but this is probably only the case as regards verses 1, 24, 43,
+56, 60, 65, 67, 75. Mr. Muir places it at the close of the Meccan Suras
+of the fifth period. See Nold, p. 158; Rev. Rodwell, p. 500.]
+
+[Footnote 330: _Vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, 74.]
+
+[Footnote 331: _Ibid, footnote._]
+
+[Footnote 332: _Vide_ Sura LXXII, 9; XVII, 69.]
+
+[Footnote 333: _i.e._, from Mecca when driven out of it by the Meccans
+in your persecution.]
+
+[Footnote 334: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 335: _Kitabul Jihád_, _Magházi_ and _Tafseer_.]
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX B.
+
+SLAVERY AND CONCUBINE-SLAVES AS CONCOMITANT EVILS OF WAR.
+
+
+[Sidenote: Slavery and concubinage not allowed by the Koran.]
+
+1. It is a false accusation against the Koran, that it allows
+enslavement of the captives of war, and sanctions female captives to the
+conquerors' embrace, or, in other words, female captives are made
+concubines on the field of battle. There is not a single sentence in the
+Koran allowing either of the above allegations. Sir W. Muir, in his
+"Life of Mahomet," could neither quote any verse of the Koran
+sanctioning the enslavement of the captives of war or servile
+concubinage, nor was he able to relate any instance of them during the
+several battles described therein. Yet, in a recent work,[336] he refers
+boldly, but vaguely, to the Koran; and regarding the battle of Walaja
+fought by Khálid against the Persians in A.H. 12 writes, after quoting
+Khálid's oration on gaining the victory:--
+
+ "Now, also, the cunning device of the Corân, with respect to the
+ other sex, began to tell. Persian ladies, both maids and matrons,
+ 'taken captive by the right hand,' were forthwith, without stint of
+ number, lawful to the conquerors' embrace; and, in the enjoyment of
+ this privilege, they were nothing loth to execute upon the heathen
+ 'the judgment written.'"
+
+I do not understand why, if such was the case, Khálid did not refer the
+believers to the so-called "cunning device" of the Koran? By referring
+to this imaginary device of the Koran to the lawfulness of female
+captives "to the conquerors' embrace," he might have struck a chord, at
+which every Bedouin heart would have leapt with joy, instead of
+referring, as he did, merely to the riches of the land and fair fields.
+In fact there is no such inducement in the Koran.
+
+[Sidenote: Measures taken by the Koran to abolish slavery.]
+
+2. Slaves are mentioned in the Koran _defacto_, but not _dejure_. The
+Koran took several measures to abolish future slavery. Its steps for its
+abolition were taken in every moral, legal, religious, and political
+departments. The liberation of slaves was morally declared to be a work
+of piety and righteousness--(Sura XC, 13; II, 172).[337] Legally the
+slaves were to be emancipated on their agreeing to pay a ransom--(Sura
+XXIV, 33).[338] They were to be set at liberty as a penalty for culpable
+homicide--(Sura IV, 94);[339] or in expiation for using an objectionable
+form of divorce--(Sura LVIII, 4);[340] and also they were to be
+manumitted from the Public Funds out of the poor-taxes--(Sura IX,
+60).[341] They were religiously to be freed in expiation of a false oath
+taken in mistake--(Sura V, 91).[342] These were the measures for the
+abolition of existing slavery. The future slavery was abolished by the
+Koran by putting hammer deep unto its root and by annihilating its real
+source. The captives of war were, according to the clear injunctions of
+the Koran contained in the 5th verse of the 47th Sura, to be dismissed
+either by a free grant or by exacting a ransom. They were neither to be
+enslaved nor killed.
+
+ 4. "When ye encounter the unbelievers strike off their heads, till
+ ye have made a great slaughter among them, and of _the rest_ make
+ fast the fetters."
+
+ 5. "And afterwards let there either be free dismissals or
+ ransoming, till the war hath laid down its burdens. Thus do...."
+
+ _Sura_ XLVII.
+
+These verses convey very clearly the decree of the abolition of future
+slavery, and do not require any further remarks. Moreover they were
+acted upon accordingly even in the lifetime of the Prophet.
+
+[Sidenote: None of the prisoners of war were enslaved.]
+
+3. None of the prisoners of Badr A.H. 2, of Karkart-al-Kadr A.H. 3, of
+Katan in Najd A.H. 4, of Zat-al Riqa[343] A.H. 5, of Bani Mustalik A.H.
+5, of Koreiza A.H. 5, of Batan Makka A.H. 6,[344] or of Honain (Hawázin)
+A.H. 8,[345] was enslaved. All, without an exception, were set free
+either by way of free dismissal, or by exacting ransom (in cash or in
+exchange of Moslem prisoners) in strict conformity with the dictates of
+Sura XLVII, 5. There were no prisoners in the battles of Ohad A.H. 3,
+Ahzab A.H. 5, and Khyber A.H. 7.[346]
+
+[Sidenote: Bani Koreiza not enslaved.]
+
+4. Some will contend regarding the Bani Koreiza that their women and
+children were made slaves, and as such sold in Najd. Sir W. Muir quotes
+the judgment of Sád in the case of the Bani Koreiza,--"That the female
+captives and the children shall be sold into slavery," and that it was
+approved of by Mohammad. He writes further:--
+
+ "A fifth of the booty was, as usual, reserved for the Prophet, and
+ the rest divided. From the fifth Mahomet made certain presents to
+ his friends of female slaves and servants; and then sent the rest
+ of the women and children to be sold among the Bedouin tribes of
+ Najd in exchange for horses and arms."[347]
+
+I have shown in para. 30 of this book (pages 37 and 38) that Mohammad
+never appreciated the judgment of Sád. And I have further to add that
+the said judgment, according to true reports, did not contain the
+illegal verdict of enslaving the women and children of the Bani Koreiza,
+as this might have gone directly against the Koran and the precedents of
+the Prophet. In the collections of Bokhari, Book of Campaigns, Chapter
+on Bani Koreiza, there are two traditions cited on the subject. Both of
+them quote the words of Sád to the effect that "the women and children
+be imprisoned." The same is the case in Bokhari's other chapters (Book
+of _Jihád_, Chapter on the Surrender of Enemy, Book of _Manákib_,
+Chapter on the Merits of Sád).
+
+It is not a fact that Mohammad made certain presents to his friends of
+the female slaves out of the captives of Bani Koreiza. The captives were
+not made slaves, therefore it is wrong to confound captives with slaves.
+There is no proof to the effect that they were enslaved. The Koran
+distinctly says that they were prisoners (Sura XXXIII, 26).
+
+In fact, the women and children were not guilty of treason, and
+deserved no punishment. Sád's judgment must be either wrong regarding
+them, or applied only to those who were guilty. "One woman alone,"
+according to Sir W. Muir, "was put to death; it was she who threw the
+millstone from the battlements" (Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 277). I
+conclude, therefore, that all the women and children were released
+afterwards; some ransomed themselves, others went off with their
+freedom. But nobody was ever sold in slavery. The assertion of Hishamee,
+quoted by Sir W. Muir, that the women and children were sent to be sold
+among the Bedouin tribes of Najd in exchange for horses and arms (Vol.
+III, page 279), is void of all authority, and is in direct contradiction
+of what Abul Mo'tamar Soleiman bin Tarkhan (died 143 A.H. and was prior
+to Hishamee) says, and whose account seems to be more probable. His
+version is that the horses of Bani Koreiza were sent by Mohammad to
+Syria and Najd for the purpose of breeding, and that they got big
+horses. _Vide_ Wákidi Campaigns of Mohammad, page 374, Calcutta, 1855.
+This shows that only horses, and not women and children, were sent to
+Najd. The words of Hishamee (page 693) are "_sabáya min sabáya Bani
+Koreiza_." _Sabáya_, plural of _sabi_, applies to both person and
+property, as they say _sabal adúvva vaghairohu_, he made captive,
+captured or took prisoner the enemy, and other than an enemy. (_Vide_
+Lane's Arabic Dictionary, page 1303, col. 1.) So probably Hishamee had
+in view only the horses captured of the Bani Koreiza and sent to Najd,
+but not the women and children of the captives of Koreiza.
+
+[Sidenote: Rihána.]
+
+5. Rihána, a woman of the captives of Koreiza, is said by Sir W. Muir to
+have been taken by Mohammad "for his concubine." He always confounds
+prisoners with slaves, and female captives as well as slaves with
+concubines. There are several conflicting and contradictory traditions
+regarding Rihána. Mohammad bin Sád Kátib Wakidi has related various
+traditions from Omar-bin-al Hakam, Mohammad bin Káb, and from other
+various sources that Mohammad had married Rihána. The Kátib says "this
+tradition is held by learned men. But he has also heard some one
+relating that she was his concubine."[348] But Sir W. Muir chooses the
+latter uncertain and unauthentic traditions. He writes in a footnote:--
+
+ "She is represented as saying, when he offered her marriage and the
+ same privileges as his other wives: 'Nay, O Prophet! But let me
+ remain as thy slave; this will be easier both for me and for
+ thee.'"[349]
+
+Even if this tradition be a genuine one, he is not authorized in his
+remarks in the text, where he says--
+
+ "He invited her to be his wife, but she declined; and chose to
+ remain (as indeed, having refused marriage, she had no alternative)
+ his slave or concubine."
+
+She was neither enslaved, nor made a concubine. It is to be regretted
+that the writer of the "Life of Mahomet" most absurdly confounds slavery
+and concubinage.
+
+[Sidenote: Omar, the second Khalif, liberated all the Arab slaves.]
+
+6. During the sovereignty of Omar, the second Khalif, in accordance with
+the injunctions of Mohammad to abolish slavery, all the existing Arab
+slaves were set free. It will appear that the wishes of Mohammad to that
+effect were but partially carried out. In ages that succeeded the death
+of Mohammad, they were altogether lost sight of, and even Arabs were
+allowed to be enslaved by the later jurists. Sir W. Muir, in his latest
+work, entitled "The Annals of the Early Caliphate," says:--
+
+ "Yet great numbers of the Arabs themselves were slaves, taken
+ prisoner during the apostasy, or in the previous intertribal
+ warfare, and held in captivity by their fellow-countrymen. Omar
+ felt the inconsistency. It was not fit that any of the noble race
+ should remain in bondage. When, therefore, he succeeded to the
+ Caliphate, he decreed: 'The Lord,' he said, 'hath given to us of
+ Arab blood the victory, and great conquests without. It is not meet
+ that any one of us, taken in the days of Ignorance,[350] or in the
+ wars against the apostate tribes, should be holden in slavery.' All
+ slaves of the Arab descent were accordingly ransomed, excepting
+ only such bondmaids as had borne their masters' children. Men who
+ had lost wives or children now set out in search, if haply they
+ might find and claim them. Strange tales are told of some of the
+ disconsolate journeys. Ashàth recovered two of his wives taken
+ captive in Nojeir. But some of the women who had been carried
+ prisoners to Medîna preferred remaining with their captors."[351]
+
+Even this speech of Omar shows that no one was enslaved during the wars
+of Mohammad, as he only refers to the captives of the days of Ignorance
+before the Prophet, and those taken in wars against the apostate tribes
+after him having been enslaved.
+
+[Sidenote: Concubinage.]
+
+7. The Koran has never allowed concubinage with female captives. And
+after the abolition of future slavery enjoined in the Koran, there is no
+good in discussing the subject of concubinage, which depends on the
+legality or otherwise of slavery. The Koran had taken early measures for
+preventing the evil directly and indirectly, positively and negatively.
+In the first place, it recognizes marriage as the only legal condition
+of the union of both sexes. Marriage was also enjoined with the existing
+female slaves. (_Vide_ Sura IV, 3, 29; and XXIV, 32, 33.) The prevention
+of concubinage is set forth in plain terms in Sura V, 7. The verses run
+thus:--
+
+ 3. "And if ye are apprehensive that ye shall not deal fairly with
+ orphans, then of _other_ women who seem good in your eyes marry,
+ _but_ two or three or four, and if ye _still_ fear that ye shall
+ not act equitably, then (marry) one only; or (marry) the slaves
+ whom ye have acquired. This will be more proper that ye may not
+ have numerous families or households. And give women their dowry as
+ a free gift; but if of their own free will they kindly give up
+ aught thereof to you, then enjoy it as convenient _and_
+ profitable."
+
+ 29. "And whoever of you is not rich enough to marry free-believing
+ women, then let him marry such of your believing maidens as have
+ fallen into your hands as slaves. God well knoweth your faith. Ye
+ are sprung, the one from the other. Marry them then with the leave
+ of their masters, and give them a fair dower; but let them be
+ chaste and free from fornication, and not entertainers of
+ lovers."--Sura IV.
+
+ 32. "And marry those among you who are single, and your good
+ servants and your handmaidens. If they are poor, God of his bounty
+ will enrich them. And God is all-bounteous, knowing. And let those
+ who cannot find a match live in continence till God of his bounty
+ shall enrich them."
+
+ 33. "And to those of your slaves who desire a deed of
+ _manumission_, execute it for them, if ye know good in them, and
+ give them a portion of the wealth of God which He hath given
+ you."--Sura XXIV. "And _you are permitted to marry_ virtuous women,
+ who are believers, and virtuous women of those who have been given
+ the Scriptures before you, when you have provided them their
+ portions, living _chastely with them_ without fornication, and not
+ taking concubines."--Sura V.
+
+The 28th verse of the fourth Sura does by no means sanction concubinage.
+It has nothing to do with it. It only treats of marriage. It, together
+with its preceding verse, points out whom we can marry and whom not. Its
+next verse interdicts concubinage when it enjoins marriage with the then
+existing slaves.
+
+[Sidenote: Maria the Coptic.]
+
+8. I will here take the opportunity of noticing Maria the Coptic, who is
+alleged to have been a concubine-slave of Mohammad, although she does
+not come under the category of prisoners made slaves. According to Sir
+W. Muir, the Roman Governor of Egypt had written to Mohammad:--"I send
+for thine acceptance two damsels, highly esteemed among the Copts."[352]
+The writer converts them at once into "two slave-girls," and remarks, "a
+strange present, however, for a Christian Governor to make."[353] She
+was neither a captive, nor a slave, nor was she described as such in the
+Governor's letter. I am at a loss to know why or how she has been
+treated by the biographers of the Prophet as a slave or a concubine.
+
+(1) I have great doubts regarding the truth of the story that Mokowkas
+the Governor had sent two maids to Mohammad, and taking it for granted
+they were so sent, that one of them was the alleged Maria; (2) it is not
+a fact that she was a slave; (3) nor a concubine-slave of the Prophet;
+(4) nor she as such bore a son to him; (5) and lastly, the notorious
+scandal about her much talked of by European writers is a mere calumny
+and a false story.
+
+It will be a very tedious and irksome task to copy the various
+traditions bearing on the above subjects and to discuss their
+authenticity, and criticise their genuineness, on the principles of the
+technicalities peculiar to the Science of Traditions, as well as on the
+basis of scientific and rational criticism. Therefore I will notice only
+briefly each of the above subjects.
+
+[Sidenote: Dispatch to Mokowkas.]
+
+9. (1) That Mohammad had sent a dispatch to Mokowkas, the Roman Governor
+of Egypt, and that in reply he had sent Maria the Coptic maid, together
+with other presents, to Mohammad, is not to be found in the traditions
+collected by the best critics of Mohammadan traditions like Bokhari and
+Muslim, who had sifted the whole incoherent mass of genuine and
+apocryphal traditions regarding the Prophet, and had picked up but a
+very small portion of them which they thought to be relatively genuine.
+We can fairly conclude that such a tradition, which is related by other
+non-critics and story-tellers, who have indiscriminately narrated every
+tradition--whether genuine or apocryphal--like Wákidi and Ibn Sád, was
+surely rejected by these Imams (Doctors in the Science of Tradition) as
+having not the least possibility of its genuineness. Even Ibn Ishak
+(died 150),[354] Hisham-bin-Abdul Malik (died 213 A.H.),[355] and Abul
+Mo'tamar Soleiman (died 143 A.H.[356])[357] have not inserted the
+portion of the tradition of Maria the Coptic maid being sent by the
+Egyptian Governor to Mohammad. The tradition narrated by Ibn Sád--(1)
+through Wákidi and Abd-ul-Hamíd from Jáfar, (2) and Abdullah bin Abdur
+Rahmán bin Abi Sásáta--is undoubtedly apocryphal, Wákidi and
+Abd-ul-Hamíd are of impeached integrity, or no authority at all. Ibn
+Khallikan, in his Biographical Dictionary, translated by Slane, writes
+regarding Wákidi:--"The Traditions received from him are considered of
+feeble authority, and doubts have been expressed on the subject of his
+(_veracity_.)"[358] Ibn Hajar Askalání writes regarding Wákidi in his
+_Takrib_, that "he has been struck off as an authority (literally left
+out), notwithstanding his vast knowledge." Zahabi's opinion of Wákidi
+in Mizán-al-Etedal is that Ahmed bin Hanbal said "he was the greatest
+liar." Bokhari and Abú Hátim say he is struck off (or left out as an
+authority).
+
+Regarding Abd-ul-Hamíd, Zahabi writes that Abu Hátim said he is not
+quoted as an authority, and Sofián said he was a weak authority.
+
+Jáfar and Abdullah bin Abdur Rahmán bin Abi Sásáta are of the middle
+period in the Tabaeen's class, and do not quote their authority on the
+subject.
+
+[Sidenote: Maria neither a slave;]
+
+10. (2) Supposing that the Governor of Egypt had sent two Coptic maids,
+with other presents, to Mohammad, it does not follow necessarily that
+they were slave-girls. It is never stated in history that they were
+captives of war, or, if they were so, that they were enslaved
+subsequently. There is no authority for a haphazard conjecture that they
+were slave-girls.
+
+[Sidenote: nor a concubine-slave.]
+
+11. (3) Even if it be admitted that Maria the Coptic was a slave-girl,
+there is no proof that she was a concubine-slave. It is a stereotyped
+fabrication of traditionists, and the unpardonable blunder on the part
+of European writers, that they almost always confound female-slaves, and
+even sometimes captives, with concubine-slaves. None of the six standard
+collectors of traditions--Imams Bokhari (died 256 A.H.), Muslim (died
+261 A.H.), Aboo Daood (died 275 A.H.), Tirmizee (died 279 A.H.), Nasáee
+(died 303 A.H.), and Ibn Mája (died 273 A.H.)--has narrated that Maria
+the Coptic was a concubine-slave of the Prophet. Even the early
+biographers--Ibn Ishak (died 150 A.H.) and Ibn Hisham (died 213 A.H.)
+have not made any mention to this effect. It is only Mohammad bin Sád,
+the Secretary to Wákidi, who narrates the tradition,--firstly through
+Wákidi, Abd-ul-Hamíd, and Jáfar, and secondly through Wákidi, Yakoob bin
+Mohammad, and Abdullah bin Abdur Rahmán bin Abi Sásáta. These both
+ascriptions are apocryphal. I have already quoted my authorities against
+Wákidi and Abd-ul-Hamíd. Yakoob bin Mohammad has been impeached by Abu
+Zaraá, a critic in the Science of Traditions.[359] Jáfar and Abdullah
+both flourished after the first century. Their evidence to the supposed
+fact about a century ago is inadmissible.
+
+In the Biographical Dictionaries of the contemporaries of the Prophet,
+there are three persons named Maria.[360] One is said to have been a
+housemaid of the Prophet; the second was a housemaid whose _kunniat_
+(patronymic) is given as Omm Rabab (mother of Rabab). The third is
+called Maria the Coptic. It appears there was only one Maria; she may
+have been a female servant in the household of the Prophet. The
+narrators have, by citing different circumstances regarding them, made
+them three different persons, and one of them a concubine-slave, as they
+could not think a house or family complete without a slave-girl or a
+concubine-slave. The biographers often commit such blunders. In giving
+different anecdotes of really the same persons, they make as many
+persons as they have anecdotes. That anyone of the Marias was a
+concubine-slave is a mere conjecture, or a stereotyped form of
+traditional confusion in mixing up maidservants with slaves or
+concubine-slaves.
+
+[Sidenote: Maria had no son.]
+
+12. (4) Those who have converted Maria into a slave or a concubine-slave
+have furnished her--the creature of their own imagination--with a son.
+There are various traditions as to the number and names of the Prophet's
+sons, all of whom died in infancy. Some traditions give different names
+to one, and others give as many sons as the names are reported. There
+might have been a son of Mohammad by the name of Ibrahim, but that he
+was born of Maria the Coptic is a perfect myth. This piece of the story
+is the continuation of the traditions of Ibn Sád, which I have already
+criticized in paras. 9 and 11. Ibn Sád has related another tradition
+through Omar bin Asim and Katáda to the effect that Mohammad's son
+Ibrahim was born of a captive woman. Asim has been condemned by Abu
+Hatim, a doctor and critic in the Mohammadan traditional
+literature;[361] and Katáda (died 117 A.H.) was not a contemporary
+witness of what he relates. Thus he fails in giving any authority to his
+narration. There are two more traditions in Ibn Sád from similar
+authorities like Katáda, namely, Zohri (died 124 A.H.) and Mak-hool
+(died 118 A.H.)--not contemporaries of Mohammad, but of the class of
+Tabaeen--to the effect that Mohammad had said, "Had Ibrahim lived, the
+capitation-tax would have been remitted to every Copt!" and that "Had
+Ibrahim lived, his maternal uncles would never have been enslaved!" They
+do not say who was Ibrahim!
+
+Another and the last tradition in Ibn Sád through Yahia bin Hammád, Abu
+Avána, Soleiman-al-Aamash, Muslim, and Bara is to the effect that
+Ibrahim was born from a Coptic maid of the Prophet. The narrator
+Soleiman-al-Aamash was a _modallis_ (_Takrib_ in loco), or in other
+words, a liar. Besides the whole chain of the narration is _Mo-an-an_.
+
+In none of the canonical collections of traditions like those of
+Bokhari, Muslim, and others Ibrahim is said to have been born of Maria.
+Therefore any of their traditions regarding Ibrahim is not against us.
+
+It is also related in some genuine traditions that an eclipse of the sun
+took place on the day of Ibrahim's death.[362] The historians have
+related only one eclipse, which occurred in the sixth year of the
+Hejira, when Mohammad was at Hodeibia. This shows that Ibrahim could not
+be Maria's son. She only could come to Arabia a year later, as the
+dispatches to several princes were sent only in the seventh year.
+Yáfaee, in his history _Mirát-uz-Zamán_, has noted that the sun was
+eclipsed in the sixth year of the Hejira. In the tenth year, he
+says,--"A genuine tradition has that the sun was eclipsed on the day of
+Ibrahim's death, and it has been stated above that it was eclipsed in
+the sixth year. There is some difficulty. It was noted once only during
+the time of the Prophet. If it occurred twice, there is no difficulty;
+and if not, one of these two events must be wrong, either the eclipse
+took place in the tenth year, or the Prophet's son died in the sixth
+year." But historically the eclipse was noticed only in the sixth year.
+There are different dates of Ibrahim's death reported by the
+biographers--the fourth, tenth, and fourteenth of lunar months, but in
+none of them can an eclipse take place.
+
+[Sidenote: The story of Haphsa and Maria a spurious one.]
+
+13. (5) Lastly, I have to notice the infamous calumny against Mohammad
+concocted up by his enemies, that Haphsa surprized the Prophet in her
+own private room with Maria. "She reproached her lord bitterly, and
+threatened to make the occurrence known to all his wives. Afraid of the
+exposure and anxious to appease his offended wife, he begged of her to
+keep the matter quiet, and promised to forego the society of Maria
+altogether." But he afterwards released himself from it by a special
+revelation--(Sura LXVI, 1). Sir W. Muir remarks:--
+
+ "As in the case of Zeinab, Mahomet produced a message from Heaven,
+ which disallowed his promise of separation from Mary...."
+
+The passage in the Koran relating to the affair is as follows:--
+
+ "O Prophet! Why hast thou forbidden thyself that which God hath
+ made lawful unto thee,[363] out of desire to please thy wives; for
+ God is forgiving and merciful?"[364]
+
+[Sidenote: The affair not noticed in the early biographies.]
+
+14. Now this is perfectly a fictitious story. Neither there was any such
+affair, nor is there anything on this head mentioned in the Koran. It is
+very strange that Sir W. Muir has abruptly left aside, in this instance,
+all his principal authorities, the Arabian biographers, Ibn Ishak,
+Wákidi (his secretary), and Tabari. The story is not to be found in any
+of these biographies, nor in the canonical collections of Bokhari,
+Muslim, and Tirmizee. Sir W. Muir had himself laid down the rule that
+only these original authorities are to be depended upon, and the later
+authors are to be rejected. He writes:--
+
+ "To the three biographies by Ibn Hishám, by Wackidi his secretary,
+ and Tabari, the judicious historian of Mahomet will, as his
+ original authorities, confine himself. He will also receive with a
+ similar respect such traditions in the general collections of the
+ earliest traditionists--Bokhari, Muslim, Tirmizi, &c.--as may bear
+ upon his subject. But he will reject as _evidence_ all later
+ authors, to whose so-called traditions he will not allow any
+ historical weight whatever."[365]
+
+[Sidenote: Sir W. Muir's authorities not valid.]
+
+15. But in this instance, Sir W. Muir, being anxious to quote his
+fictitious story to calumniate Mohammad, has ceased to be a judicious
+historian, and deviates from his self-imposed rule. He does not reject
+the story as he ought judiciously and conscientiously to have done, as
+it is not to be found in any of the earliest and original authorities
+mentioned by him; on the contrary, he compromises himself by
+condescending to quote from secondary and later authors. He writes in a
+footnote without quoting his original authority:--
+
+ "The version given in the text is accredited by Jelálood-deen,
+ Yahia, Beizawi, and Zamakshari, &c." (Vol. III, page 163.)
+
+These authors were neither biographers nor historians, and are therefore
+no authorities at all. Zamakshari and Beizawi were commentators in the
+sixth and seventh centuries respectively. They give two stories, one
+regarding Maria and another to the effect that the oath or promise of
+Mohammad had been to the effect that he would not again partake of a
+species of strong-scented honey disliked by his wives. Jelal-ud-deen
+Mahalli was a commentator of the ninth century of the Hejira. Yahia is
+not known among the commentators. He may be one of the latest authors.
+
+The commentators are generally no authority in the matter of traditional
+literature. "To illustrate allusions in the Coran, they are always ready
+with a story in point, but unfortunately there are almost always
+different tales, all equally opposite to the same allusion. The
+allusion, in fact, was often the father of the story. What was
+originally, perhaps, a mere conjecture of supposed events that might
+have given rise to an expression in the Coran, or was a single surmise
+in explanation of some passage, by degrees assume the garb of fact. The
+tradition and the facts which it professes to attest thus, no doubt,
+often rest on no better authority than that of the verse or passage
+itself."[366]
+
+[Sidenote: The best commentators and traditionists refute the story.]
+
+16. Those commentators who are well versed in the Science of Traditions,
+as well as doctors in the traditional literature, have rejected the
+story of Maria as the subject-matter of Sura LXVI, as apocryphal.
+
+Baghvi, the author of _Misbah_ (the text of Mishkat), says that the Sura
+was revealed on the subject of honey, and not in the case of Maria. The
+latter story is neither in the _Sahihain_ (Bokhari and Muslim), nor has
+it been narrated in any authentic way.
+
+Háfiz Ishmael Ibn Kaseeral Qarashi, as quoted by Kustlánee (notes on
+Bokhari, Vol. VII, page 313), says that the Sura was certainly in the
+case of honey.
+
+Imam Noávee, in his notes on Muslim, (Vol. I, page 463,) says:--"In fact
+it was revealed in the case of the honey, and not in the case of Maria."
+
+[Sidenote: The story not accredited by the Koran.]
+
+17. Sir W. Muir himself admits that the earliest biographers do not
+relate the story, but gives a false excuse for his not following their
+example. He writes:--
+
+ "The biographers pass over the scene in decent silence, and I
+ should gladly have followed their example, if the Coran itself had
+ not accredited the facts, and stamped them with unavoidable
+ notoriety."[367]
+
+The allegation is absurdly false, as everybody can satisfy himself by
+referring to the Koran, which does not contain the fictitious and
+spurious story.
+
+[Sidenote: The story when fabricated.]
+
+18. The currency of the story did neither take place during the time of
+Mohammad, its proper age, nor during the lifetime of the companions. It
+was fabricated and imposed on some of the _Tabaee_ of weak authority in
+the second century.[368] There is no doubt that the whole story is a
+sheer fabrication from beginning to end.
+
+[Sidenote: Zeinab's case.]
+
+19. In conclusion, I will offer a few remarks in passing regarding Sir
+W. Muir's reference here to Zeinab's case. He writes:--
+
+ "The charms of a second Zeinab were by accident discovered too
+ fully before the Prophet's admiring gaze. She was the wife of Zeid,
+ his adopted son and bosom friend; but he was unable to smother the
+ flame she had kindled in his breast, and by _divine_ command she
+ was taken to his bed."[369]
+
+The story is from the beginning to end all untrue. Mohammad knew Zeinab
+from her infancy, she was his cousin; and he had himself arranged her
+marriage with Zeid. When Zeid divorced her, she was thirty-five years
+old, and possibly could have no charms to fascinate even a stranger. Had
+she been charming or fair to look upon, Zeid should not have separated
+himself from her. There is no historical authority for this, or for any
+other version of the story. The Koran, while treating the subject, has
+not the slightest reference to any of the stories afterwards made out to
+the effect that Mohammad had been to Zeid's house, and, having
+accidentally seen the beauty of Zeinab's figure through the half-opened
+door; or that the wind blew aside the curtain of Zeinab's chamber, and
+disclosed her in a scanty undress, was smitten by the sight.[370]
+
+[Sidenote: The story a spurious one.]
+
+20. These stories, and I believe a few more varied accounts of the same,
+like those of the story of Maria the Coptic, were originally mere
+conjectures of supposed events that might have given rise to an
+expression in the Koran (Sura XXXIII, verse 37)--if not wilful
+misrepresentations of story-tellers and enemies of Islam--which the
+European writers represent in the garb of facts. The words of the Koran
+which have been the father of the story are:--
+
+ "And when thou saidst to him unto whom God had shewn favour, and
+ unto whom thou also hadst shewn favour, 'keep thy wife to thyself,
+ and fear God,' and thou didst hide in thy mind what God would bring
+ to light, and thou didst fear men; but more right it had been to
+ fear God."
+
+This shows Mohammad dissuaded Zeid from divorcing his wife,
+notwithstanding the great facility of divorce common at that time in
+Arabia.
+
+Sir W. Muir is not justified in copying these stories from Tabari. They
+are not related by earliest biographers from any authentic and reliable
+source. He ought to have rejected them as spurious fabrications under
+historical criticism, as he rejects other traditions which are on a
+better footing of truth than these false and maliciously forged stories.
+
+[Sidenote: Sir W. Muir's conjectures not justified.]
+
+21. Sir W. Muir has exceeded the limit he himself had marked out for a
+judicious historian of Mohammad when he abounds in his wild fancies, and
+observes--
+
+ "Zeid went straightway to Mahomet, and declared his readiness to
+ divorce Zeinab for him. This Mahomet declined: 'Keep thy wife to
+ thyself,' he said, 'and fear God.' _But Zeid could plainly see that
+ these words proceeded from unwilling lips, and that the Prophet had
+ still a longing eye for Zeinab._"[371]
+
+Now this is a mere libellous surmise. He goes on still with his
+defamatory conjectures, and writes:--
+
+ "Still the passion for Zeinab could not be smothered; it continued
+ to burn within the heart of Mahomet, and at last bursting forth,
+ scattered other considerations to the wind."[372]
+
+Mohammad never professed to have received a divine command to marry
+Zeinab. It was not necessary for him to have done so. The outcry raised
+by the Pagan Arabs was not because they suspected an intrigue on the
+Prophet's part to secure a divorce, but because they looked upon an
+adopted son in the light of a true son, and considered, therefore, the
+marriage with Zeinab, after her divorce from Zeid, as falling within the
+prohibited degrees. This adoptive affinity was already abolished in the
+Koran (Sura XXXIII, 4): "God hath not made your adopted sons as your own
+sons."
+
+Sir W. Muir gravely mistakes in his remarks when he says:--
+
+ "The marriage caused much obloquy, and to save his reputation,
+ Mahomet had the impious effrontery to sanction it by special
+ Revelation from on high, in which the Almighty is represented as
+ formally recording a divine warrant for the union."[373]
+
+He quotes verse 36, Sura XXXIII. But he has himself admitted (Vol. III,
+page 229 footnote) "that this verse is rather in a recitative style of a
+past event," and not a divine command to marry Zeinab. The words "we
+joined thee in marriage unto her" in the verse do not mean a command for
+marriage. They simply mean that the marriage had taken place. The phrase
+"we joined thee in marriage unto her" is a mere form of expression.
+Almost all human actions are attributed to God in the Koran, and
+whatever occurs in the world by the ordinary course of nature, and by
+the free agency of men, is referred in the Koran to the immediate agency
+of God.
+
+[Sidenote: A wrong translation of Sir W. Muir.]
+
+22. In the next verse--"There is no offence chargeable to the Prophet in
+that which God hath enjoined upon him"--he wrongly translates _Faraza_
+as enjoined, and thus conveys an idea of a divine command. _Faraza_
+means he made (a thing) lawful or allowable. [See Lane's Arabic
+Dictionary, Bk. I, Pt. VI, page 2373.] In giving the above meaning Mr.
+Lane quotes this very verse.[374] Such unions were made lawful not only
+to Mohammad, but for all the Moslems, and there was nothing partaking of
+a special prerogative for him. No special sanction is conveyed by these
+verses. No special revelation from on high was brought forward to secure
+his own object or to give him an exceptional privilege. It was merely
+said that no blame attached to the Prophet for doing what was lawful.
+
+The word "_Amr_," translated "command" and "behest," in XXXIII, 37 and
+38, by Sir W. Muir and others, in fact means here and in other similar
+passage (XIX, 21; IV, 50; XI, 76; and VIII, 43, 46),--God's
+foreknowledge of future contingencies and not a legal command. The same
+is the case with the word "_Qadr_" in XXXIII, 38, as well as in XV, 60,
+and LXXIII, 20, which means God's prescience and not a predestinated
+decree.
+
+[Sidenote: In Zeinab's case no exceptional privilege was secured.]
+
+23. In conclusion, Sir W. Muir remarks:--
+
+ "Our only matter of wonder is that the Revelations of Mahomet
+ continued after this to be regarded by his people as inspired
+ communications from the Almighty, when they were so palpably formed
+ to secure his own objects, and pander even to his evil desires. We
+ hear of no doubts or questionings, and we can only attribute the
+ confiding and credulous spirit of his followers to the absolute
+ ascendency of his powerful mind over all who came within its
+ influence."[375]
+
+The verses 37 and 38 of the thirty-third Sura had not in any way
+"secured the objects of Mohammad, much less pandered to his evil
+desire." As his marriage with Zeinab had taken place long before they
+were published, they could not be said to confer any exceptional
+privilege upon him.
+
+[Sidenote: The false story traced to Mukátil.]
+
+24. The story copied by commentators that Mohammad had accidentally seen
+Zeinab and admired her is traced to Mukátil,[376] a commentator of the
+Koran in the second century, who died at Basra 150 A.H. "The doctors
+(_in traditions_)," writes Ibn Khallikan in his Biographical Dictionary,
+translated by Slane, "differ in opinion respecting Mukátil: some declare
+that, as a traditionist, he was worthy of confidence, and others accused
+him of falsehood."
+
+... Ahmed bin Saiyár says:--
+
+"Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, a native of Balkh, went to Marw, whence he
+proceeded to Irák. His veracity is suspected; his Traditions should be
+left aside and declarations should be rejected. Speaking of the divine
+attributes, he said things which it would be sinful to repeat." Ibráhím
+Ibn Yákúb-al-Juz-Jáni called Mukátil an audacious liar. Abu Abd
+ar-Rahmán an Nasái said:--"Liars notorious for forging Traditions and
+passing them off as coming from the Prophet were four in number: Ibn Abi
+Yahya, at Medína; Al-Wákidi, at Baghdad; Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, in
+Khorásán; and Muhammad Ibn Saíd, surnamed _Al-Maslúb_, in Syria." Wakí
+Ibn al-Jarráh said of Mukátil that he was a confirmed liar. Abu Bakr
+al-Ajurri said: "I asked Abú Dáwúd Suláimán Ibn al Asháth concerning
+Mukátil, and he answered:--'All Traditions given by him should be
+rejected.' According to Omar Ibn al-Ghallás, Mukátil Ibn Suláimán was a
+liar, and his traditions were to be rejected." "As for Mukátil Ibn
+Suláimán," said Al-Bukhári, "pass him over in silence." In another
+place, he says of him: "He is just nothing at all." Yahya Ibn Moín
+declared that Mukátil's traditions were of no value; and Ahmad Ibn
+Hanbal said: "As for Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, the author of the Commentary,
+I should not like to cite anything on his authority." "His Traditions
+are to be rejected," said Abú Hátim ar-Rázi. According to Zakariya Ibn
+Yahya as-Sáji, people said of Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, the native of
+Khorásán, "that he was a liar, and that his traditions should be
+rejected."[377]
+
+[Sidenote: Ikrama.]
+
+Ikrama (died 107 A.H.), another liar, had only surmised before Mukátil
+that Mohammad might have admired Zeinab. His words, as related by the
+traditionists, Abd bin Hamíd and Ibn-al-Munzar, are "as if she had
+fallen deep in his mind."[378] But Mukátil has converted this hazardous
+conjecture into a fact.
+
+Abd Allah Ibn al-Harith relates as follows:--
+
+ "I went to visit Ali, the son of Abd Alláh Ibu Abbás, and I saw
+ Ikrama tied up at the door of a privy, on which I said: 'Is it thus
+ that you treat your slave?' To which he replied. 'Know that that
+ fellow has told lies of my father.'"[379]
+
+[Sidenote: Mohammad bin Yahya.]
+
+Mohammad bin Yahya bin Habbán[380] (died 121 A.H.) has also given the
+tradition of Mohammad's admiring Zeinab at Zeid's house, but does not
+give his authority. He was not a contemporary narrator, therefore his
+narration is apocryphal and technically _Mursal_.
+
+[Sidenote: Katádá's conjectural interpretation not warranted.]
+
+25. All these silly fables, wild romances, and scandalous conjectures
+have their origin in Katáda's improper interpretation of these words,
+"and thou didst hide in thy mind what God would bring to light" (Sura
+XXXIII, 37). Katáda (died 117 A.H.) conjectured that the Prophet
+concealed his desire that Zeid should divorce Zeinab. But all other
+authors[381] have found fault with Katáda in his surmise, which is not
+supported by any word in the text or by any contemporary evidence. This
+interpretation of Katáda is contradicted by the very words of Mohammad
+to Zeid in the same verse: "Keep thy wife to thyself and fear God."
+
+[Sidenote: Other conjectures.]
+
+26. Many have been the conjectures as to what did Mohammad hide in his
+mind. There is one by Katáda already explained. Another is this, that he
+knew Zeid would divorce her, but concealing this in his mind, he
+interdicted Zeid from doing so. A third conjecture is this, that he
+concealed in his mind that if Zeid, contrary to his (Mohammad's) advice,
+were to divorce her (Zeinab), he (Mohammad) would marry her. These
+conjectures are all far-fetched and arbitrary, but it appears more
+probable that the social inharmony and domestic disturbances between
+Zeid and Zeinab, and their resolve of separation, were withheld from the
+public by Mohammad, fearing the scandal it might give rise to among his
+enemies. This is the only secret referred to in the verse so often
+cited.
+
+[Footnote 336: _Annals of the Early Caliphate_. By Sir W. Muir,
+K.C.S.I., LL.D., D.C.L., page 75, London, 1883.]
+
+[Footnote 337: "It is to ransom the captive."--XC, 13.
+
+"There is no piety in turning your faces towards the east or the west,
+but he is pious who believeth in God and the Last Day, and the Angels
+and the Scriptures and the Prophets; who for the love of God disburseth
+his wealth to his kindred and to the orphans and the needy, and the
+wayfarer and those who ask; and for ransoming," &c.--II, 172.]
+
+[Footnote 338: "And to those of your slaves who desire a deed of
+_manumission_, execute it for them, if ye know good in them, and give
+them a portion of the wealth of God which He hath given you. Force not
+your female slaves into sin, in order that ye may gain he casual
+fruitions of this world, if they wish to preserve their modesty. Yet if
+any one compel them, then verily, after their compulsion, will God be
+Forgiving, Merciful."--XXIV, 33.]
+
+[Footnote 339: "A believer killeth not a believer but by mischance: and
+whoso killeth a believer by mischance shall be bound to free a believer
+from slavery," &c.--IV, 94.]
+
+[Footnote 340: "And those who _thus_ put away their wives, and
+afterwards would recall their words, must free a captive before they can
+come together _again_," &c.--LVIII, 4.]
+
+[Footnote 341: "But alms are only _to be given_ to the poor and the
+needy, and those who collect them, and to those whose hearts are won _to
+Islam_, and for ransoming and for debtors, and for the cause of God, and
+the wayfarer," &c.--IX, 60.]
+
+[Footnote 342: "God will not punish you for a mistaken word in your
+oaths; but He will punish you in regard to an oath taken seriously. Its
+expiation shall be to feed ten poor persons with such middling _food_ as
+ye feed your families with, or to clothe them; or to set free a captive:
+but he who cannot find the means shall fast three days. This is the
+expiation of your oaths when ye have sworn. Keep then your oaths. Thus
+God maketh his signs clear to you. Haply ye will be thankful."--V, 91.]
+
+[Footnote 343: _Vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 223.]
+
+[Footnote 344: According to Hishámi, p. 745, a party of fifty or forty
+Koreish went round about Mohammad's camp at Hodeibia, seeking to cut off
+any stray followers; and having attacked the camp itself with stones and
+arrows, they were caught and taken to Mohammad, who pardoned and
+released them.--_Vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, IV, p. 31, _f.n._; and
+Moslim's collection of genuine traditions _Kitab-ul Jihad vas-Siyar_,
+chapter on _Tanfeel_ and _Ransom_.]
+
+[Footnote 345: All the prisoners of Hawázin at Honain were released
+without taking any ransom and were not made slaves. See Muir's Life of
+Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 148-149. That Mohammad had presented three female
+slaves to Ali, Othman, and Omar from the captives of Bard Hawázin, as
+stated by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, p. 149, is void of all truth. The
+captives were not enslaved. They were mere prisoners, as Sir W. Muir
+himself calls them so (_ibid_, pp. 148-149); yet he styles these three
+of them "female slaves." The captives together with the captured camp
+were removed to the valley of Jierána, pending negotiations (_ibid_, p.
+142). At the end of the negotiations the prisoners were released. Thus
+there could be no distribution of prisoners to anyone.]
+
+[Footnote 346: Sir W. Muir writes:--"Hishámee says that from the time of
+Kheibar _slaves_ became very plentiful among the Moslems, p. 333. I do
+not find that, excepting the family of Kinâna, any mention is made of
+slaves taken at Kheibar. But money, which the victors obtained
+plentifully at Kheibar, could purchase them cheaply in any part of
+Arabia." (The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 73-74, and _footnote_.) But
+the word originally used by Hishamee, "_sabaya_," means captives and
+property captured, and not slaves, though captives, if not ransomed,
+were used to be made slaves under the Arab International Law. Besides
+this even the family of Kinána was never enslaved. Kinána was taken
+captive and executed, because he had killed Mahamúd bin Muslama. _Vide_
+para. 75 of this book. The story that Mohammad immediately on Kinána's
+execution sent for her and cast his mantle over her, signifying that she
+was to be his own, and consummated his marriage with her, and that her
+dower was her freedom (_vide_ Muir, _ibid_, pp. 68-69), is not genuine
+and authentic. His family, by which is meant Sofia and her cousin, was
+not enslaved, and there is no tradition, genuine or apocryphal, to
+corroborate it. I here take the opportunity of quoting a speech ascribed
+to Mohammad while addressing Sofia, the widow of Kinána, copied by Abul
+Mo'tamar Soleiman (died A.H. 143) in his "Campaigns of Mohammad."
+Mohammad addressed her thus:--"I give thee choice either of Islam, or of
+Judaism. If thou acceptest Islam, perhaps I may keep thee for myself.
+But if thou preferest Judaism, I may perhaps liberate thee, and join
+thee to thy family." _Vide_ Wákidi's "Campaigns of Mohammad," page 393,
+Calcutta, 1856. This speech shows amply that Mohammad had no intention
+of enslaving Sofia.
+
+The story of Mohammad's marriage with Sofia after her being given to and
+purchased from Dihya, emanates from Anas, who cannot be relied upon.
+Anas had very recently been associated with Mohammad. He entered
+Mohammad's service only the other day when he started for the expedition
+of Khyber, and was but a boy only a dozen-years old at that time. It is
+related by Bokhari from Anas himself, who said that the Prophet had
+asked Abu Tulhah to get him a boy to serve him during the Khyber
+expedition. So he took me to him, and I was a boy close to maturity
+(_Bokhari-Kitabul Jihad_). Anas has given two contradictory accounts
+about Sofia; in one he says, "Dihya asked Mohammad's permission for a
+captive girl, and took Sofia. When Mohammad heard about Sofia, he asked
+Dihya to take another one; and having liberated Sofia married her, and
+her freedom was her dower." In another tradition, Anas relates that
+"Sofia fell to the lot of Dihya, and Mohammad purchased her from him for
+seven camels." He says:--"The people did not know whether he had married
+her, or had made her a concubine-slave, but when she rode on a camel,
+and Mohammad put veil round her, the people knew from this that she was
+his wife." Both these traditions are narrated from Anas by Moslem in his
+_Saheeh_ (Book on Marriage).
+
+The idea that Mohammad married Sofia under the circumstances noted above
+is not satisfactorily established. It was only the fancy of the people,
+or was a conjecture of Anas. Yet Sir W. Muir has the effrontery to
+remark against Mohammad that: "Indeed, he is not free from the suspicion
+of being influenced in the destruction of Kinána by the desire of
+obtaining his wife." (The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 68,
+_footnote_.) Kinána was executed for killing Mahmood bin Muslama, and
+Sofia was neither enslaved nor married by Mohammad. Even if it be shown
+that Mohammad married her afterwards under some other circumstances, it
+(Sir W. Muir's presumption) is an idle guess unwarranted by any
+reasonable argument.
+
+The traditionists, Anas and others, have probably confounded Sofia, the
+aunt of Mohammad, who was with him during the expedition of Khyber
+(_vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 66, _footnote_), with
+Kinána's widow of the same name, whom they fancied Mohammad might have
+married and carried with him on the same camel. The lady for whom
+Mohammad lowered his knee to help her to ascend the camel (_ibid_, page
+70) was most probably Sofia, his aunt.]
+
+[Footnote 347: Vol. III, pp. 278-279.]
+
+[Footnote 348: _Vide_ The Biographical Dictionary of Persons who knew
+Mohammad, by Ibn Hajar. In _Biblotheca Indica_. A collection of oriental
+Series, published by the Asiatic Society, Bengal, No. 215, Vol. IV.
+Fasciculus 7, Calcutta, 1866; Art. Rehana, No. 444.]
+
+[Footnote 349: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 278.]
+
+[Footnote 350: "The days of Ignorance, that is, the period preceding
+Islam."]
+
+[Footnote 351: "Two such are named by Tabari, I, page 248."
+
+"A light ransom was fixed for each Arab slave--seven camels and six
+young ones. In the case of some tribes which had suffered most severely
+(as the Beni Hanifa, the Beni Kinda, and the people of Omán discomfited
+at Dabá) even this was remitted."
+
+Annals of Early Caliphate. By Sir W. Muir, K.C.S.I., LL.D., D.C.L.,
+London, 1883, pp. 63, 64.]
+
+[Footnote 352: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 56.]
+
+[Footnote 353: _Ibid_, page 57, footnote.]
+
+[Footnote 354: _Vide_ Hishamee, page 972.]
+
+[Footnote 355: _Ibid_, page 971.]
+
+[Footnote 356: _Vide Takrib_ by Ibn Hajar.]
+
+[Footnote 357: _Vide_ History of Muhammad's Campaigns by Wákidi; edited
+by Von Kremer, Calcutta, 1856, from p. 360 to the end.]
+
+[Footnote 358: Vol. III, page 62.]
+
+[Footnote 359: _Vide_ Mizán-ul-Etedál by Zahabí.]
+
+[Footnote 360: _Vide_ Nos. 976, 977, and 978 in the Biographical
+Dictionary of Persons who knew Mohammad, by Ibn Hajar, published by the
+Asiatic Society, Bengal, Calcutta, 1870, Vol. IV, pp. 779, 780, and
+781.]
+
+[Footnote 361: _Vide_ Mizán, by Zahabí.]
+
+[Footnote 362: "An eclipse of the sun occurred on the same day, and the
+people spoke of it as a tribute to the death of the Prophet's son. A
+vulgar impostor would have accepted and confirmed the delusion; but
+Mahomet rejected the idea."--"The Life of Mahomet" by Sir W. Muir, Vol.
+IV, page 166.]
+
+[Footnote 363: "Meaning the company of his female slave."]
+
+[Footnote 364: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 161 and 162.
+
+Taking concubine-slaves was an established and recognized institution of
+the Arab society, until Mohammad abolished it. Practically the custom
+has prevailed up to the present time. No blame attached to such
+alliances in the social system of the Arabs. "The Caliphs of the House
+of Abbas were all of them the children of concubines except as--Saffah,
+Al-Mahdi, and Al-Amin" (History of Caliphs. By Sayúte. Translated by
+Major Jarret, page 20, Calcutta, 1880). If the story regarding Mohammad
+be true, there was no fear of exposure or offending the wives.]
+
+[Footnote 365: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. I, Introduction, page ciii.]
+
+[Footnote 366: "The Calcutta Review," Feby. 1868, page 374.]
+
+[Footnote 367: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 160.]
+
+[Footnote 368: Zeid bin Aslam (in _Tabrani_), who narrates the story,
+though he does not mention Maria, is a Tábaee (died A.H. 136), and does
+not quote his authority. Besides, his authority itself is impeached;
+_vide_ Ibn Adi in his Kámal.
+
+Masrook (in Saeed bin Mansoor) only came to Medina long after Mohammad's
+death; therefore his narration, even if it be genuine, is not reliable.
+
+Zohak Ibn Muzahim (in _Tabrani_), also a Tábaee and of impeached
+authority, narrates it from Ibn Abbás, but he never heard any tradition
+from him, nor had he even seen him (_vide Mzàn-ul-Etedal_, by Zahabi,
+and _Ansáb_, by Sam-áni). His narration must be hence considered as
+apocryphal.
+
+The ascription of Ibn Omar's (died 73 A.H.) story, not strictly to the
+point, is untrustworthy.
+
+Abu Hurera's narration is also admitted as apocryphal; _vide
+Dur-rul-mansoor_, by Soyutí.
+
+All these traditions are noted by Soyutí in his _Dur-rul-mansoor_.
+
+The tradition by Nasáee (died 303 A.H.) from Anas (died 90 A.H.)
+regarding the affair of a slave is equally contradicted by the tradition
+from Ayesha, the widow of the Prophet, narrated by the traditionist
+Nasáee in the same place of his collection of traditions. This is the
+story of the honey. _Vide_ para. 16, _ubi supra_. Ayesha's tradition is
+more trustworthy than that of Anas. Hammád bin Salma, a narrator in the
+ascription of Anas, has been impeached owing to the confusion of his
+memory in the later days of his life (_vide Tekreeb_). Sabit, another
+link in the same chain, was a story-teller by profession (_vide Zahabi's
+Tabakát_,) and cannot be depended upon. And Nasáee himself has rejected
+the tradition ascribed to Anas, and is reported to have said that
+Ayesha's tradition has good ascription, while there is nothing valid in
+that regarding Maria; _vide_ Kamálain's Annotations on _Jelálain in
+loco_.]
+
+[Footnote 369: The Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, page 310.]
+
+[Footnote 370: _Ibid_, Vol. III, page 228, and _footnote_ at pp. 229 and
+230.]
+
+[Footnote 371: The Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, page 228. The
+_italics_ are mine.]
+
+[Footnote 372: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 229. The tradition
+quoted by Sir W. Muir in this page is apocryphal and technically
+_Mursal_.]
+
+[Footnote 373: _Ibid_, p. 230.]
+
+[Footnote 374: "(T.A.) _he made_ [a thing] _lawful_, or _allowable_, to
+him (Jel in XXXIII, 38, and Kull in page 275 and T.A.*) relating to a
+case into which a man has brought himself (Kull): this is said to be the
+meaning when the phrase occurs in the Kur:" An Arabic-English Lexicon,
+by Edward William Lane, page 2375.]
+
+[Footnote 375: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 231.]
+
+[Footnote 376: Vide _Seerat Halabi_; or, _Insan-ul-Oyoon_, Vol. II, page
+402.]
+
+[Footnote 377: Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, Vol. III, pp.
+409-410.]
+
+[Footnote 378: Vide _Dur-rul-mansoor_, by Sayútí, _in loco_.]
+
+[Footnote 379: Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, Vol. II, page
+207.]
+
+[Footnote 380: Narrated by Ibn Sád and Hákim.]
+
+[Footnote 381: _Vide_ Abdur Razzák. Abd bin Hamíd, Ibn Jarír,
+Ibn-al-Monzar, Ibn Abi Hátim, and Tabráni's Collections of Traditions.]
+
+
+
+
+Appendix C.
+
+
+The references to the particular events and circumstances relating to
+the defensive wars mentioned in the Koran, quoted and referred by me in
+this work, may be classified as follows:--
+
+I.--The Persecutions of the Koreish at Mecca (B.H. 10-1).
+
+ Sura xvi, 43, 44, 111.
+ Sura ii, 210, 214, 215.
+ Sura iii, 194.
+ Sura iv, 97, 99, 100.
+ Sura xxii, 57.
+ Sura lx, 8, 9.
+ Sura xlvii, 14.
+ Sura xlviii, 25.
+ Sura ix, 40, 48, 95.
+
+II.--The Aggressions of the Koreish at Medina, as well as those of the
+Inhabitants thereof (A.H. 10).
+
+ Sura ii, 214; Sura viii, 72; Sura ix, 13, 48, 72.
+
+III. The Wars of Defence against the Koreish and the Arabs, &c., with
+several References to their Aggressions (A.H. 1-8).
+
+ Sura xxii, 39-42.
+ Sura ii, 186-189, 214, 215, 245, 247, 252.
+ Sura iv, 76-78, 86, 91, 93.
+ Sura viii, 19, 39-41, 58-66, 73, 74.
+ Sura ix, 10, 13.
+
+IV.--The Various Battles, &c.
+
+ (1) _The Battle of Badr_ (A.H. 2).
+ Sura iii, 11, 119;
+ Sura viii, 5-19, 39-52, 66-72;
+ Sura xlvii, 4, 15.
+
+ (2) _The Battle of Ohad_ (A.H. 3).
+ Sura iii, 117-122;
+ 134-154;
+ 159-162.
+
+ (3) _The Second Battle of Badr_ (A.H. 4), and _The Expulsion
+ of the Bani Nazeer_ (A.H. 4).
+ Sura iii, 167; and
+ Sura lix, 2-14.
+
+ (4) _The Battle of Ahzáb_ (A.H. 5).
+ Sura xxxiii, 9-25.
+
+ (5) _The Jews, Bani Koreiza, &c._ (A.H. 5).
+ Sura viii, 58-66;
+ Sura xxxiii, 26-27.
+
+ (6) _The pilgrimic Expedition to Hodeibia_ (A.H. 6).
+ Sura xlviii, 1-3, 10, 11, 24, 25;
+ Sura lx.
+
+ (7) _The Expedition to Khyber_ (A.H. 7).
+ Sura xlviii, 17, 20-22.
+
+ (8) _The breach of the truce of Hodeibia by the Koreish_
+ (A.H. 8).
+
+ (_a_) Before the Conquest of Mecca.
+ Sura ix, 1-15.
+
+ (_b_) After the Conquest of Mecca,
+ Sura ix, 16-24.
+
+ (9) _The Battle of Honain_ (A.H. 8).
+ Sura ix, 25-27.
+
+ (10) _After the Battle of Honain_ (A.H. 9).
+ Sura ix, 28.
+
+ (11) _The Expedition to Tabuk against the Christians
+ (Romans) and their Jewish Allies_ (A.H. 9).
+
+ (_a_) Exhortation to go to war in defence.
+ Sura ix, 29-41, 124.
+
+ (_b_) Backwardness reproached.
+ 42-52, 56-57, 82-90.
+
+ (_c_) Exhortations for contribution.
+ 53-55, 58-60, 81.
+
+ (_d_) The disaffected chided.
+ 65-76, 121, 122, 125-130.
+
+ (_e_) The Bedouins reprobated.
+ 91-102.
+
+ (_f_) The penitents forgiven.
+ 103-107, 118.
+
+_THE END._
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+A.
+
+Aámir, lii.
+
+Aamir bin Tofeil, chief of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
+
+Abbas, 34.
+
+Abd-bin Hamid, 109 _f.n._, 222.
+
+Abd bin Kosayy, xxxiii.
+
+Abd Monat, xvii _f.n._
+
+Abd Shams, xxviii, 7.
+
+Abdel Malik ibn Hisham, 72 _f.n._, 73 _f.n._
+
+Abd-ud-Dar, xxxiii.
+
+Abd-ul-Kays, xlvi, lii.
+
+Abdul Hamid, 206, 208.
+
+Abdul Rahman, Mohammad's instruction to him, xxvii.
+
+Abdullah, 96, 97.
+
+Abdullah bin Abdur Rahaman bin Abi Sasta, 206, 208.
+
+Abdullah bin al Harith, 222.
+
+Abdullah bin Jahsh, 31, 56.
+
+Abdullah bin Khalal, 96.
+
+Abdullah bin Omar, 68 _f.n._
+
+Abdullah ibn Abbas, 135.
+
+Abdullah ibn Masood, 79, 80.
+
+Abdullah ibn Oneis, 69, 73.
+
+Abdullah ibn Rawáha, 72, 102.
+
+Abdullah ibn Shuburma, ibn Tufail ad Dubbi, 136.
+
+Abdullah ibn Zubair, 135.
+
+Abdur Razzak, 110 _f.n._
+
+Abs, xxxiv, xli, xlii, xlvi.
+
+Abû Abd-ur-Rahman Abdullah ibn Omar ibn-al Khattab, 135.
+
+Abu Abd-ur Rahman an Nasai, 221.
+
+Abu Afak, 61, 64, 65.
+
+Abu Avana, 210.
+
+Abu Bakr, vi, lix, 9, 179.
+
+Abu Bakr al Ajurri, 221.
+
+Abu Barda, 83.
+
+Abu Basir, 98, 99, 101.
+
+Abu Bera Amr ibn Malik, a chief of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
+
+Abu Cobeis, 6.
+
+Abu Daood, his book of Jihad, 71 _f.n._, 78 _f.n._, 79, 80 _f.n._,
+ 96, 133, 207.
+
+Abu Hattim, 207, 209.
+
+Abu Hurera, 215.
+
+Abu Jahl, 7, 55.
+
+Abu Naeem, 78.
+
+Abu Obeida, 107.
+
+Abu Omar-ad-Damishki, 68 _f.n._
+
+Abu Omar-al-Madni, 107.
+
+Abu Rafe, chief of the Bani Nazeer, 61, 71-72.
+
+Abu Sofian, viii, 7, 11, 14, 31, 32, 34, 53, 55, 56, 74, 75, 76;
+ attempted assassination of, 61.
+
+Abu Talib, 6;
+ his death, 7.
+
+Abu Yola, xxii.
+
+Abu Zara, 208.
+
+Abul Bakhtari, 34.
+
+Abul Hukeik, the chief of Bani Nazeer, 39.
+
+Abul Mo'tamar Soleiman, 89, 197, 200, 206.
+
+Abul Ozza, 76, 80, 81.
+
+Abwa, Expedition of, 29, 56.
+
+Abyssinia, The emigration of the Moslems to, v, xxxiii, 5;
+ the two emigrations of, 11;
+ Nadhir ibn Hareth's flight to, 78, 179.
+
+Age, The Apostolic, 109.
+
+Ahl Hadis, 160.
+
+Ahmas, liii.
+
+Ahmed bin Hanbal, 221.
+
+Ahmed ibn Abi Daood, 113.
+
+Ahmed Khan, Syed;
+ his Commentary of the Koran, 95 _f.n._
+
+Ahzab, vii, xxii, xxiii, 10, 197.
+
+Ainee, a Commentary of the Hedaya, 125, 132, 134 _f.n._
+
+Ajtahada, 164.
+
+Ajtahada fil Amr, 164.
+
+Akhnas, 99.
+
+Al-Aamash, 135.
+
+Al-Amaran, 182.
+
+Al-Amin, 212 _f.n._
+
+Al-Auzai, 135.
+
+Ali, 9, 80, 196.
+
+Ali bin Abdullah bin Abbas, 68.
+
+Al-Is, 57.
+
+Al-Lat, 7.
+
+Allah, 38.
+
+Allauddin Al Haskafi, 170
+
+Almotarrazi, 164.
+
+Al-Mamun, Khalif, 136.
+
+Al Yafi, 136.
+
+Amalekites, 153.
+
+Amar, commissioned to fight with Abu Sofian, 74, 81, 219.
+
+Amar-bin-Dinar, 134, 135, 136.
+
+Ameer Ali, Moulvie, quoted, 90.
+
+Amr, 64.
+
+Amr bin Saasaa, xxxiv, xli.
+
+Amru ibn Omerga, 75.
+
+Anaza, lii.
+
+Annajmus Saqib (star of piercing radiance), xxxvi.
+
+Annals of the Eastern Caliphate quoted, 193, 202.
+
+Ans, 93 _f.n._, 136, 197-198, 215.
+
+Ans bin Qizi, 89.
+
+Ansab, 215.
+
+Ansars, people of Medina, 32, 41.
+
+Apartment, The (Sura), 188.
+
+Arabs, their society, ii, 26;
+ pagan, 125.
+
+Arafat, xlviii.
+
+Arqam, Mohammad sought refuge in the house of, xxxiii.
+
+Asad, xii, xiii, xxxiii, xlvi, lii.
+
+Asas of Zamakhshire, 163 _f.n._, 164.
+
+Ashar, xvi.
+
+Ashja, xii, xiii, xlii, xliii, xlv.
+
+Ashraf, 66.
+
+Asim, 80.
+
+Aslam, xliii.
+
+Asma bint Marwán, 61, 62-64.
+
+Assemblies of Ali Hariri, translated by Thomas Chenry, 169.
+
+As Sauri, 137.
+
+As Shabi, 136.
+
+Astromancy of the Jinns, xxxvi.
+
+Ata, 68, 116 _f.n._, 134.
+
+Ata ibn Abi Rabah, 135.
+
+Autas, xxiii, 16.
+
+Aws Allah, xxxix.
+
+Aws Tribes (The), xxxix, xlii, xliv.
+
+Ayesha, 215, 216.
+
+Ayla, the Christian chief, xix.
+
+Azd, xlv, lii.
+
+Azdite Tribes (The), xxxix, xlv.
+
+Azhar, 99.
+
+Azruh, The Jews of, xix.
+
+
+B.
+
+Badr, vi, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, xxii, xli, xlii, 10;
+ the battle of, 11, 32, 34;
+ Nadhir executed at, 78, 110 _f.n._, 170, 181, 196.
+
+Baghdad, 221.
+
+Baghvi, 214.
+
+Bahrein, li.
+
+Baihakee, his traditions, 114.
+
+Balca, 40.
+
+Balkh, 22.
+
+Bahila, lii.
+
+Bahra, lii.
+
+Bajila, lii.
+
+Bakka, xxxiv, lii.
+
+Bakr, xvii, xxviii, xli, xlii, lii, 15, 22, 53.
+
+Bali, xlvi, liv.
+
+Bariq, liv.
+
+Baus, Meaning of, xxi.
+
+Bir Mauna, xii.
+
+Boas, Battle of, xlii.
+
+Bokharee, xxii, 96, 134, 199, 207.
+
+
+C.
+
+Calcutta Review (The) quoted, 213.
+
+Campaigns of Mohammad by Wackidi, 78 _f.n._, 102, 197, 198.
+
+Canaan, 140.
+
+Canaanites, 153.
+
+Capitation-tax, 120, 159.
+
+Cattle, The (Sura), 183.
+
+Caussin de Perceval, xxvii.
+
+Cazenove, Dr., xxvii.
+
+Chaldean, xxxv.
+
+Chenry, Thomas, quoted, 169.
+
+Chosroes, 140.
+
+Christians, 141, 142, 147, 157.
+
+Code, The Hanafee, 137, 159.
+
+Commentary of the Koran, 154.
+
+Commentary on International Law, xxx.
+
+Concubinage not allowed by the Koran, 193;
+ of Rihana with the Prophet not proved, 201;
+ of Maria the Coptic, 204-211;
+ of Haphsa and Maria, 211.
+
+Coppée's (Henry) History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arabs quoted, xxix.
+
+Corinthians, 1, vii, 12-16; vii, 15, 112.
+
+Cow, The (Sura), 181.
+
+Creator, The (Sura), 181.
+
+Cushite Tribes (The), xxxv.
+
+Cyrus, 145.
+
+
+D.
+
+Dahis, The war of, xli.
+
+Daniel, The Book of, xxxv.
+
+Daree, liv.
+
+Dar-ul-Harb, 157, 158.
+
+Dar-ul-Islam, 157, 158.
+
+David, 152.
+
+Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, xxiv.
+
+Descriptive Astronomy by Chambers quoted, xxxvi.
+
+Deutronomy, xx, 20, 110.
+ Ditto, xx, 10-17, 152.
+ Ditto, xxi, 153.
+ Ditto, vi, 5, 178.
+
+Dhumra, 30.
+
+Dictionary, Biographical, by Ibn Khallikan quoted, 135-137, 206, 230.
+
+Dictionary, Biographical, of persons who knew Mohammad, 208.
+
+Dihya sent by Mohammad to the Roman Emperor, xiii, 197.
+
+Ditch, Battle of the, 13, 35.
+
+Dods, Dr., quoted, lx, lxxiii, lxxxiii.
+
+Dous, xlv.
+
+Duma, The Christian chief of, xix, 12.
+
+Dumatal Jandal, xii.
+
+Dur-rul-Mansoor, 215.
+
+Dur-rul-Mukhtár, 170.
+
+Dzu Nowâs, xxxix.
+
+
+E.
+
+Early Caliphate and rise of Islam, by Sir W. Muir, 140.
+
+Egypt, 140;
+ Governor of, 205, 206.
+
+Exodus, xxiii, 27-33, 151.
+
+Extraordinary Popular Delusions, by Charles Mackay, quoted, xxxviii.
+
+
+F.
+
+Fadak, 15 _f.n._, 39.
+
+Fakhr-ud-deen Razi, 178.
+
+Faraza, 219.
+
+Farwa, liv.
+
+Fasád, The war of, xliii.
+
+Fayoomee, Author of Misbahel Moneer, 164.
+
+Females in connection with the treaty of Hodeibia, 110-112.
+
+Fezara, xiii, xxxiv, xlii, xlv, xlvi, liv, 35, 39;
+ executed by Abu Rafe, 71.
+
+Fitnah (Persecutions), ii, xvii, 17, 18, 44, 45, 122, 133.
+
+Fluegel, Translation of the Koran by, 120.
+
+Forbidding, The (Sura), 185.
+
+Freeman, Dr., quoted, 140, 141.
+
+Fruit-trees, 109-110.
+
+Furkan, 177.
+
+Fyrozabadee, 163 _f.n._
+
+
+G.
+
+Ghaba, Al, 93.
+
+Ghafiq, liv.
+
+Ghanim, liv.
+
+Ghassan, The tribes of, xxxiv, xlii, xlvi, liv.
+
+Ghassanide, Prince at Bostra (The), xxxix, 16, 139.
+
+Ghatafan, xii, xiii, xli, 12, 35, 39;
+ tribes of, 72, 89.
+
+Ghaus, xliii.
+
+Ghazavat, Meaning of the word, xxi.
+
+Ghifar, xliii.
+
+Ghussan, 40.
+
+Gibbon quoted, xxiv, 26, 49 _f.n._
+
+Green, The Revd. Samuel, quoted, xxiii-xxiv.
+
+
+H.
+
+Habbar, 113 _f.n._
+
+Hafasa, xxxiv.
+
+Hafiz Ishmael ibn Kaseer-al-Qarashi, 214.
+
+Hakeem-bin-Hizam, 114.
+
+Halabi, 30;
+ Insan-al-Oyoon of, 91;
+ quoted and refuted, 129-132.
+
+Hall's (William Edward) International Law, xxix.
+
+Hallam, lxiii, lxv.
+
+Hamadan, liv.
+
+Hammad bin Salma, 215.
+
+Hamra, Abul Ozza caught at, 81, 82.
+
+Hamza, 29, 55.
+
+Hanafee Code (The), 137, 159.
+
+Hanifa, xxxiv, xxxix, liv, lv, 203.
+
+Haphsa, 211.
+
+Harb (Warfare), 163.
+
+Harb-fijar, Battle of, xli.
+
+Haris, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlii, lv, 48 _f.n._, 64, 106.
+
+Harith of Najrân, xxxix.
+
+Harith ibn Amir, 34.
+
+Hashim, xxxiv, 34.
+
+Hashimites (The), xxxiii, 6.
+
+Hatib's story, 187.
+
+Hawazin, xlii, xliii, xlvi, xlviii, 16, 39, 86, 196.
+
+Hazaramaut, li.
+
+Hedaya (The), 116;
+ quoted, 117, 118, 120, 125.
+
+Hegira (The), 8.
+
+Hilal bin Amr, bin Saasaa, lv.
+
+Hims, 40.
+
+Himyar, xliii, xlvi, lv.
+
+Himyarite stock, xlv.
+
+Hinzala Tribe (The), xxxiv.
+
+Hira, The Kingdom of, xli.
+
+Hisham, 34.
+
+Hishami, xxxiii, 74, 81 _f.n._, 89, 196, 197, 200.
+
+Hisham-bin-Abdul Malik, 206.
+
+History and Conquest of the Saracens quoted, 140, 141.
+
+History of European Morals quoted, 105.
+
+History of Mohammadanism (The), quoted, xxviii.
+
+History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arabs, xxix.
+
+History, The Jewish, 152.
+
+Hodeibia, Truce of, xi, xiv;
+ violation of the truce, xvi, xxvi, xliii, xlix, 15, 22, 86;
+ one of the articles of the treaty of Hodeibia, 99;
+ females in connection with it, 110, 196.
+
+Honain, xviii, xxii, xlvii, 16;
+ Nadhir ibn Harith present at the Battle of, 78, 86, 196.
+
+Horne, T.H., 151.
+
+Hughes, The Revd. T.P., quoted, 154.
+
+Huweisa, 106, 107.
+
+
+I.
+
+Ibn Abbas;
+ his evidence, 68, 96, 113, 215.
+
+Ibn Abdeen, 127.
+
+Ibn Abi Yahya, 221.
+
+Ibn Adi, 215.
+
+Ibn Al Athir, 30, 164 _f.n._
+
+Ibn Ky-yim, 100.
+
+Ibn al Mosayyib, 68.
+
+Ibn Attiah, 170.
+
+Ibn Hajr al Askalani, 63, 206, 208;
+ quoted and refuted, 128, 129.
+
+Ibn Hisham, xv, xxii, xxxvi, xlvii, 30, 63, 64, 68 _f.n._, 69, 71, 74,
+ 78, 80, 82, 86, 91, 92, 93 _f.n._, 102, 106, 107, 109 _f.n._,
+ 207, 214.
+
+Ibn Ishak, xxii, 30, 64, 69, 71, 73, 74, 79, 80, 91, 93 _f.n._, 100,
+ 106, 109 _f.n._, 206, 207.
+
+Ibn Jarir Tabari, 93 _f.n._
+
+Ibn Khaldun, 90.
+
+Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary quoted, 136 _f.n._, 137, 206,
+ 220.
+
+Ibn Maja, 113, 207.
+
+Ibn Manda, 78.
+
+Ibn Mardaveih, 93 _f.n._, 109 _f.n._
+
+Ibn Mas-ood, 79, 80.
+
+Ibn Mokrram, 163 _f.n._
+
+Ibn Ockba, 109 _f.n._
+
+Ibn Omar, 215.
+
+Ibn Omeya, 74.
+
+Ibn Sad Katib Wakidi, xxii, 63, 69, 74, 75, 78, 114, 206, 208, 210.
+
+Ibn Saniua, 106, 107.
+
+Ibn Sayyad al Nas, 89.
+
+Ibn Shahab, 113.
+
+Ibn Shobormah, 134.
+
+Ibn Sirni, 136.
+
+Ibn Sofian, 114.
+
+Ibrahim, 80.
+
+Ibrahim, the son of Mohammad, 209, 210.
+
+Ibrahim bin Maisura, 68 _f.n._
+
+Ibrahim ibn Yakub al Juz Jani, 221.
+
+Idolatry, Mohammad's abhorence of, 6.
+
+Ignorance, Time of, 87, 169, 202.
+
+Ikrama bin Abi Jahl, his lying character, 68, 113, 222.
+
+Imam (The), 117;
+ the Mujtahid, 136, 206.
+
+Immunity, The (Sura), 185, 188, 189, 190, 191.
+
+Insan-ul-Oyoon, 30, 80 _f.n._, 81 _f.n._, 91 _f.n._, 102,
+ 129, 131 _f.n._
+
+International Law, by W.E. Hall, quoted, xxix.
+
+Intolerance of the Koreish, 8;
+ allegation on Mohammad, xxxi, 42, 51.
+
+Introduction of the Book, p. i.
+
+Introduction of the critical study and knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, by
+ T.H. Horne, quoted, 151, 152.
+
+Irak, 221.
+
+Irshadussari, 170.
+
+Irving, W., quoted, 74.
+
+Islam, the first propagation at Mecca, xxxii-xli;
+ the impediments it received on account of internecine wars, xl.
+
+Islam under the Arabs, by Major R.D. Osborn, quoted, 146, 148.
+
+Islami poets, 165, 169.
+
+Israel, 152.
+
+Israelites commanded to slay the Canaanites, 151.
+
+Istizan, 38.
+
+
+J.
+
+Jaad, lv.
+
+Jaafir bin Kelab ibn Rabia, lv.
+
+Jabir, xxii.
+
+Jabir ibn Abdullah, 68, 135.
+
+Jabra, The Jews of, xix.
+
+Jadila, xliii.
+
+Jafar, 206, 208.
+
+Jahad, 170, 192.
+
+Jahada, 163, 166, 170, 191.
+
+Jahada fil Amr, 163.
+
+Jahada fi Sabeel Allah, 164, 170.
+
+Jahadaka, 166, 173.
+
+Jahadoo, 166, 173, 179, 180, 181, 182, 188, 189, 191.
+
+Jahd, 166, 167, 170, 181, 183.
+
+Jahid, 166, 173, 185.
+
+Jahid-hom, 166.
+
+Jahidoo, 166, 173, 175, 176, 180.
+
+Jahili, 165, 168.
+
+Jálút (Goliath), 152.
+
+Jarret's (Major) Translation of History of Caliphs by Sayúte, 212.
+
+Jazima, 87.
+
+Jedda, The abode of Bani Ashar, xlv.
+
+Jeifer bin al Jalandi, lvi.
+
+Jelalud-Deen Mahalli, 213.
+
+Jews (The) of Medina, iv, 34-40, 73;
+ excited to take up arms by Nueim, 107, 125, 139, 141, 142, 147, 157.
+
+Jierana, The valley of, 196.
+
+Jihad, The popular, 114-161;
+ meaning defined, 155;
+ does not mean war or crusade, 163;
+ classical meaning of Jihad, &c., 163;
+ post-classical or technical meaning of Jihad, 164;
+ the classical tongue and Arabian poets, 165;
+ the conjugation and declination of Jahd and Jihad, 166;
+ the number of instances in which they occur in the Koran, 166;
+ in what sense they are used in the Koran, 167;
+ conventional significations of, 168;
+ Mohammadan commentators quoted, 170;
+ when the word 'Jihad' was diverted from its original signification to its
+ figurative meaning, of waging religious war, 170;
+ all the verses of the Koran containing the word Jihad and its derivatives
+ quoted and explained, 171-192.
+
+Jihádan, 164, 170, 175, 186.
+
+Jinn, Tribe of, xxxiv-xxxviii.
+
+Jizya, 35.
+
+Johd, 167, 169.
+
+Joheina, xlii, xliii, xlvi, lvi.
+
+Jomahites (The), xxxiii.
+
+Joshua, 141, 153.
+
+Jouhari, 163 _f.n._, 164.
+
+Judzam, xiii, xlvi, 40.
+
+Jufi, lvi.
+
+Juzam, _see_ Judzam.
+
+
+K.
+
+Kaaba, viii;
+ Moslems prevented from, xlv, 5, 139;
+ stripped of its idols, xlix, l.
+
+Kab, xxxiv, lvi.
+
+Kab bin Yahooza, 107.
+
+Kab ibn Ashraf, 61, 66-68, 106.
+
+Kahins, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii;
+ Kahinite stock (The), xlv.
+
+Kahlanite stock, xxxix, xlv, xlvi.
+
+Kainuka, xlii, 34, 35.
+
+Kalb, xxxiv, lvi.
+
+Katib Wakidi, xlvi.
+
+Kent's Commentary on International Law, xxx.
+
+Khalid ibn Waleed, 87, 193.
+
+Khasafa, xlvi.
+
+Khas-am bin Ammar, lvi.
+
+Khaulan, lvi.
+
+Khazraj tribes, xxxix, xlii, xliv.
+
+Khozaá, xii, xvi, xvii, xliii, 123.
+
+Khozeimah, xxxiv.
+
+Khushain, xlv.
+
+Khyber, xiii, xviii, xxii, xxiii, 37 _f.n._
+
+Kifaya, 122, 125.
+
+Kiláb, lii.
+
+Kinana, Tortures of, lvi, 95;
+ Bani, lii.
+
+Kinda, xxxiv, xlii, lvi.
+
+Kitab-ul-Maghazi, xxii.
+
+Kital (Warfare), 163, 192, 193.
+
+Koostlánee, his Commentary of Bokharee, xxii, 92, 93, 170.
+
+Koran does not enjoin compulsory conversion, xxxi.
+ everywhere preaches tolerance of every religion, xxxii.
+
+Koreish, ii, iii, iv, v, vi, vii, ix, x, xi, xii, xiii, xxiv, xxxiii, xxxix;
+ the heavy persecutions of, l;
+ their embassy to the Court of Abyssinia, 5;
+ send scouts to search for Mohammad, 9;
+ their severity to fugitives, _id._;
+ their maltreatment of children and women, _id._;
+ become more and more hostile, 11;
+ joined by the Bani Mustalik, 12;
+ their anxiety to postpone hostilities, 13;
+ besiege Medina once more, 14;
+ violate the treaty of Hodeibia, xvi, 15;
+ their intolerance, 27;
+ excited to take up arms by Nueim, an Arab, 101, 139, 187.
+
+Koreishite persecution, xxxiv;
+ caravans alleged to be intercepted, 55, 56, 57.
+
+Koreiza, The Jewish tribes of, xiii, xix, xxii, xlii, 14, 34;
+ execution of, 87-94, 196-200.
+
+Kotelu, 156.
+
+Koukabi Durrari Sharah, 68.
+
+Kozaáite Tribe (The), xliii, xlvi.
+
+Kufa, 136;
+ the abode of Bani Shaitan, xxxiv.
+
+Kulab, xlii.
+
+Kunniat (patronymic), 208.
+
+Kurz-bin-Jabir, a Koreish, commits a raid upon Medina, xi, 11, 92.
+
+Kustalani, _vide_ Koostalanee.
+
+
+L.
+
+La-Arjomonnaka (I will assuredly say of thee), xxxviii.
+
+Lahyan, xii, 12, 69.
+
+Lakhm, 40.
+
+Lane, E.W., quoted, 137-138 _f.n._, 168-169.
+
+Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, xxxviii, 163 _f.n._, 164, 167, 200, 219.
+
+La-taatadú (do not attack first), xxvii.
+
+Law, The common, in connection with Jihad, 116-117;
+ its commentators, 119-120, 158.
+
+Law of Moses (The), 110, 140.
+
+Law of Scriptural interpretations;
+ limited or conditional, general or absolute, 118.
+
+Law of the Koran with regard to unbelievers, 111.
+
+Law, The Mohammadan Revealed, or the Koran, 159.
+
+Lecky, his standard of Morality, 104-105.
+
+Lecture, The Rede, quoted, 140.
+
+Leena, 110.
+
+Legists, The early Moslem, against Jihad, 134;
+ their biographical sketches, 135-137.
+
+Leith, 15 _f.n._
+
+Lieber Francis quoted, 33, 76, 88;
+ on Military necessity, 104.
+
+Life of Mahomet, founder of the Religion of Islamism, by the Revd. S. Green,
+ xxiv.
+
+Life of Mohammad by Dr. Sprenger quoted, xxiv.
+
+Light, The (Sura), 185.
+
+Lisanul-Arab of Ibn Mokarram, 163.
+
+Loghat, or The Classical Tongue of Arabia, 165.
+
+Lokman, 177.
+
+Luke, x, 27;
+ and xiii, 124, 178.
+
+
+M.
+
+MacColl, The Revd. Malcolm, quoted, 157.
+
+Macna, The Jews of, xix.
+
+Maddool Kamoos, by Mr. Lane, 164.
+
+Maghazi, 38, 187 (accounts of the Campaigns of Mohammad), xliv.
+
+Mahmud, killed by Kinana, 95.
+
+Mahmud bin Muslama, brother of Mohammad bin Muslama, 95, 197.
+
+Mahrah, lvi.
+
+Mak-hool, 209.
+
+Malak, 38.
+
+Malik, 38.
+
+Manakib, 199.
+
+Marafat, Anwáa ilm Hadees, 68.
+
+Maria the Coptic, 204;
+ sent by the Roman Governor to Mohammad, 205;
+ neither a slave nor a concubine, 206-208;
+ had no son, 209;
+ the spurious character about her story, 211, 214, 216.
+
+Mark, XII, 30, p. 178.
+
+Marr-al Zahran, xlviii.
+
+Marriage, a strict bond of union in the Koran, 113.
+
+Marw, 221.
+
+Marwan, 62.
+
+Masrook, 79, 215.
+
+Mecca, xvi, xxii, 7.
+
+Meccans, iii, 9;
+ their invasion of Medina, 10, 32.
+
+Medina, 100;
+ Koreish march upon, vi, vii, xiii;
+ the flight of Mohammad to, 5.
+
+Mesopotamia, xxxv, xlviii.
+
+Mikyas ibn Subaba, 96.
+
+Mill's (Charles) History of Mohammadanism quoted, xxviii.
+
+Mirat-uz-Zaman, 210.
+
+Misbah-ul-Moneer of Fayoomee, 164, 214.
+
+Mishkat (Book of Retaliation), 71 _f.n._, 96 _f.n._
+
+Mizan-ul-Etedal, 68, 208, 210, 215.
+
+Moadd, xlvi.
+
+Moaddite stock (The), xxxiv, xliii, xlvii.
+
+Mo-an-an, 210.
+
+Moavia ibn Mughira, 76, 81-83.
+
+Modallis, 210.
+
+Modern Egyptians of Lane, 137, 138.
+
+Mohajirin (Refugees), 32.
+
+Moharib, xxxiv, lvi.
+
+Moharram, 23 _f.n._, 53.
+
+Mojahadatan, 164.
+
+Mojahadina, 184.
+
+Mojahadoona, 184.
+
+Mojahid, 155, 184.
+
+Mojahiddin, 155.
+
+Mojahidina, 166, 174, 184.
+
+Mojahidoona, 166, 174, 184.
+
+Moleil bin Zamra, xliii.
+
+Mohammad, his incapacity to undertake offensive wars against his enemies,
+ the Koreish, pp. ii, iv, v;
+ had no intention to waylay the caravans at Badr, viii-x;
+ his singular toleration and his wars of self-defence, xiv;
+ the number of his wars, xx, xxiii;
+ considered a sanguinary tyrant by the Revd. M. Green, xxix;
+ defence of his allegation, xxiv-xxv;
+ a second view of the wars of Mohammad, xxviii-xxx.
+ His imprisonment, his preaching at Tayif, xxxiv;
+ his followers persecuted, 1;
+ insults offered him, 5;
+ prevented from offering his prayers, _id._;
+ his preaching against idolatry, 6;
+ his insecurity at Mecca, 7;
+ sets off to Tayif, _id._;
+ proscribed by the Koreish, 9;
+ hides himself for three days in a cave, _id._;
+ gains the battle of Badr, 10;
+ defeated and wounded at Ohad, 12;
+ fights the battle of the Ditch, 14;
+ undertakes the lesser pilgrimage of Mecca, _id._;
+ encamps at Hodeibia, 15;
+ marches to defend the Bani Khozaá, 16;
+ his wars purely defensive, 17-26;
+ was justified in taking up arms, 27;
+ his attacks mere acts of retaliation, 33;
+ gives quarters to his enemies, and enters into a treaty with the Jews,
+ 34-40;
+ his last war with the Romans, 41;
+ never taught intolerance, 43;
+ the object of his wars, 50-51;
+ his alleged interceptions of the Koreish caravans, 55-57;
+ the alleged interceptions proved impossible, 58;
+ the assassinations said to have taken place at his own instructions,
+ 60-76;
+ his alleged cruelty in executing the prisoners of war, 76-83;
+ represented as directing the execution of the prisoners of Badr, 83-85;
+ his kind treatment of the prisoners of war, 85-87;
+ had no share in the execution of a singing girl as alleged by his
+ biographers, 96-97;
+ never refused Abu Basir from going back to his guardian, 99;
+ his adherence to the treaty of Hodeibia, 100;
+ never gave any permission for the murder of Sanina, 106-107;
+ his Koran never teaches aggressive wars, 125;
+ Freeman Stephens, Bosworth Smith, George Sale, Major Osborn, the Revd.
+ Wherry, the Revd. Hughes, and the Revd. MacColl, on the wars of
+ Mohammad, 146-161.
+
+Mohammad (Sura), 184.
+
+Mohammad bin Ishak, 68.
+
+Mohammad bin Kobeib Hashimi, 80.
+
+Mohammad bin Muslama, 95.
+
+Mohammad bin Sad Kalib Wakidi, 68, 201, 207.
+
+Mohammad bin Sireen, 68.
+
+Mohammad bin Yahya bin Habban, 222.
+
+Mohammad, Buddha and Christ, by Dr. Dods, quoted, lxxiv.
+
+Mohammad Karamat-ul Ali of Delhi, 100 _f.n._
+
+Mohammad and Mohammadanism, by B. Smith, quoted, 143.
+
+Mokatil, 184, 220-221.
+
+Mokhadrams, poets, 165, 169.
+
+Mokowkas, the Roman Governor, 205.
+
+Moleil-bin-Zamra, xliii.
+
+Mooahib of Koostlanee, 93 _f.n._
+
+Mooltan, 169.
+
+Morad, lvi.
+
+Morocco, 169.
+
+Mosaic injunctions, 153.
+
+Moses, The law of, 110, 140, 141, 145, 150, 152, 153.
+
+Mosheim, Dr., quoted, lxi, lxiii, lxv.
+
+Moslems forced to resort to arms in pure self-defence, 10;
+ threatened by Abu Sofian with an attack, 7, 13.
+
+Moslim, his collections, 71 _f.n._, 86, 196, 198, 210, 214.
+
+Movatta, by Malik, 114.
+
+Mowallads, poets, 165.
+
+Mozar, xlvi.
+
+Mozeina, xlii, xliii.
+
+Muallafa Qolubohum (those whose hearts are to be won over), xlviii.
+
+Mudlij, lv;
+ a tribe of Kinana, iv, 30.
+
+Mufti, 136.
+
+Mughrib of Almotarrazi (The), 164 _f.n._
+
+Muheiasa, the murderer of Ibn Sanina, 106, 107.
+
+Muir's (Sir W.) Life of Mahomet quoted, i, vi, viii, ix _f.n._, xxvii,
+ xxviii, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiv, xxxix, xliii, xlvi, xlviii, xlix, l, lxvi,
+ lxvii, lxx, lxxii, lxxviii, lxxx, 9 _f.n._, 27, 29 _f.n._, 30
+ _f.n._, 39, 43, 46, 47, 49 _f.n._, 51, 52, 56, 58 _f.n._, 64
+ _f.n._, 65, 67, 68 _f.n._, 69, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 82, 83, 85, 89,
+ 91, 93, 97, 98, 99, 102, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113 _f.n._, 138,
+ 140, 160 _f.n._, 170, 178, 180, 181, 187, 188, 193, 196, 197, 198, 200,
+ 201, 205, 210, 212, 214, 216, 217, 218, 219.
+
+Mujanna, xlviii.
+
+Mujhool, 134.
+
+Mujtahid, 137, 160.
+
+Mukwhumites (The), xxxiii.
+
+Muntafiq, lvi.
+
+Muraisia, xviii.
+
+Murra, xiii, xlv, xlvi, lvi, 15, 39.
+
+Mursul, 109 _f.n._
+
+Musa-bin-Akba, xxii.
+
+Musab, 78.
+
+Mustalik, xii, xviii;
+ a branch of Khozaá, xxiii, 12;
+ released without ransom, 86, 196.
+
+Muta, Expedition to, 138.
+
+Mut-im, 7.
+
+
+N.
+
+Nadhirbin Harith, 76, 77-78.
+
+Naeem, 13.
+
+Najashee, xxxiii.
+
+Najd, xii, 12;
+ the Bedouin tribes of, xli, xlii, xliii, 89, 196, 199, 200;
+ celebrated for Bani Tamim, xlvii.
+
+Najran, The Christians of, xxxiii, 37, 48.
+
+Nakha, lvi.
+
+Nakhla, the Jinns converted at, xxxv, xxxvi, 30, 56.
+
+Nasaee, 207, 215, 216.
+
+Nations, The battle of, 13.
+
+Nazeer treasoned against Medina, xii, xlii, 34, 66, 71;
+ its chief, 72;
+ the expulsion of, 108-110.
+
+Nazr, xxxiv, 78.
+
+Nihayeh of Ibn-al-Atheer, 164 _f.n._
+
+Nineteenth century (The) quoted, 158.
+
+Nineveh, xxxv.
+
+Nisibin, xxxv.
+
+Noavee, 214.
+
+Nohd, lvi.
+
+Notes on Muhammadanism, by Revd. T.P. Hughes, 154.
+
+Nueim, his alleged employment to break up the confederates who had besieged
+ Medina, 101-105.
+
+Numbers, xxxi, 153.
+
+Nuraddin Ali-al-Halabi quoted and refuted, 129-132.
+
+
+O.
+
+Obada-bin-Samat, 58 _f.n._
+
+Obeida, 29, 55.
+
+Ohad, Battle of, vii, xii, xviii, xxii, xlii, xlvii, 10, 11, 34, 69, 197.
+
+Okaz, xlviii.
+
+Okba bin Mueit, 76, 79-81.
+
+Oman, li.
+
+Omar, 83, 196, 202.
+
+Omar bin Asim, 209.
+
+Omar ibn al Ghallas, 209.
+
+Omar ibn al Hakam, 201.
+
+Omeir, 62, 63.
+
+Omeya bin Khalf, 56.
+
+Omiyyiads, xxxiii.
+
+Omm Kirfa, 91.
+
+Omm Rabab, 208.
+
+Ommara, 80.
+
+Oneis, 73.
+
+Orfee, 170.
+
+Orna, 69.
+
+Osaba-fi-Tamiz Issahába, 68 _f.n._
+
+Osborn, R.D., Major, quoted, 42, 62;
+ refuted, lxviii, lxxxv, lxxxvii, lxxxviii, lxxxix, 146-149.
+
+Oseir ibn Zarim, the chief of Nazeer of Khyber, 39, 61, 72-73.
+
+Osheira, Expedition of, 29, 56.
+
+Osman, the Moslem envoy to Mecca, xv.
+
+Osman, 80, 196.
+
+Osman bin Affan, 89.
+
+Osman bin Zaed, 91 _f.n._
+
+Otheil, 78 _f.n._
+
+Oyoon-al Asar, 89.
+
+Ozra, xxxiv, lvi, lvii.
+
+
+P.
+
+Palmer's (H.) Translation of the Koran quoted, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176,
+ 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191.
+
+Patriarchal form of Government at Mecca, iii.
+
+Pargod (Veil), xxxviii.
+
+People of the Book (Kitabi), 157.
+
+Persia, The Empire of, 138.
+
+Persecution of the early Moslems, 1;
+ noticed in the Koran, 2-4;
+ their historical summary, 5;
+ of the Medina converts, 9;
+ of the Moslems by the Koreish after their flight from Mecca, 9;
+ of the Koreish at Mecca, 225.
+
+Philistines, 152.
+
+Pilgrimage, 14, 178.
+
+Pilgrims, 8.
+
+Poets Jahili, Mokhadrams, Islami, and Mowallads, 165.
+
+Poole, S.L., quoted, lxxxv, 61, 97-98.
+
+Prisoners of war defined, 76.
+
+Puffendorf, 70.
+
+Punishment, Forms of primitive, 94-95.
+
+Pyrenees, 169.
+
+
+Q.
+
+Qadr, 220.
+
+Qalqashandi's Dictionary of Arab tribes, xxxiv.
+
+Qarashi, 214.
+
+
+R.
+
+Rabia, The Bani Abd-ul-Kays, the descendants of, xlvii.
+
+Radd-ul Muhtar of Ibn Abdeen, 127.
+
+Raha, lvii.
+
+Rahrahan, Battle of, xli.
+
+Raid of a Koreish chief upon Medina, 11.
+ of Bani Asad and Bani Lahyan, 12.
+ of Bani Duma, 12.
+
+Rajab, 56.
+
+Raji, xii, 12, 39, 74.
+
+Rajm, Meaning of, xxxviii.
+
+Ramzan, 23 _f.n._, 32, 53.
+
+Rawasa, lvii.
+
+Red Sea, 5.
+
+Reforms, The proposed, political, social, and legal, 113 _f.n._, 158
+ _f.n._
+
+Resurrection, The day of, and Jihad, 133.
+
+Rifáa, a Koreishite, 88 _f.n._
+
+Rihana, 201.
+
+Ril, a clan of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
+
+Robbers, The Urnee, 92-95.
+
+Rodwell's Translation of the Koran quoted, 120 _f.n._, 167, 172, 173,
+ 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189,
+ 190, 191.
+
+Rojúm (conjecture), xxxviii.
+
+Romans, The expedition against them, 40-41.
+
+Rome, The Empire of, 138.
+
+Romulus, 145.
+
+
+S.
+
+Saad, xiii, xlii.
+
+Saad Hozeim, lvii.
+
+Saad ibn Bakr, xiii, xl, xliii, xlv.
+
+Sabaya, 197-200.
+
+Sabit, 215.
+
+Sad, 35;
+ his judgment, 37-38, 55, 198, 199.
+
+Sad bin Obadah, 89.
+
+Sadif, lvii.
+
+Sadoos, lvii.
+
+Sadr Av-val (the Apostolic Age), 109.
+
+Saeed, 83.
+
+Saeed bin Mansoor, 215.
+
+Saffah-al-Mahdi, 212.
+
+Safra, 31.
+
+Safwan bin Omayya, 113.
+
+Saheeh, 198.
+
+Saheeh Bokharee, 68.
+
+Saheeh of Moslim, 86.
+
+Sahim, lvii.
+
+Sahm, xxxiii _f.n._
+
+Sakeef, lvii.
+
+Sakifites (The), xviii, xxxvi.
+
+Salaba, xlvi.
+
+Salámáni, lviii.
+
+Sale, G., his Translation of the Koran, xxix;
+ quoted, 143-146, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184,
+ 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191.
+
+Saleim, xii, xiii, 15 _f.n._
+
+Salim, 65 _f.n._
+
+Sallam ibn Abul Hokeik, Abu Rafe, 71.
+
+Sam-áin, 215 _f.n._
+
+Samaritan, 157.
+
+Samuel, 152.
+
+Saraya, Meaning of, xxi.
+
+Sawad, 136.
+
+Sayúte's History of Caliphs, 212 _f.n._, 215 _f.n._
+
+Schedim (Demons), xxxviii.
+
+Secker, Archbishop, quoted, 27.
+
+Seerat Halabi, 80 _f.n._, 81 _f.n._, 100 _f.n._, 102 _f.n._
+
+Seerat Shamee, 63, 100 _f.n._
+
+Seerat-ul-Mohammadiya, 100.
+
+Seleucas, xxxv.
+
+Self-defence, Right of, xxv.
+
+Shaban, 53.
+
+Shahbudeen Ahmed bin Hajr Makki, quoted and refuted, 128-129.
+
+Shaiban, lviii.
+
+Shaitain, Battle of, xxviii, xlii.
+
+Shamee, 100.
+
+Shamsuddin Karmani, 68 _f.n._
+
+Sarakhsee Sums-ul-Aimma (the sun of leaders), 126-128.
+
+Shaw-wal, 23.
+
+Sheb, the quarter of Abu Táleb, 6.
+
+Sheb Jabala, Battle of, xli.
+
+Sheikh Mohammad Al Tamartashi, 170.
+
+Sihab of Jouhari, 163, 164.
+
+Slane, De, Baron MacGuckin, 135-137.
+
+Slavery and concubine-slaves as concomitant evils of war, 193-224;
+ slavery and concubinage not allowed in the Koran, 193;
+ Sir W. Muir quoted, 193;
+ measures taken by Mohammad in the Koran to abolish slavery, 194-196;
+ none of the prisoners of war was enslaved, 197-198;
+ the Bani Koreiza not enslaved, 198-200;
+ Omar the second Khalif liberated all Arab slaves, 202-203.
+
+Smith, Bosworth, quoted, i, xxvii, 143.
+
+Smith's (W.) Dictionary of the Bible, xxxvi.
+
+Sodaa, lviii.
+
+Soffian Ath-Thauri, 136-137.
+
+Sofia, 197, 198.
+
+Sofian ibn Khalid, 61, 69-71.
+
+Sofian ibn Oyaina, 136, 137.
+
+Sofian Sowri, 134.
+
+Sohail, 93 _f.n._
+
+Soleiman-al-Aamash, 210.
+
+Spider, The (Sura), 180.
+
+Spoils, The (Sura), 182, 183.
+
+Sprenger, Dr., Life of Mahomet quoted, xxix, xxxiii, 179.
+
+Stanley defended, 112.
+
+Stephens, The Revd., quoted, lxxv, 141-142.
+
+Stobart quoted, lxviii, 2, 52.
+
+Strabo, xxxv.
+
+Suleim, xii, xiii, xlii, xlv, xlvi, 12.
+
+Sura II, xvi, xxvi, xxvii, 3, 10, 18-19, 42 _f.n._, 44, 49, 50, 51,
+ 111, 116 _f.n._, 118, 120 _f.n._, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126,
+ 127, 128, 130, 132, 133, 134, 152, 156, 166, 171 _f.n._, 173 _f.n._,
+ 181, 194, 225.
+
+Sura III, xii, 3, 50, 166, 174, 182, 225, 226.
+
+Sura IV, xv, xl, 4, 10, 19-21, 50, 95, 111, 113, 118, 122, 142, 154, 155,
+ 166-167, 172, 174, 184, 195, 203, 204, 219, 225.
+
+Sura V, xxvi, xxxiii, 42 _f.n._, 50, 122, 130, 166, 167, 191, 195, 203,
+ 204.
+
+Sura VI, 122, 154, 166, 167, 174, 176, 183.
+
+Sura VII, 122.
+
+Sura VIII, viii, ix, x, xv, xvi, xxvi, 5, 21, 22, 35-36, 45, 51, 118, 121,
+ 122, 124, 134, 147, 166, 167, 174, 182, 183, 219, 225, 226.
+
+Sura IX (Sura Barát), xi, xvii, xix, xx, 1, 4, 16, 22, 25, 36-37, 42
+ _f.n._, 51-55, 118, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131,
+ 132, 133, 143, 147, 149-150, 159, 166-167, 172, 173, 175, 176, 185, 188,
+ 189, 190, 191, 195, 225, 226, 227.
+
+Sura XI, 219.
+
+Sura XV, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxviii, 122, 127, 220.
+
+Sura XVI, 2, 3, 122, 127, 130, 166, 167, 173, 180, 225.
+
+Sura XVIII, xxxviii, 42 _f.n._, 130.
+
+Sura XIX, xxxviii, 219.
+
+Sura XX, 171 _f.n._
+
+Sura XXII, vi, 1, 3, 17, 118, 122, 127, 128, 166, 167, 173, 178, 225.
+
+Sura XXIV, iv, xviii, 50, 131, 166, 167, 185, 194, 203, 204.
+
+Sura XXV, 166, 167, 173, 175, 177.
+
+Sura XXVI, xxxvii, xxxviii.
+
+Sura XXIX, 166, 167, 170, 171 _f.n._, 172, 173, 179, 180.
+
+Sura XXXI, 130, 166, 167, 173, 177.
+
+Sura XXXII, xxxvii, xxxviii.
+
+Sura XXXIII, 37, 89, 199, 216, 218, 219, 220, 222, 226.
+
+Sura XXXV, 166, 167, 173, 181.
+
+Sura XL, 167.
+
+Sura XLI, xxxviii, 167.
+
+Sura XLVI, xxxv, 167.
+
+Sura XLVII, xxvii, 85, 141, 147, 154, 156, 160, 161, 166, 167, 174, 184,
+ 195, 196, 197, 225, 226.
+
+Sura XLVIII, xv, xvi, xl, 160, 225, 226.
+
+Sura XLIX, 166, 167, 173, 175, 188.
+
+Sura LII, 130.
+
+Sura LVIII, 195.
+
+Sura LIX, 110, 226.
+
+Sura LX, 4, 110, 111, 112 _f.n._, 166, 225, 226.
+
+Sura LXI, 166, 173, 175, 184, 186.
+
+Sura LXVI, 166, 185, 211, 214.
+
+Sura LXVII, xxxvii.
+
+Sura LXXII, xxxvi, xxxvii, 186 _f.n._
+
+Sura LXXIII, 130, 220.
+
+Sura LXXXV, 50.
+
+Sura LXXXVI, xxxvi.
+
+Sura XC, 194.
+
+Sura XCVI, 5.
+
+Suras, Meccan, 177-181.
+
+Suras, Medinite, 181-191.
+
+Surat-al-Mohammad, 154.
+
+Surat-un-Nisa, 154.
+
+Syed Ameer Ali Moulvie, M.A., LLB., 91 _f.n._
+
+Syria, viii, 30, 40, 89, 140, 200.
+
+
+T.
+
+Tabaeen, 209, 215-216.
+
+Tabakát al Fokaha, 135-136.
+
+Tabakát of Ibn Sád Kátib Wakidi, 114.
+
+Tabari 30, 212.
+
+Tabi, 135, 136.
+
+Tabikha, The ancestors of Bani Tamim, xlvii.
+
+Table, The (Sura), 191.
+
+Tabuk, xix, 37 _f.n._;
+ the last expedition of Mohammad against, 40.
+
+Tafseer Majma-ul-Bayan Tabarásee, 116 _f.n._, 187.
+
+Taghlib, lviii.
+
+Taimee, Okba executed at, 80.
+
+Tajahada, 164.
+
+Tajeeb, lviii.
+
+Takreeb, 210, 215.
+
+Tamim (The), xxvii, xxxiv, xli, xlvi, lviii.
+
+Tanfeel, 7, 196.
+
+Tanvir-al Absár, 170.
+
+Tariq (Comet or night comer), xxxvi.
+
+Tay, xxxix, xliii, lviii.
+
+Tayif, xxii;
+ Mohammad preaches at, xxxiv;
+ sacrilegious war at, xli.
+
+Taym bin Morra, xxxiii.
+
+Testament, The Old, 153.
+
+Thakeef, lvii, 16.
+
+Theseus, 145.
+
+Tirmizee, 113, 207.
+
+Tojahidoona, 166.
+
+Tradition (a mursal), 109 _f.n._
+
+Traditions quoted and refuted, 133.
+
+Tried, The (Sura), 186.
+
+Tuhfat-ul-Muhtaj fi Sharah-al-Minhaj, 129 _f.n._
+
+Tuleiba, chief of Bani Asad bin Khozeima, xlvii.
+
+
+U.
+
+Urnee Robbers, 92-95.
+
+Urquhart, 137.
+
+Us Tayif, xxxvi.
+
+Usseya, a clan of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
+
+Uyeina, the chief of the Bani Fezara, xiii, xlvi.
+
+
+V.
+
+Vans Kennedy, Major, quoted, 28.
+
+Von Kemer's History of Mohammad's Campaigns, 90 _f.n._, 102.
+
+
+W.
+
+Wady-al-Koraá, The Jews of, xiii, xliii.
+
+Wahid, 83.
+
+Wajib (Legal), Jihad not, 134.
+
+Waki ibn al-Jarrah, 221.
+
+Wakidi, 29 _f.n._, 30, 63, 64, 74, 78 _f.n._, 80 _f.n._,
+ 31 _f.n._, 91;
+ Campaigns of Mohammad, xliii, 102, 197, 200, 201, 205, 206, 208, 212,
+ 221.
+
+Wars of Mohammad, their defensive nature, ii.
+
+Weil, Dr., 63.
+
+Wheaton's International Law, 70 _f.n._
+
+Wherry, The Revd. E.M., quoted, 150-152, 154 _f.n._
+
+Wolff, 70 _f.n._
+
+Woman, The (Sura), 184.
+
+
+Y.
+
+Yafa-ee, 210.
+
+Yahya, 213.
+
+Yahya bin Hammad, 210.
+
+Yahya bin Moin, 221.
+
+Yahya bin Saeed al Ansaree, 68.
+
+Yakoob bin Mohammad, 208.
+
+Yemama, li.
+
+Yenbo, the abode of Bani Joheina, xliii.
+
+Yemen, xxxix, li.
+
+Yezid bin Abi Shaiba, 133.
+
+Yojahido, 166, 179.
+
+Yojahidoo, 166, 176, 190.
+
+Yojahidoona, 166, 176, 191.
+
+Yoseir bin Razim (Oseir bin Zarim), 72 _f.n._
+
+Yoslemoon, 160.
+
+
+Z.
+
+Zád-al-maád of Ibn al Kyyim, 100 _f.n._
+
+Zahabi, 215.
+
+Zakawán, a clan of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
+
+Zalkada, 14, 23 _f.n._, 53.
+
+Zamaá, 34.
+
+Zamra, iv.
+
+Zamakhshire, 163, 213.
+
+Zat-al-Rikaa, xii, 196.
+
+Zat Atlah, 15 _f.n._
+
+Zeid killed Moavia, 81.
+
+Zeid, the adopted son of Mohammad, and his connection with Zeinab, 215,
+ 216, 217, 218, 222.
+
+Zeid bin Arqam, xxii.
+
+Zeid bin Aslam, 215.
+
+Zeid bin Haris, seized and plundered by the Bani Fezara, xiii.
+
+Zeid Monat, xxxiv.
+
+Zeinab, 113, 211;
+ her story, 215-216;
+ the story of Mohammad's amour, a spurious one, 216;
+ Sir W. Muir's conjectures about her, not justified, 218;
+ in her case no exceptional privilege was secured to Mohammad, 220;
+ the false story traced to Mukátil, 222.
+
+Zu Towa, the Koreish encamped at, xv.
+
+Zil Kassa, a party of Moslems slain at, xiii.
+
+Zobeid, lviii.
+
+Zobeir, a Koreishite, 88, 96.
+
+Zobian, xli, xlii, xlvi.
+
+Zohak, 80.
+
+Zohak ibn Muzahim, 215.
+
+Zohra, xxxiii.
+
+Zohri, 128, 209.
+
+Zorkanee, 80 _f.n._;
+ on Mooahib, 93, 100, 109 _f.n._, 110 _f.n._
+
+Zu-kar, Battle of, xli.
+
+Zulhij, 23 _f.n._, 53.
+
+Zul-Kada, xiii, 23 _f.n._
+
+Zul-Majáz xlviii.
+
+
+
+
+_Calcutta; December, 1887._
+
+THACKER, SPINK & CO.'S
+
+LAW PUBLICATIONS.
+
+
+_THIRD EDITION IN PREPARATION._
+
+THE CODE OF CIVIL PROCEDURE,
+
+ACT XIV OF 1882,
+
+_WITH NOTES, APPENDICES, &c._
+
+By the Hon'ble J. O'KINEALY,
+
+_One of the Judges of Her Majesty's High Court of Judicature, Bengal._
+
+ * * * * *
+
+_Third Edition. Royal 8vo., cloth. Rs. 12; Post-free, Rs. 12-6._
+
+THE INDIAN PENAL CODE,
+
+And other Laws and Acts of Parliament relating to the Criminal
+Courts of India. With Notes, &c.
+
+Third Edition.
+
+By the Hon'ble J. O'KINEALY,
+
+_One of the Judges of Her Majesty's High Court of Judicature, Bengal._
+
+ * * * * *
+
+_Second Edition. Just Published. Royal Octavo, cloth. Rs. 18._
+
+THE CODE OF CRIMINAL PROCEDURE,
+
+ACT X OF 1882,
+
+TOGETHER WITH
+
+Rulings, Circular Orders, Notifications, etc., of all the High
+Courts in India; and Notifications and Orders of the
+Government of India and the Local Governments.
+
+_EDITED WITH COPIOUS NOTES AND FULL INDEX._
+
+By WILLIAM FISCHER AGNEW, Esq,.
+_Barrister-at-Law_,
+
+and GILBERT S. HENDERSON, Esq. M.A.,
+_Barrister-at-Law,_
+_Author of "A Treatise on the Law of Succession in India."_
+
+Second Edition,
+
+By GILBERT S. HENDERSON
+
+"To judge from the style in which their present work is edited, the
+number of cases cited bearing upon the various sections, the ample notes
+appended where any explanation is necessary, and the full and complete
+indexes to the cases cited, we have little hesitation in saying that,
+while undoubtedly it is at present the best work on the subject, it need
+fear no competition in the future."--_Englishman._
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Critical Exposition of the Popular
+'Jihád', by Moulavi Gerágh Ali
+
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+
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